initial commit of ebook 11273HEADmain

6 files changed, 124921 insertions, 0 deletions

diff --git a/old/11273-8.txt b/old/11273-8.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..b142828
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273-8.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,39886 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+
+Author: American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+Release Date: February 25, 2004 [EBook #11273]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER Part 3 of 4
+
+
+
+
+By The American Anti-Slavery Society 1839
+
+
+
+    No. 10. American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand
+            Witnesses.
+
+    No. 10. Speech of Hon. Thomas Morris, of Ohio, in Reply to the
+            Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay.
+
+    No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections
+            From the Madison Papers, &c.
+
+    No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections
+            From the Madison Papers, &c. Second Edition,
+            Enlarged.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+No. 10 THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+AMERICAN SLAVERY
+
+AS IT IS:
+
+TESTIMONY of A THOUSAND WITNESSES.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+"Behold the wicked abominations that they do!"--Ezekial, viii, 2.
+
+"The righteous considereth the cause of the poor; but the wicked
+regardeth not to know it."--Prov. 29, 7.
+
+"True humanity consists not in a squeamish ear, but in listening to
+the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it."--Charles
+James Fox.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, OFFICE, No.
+143 NASSAU STREET. 1839.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+This periodical contains 7 sheets--postage, under 100 miles, 10-1/2
+cts; over 100 miles, 17-1/2 cents.
+
+
+
+ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER. A majority of the facts and testimony
+contained in this work rests upon the authority of slaveholders, whose
+names and residences are given to the public, as vouchers for the
+truth of their statements. That they should utter falsehoods, for the
+sake of proclaiming their own infamy, is not probable.
+
+Their testimony is taken, mainly, from recent newspapers, published in
+the slave states. Most of those papers will be deposited at the office
+of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 143 Nassau street, New York
+City. Those who think the atrocities, which they describe, incredible,
+are invited to call and read for themselves. We regret that _all_ of
+the original papers are not in our possession. The idea of preserving
+them on file for the inspection of the incredulous, and the curious,
+did not occur to us until after the preparation of the work was in a
+state of forwardness, in consequence of this, some of the papers
+cannot be recovered. _Nearly all_ of them, however have been
+preserved. In all cases the _name_ of the paper is given, and, with
+very few exceptions, the place and time, (year, month, and day) of
+publication. Some of the extracts, however not being made with
+reference to this work, and before its publication was contemplated,
+are without date; but this class of extracts is exceedingly small,
+probably not a thirtieth of the whole.
+
+The statements, not derived from the papers and other periodicals,
+letters, books, &c., published by slaveholders, have been furnished by
+individuals who have resided in slave states, many of whom are natives
+of those states, and have been slaveholders. The names, residences,
+&c. of the witnesses generally are given. A number of them, however,
+still reside in slave states;--to publish their names would be, in most
+cases, to make them the victims of popular fury.
+
+New York, May 4, 1839.
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, while
+tendering their grateful acknowledgments, in the name of American
+Abolitionists, and in behalf of the slave, to those who have furnished
+for this publication the result of their residence and travel in the
+slave states of this Union, announce their determination to publish,
+from time to time, as they may have the materials and the funds,
+TRACTS, containing well authenticated facts, testimony, personal
+narratives, &c. fully setting forth the _condition_ of American
+slaves. In order that they may be furnished with the requisite
+materials, they invite all who have had personal knowledge of the
+condition of slaves in any of the states of this Union, to forward
+their testimony with their names and residences. To prevent
+imposition, it is indispensable that persons forwarding testimony, who
+are not personally known to any of the Executive Committee, or to the
+Secretaries or Editors of the American Anti-Slavery Society, should
+furnish references to some person or persons of respectability, with
+whom, if necessary, the Committee may communicate respecting the
+writer.
+
+Facts and testimony respecting the condition of slaves, in _all
+respects_, are desired; their food, (kinds, quality, and quantity,)
+clothing, lodging, dwellings, hours of labor and rest, kinds of labor,
+with the mode of exaction, supervision, &c.--the number and time of
+meals each day, treatment when sick, regulations inspecting their
+social intercourse, marriage and domestic ties, the system of torture
+to which they are subjected, with its various modes; and _in detail_,
+their _intellectual_ and _moral_ condition. Great care should be
+observed in the statement of facts. Well-weighed testimony and
+well-authenticated facts; with a responsible name, the Committee
+earnestly desire and call for. Thousands of persons in the free states
+have ample knowledge on this subject, derived from their own
+observation in the midst of slavery. Will such hold their peace? That
+which maketh manifest is _light_; he who keepeth his candle under a
+bushel at such a time and in such a cause as this, _forges fetters for
+himself_, as well as for the slave. Let no one withhold his testimony
+because others have already testified to similar facts. The value of
+testimony is by no means to be measured by the _novelty_ of the
+horrors which it describes. _Corroborative_ testimony,--facts, similar
+to those established by the testimony of others,--is highly valuable.
+Who that can give it and has a heart of flesh, will refuse to the
+slave so small a boon?
+
+Communications may be addressed to Theodore D. Weld, 143
+Nassau-street, New York. New York, May, 1839.
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+  Twenty-seven hundred thousand free born citizens of the U.S. in
+    slavery;
+  Tender mercies of slaveholders;
+  Abominations of slavery;
+  Character of the testimony.
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES--PART I.
+
+NARRATIVE of NEHEMIAH CAULKINS;
+  North Carolina Slavery;
+  Methodist preaching slavedriver, Galloway;
+  Women at child-birth;
+  Slaves at labor;
+  Clothing of slaves;
+  Allowance of provisions;
+  Slave-fetters;
+  Cruelties to slaves;
+  Burying a slave alive;
+  Licentiousness of Slave-holders;
+  Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, with his "hands tied";
+  Preachers cringe to slavery;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Slave-huts;
+  Means of subsistence for slaves;
+  Slaves' prayer.
+
+NARRATIVE of REV. HORACE MOULTON;
+  Labor of the slaves;
+  Tasks;
+  Whipping posts;
+  Food;
+  Houses;
+  Clothing;
+  Punishments;
+  Scenes of horror;
+  Constables, savage and brutal;
+  Patrols;
+  Cruelties at night;
+  _Paddle-torturing_;
+  _Cat-hauling_;
+  Branding with hot iron;
+  Murder with impunity;
+  Iron collars, yokes, clogs, and bells.
+
+NARRATIVE of SARAH M. GRIMKÉ;
+  Barbarous Treatment of slaves;
+  Converted slave;
+  Professor of religion, near death, tortured his slave for visiting
+    his companion;
+  Counterpart of James Williams' description of Larrimore's wife;
+  Head of runaway slave on a pole;
+  Governor of North Carolina left his sick slave to perish;
+  Cruelty to Women slaves;
+  Christian slave a martyr for Jesus.
+
+TESTIMONY of REV. JOHN GRAHAM;
+  Twenty-seven slaves whipped.
+
+TESTIMONY of WILLIAM POE;
+  Harris whipped a girl to death;
+  Captain of the U.S. Navy murdered his boy, was tried and acquitted;
+  Overseer burnt a slave;
+  Cruelties to slaves.
+
+
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.
+
+FOOD;
+  Suffering from hunger;
+  Rations in the U.S. Army, &c;
+  Prison rations;
+  Testimony.
+LABOR;
+  Slaves are overworked;
+  Witnesses;
+  Henry Clay;
+  Child-bearing prevented;
+  Dr. Channing;
+  Sacrifice of a set of hands every seven years;
+  Testimony;
+  Laws of Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, South Carolina, and Virginia.
+CLOTHING;
+  Witnesses;
+  Advertisements;
+  Testimony;
+  Field-hands;
+  Nudity of slaves;
+  John Randolph's legacy to Essex and Hetty.
+DWELLINGS;
+  Witnesses;
+  Slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged.
+TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES, PART II.
+
+TESTIMONY of the REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN;
+  Woman delivered of a dead child, being whipped;
+  Slaves shot by Hilton;
+  Cruelties to slaves;
+  Whipping post;
+  Assaults, and maimings;
+  Murders;
+  Puryear, "the Devil,";
+  Overseers always armed;
+  Licentiousness of Overseers;
+  "Bend your backs";
+  Mrs. H., a Presbyterian, desirous to cut Arthur Tappan's throat;
+  Clothing, Huts, and Herding of slaves;
+  Iron yokes with prongs;
+  Marriage unknown among slaves;
+  Presbyterian minister at Huntsville;
+  Concubinage in Preacher's house;
+  Slavery, the great wrong.
+
+NARRATIVE of WILLIAM LEFTWICH;
+  Slave's life.
+
+TESTIMONY of LEMUEL SAPINGTON;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Traffic in slaves.
+
+TESTIMONY of MRS. LOWRY;
+  Long, a professor of religion killed three men;
+  Salt water applied to wounds to keep them from putrefaction.
+
+TESTIMONY of WILLIAM C. GILDERSLEEVE;
+  Acts of cruelty.
+
+TESTIMONY of HIRAM WHITE;
+  Woman with a child chained to her neck;
+  Amalgamation, and mulatto children.
+
+TESTIMONY of JOHN M. NELSON;
+  Rev. Conrad Speece influenced Alexander Nelson when dying not to
+    emancipate his slaves;
+  George Bourne opposed Slavery in 1810.
+
+TESTIMONY of ANGELINA GRIMKÉ WELD;
+  House-servants;
+  Slave-driving female professors of religion at Charleston, S.C.;
+  Whipping women and prayer in the same room;
+  Tread-mills;
+  _Slaveholding religion_;
+  Slave-driving mistress prayed for the divine blessing upon her
+    whipping of an aged woman;
+  Girl killed with impunity;
+  Jewish law;
+  Barbarities;
+  Medical attendance upon slaves;
+  Young man beaten to epilepsy and insanity;
+  Mistresses flog their slaves;
+  Blood-bought luxuries;
+  Borrowing of slaves;
+  Meals of slaves;
+  All comfort of slaves disregarded;
+  Severance of companion lovers;
+  Separation of parents and children;
+  Slave espionage;
+  Sufferings of slaves;
+  Horrors of slavery indescribable.
+
+TESTIMONY of CRUELTY INFLICTED UPON SLAVES;
+  Colonization Society;
+  Emancipation Society of North Carolina;
+  Kentucky.
+
+PUNISHMENTS;
+  Floggings;
+  Witnesses and Testimony.
+
+SLAVE DRIVING;
+  Droves of slaves.
+
+CRUELTY TO SLAVES;
+  Slaves like Stock without a shelter;
+  "Six pound paddle."
+
+TORTURES OF SLAVES.
+  Iron collars, chains, fetters, and hand-cuffs;
+  Advertisements for fugitive slaves;
+  Testimony;
+  Iron head-frame;
+  Chain coffles;
+  Droves of 'human cattle';
+  Washington, the National slave market;
+  Testimony of James K. Paulding, Secretary of the Navy;
+  _Literary fraud and pretended prophecy_ by Mr. Paulding;
+  Brandings, Maimings, and Gun-shot wounds;
+  Witnesses and Testimony;
+  Mr. Sevier, senator of the U.S.;
+  Judge Hitchcock, of Mobile;
+  Commendable fidelity to truth in the advertisements of slaveholders;
+  Thomas Aylethorpe cut off a slave's ear, and sent it to Lewis Tappan;
+  Advertisements for runaway slaves with their teeth mutilated;
+  Excessive cruelty to slaves;
+  Slaves burned alive;
+  Mr. Turner, a slave-butcher;
+  Slaves roasted and flogged;
+  Cruelties common;
+  Fugitive slaves;
+  Slaves forced to eat tobacco worms;
+  Baptist Christians escaping from slavery;
+  Christian whipped for praying;
+  James K. Paulding's testimony;
+  Slave driven to death;
+  Coroner's inquest on Harney's murdered female slave;
+  Man-stealing encouraged by law;
+  Trial for a murdered slave;
+  Female slave whipped to death, and during the torture delivered of
+    a dead infant;
+  Slaves murdered;
+  Slave driven to death;
+  Slaves killed with impunity;
+  George, a slave, chopped piece-meal, and burnt by Lilburn Lewis;
+  Retributive justice in the awful death of Lilburn Lewis;
+  Trial of Isham Lewis, a slave murderer.
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES.--PART III.
+
+NARRATIVE OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY;
+  Plantations;
+  Overseers;
+  No appeal from Overseers to Masters.
+
+CLOTHING;
+  Nudity of slaves.
+
+WORK;
+  Cotton-picking;
+  Mothers of slaves;
+  Presbyterian minister killed his slave;
+  Methodist colored preacher hung;
+  Licentiousness;
+  Slave-traffic;
+  Night in a Slaveholder's house;
+  Twelve slaves murdered;
+  Slave driving Baptist preachers;
+  Hunting of runaways slaves;
+  Amalgamation.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN C. MACY, AND RICHARD MACY.
+  Whipping of slaves.
+  Testimony of Eleazer Powel;
+  Overseer of Hinds Stuart, shot a slave for opposing the torture of
+    his female companion.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM SCALES.
+  Three slaves murdered with impunity;
+  Separation of lovers, parents, and children.
+
+TESTIMONY OF JOS. IDE. Mrs. T.
+  a Presbyterian kind woman-killer;
+  Female slave whipped to death;
+  Food;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Old man flogged after praying for his tyrant;
+  Slave-huts not as comfortable as pig-sties.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH.
+  Texas;
+  Suit for the value of slave 'property';
+  Anson Jones, Ambassador from Texas;
+  No trial or punishment for the murder of slaves;
+  Slave-hunting in Texas;
+  Suffering drives the slaves to despair and suicide.
+
+TESTIMONY OF PHIL'N BLISS.
+  Ignorance of northern citizens respecting slavery;
+  Betting upon crops;
+  Extent and cruelty of the punishment of slaves;
+  Slaveholders excuse their cruelties by the example of Preachers, and
+    professors of religion, and Northern citizens;
+  Novel torture, eulogized by a professor of religion;
+  Whips as common as the plough;
+  _Ladies_ use cowhides, with shovel and tongs.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WM. A. CHAPIN.
+  Slave-labor;
+  Starvation of slaves;
+  Slaves lacerated, without clothing, and without food.
+
+TESTIMONY OF T.M. MACY.
+  Cotton plantations on St. Simon's Island;
+  Cultivation of rice;
+  No time for relaxation;
+  Sabbath a nominal rest;
+  Clothing;
+  Flogging.
+
+TESTIMONY OF F.C. MACY.
+  Slave cabins;
+  Food;
+  Whipping every day;
+  Treatment of slaves as brutes;
+  Slave-boys fight for slaveholder's amusement;
+  Amalgamation common.
+
+TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.
+  Natchez;
+  'Lie down,' for whipping;
+  Slave-hunting;
+  'Ball and chain' men;
+  Whipping at the same time, on three plantations;
+  Hours of Labor;
+  _Christians_ slave-hunting;
+  Many runaway slaves annually shot;
+  Slaves in the stocks;
+  Slave branding.
+
+CONDITION OF SLAVES.
+  Slavery is unmixed cruelty;
+  Fear the only motive of slaves;
+  Pain is the means, not the end of slave-driving;
+  Characters of Slave drivers and Overseers, brutal, sensual, and
+    violent;
+  Ownership of human beings utterly destroys _their_ comfort.
+
+
+OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED:
+
+I. Such cruelties are incredible.
+  Slaves deemed to be working animals, or merchandize; and called
+    'Stock,' 'Increase,' 'Breeders,' 'Drivers,' 'Property,' 'Human
+    cattle';
+  Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;
+  Slaves worse treated than quadrupeds;
+  Contrast between the usage of slaves and animals;
+  Testimony;
+  Northern incredulity discreditable to consistency;
+  Religious persecutions;
+  Recent 'Lynchings,' and Riots, in the United States;
+  Many outrageous Felonies perpetrated with impunity;
+  Large faith of the objectors who 'can't believe';
+  'Doe faces,' and 'Dough faces';
+  Slave-drivers acknowledge their own enormities;
+  Slave plantations in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi 'second only
+    to hell';
+  Legislature of North Carolina;
+  Incredulity discreditable to intelligence;
+  Abuse of power in the state, and churches;
+  Legal restraints;
+  American slaveholders possess absolute power;
+  Slaves deprived of the safe guards of law;
+  Mutual aversion between the oppressor and the slave;
+  Cruelty the product of arbitrary power;
+  Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;
+  Judge Tucker;
+  Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina, and Georgia;
+  General William H. Harrison;
+  President Edwards;
+  Montesquieu;
+  Wilberforce;
+  Whitbread;
+  Characters.
+
+OBJECTION II.--"Slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well."
+  Not testimony but opinion;
+  'Good treatment' of slaves;
+  Novel form of cruelty.
+
+OBJECTION III.--"Slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, and
+ generosity."
+  Hospitality and benevolence contrasted;
+  Slaveholders in Congress, respecting Texas and Hayti;
+  'Fictitious kindness and hospitality.'
+
+OBJECTION IV.--"Northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves
+ are not cruelly treated."
+  Testimony;
+  'Gubner poisened';
+  Field-hands;
+  Parlor slaves;
+  Chief Justice Durell.
+
+OBJECTION V.--"It is for the interest of the masters to treat their
+ slaves well."
+  Testimony;
+  Rev. J.N. Maffitt;
+  Masters interest to treat cruelly the great body of the slaves;
+  Various classes of slaves;
+  Hired slaves;
+  Advertisements.
+
+OBJECTION VI.--"Slaves multiply; a proof that they are not inhumanly
+ treated, and are in a comfortable condition."
+  Testimony;
+  Martin Van Buren;
+  Foreign slave trade;
+  'Beware of Kidnappers';
+  'Citizens sold as slaves';
+  Kidnapping at New Orleans;
+  Slave breeders.
+
+OBJECTION VII.--"Public opinion is a protection to the slave."
+  Decision of the Supreme Court of North and South Carolina;
+  'Protection of slaves';
+  Mischievous effects of 'public opinion' concerning slavery;
+  Laws of different states;
+  Heart of slaveholders;
+  Reasons for enacting the laws concerning cruelties to slaves;
+  'Moderate correction';
+  Hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws;
+  Testimony of slaves excluded;
+  Capital crimes for slaves;
+  'Slaveholding brutality,' worse than that of Caligula;
+  Public opinion destroys fundamental rights;
+  Character of slaveholders' advertisements;
+  Public opinion is diabolical;
+  Brutal indecency;
+  Murder of slaves by law;
+  Judge Lawless;
+  Slave-hunting;
+  Health of slaves;
+  Acclimation of slaves;
+  Liberty of Slaves;
+  Kidnapping of free citizens;
+  Law of Louisiana;
+  FRIENDS', memorial;
+  Domestic slavery;
+  Advertisements;
+  Childhood, old age;
+  Inhumanity;
+  Butchering dead slaves;
+  South Carolina Medical college;
+  Charleston Medical Infirmary;
+  Advertisements;
+  Slave murders;
+   John Randolph;
+  Charleston slave auctions;
+  'Never lose a day's work';
+  Stocks;
+  Slave-breeding;
+  Lynch law;
+  Slaves murdered;
+  Slavery among Christians;
+  Licentiousness encouraged by preachers;
+  'Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves';
+  Cruelty to slaves by professors of religion;
+  Slave-breeding;
+  Daniel O'Connel, and Andrew Stevenson;
+  Virginia a negro raising menagerie;
+  Legislature of Virginia;
+  Colonization Society;
+  Inter-state slave traffic;
+  Battles in Congress;
+  Duelling;
+  Cock-fighting;
+  Horse-racing;
+  Ignorance of slaveholders;
+  'Slaveholding civilization, and morality';
+  Arkansas;
+  Slave driving ruffians;
+  Missouri;
+  Alabama;
+  Butcheries in Mississippi;
+  Louisiana;
+  Tennessee;
+  Fatal Affray in Columbia;
+  Presentment of the Grand Jury of Shelby County;
+  Testimony of Bishop Smith of Kentucky.
+
+ATLANTIC SLAVEHOLDING REGION.
+  Georgia;
+  North Carolina;
+  Trading with Negroes;
+  Conclusion.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+Reader, you are empannelled as a juror to try a plain case and bring
+in an honest verdict. The question at issue is not one of law, but of
+facts--"What is the actual condition of the slaves in the United
+States?" A plainer case never went to a jury. Look at it. TWENTY-SEVEN
+HUNDRED THOUSAND PERSONS in this country, men, women, and children,
+are in SLAVERY. Is slavery, as a condition for human beings, good,
+bad, or indifferent? We submit the question without argument. You have
+common sense, and conscience, and a human heart;--pronounce upon it.
+You have a wife, or a husband, a child, a father, a mother, a brother
+or a sister--make the case your own, make it theirs, and bring in your
+verdict. The case of Human Rights against Slavery has been adjudicated
+in the court of conscience times innumerable. The same verdict has
+always been rendered--"Guilty;" the same sentence has always been
+pronounced, "Let it be accursed;" and human nature, with her million
+echoes, has rung it round the world in every language under heaven,
+"Let it be accursed. Let it be accursed." His heart is false to human
+nature, who will not say "Amen." There is not a man on earth who does
+not believe that slavery is a curse. Human beings may be inconsistent,
+but human _nature_ is true to herself. She has uttered her testimony
+against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and
+till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will
+traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and
+dashing against it her condemning brand. We repeat it, every man knows
+that slavery is a curse. Whoever denies this, his lips libel his
+heart. Try him; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are
+for _him_; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a
+life of slavery; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the
+yoke, and their wrists for the coffle chains, then look at his pale
+lips and trembling knees, and you have _nature's_ testimony against
+slavery.
+
+Two millions seven hundred thousand persons in these States are in
+this condition. They were made slaves and are held each by force, and
+by being put in fear, and this for no crime! Reader, what have you to
+say of such treatment? Is it right, just, benevolent? Suppose I should
+seize you, rob you of your liberty, drive you into the field, and make
+you work without pay as long as you live, would that be justice and
+kindness, or monstrous injustice and cruelty? Now, every body knows
+that the slaveholders do these things to the slaves every day, and yet
+it is stoutly affirmed that they treat them well and kindly, and that
+their tender regard for their slaves restrains the masters from
+inflicting cruelties upon them. We shall go into no metaphysics to
+show the absurdity of this pretence. The man who _robs_ you every day,
+is, forsooth, quite too tender-hearted ever to cuff or kick you! True,
+he can snatch your money, but he does it gently lest he should hurt
+you. He can empty your pockets without qualms, but if your _stomach_
+is empty, it cuts him to the quick. He can make you work a life time
+without pay, but loves you too well to let you go hungry. He fleeces
+you of your _rights_ with a relish, but is shocked if you work
+bareheaded in summer, or in winter without warm stockings. He can make
+you go without your _liberty_, but never without a shirt. He can
+crush, in you, all hope of bettering your condition, by vowing that
+you shall die his slave, but though he can coolly torture your
+feelings, he is too compassionate to lacerate your back--he can break
+your heart, but he is very tender of your skin. He can strip you of
+all protection and thus expose you to all outrages, but if you are
+exposed to the _weather_, half clad and half sheltered, how yearn his
+tender bowels! What! slaveholders talk of treating men well, and yet
+not only rob them of all they get, and as fast as they get it, but rob
+them of _themselves_, also; their very hands and feet, all their
+muscles, and limbs, and senses, their bodies and minds, their time and
+liberty and earnings, their free speech and rights of conscience,
+their right to acquire knowledge, and property, and reputation;--and
+yet they, who plunder them of all these, would fain make us believe
+that their soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward their slaves that
+they always keep them well housed and well clad, never push them too
+hard in the field, never make their dear backs smart, nor let their
+dear stomachs get empty.
+
+But there is no end to these absurdities. Are slaveholders dunces, or
+do they take all the rest of the world to be, that they think to
+bandage our eyes with such thin gauzes? Protesting their kind regard
+for those whom they hourly plunder of all they have and all they get!
+What! when they have seized their victims, and annihilated all their
+_rights_, still claim to be the special guardians of their
+_happiness_! Plunderers of their liberty, yet the careful suppliers of
+their wants? Robbers of their earnings, yet watchful sentinels round
+their interests, and kind providers for their comfort? Filching all
+their time, yet granting generous donations for rest and sleep?
+Stealing the use of their muscles, yet thoughtful of their ease?
+Putting them under _drivers_, yet careful that they are not
+hard-pushed? Too humane forsooth to stint the stomachs of their
+slaves, yet force their _minds_ to starve, and brandish over them
+pains and penalties, if they dare to reach forth for the smallest
+crumb of knowledge, even a letter of the alphabet!
+
+It is no marvel that slaveholders are always talking of their _kind
+treatment_ of their slaves. The only marvel is, that men of sense can
+be gulled by such professions. Despots always insist that they are
+merciful. The greatest tyrants that ever dripped with blood have
+assumed the titles of "most gracious," "most clement," "most
+merciful," &c., and have ordered their crouching vassals to accost
+them thus. When did not vice lay claim to those virtues which are the
+opposites of its habitual crimes? The guilty, according to their own
+showing, are always innocent, and cowards brave, and drunkards sober,
+and harlots chaste, and pickpockets honest to a fault. Every body
+understands this. When a man's tongue grows thick, and he begins to
+hiccough and walk cross-legged, we expect him, as a matter of course,
+to protest that he is not drunk; so when a man is always singing the
+praises of his own honesty, we instinctively watch his movements and
+look out for our pocket-books. Whoever is simple enough to be hoaxed
+by such professions, should never be trusted in the streets without
+somebody to take care of him. Human nature works out in slaveholders
+just as it does to other men, and in American slaveholders just as in
+English, French, Turkish, Algerine, Roman and Grecian. The Spartans
+boasted of their kindness to their slaves, while they whipped them to
+death by thousands at the altars of their gods. The Romans lauded
+their own mild treatment of their bondmen, while they branded their
+names on their flesh with hot irons, and when old, threw them into
+their fish ponds, or like Cato "the Just," starved them to death. It
+is the boast of the Turks that they treat their slaves as though they
+were their children, yet their common name for them is "dogs," and for
+the merest trifles, their feet are bastinadoed to a jelly, or their
+heads clipped off with the scimetar. The Portuguese pride themselves
+on their gentle bearing toward their slaves, yet the streets of Rio
+Janeiro are filled with naked men and women yoked in pairs to carts
+and wagons, and whipped by drivers like beasts of burden.
+
+Slaveholders, the world over, have sung the praises of their tender
+mercies towards their slaves. Even the wretches that plied the African
+slave trade, tried to rebut Clarkson's proofs of their cruelties, by
+speeches, affidavits, and published pamphlets, setting forth the
+accommodations of the "middle passage," and their kind attentions to
+the comfort of those whom they had stolen from their homes, and kept
+stowed away under hatches, during a voyage of four thousand miles. So,
+according to the testimony of the autocrat of the Russias, he
+exercises great clemency towards the Poles, though he exiles them by
+thousands to the snows of Siberia, and tramples them down by millions,
+at home. Who discredits the atrocities perpetrated by Ovando in
+Hispaniola, Pizarro in Peru, and Cortez in Mexico,--because they
+filled the ears of the Spanish Court with protestations of their
+benignant rule? While they were yoking the enslaved natives like
+beasts to the draught, working them to death by thousands in their
+mines, hunting them with bloodhounds, torturing them on racks, and
+broiling them on beds of coals, their representations to the mother
+country teemed with eulogies of their parental sway! The bloody
+atrocities of Philip II, in the expulsion of his Moorish subjects, are
+matters of imperishable history. Who disbelieves or doubts them? And
+yet his courtiers magnified his virtues and chanted his clemency and
+his mercy, while the wail of a million victims, smitten down by a
+tempest of fire and slaughter let loose at his bidding, rose above the
+_Te Deums_ that thundered from all Spain's cathedrals. When Louis XIV.
+revoked the edict of Nantz, and proclaimed two millions of his
+subjects free plunder for persecution,--when from the English channel
+to the Pyrennees the mangled bodies of the Protestants were dragged on
+reeking hurdles by a shouting populace, he claimed to be "the father
+of his people," and wrote himself "His most _Christian_ Majesty."
+
+But we will not anticipate topics, the full discussion of which more
+naturally follows than precedes the inquiry into the actual condition
+and treatment of slaves in the United States.
+
+As slaveholders and their apologists are volunteer witnesses in their
+own cause, and are flooding the world with testimony that their slaves
+are kindly treated; that they are well fed, well clothed, well housed,
+well lodged, moderately worked, and bountifully provided with all
+things needful for their comfort, we propose--first, to disprove their
+assertions by the testimony of a multitude of impartial witnesses, and
+then to put slaveholders themselves through a course of
+cross-questioning which shall draw their condemnation out of their own
+mouths. We will prove that the slaves in the United States are treated
+with barbarous inhumanity; that they are overworked, underfed,
+wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep; that they are
+often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs,
+to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the
+field, and to wear yokes, and bells, and iron horns; that they are
+often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together,
+made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of
+their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily
+detected when they run away; that they are frequently flogged with
+terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh,
+and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &c., poured over the gashes to
+increase the torture; that they are often stripped naked, their backs
+and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds
+of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats,
+drawn over them by their tormentors; that they are often hunted with
+bloodhounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs; that
+they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they
+faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint,
+and sometimes till they die; that their ears are often cut off, their
+eyes knocked out, their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot
+irons; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow
+fires. All these things, and more, and worse, we shall _prove_.
+Reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well; _more and
+worse_ WE WILL PROVE. Mark these words, and read on; we will establish
+all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye
+witnesses, by the testimony of _slaveholders_ in all parts of the
+slave states, by slaveholding members of Congress and of state
+legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors
+of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants,
+mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in
+colleges and _professional_ seminaries, by planters, overseers and
+drivers. We shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but
+that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun; not
+in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by
+brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by
+legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by
+governors of states, by "gentlemen of property and standing," and by
+delicate females moving in the "highest circles of society." We know,
+full well, the outcry that will be made by multitudes, at these
+declarations; the multiform cavils, the flat denials, the charges of
+"exaggeration" and "falsehood" so often bandied, the sneers of
+affected contempt at the credulity that can believe such things, and
+the rage and imprecations against those who give them currency. We
+know, too, the threadbare sophistries by which slaveholders and their
+apologists seek to evade such testimony. If they admit that such deeds
+are committed, they tell us that they are exceedingly rare, and
+therefore furnish no grounds for judging of the general treatment of
+slaves; that occasionally a brutal wretch in the _free_ states
+barbarously butchers his wife, but that no one thinks of inferring
+from that, the general treatment of wives at the North and West.
+
+They tell us, also, that the slaveholders of the South are
+proverbially hospitable, kind, and generous, and it is incredible that
+they can perpetrate such enormities upon human beings; further, that
+it is absurd to suppose that they would thus injure their own
+property, that self-interest would prompt them to treat their slaves
+with kindness, as none but fools and madmen wantonly destroy their own
+property; further, that Northern visitors at the South come back
+testifying to the kind treatment of the slaves, and that the slaves
+themselves corroborate such representations. All these pleas, and
+scores of others, are bruited in every corner of the free States; and
+who that hath eyes to see, has not sickened at the blindness that saw
+not, at the palsy of heart that felt not, or at the cowardice and
+sycophancy that dared not expose such shallow fallacies. We are not to
+be turned from our purpose by such vapid babblings. In their
+appropriate places, we propose to consider these objections and
+various others, and to show their emptiness and folly.
+
+The foregoing declarations touching the inflictions upon slaves, are
+not hap-hazard assertions, nor the exaggerations of fiction conjured
+up to carry a point; nor are they the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, nor
+crude conclusions, jumped at by hasty and imperfect investigation, nor
+the aimless outpourings either of sympathy or poetry; but they are
+proclamations of deliberate, well-weighed convictions, produced by
+accumulations of proof, by affirmations and affidavits, by written
+testimonies and statements of a cloud of witnesses who speak what they
+know and testify what they have seen, and all these impregnably
+fortified by proofs innumerable, in the relation of the slaveholder to
+his slave, the nature of arbitrary power, and the nature and history
+of man.
+
+Of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a
+majority are slaveholders, many of the remainder have been
+slaveholders, but now reside in free States.
+
+Another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who
+have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of
+residence and travel in the slave States.
+
+We will first present the reader with a few PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others,
+embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the
+midst of slavery--facts and scenes of which they were eye-witnesses.
+
+In the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of
+the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make
+specific points; to pass in review the various particulars in the
+slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each
+head to settle the question in every candid mind. The examination will
+be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following
+order of topics.
+
+1. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES, THE KINDS, QUALITY AND QUANTITY, ALSO, THE
+NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY, &c.
+
+2. THEIR HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+
+3. THEIR CLOTHING.
+
+4. THEIR DWELLINGS.
+
+5. THEIR PRIVATIONS AND INFLICTIONS.
+
+6. _In conclusion,_ a variety of OBJECTIONS and ARGUMENTS will be
+considered which are used by the advocates of slavery to set
+aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly
+treated.
+
+Between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives
+will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both
+general and specific.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES.
+
+MR. NEHEMIAH CAULKINS, of Waterford, New London Co., Connecticut, has
+furnished the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, with the following statements relative to the condition and
+treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of North Carolina. Most
+of the facts related by Mr. Caulkins fell under his personal
+observation. The air of candor and honesty that pervades the
+narrative, the manner in which Mr. C. has drawn it up, the good sense,
+just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of
+themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear.
+
+The Committee have no personal acquaintance with Mr. Caulkins, but
+they have ample testimonials from the most respectable sources, all of
+which represent him to be a man whose long established character for
+sterling integrity, sound moral principle and piety, have secured for
+him the uniform respect and confidence of those who know him.
+
+Without further preface the following testimonials are submitted to
+the reader.
+
+
+This may certify, that we the subscribers have lived for a number of
+years past in the neighborhood with Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, and have no
+hesitation in stating that we consider him a man of high
+respectability and that his character for truth and veracity is
+unimpeachable. PETER COMSTOCK. A.F. PERKINS, M.D. ISAAC BEEBE.
+LODOWICK BEEBE. D. G. OTIS. PHILIP MORGAN. JAMES ROGERS, M.D.
+_Waterford, Ct., Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+Mr. Comstock is a Justice of the Peace. Mr. L. Beebe is the Town Clerk
+of Waterford. Mr. J. Beebe is a member of the Baptist Church. Mr. Otis
+is a member of the Congregational Church. Mr. Morgan is a Justice of
+the Peace, and Messrs. Perkins and Rogers are designated by their
+titles. All those gentlemen are citizens of Waterford, Connecticut.
+
+
+To whom it may concern. This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins,
+of Waterford, in New London County, is a near neighbor to the
+subscriber, and has been for many years. I do consider him a man of
+_unquestionable veracity_ and certify that he is so considered by
+people to whom he is personally known. EDWARD R. WARREN. _Jan. 15th,
+1839._
+
+
+Mr. Warren is a Commissioner (Associate Judge) of the County Court,
+for New London County.
+
+
+This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, of the town of Waterford,
+County of New London, and State of Connecticut, is a member of the
+first Baptist Church in said Waterford, is in good standing, and is
+esteemed by us a man of truth and veracity. FRANCIS DARROW, Pastor of
+said Church. _Waterford, Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+
+This may certify that Nehemiah Caulkins, of Waterford, lives near me,
+and I always esteemed him, and believe him to be a man of truth and
+veracity. ELISHA BECKWITH. _Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+Mr. Beckwith is a Justice of the Peace, a Post Master, and a Deacon of
+the Baptist Church.
+
+Mr. Dwight P. Jones, a member of the Second Congregational Church in
+the city of New London, in a recent letter, says;
+
+"Mr. Caulkins is a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford, and in
+every respect a very worthy citizen. I have labored with him in the
+Sabbath School, and know him to be a man of active piety. The most
+_entire confidence_ may be placed in the truth of his statements.
+Where he is known, no one will call them in question."
+
+We close these testimonials with an extract, of a letter from William
+Bolles, Esq., a well known and respected citizen of New London, Ct.
+
+"Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins resides in the town of Waterford, about six
+miles from this City. His opportunities to acquire exact knowledge in
+relation to Slavery, in that section of our country, to which his
+narrative is confined, have been very great. He is a carpenter, and
+was employed principally on the plantations, working at his trade,
+being thus almost constantly in the company of the slaves as well as
+of their masters. His full heart readily responded to the call, [for
+information relative to slavery,] for, as he expressed it, he had long
+desired that others might know what he had seen, being confident that
+a general knowledge of facts as they exist, would greatly promote the
+overthrow of the system. He is a man of undoubted character; and where
+known, his statements need no corroboration.
+
+Yours, &c. WILLIAM BOLLES."
+
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE OF MR. CAULKINS.
+
+I feel it my duty to tell some things that I know about slavery, in
+order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the North in behalf of
+the slave. The treatment of the slaves on the plantations where I had
+the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, _was not so bad_ as
+that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for
+their cruelty. There were, however, other estates in the vicinity,
+where the treatment was better; the slaves were better clothed and
+fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their
+quarters.
+
+The scenes that I have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul; but
+could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings,
+which no white man, not linked with slavery, _is allowed to know,_ the
+land would vomit out the horrible system, slaveholders and all, if
+they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims.
+
+I spent eleven winters, between the years 1824 and 1835, in the state
+of North Carolina, mostly in the vicinity of Wilmington; and four out
+of the eleven on the estate of Mr. John Swan, five or six miles from
+that place. There were on his plantation about seventy slaves, male
+and female: some were married, and others lived together as man and
+wife, without even a mock ceremony. With their owners generally, it is
+a matter of indifference; the marriage of slaves not being recognized
+by the slave code. The slaves, however, think much of being married by
+a clergyman.
+
+The cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built
+principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on
+Sundays and moonlight nights; they went into the swamps, cut the logs,
+backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins.
+
+When I first knew Mr. Swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who
+had been a Methodist minister. He treated the slaves with great
+cruelty. His reason for leaving the ministry and becoming an overseer,
+as I was informed, was this: his wife died, at which providence he was
+so enraged, that he swore he would not preach for the Lord another
+day. This man continued on the plantation about three years; at the
+close of which, on settlement of accounts, Mr. Swan owed him about
+$400, for which he turned him out a negro woman, and about twenty
+acres of land. He built a log hut, and took the woman to live with
+him; since which, I have been at his hut, and seen four or five
+mulatto children. He has been appointed _justice of the peace_, and
+his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a Mr. Galloway.
+
+It is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in
+the woods. On one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old,
+which he carried to his quarters. The overseer, getting information of
+the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to
+come to him. The slave at once suspected it was something about the
+pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. He
+had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with
+duck shot, and brought him down. It is a common practice for overseers
+to go into the field armed with a gun or pistols, and sometimes both.
+He was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital,
+and the physician sent for. A physician was employed by the year to
+take care of the sick or wounded slaves. In about six weeks this slave
+got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. He came to the
+mill where I was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which I
+did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh,
+though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up.
+
+There was a slave on Mr. Swan's plantation, by the name of Harry, who,
+during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself is the
+woods. This the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for
+several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. It is
+common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a
+hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that
+will enable them to live while they are in the woods or swamps. Harry
+staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and
+by such other means as came in his way. The slaves generally know
+where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on Sundays.
+On the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for Harry.
+When he came home, he was seized and confined in the stocks. The
+stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of
+timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide; the
+lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it,
+for the ancles; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions, is
+fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles
+are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the
+other end. In this manner the person is left to sit on the floor.
+Barry was kept in the stocks _day and night for a week_, and flogged
+_every morning_. After this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain
+fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and he
+sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. At night he
+was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field
+in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week.
+
+The overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in
+what are considered the comforts of life--such as tea, sugar, &c. To
+make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a
+slave, named Joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could
+conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence,
+and send Joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed.
+Once when her husband was away, she told Joe to kill and dress one of
+the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &c. Joe did as he was
+bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. When Galloway
+returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had
+become of his pig. She told him she suspected one of the slaves,
+naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening
+before. The overseer called the slave up, and charged him with the
+theft. He denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. The overseer
+still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to
+think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did
+steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation; before the
+week was up it was ascertained that Joe had killed the pig. He was
+called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told
+the overseer that he did it by the order of Mrs. Galloway, and that
+she directed him to buy some sugar, &c. with the money. Mrs. Galloway
+gave Joe the lie; and he was terribly flogged. Joe told me he had been
+several times to the smoke-house with Mrs. G, and taken hams and sold
+them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes
+on a neighboring plantation. Mr. Swan, hearing of the circumstance,
+told me he believed Joe's story, but that his statement would not be
+taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same
+story it could not be received as evidence against a white person.
+
+To show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes
+treated, I will state a fact. Galloway owned a man about seventy years
+of age. The old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on
+some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old
+blanket, and there lay four or five days, groaning in great distress,
+without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended
+his miseries; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony
+and respect as would be paid to a brute.
+
+There is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro
+off from severe and long-continued punishment on account of the
+intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he
+believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he
+believes he will keep his promise, &c. The planters sometimes get
+tired of punishing a negro, and, wanting his services in the field,
+they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave,
+intercede for him. At one time a negro, named Charles, was confined in
+the stocks in the building where I was at work, and had been severely
+whipped several times. He begged me to intercede for him and try to
+get him released. I told him I would; and when his master came in to
+whip him again, I went up to him and told him I had been talking with
+Charles, and he had promised to behave better, &c., and requested him
+not to punish him any more, but to let him go. He then said to
+Charles, "As Mr. Caulkins has been pleading for you, I will let you go
+on his account;" and accordingly released him.
+
+Women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four
+weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often
+punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some
+cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any
+notice being taken of it. They ate generally allowed four weeks after
+the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field,
+they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little
+girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the
+mother is at work. When there is no child that can be spared, or not
+young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it
+under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task,
+returning at stated intervals to nurse it. While I was on this
+plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life
+of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. It seems
+this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of
+carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work
+as long as she could see. One evening she nursed the infant at sunset
+as usual, and sent it to the quarters. The little girl, on her way
+home, had to cross a run or brook, which led down into the swamp; when
+she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the
+infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it
+stuck fast; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. When the
+mother came in from the field, she asked the girl where the child was;
+she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was;
+the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was
+found as above stated, and dead. The little girl was shut up in the
+barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came
+along and bought her for two hundred dollars.
+
+The slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as long as
+they can see. When they have tasks assigned, which is often the case,
+a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before
+sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in
+the evening. All must finish their tasks or take a flogging. The whip
+and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer; the former he uses
+very frequently upon the negroes, during their hours of labor, without
+regard to age or sex. Scarcely a day passed while I was on the
+plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped; I do not
+mean that they were _struck a few blows_ merely, but had a _set
+flogging_. The same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,--such
+as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping
+cord-wood, threshing, &c. I have known the women go into the barn as
+soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could
+see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a
+threshing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they
+had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the
+granary.
+
+The allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given
+out at Christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse
+shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. If the
+man has a wife she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house.
+The slaves on this plantation, being near Wilmington, procured
+themselves extra clothing by working Sundays and moonlight nights,
+cutting cordwood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter
+of a mile to the ricer; they would then get a permit from their
+master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to Wilmington,
+and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and
+with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for
+a shirt, &c. They sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they
+cleanse and take to market. The women receive their allowance of the
+same kind of cloth which the men have. This they make into a frock; if
+they have any under garments _they must procure them for themselves_.
+When the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes
+make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which
+shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast
+which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their
+wretchedness.[1]
+
+
+Hurra, for good ole Massa,
+    He giv me de pass to go to de city
+Hurra, for good ole Missis,
+    She bile de pot, and giv me de licker.
+                        Hurra, I'm goin to de city.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under
+sentence, and both for the same reason. Their singing proves that they
+_want_ to be happy not that they _are_ so. It is the _means_ that they
+use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so
+already. Sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their
+misery in momentary oblivion. He who argues from this that they have
+no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of
+slavery.--EDITOR.]
+
+Every Saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions,
+which must last them till the next Saturday night. "Potatoe time," as
+it is called, begins about the middle of July. The slave may measure
+for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet
+potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; I have,
+however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many,
+kick the measure; and if any fall off tell him he has got his measure.
+No salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. When rice or
+corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of
+molasses is given, but not often. The quantity of rice, which is of
+the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. When corn is given
+them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (Mr.
+Swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for
+grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. When
+fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish.
+As to meat, they seldom had any. I do not think they had an allowance
+of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the
+quantity was very small. When they went into the field to work, they
+took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given
+to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them,
+and kindled a fire underneath for cooking; she took salt with her and
+seasoned the messes as she thought proper. When their breakfast was
+ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were
+called from labor, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner
+was prepared in the same way. They had but two meals a day while in
+the field; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they
+returned to their quarters at night. At the time of killing hogs on
+the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the
+slaves.
+
+When I first went upon Mr. Swan's plantation, I saw a slave in
+shackles or fetters, which were fastened around each ankle and firmly
+riveted, connected together by a chain. To the middle of this chain he
+had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them
+from galling his ankles. This slave, whose name was Frank, was an
+intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. There was
+nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those
+high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the
+means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. Mr. S. had
+employed a Mr. Beckwith to repair a boat, and told him Frank was a
+good mechanic, and he might have his services. Frank was sent for, his
+_shackles still on_. Mr. Beckwith set him to work making _trundels_,
+&c. I was employed in putting up a building, and after Mr. Beckwith
+had done with Frank, he was sent for to assist me. Mr. Swan sent him
+to a blacksmith's shop and had his shackles cut off with a cold
+chisel. Frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter.
+
+I will relate one circumstance, which shows the little regard that is
+paid to the feelings of the slave. During the time that Mr. Isaiah
+Rogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the
+slaves complained of a severe toothache. Swan asked Mr. Rogers to take
+his hammer and _knock out the tooth_.
+
+There was a slave on the plantation named Ben, a waiting man. I
+occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with
+him. Ben was a kind-hearted man, and, I believe, a Christian; he would
+always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was in the
+constant practice of praying morning and night.--One day when I was at
+the hut, Ben was sent for to go to the house. Ben sighed deeply and
+went. He soon returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom
+one of Mr. Swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. He brought her
+into the room where I was, and told her to stand there while he went
+into the next room: I heard him groan again as he went. While there I
+heard his voice, and he was engaged in prayer. After a few minutes he
+returned with a large cowhide, and stood before the girl, without
+saying a word. I concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which I did;
+and immediately after I heard the girl scream. At every blow she would
+shriek, "Do, Ben! oh do, Ben!" This is a common expression of the
+slaves to the person whipping them: "Do, Massa!" or, "Do, Missus!"
+
+After she had gone, I asked Ben what she was whipped for: he told me
+she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing
+her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a
+pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. I asked
+him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like
+to do this, but was _obliged_ to: he said he was once ordered to whip
+a woman, which he did without stripping her: on her return to the
+house, her mistress examined her back; and not seeing any marks, he
+was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he
+had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull
+her clothes off; he said, No. She then told him, that when he whipped
+any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as
+well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be
+flogged himself.
+
+Ben often appeared very gloomy and sad: I have frequently heard him,
+when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, "Poor
+African slave! Poor African slave!" Whipping was so common an
+occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition
+to state the _many_ and _severe_ floggings I have seen inflicted on
+the slaves. They were flogged for not performing their tasks, for
+being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm,
+&c. &c.; and it often seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse
+for punishing them.
+
+On one occasion, I heard the overseer charge the hands to be at a
+certain place the next morning at sun-rise. I was present in the
+morning, in company with my brother, when the hands arrived. Joe, the
+slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five
+minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the
+overseer told him to take off his jacket. Joe took off his jacket. He
+had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off: Joe took it
+off: he then whipped him with a heavy cowhide full six feet long. At
+every stroke Joe would spring from the ground, and scream, "O my God!
+Do, Massa Galloway!" My brother was so exasperated; that he turned to
+me and said, "If I were Joe, I would kill the overseer if I knew I
+should be shot the next minute."
+
+In the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the
+threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen
+minutes after. They had to go about a quarter of a mile from their
+quarters. Galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not
+come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy as he
+could strike. I have seen him, at such times, follow after them,
+striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their
+screams. I have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging,
+crying and taking on most piteously.
+
+It is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such
+hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through: I have seen
+them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in
+order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and
+there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. I have
+_often_ known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the
+river in flats or boats to Wilmington, absent from twenty-four to
+thirty hours, _without any thing to eat,_ no provision being made for
+these occasions.
+
+Galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were
+sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician; but
+he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. When
+any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the
+medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the
+head, to make them swallow it. A man once came to him, of whom he said
+he was suspicious: he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him
+in the stocks for the night. His medicine soon began to operate; and
+_there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day._
+
+One day, Mr. Swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in
+letting a boat get adrift. The slave was told to secure the boat:
+whether he took sufficient means for this purpose I do not know; he
+was not allowed to make any defence. Mr. Swan called him up, and asked
+why he did not secure the boat: he pulled off his hat and began to
+tell his story. Swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced
+beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated
+backwards; Swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the
+head with the hickory as he went.
+
+As I was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the
+driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough,
+struck her over the head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. I
+thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and
+doctoring for some days, she recovered. Speaking to him about it, he
+said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely
+out.
+
+A patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the
+plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. I knew a slave who
+started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to
+see his wife: he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. He stated
+his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him but all
+to no purpose. I spoke to the patrol about it afterwards: he said he
+knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip
+him; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &c. He stated that he
+had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night.
+
+In conversation with Mr. Swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me
+the following fact:--A slave, by the name of Luke, was owned in
+Wilmington; he was sold to a speculator and carried to Georgia. After
+an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an
+opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were
+absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. Luke went to the
+room where his master kept his arms; took his gun, with some
+ammunition, and went into the woods. On the return of his master, the
+waiting man told him what had been done: this threw him into a violent
+passion; he swore he would kill Luke, or lose his own life. He loaded
+another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he
+then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or
+lodged in jail. His neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward
+of two hundred dollars for him _dead or alive_, which he did. Nothing
+however was heard of him for some months. Mr. Swan said, one of his
+slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he
+said he had found Luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a
+sword.
+
+I left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north; when I
+went out again, the next fall, I asked Mr. Swan if any thing had been
+heard of Luke; he said he was _shot_, and related to me the manner of
+his death, as follows:--Luke went to one of the plantations, and
+entered a hut for something to eat. Being fatigued, he sat down and
+fell asleep. There was only a woman in the hut at the time: as soon as
+she found he was asleep, she ran and told her master, who took his
+rifle, and called two white men on another plantation: the three, with
+their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different
+positions, so that they could watch the door. When Luke waked up he
+went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles, he
+stepped back and raised his gun to his face. They called to him to
+surrender; and stated that they had him in their power, and said he
+had better give up. He said he would not: and if they tried to take
+him, he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew they would
+kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could.
+They told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would
+certainly kill him: he replied, he was determined not to give up, and
+kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was
+turned toward one, another, standing in a different direction, shot
+him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground.
+
+There was another slave shot while I was there; this man had run away,
+and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known
+where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on
+the large island near Belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and
+carried his head home.
+
+It is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch
+runaway slaves. I was once bitten by one of them. I went to the
+overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as I put my foot
+upon the floor, he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not
+severely; he tore my pantaloons badly. The overseer apologized for his
+dog, saying he never knew him to bite a _white_ man before. He said he
+once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, that was very
+useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. He said that a slave on the
+plantation once ran away; as soon as he found the course he took, he
+put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the
+man had to climb a tree, he followed with his gun, and brought the
+slave home.
+
+The slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. It is
+generally said, and I have no doubt of its truth, that they are much
+worse treated farther south.
+
+The following are a few among the many facts related to me while I
+lived among the slaveholder. The names of the planters and
+plantations, I shall not give, _as they did not come under my own
+observation_. I however place the fullest confidence in their truth.
+
+A planter not far from Mr. Swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid
+$400 a year; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive
+the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. He therefore
+sent to South Carolina, or Georgia, and got a man to whom he paid I
+believe $800 a year. He proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the
+slaves almost to death. There was a slave on this plantation, who had
+repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged every time. The
+last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried
+up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. He was kept
+in this situation four or five days.
+
+The following was told me by an intimate friend; it took place on a
+plantation containing about one hundred slaves. One day the owner
+ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in
+hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began
+immediately to cry out "What have I done Massa? What have I done
+Massa?" He replied; "D--n you, I will let you know what you have done,
+you don't breed, I haven't had a young one from one of you for several
+months." They told him they could not breed while they had to work in
+the rice ditches. (The rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be
+drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to
+work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged
+to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out
+of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight
+in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) After
+swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the
+overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon
+the land to work.
+
+This same planter had a female slave who was a member of the Methodist
+Church; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. He proposed
+a criminal intercourse with her. She would not comply. He left her and
+sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. It was done.
+Not long after, he renewed his proposal. She again refused. She was
+again whipped. He then told her why she had been twice flogged, and
+told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. The girl,
+seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the
+scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up
+to be the victim of his brutal lusts.
+
+One of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which
+lived but two or three weeks. After its death the planter called the
+woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die; said it
+was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for
+it. She told, him with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances
+of its death. But her story availed her nothing against the savage
+brutality of her master. She was severely whipped. A healthy child
+four months old was then considered worth $100 in North Carolina.
+
+The foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character
+and respectability. The following fact was related to me on a
+plantation where I have spent considerable time and where the
+punishment was inflicted. I have no doubt of its truth. A slave ran
+away from his master, and got as far as Newbern. He took provisions
+that lasted him a week; but having eaten all, he went to a house to
+get something to satisfy his hunger. A white man suspecting him to be
+a runaway, demanded his pass; as he had none he was seized and put in
+Newbern jail. He was there advertised, his description given, &c. His
+master saw the advertisement and sent for him; when he was brought
+back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. A stick
+was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in
+this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over
+on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and
+severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and
+tortured by another bruising and beating. He was afterwards kept in
+the stocks a week, and whipped every morning.
+
+To show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with
+moral filth every thing it touches, I will state two or three facts,
+which I have on such evidence I cannot doubt their truth. A planter
+offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of
+his female slaves, whom he would get in the family way. This offer was
+no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same
+principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing
+the breed.
+
+Slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, often hire their
+own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month,
+according to the capacity of the slave. The females who thus hire
+their time, pursue various modes to procure the money; their masters
+making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. If it is
+not regularly paid they are flogged. Some take in washing, some cook
+on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &c., while others, younger
+and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. I knew a man
+from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman,
+kept two of these mulatto girls in an upper room at his store; his
+wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two
+weeks together, I have seen these two _kept misses_, as they are there
+called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to
+arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten days.
+
+The clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of
+slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. Not the
+hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be
+supposed to be destitute of sincerity.
+
+Going one morning to the Baptist Sunday School, in Wilmington, in
+which I was engaged, I fell in with the Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, who was
+going to the Presbyterian school. I asked him how he could bear to see
+the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running
+about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely
+neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the
+schools. His reply was substantially this:--"I can't bear it, Mr.
+Caulkins. I feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what
+can I do? MY HANDS ARE TIED."
+
+Now, if Mr. Hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of
+HIM who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said
+of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth
+is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how God
+abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouth on this subject,
+but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest
+support to the accursed system of slavery. I believe Mr. Hunt has
+since become an agent of the Temperance Society.
+
+In stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the
+practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to
+correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north.
+In doing this I am not at war with slave-holders. No, my soul is moved
+for them as well as for the poor slaves. May God send them repentance
+to the acknowledgment of the truth! Principle, on a subject of this
+nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be
+sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be
+broken. We have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has
+been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by
+necessity in his present condition.--Were we to ask, in the language
+of Pilate, "what evil have they done"--we may search their history, we
+cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor
+insulted us as a nation--that they are thus compelled to drag out a
+life in chains! subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any
+way they manifest a wish to be released.--Let us reverse the question.
+What evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters?
+First let us look at their persons, "neither clothed nor naked"--I
+have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and
+girls, and that too in winter. I knew one young man seventeen years of
+age, by the name of Dave, on Mr. J. Swan's plantation, worked day
+after day in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. The reason
+of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not
+keep clothes on him--he would get into the fire and burn them off.
+
+Follow them next to their huts; some with and some without floors:--Go
+at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some
+on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the
+night:--others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about
+them; and one or two lying in the ashes. These things _I have often
+seen with my own eyes._
+
+Examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven
+quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week; then follow
+them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the
+utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping.
+
+If they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as I
+have often been, and see them groaning under a burning fever or
+pleurisy, lying on some straw, their feet to the fire with barely a
+blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a
+bedstead.
+
+And after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings,
+need I ask, is there any evil connected with their condition? and if
+so; upon whom is it to be charged? I answer for myself, and the reader
+can do the same. Our government stands first chargeable for allowing
+slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. Second, the states for
+enacting laws to secure their victim. Third, the slaveholder for
+carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the
+blood. Fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not
+raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent
+to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of God. "The
+blood of Zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says
+Christ, "WILL I REQUIRE OF THIS GENERATION."
+
+Look at the slave, his condition but little, if at all, better than
+that of the brute; chained down by the law, and the will of his
+master; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those
+who plead for him, cast out as evil;--must not humanity let its voice
+be heard, and tell Israel their transgressions and Judah their sins?
+
+May God look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel
+task-masters! I verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in
+prayer. I have been to their prayer meetings and with them offered
+prayer in their behalf. I have heard some of them in their huts before
+day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their
+heavenly Father of their trials in the following and similar language.
+
+"Fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day
+long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa
+mus not know it.[2] Fader, have mercy on massa and missus. Fader, when
+shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come, and de
+poor slave go to heaven;" and in their meetings they frequently add,
+"Fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his
+family," and so on. They uniformly begin their meetings by singing the
+following--
+
+
+"And are we yet alive
+ To see each other's face," &c.
+
+[Footnote 2: At this time there was some fear of insurrection and the
+slaves were forbidden to hold meetings.]
+
+Is the ear of the Most High deaf to the prayer of the slave? I do
+firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer
+of this poor afflicted people will be answered.
+
+Emancipation would be safe. I have had eleven winters to learn the
+disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably
+and cheerfully work for pay. Give them education, equal and just laws,
+and they will become a most interesting people. Oh, let a cry be
+raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to
+demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation.
+                                   NEHEMIAH CAULKINS.
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. HORACE MOULTON.
+
+Mr. Moulton is an esteemed minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
+in Marlborough, Mass. He spent five years in Georgia, between 1817 and
+1824. The following communication has been recently received from him.
+
+MARLBOROUGH, MASS., Feb. 18, 1839.
+
+DEAR BROTHER--
+
+Yours of Feb. 2d, requesting me to write out a few facts on the
+subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. I
+hasten to comply with your request. Were it not, however, for the
+claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility
+resting upon me, in consequence of this request, I should forever hold
+my peace. For I well know that I shall bring upon myself a flood of
+persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. But I am
+willing to be set at nought by men, if I can be the means of promoting
+the welfare of the oppressed of our land. I shall not relate many
+particular cases of cruelty, though I might a great number; but shall
+give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their
+food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &c.
+
+Let me say, in the first place, that I spent nearly five years in
+Savannah, Georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years 1817 and
+1824. My object in going to the south, was to engage in making and
+burning brick; but not immediately succeeding, I engaged in no
+business of much profit until late in the winter, when I took charge
+of a set of hands and went to work. During my leisure, however, I was
+an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost
+every department of business. The next year, during the cold months, I
+had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul
+brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and
+cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. This gave me an
+extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics and planters. I had
+slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south.
+All the brick-yards, except one, on which I was engaged, were
+connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton
+field, tan-works, or with a wood lot. My business, usually, was to
+take charge of the brick-making department. At those jobs I have
+sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. I have
+been on the plantations in South Carolina, but have never been an
+overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public
+papers.
+
+I think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected
+with the account I may give of slavery, that the reader may have some
+knowledge of my acquaintance with _practical_ slavery: for many
+mechanics and merchants who go to the South, and stay there for years,
+know but little of the dark side of slavery. My account of slavery
+will apply to _field hands_, who compose much the largest portion of
+the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are
+kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &c., about the houses of the
+planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most
+of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. I will now proceed to take
+up specific points.
+
+THE LABOR OF THE SLAVES
+
+Males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations.
+On many plantations _tasks_ are given them. The best working hands can
+have some leisure time; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together
+with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often
+answer for non-performance of tasks at the _whipping-posts_. None who
+worked with me had tasks at any time. The rule was to work them from
+sun to sun. But when I was burning brick, they were obliged to take
+turns, and _sit up all night_ about every other night, and work all
+day. On one plantation, where I spent a few weeks, the slaves were
+called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and
+worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them _all night_. A
+large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on
+purpose to hire out--and they usually let them to those who will give
+the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment;
+and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest
+possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense.
+Women are seen bringing their infants into the field to their work,
+and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins with
+safety. When they get there, they must set them down in the dirt and
+go to work. Sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep.
+Others are left at home, shut up in their huts. Now, is it not
+barbarous, that the mother, with her child of children around her,
+half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her
+task? But so it is. Some who have very young ones, fix a little sack,
+and place the infants on their backs, and work. One reason, I presume
+is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mother's
+voice. Another is, the mothers fear that the poisonous vipers and
+snakes will bite them. Truly, I never knew any place where the land is
+so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low
+lands round about Savannah. The moccasin snakes, so called, and water
+rattle-snakes--the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our
+upland rattlesnakes at the north,--are found in myriads about the
+stagnant waters and swamps of the South. The females, in order to
+secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as I have said,
+often work with their infants on their backs. Females are sometimes
+called to take the hardest part of the work. On some brick yards where
+I have been, the women have been selected as the _moulders_ of brick,
+instead of the men.
+
+II. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES.
+
+It was a general custom, wherever I have been, for the masters to give
+each of his slaves, male and female, _one peck of corn per week_ for
+their food. This at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was
+worth when I was there, would amount to twelve and a half cents per
+week for board per head.
+
+It cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for
+board. The price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. This would make
+my board equal in amount to the board of _forty-six slaves!_ This is
+all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about Savannah
+on the plantations. One peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out
+to each slave once every week. One man with whom I labored, however,
+being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before I
+left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a
+week, a beef's head from market. With this, they made a soup in a
+large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and
+dipping out the soup, would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as
+though it were a feast. This man permitted his slaves to eat twice a
+day while I was doing a job for him. He promised me a beaver hat and
+as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if I would
+accomplish so much for him before I returned to the north; giving me
+the entire control over his slaves. Thus you may see the temptations
+overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor
+slaves. The above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. For
+in all other places where I worked and visited; the slaves had
+_nothing from their masters but the corn_, or its equivalent in
+potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but
+_once a day_. The custom was to blow the horn early in the morning,
+as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work, when commenced; they
+continued work until about eleven o'clock, A.M., when, at the signal,
+all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made
+their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again
+at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their
+tasks were done. Some cooked their breakfast in the field while at
+work. Each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has
+done his work at night. There is generally one hand-mill on every
+plantation for the use of the slaves.
+
+Some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. The
+substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peek of corn either in
+rice or sweet potatoes; neither of which is as good for the slaves as
+corn. They complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes,
+than when fed on corn. I was with one man a few weeks who gave me his
+hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the
+rest. The following course was taken,--Two crotched sticks were driven
+down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the
+crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole;
+then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony; when
+ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden
+plates and spoons. They dipped out and ate standing around the kettle,
+or sitting upon the ground, as best suited their convenience. When
+they had potatoes they took them out with their hands, and ate them.
+As soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow
+their food they were called to their work again. _This was the only
+meal they ate through the day._ now think of the little, almost naked
+and half starved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold Indian cake,
+or a potato! Think of the poor female, just ready to be confined,
+without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable! Think
+of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but
+the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of
+_home_. When sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers,
+in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding and in administering
+large potions of Epsom salts, when the whip and _cursing_ will not
+start them from their cabins.
+
+III. HOUSES.
+
+The huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. They are not as
+good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads.
+They are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no
+frame-work about them. They have no stoves or chimneys; some of them
+have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or two off at
+that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. Others have nothing
+like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is sometimes made in the
+middle of the hut. These buildings have but one apartment in them; the
+places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows;
+the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances
+with refuse boards. In warm weather, especially in the spring, the
+slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away
+the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low
+country of the south; so much so that the whites sleep under frames
+with nets over them, knit so fine that the musketoes cannot fly
+through them.
+
+Some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but
+I should think _more have not_. During driving storms they frequently
+have to run from one hut to another for shelter. In the coldest
+weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all
+night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the
+blaze. Men, women and children all lie down together, in most
+instances. There may be exceptions to the above statements in regard
+to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, I have
+given a fair description, and I have been on a large number of
+plantations in Georgia and South Carolina up and down the Savannah
+river. Their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations,
+forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of
+slaves on them. In these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at
+night like swine, _without any conveniences of beadsteads, tables or
+chairs._ O Misery to the full! to see the aged sire beating off the
+swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in
+the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags.
+I should think males and females, both lie down at night with their
+working clothes on them. God alone knows how much the poor slaves
+suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the
+piercing winds and howling storms of winter, almost as much in Georgia
+as I do in Massachusetts.
+
+IV. CLOTHING.
+
+The masters [in Georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of
+clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin
+one for summer. They provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes
+for each slave in _winter_. These shoes usually begin to rip in a few
+weeks. The negroes' mode of mending them is, to _wire_ them together,
+in many instances. Do our northern shoemakers know that they are
+augmenting the sufferings of the poor slaves with their almost good
+for nothing sale shoes? Inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor
+sufferers it is done unto our Saviour. The above practice of clothing
+the slave is customary to some extent. How many, however, fail of
+this, God only knows. The children and old slaves are, I should think,
+_exceptions_ to the above rule. The males and females have their suits
+from the same cloth for their winter dresses. These winter garments
+appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and
+_sleazy_. The whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons
+and a short sailor-jacket, _without shirt, vest, hat, stockings, or
+any kind of loose garments!_ These, if worn steadily when at work,
+would not probably last more than one or two months; therefore, for
+the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer,
+with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and
+_almost all_ with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these
+frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common
+decency. The women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short
+loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, _without any
+under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any kind of
+over-clothes._ When at work in the warm weather, they usually strip
+off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat with
+some kind of covering over their breasts. Many children may be seen in
+the summer months _as naked as they came into the world_. I think, as
+a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed clothes,
+than they do for wearing apparel. It is true, that some by begging or
+buying have more clothes than above described, but the _masters
+provide them with no more_. They are miserable objects of pity. It may
+be said of many of them, "I was _naked_ and ye clothed me not." It is
+enough to melt the hardest heart to see the ragged mothers nursing
+their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to
+eat. The Southern horses and dogs have enough to eat and good care
+taken of them, but Southern negroes, who can describe their misery?
+
+V. PUNISHMENTS.
+
+The ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous.
+The masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral
+influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding,
+_cat-hauling_, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel
+mode of torturing. They often boast of having invented some new mode
+of torture, by which they have "tamed the rascals," What is called a
+moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. Should we whip our
+horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences,
+we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. The masters whip
+for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being
+caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking any thing from
+the master's yard without leave. For these, and the like crimes, the
+slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a
+hundred, on the bare back. One slave, who was under my care, was
+whipped, I think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handful of
+wood from his master's yard without leave. I heard an overseer
+boasting to this same master that he gave one of the boys seventy
+lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be
+done. The owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer
+had been so faithful. The apology they make for whipping so cruelly
+is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. The masters say, that
+what we call an ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves; hence
+the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are
+daily and _hourly_ inflicted upon the naked bodies of these miserable
+bondmen; not by masters and negro-drivers only, but by the constables
+in the common markets and jailors in their yards.
+
+When the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have
+their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for
+the purpose: this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or
+something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as
+high as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or floor:
+and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe; then the feet are
+made fast to something prepared for them. In this distorted posture
+the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his
+implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the
+shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears, or on
+parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment.
+Occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough
+to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering
+the most horrid oaths; while the victim of his rage is crying, at
+every stroke, "Lord have mercy! Lord have mercy!" The scenes exhibited
+at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose
+heart has not turned to stone; I never could look on but a moment.
+While under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed
+with torture. Thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin
+at almost every stroke, is what the South calls a very _moderate
+punishment!_ Many masters whip until they are tired--until the back is
+a gore of blood--then rest upon it: after a short cessation, get up
+and go at it again; and after having satiated their revenge in the
+blood of their victims, they sometimes _leave them tied, for hours
+together, bleeding at every wound_.--Sometimes, after being whipped,
+they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. Now and then a master,
+but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to
+jail a few days, giving orders to have them whipped, so many lashes,
+once or twice a day. Sometimes, after being whipped, some have been
+shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase
+their torments: and I have heard of some who have, in such
+circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation.
+
+Such scenes of horror as above described are so common in Georgia that
+they attract no attention. To threaten them with death, with breaking
+in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is _common talk_,
+when scolding at the slaves.--Those who run away from their masters
+and are caught again generally fare the worst. They are generally
+lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly
+whipped. Some order the constables to whip them publicly in the
+market. Constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. They
+have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they
+are as fierce as tigers. Slaves who are absent from their yards, or
+plantations, after eight o'clock P.M., and are taken by the guard in
+the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for
+before nine o'clock A.M. the next day, secured in prisons; and hardly
+ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cowhide. On
+plantations, the _evenings_ usually present scenes of horror. Those
+slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed
+their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night,
+undergo their torments. I have often heard the sound of the lash, the
+curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the
+air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning.
+
+It is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, "put
+it on to them," "don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one
+hundred lashes," &c. Whipping the women when in delicate
+circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their
+entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly
+barbarous. If negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances
+of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the
+whipping-post. I heard of such things at the south--they are
+undoubtedly facts. Children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest
+offences, and that before their mothers. A large proportion of the
+blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a
+few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and
+brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes--some have had
+their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out; while others
+have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out.
+Some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of one of their eyes by
+the careless blows of the whipper, or by some other violence.
+
+But punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of
+torture. Some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must
+stand _all night_, and they will then work them hard all day--that is,
+work them hard all day and torment them all night. Others punish by
+fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on
+the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. This breaks the skin,
+I should presume, at every hole where it comes in contact with it.
+Others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them,
+_cat-haul_ them--that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail,
+or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until
+satisfied. This kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than
+the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. Some are branded by a hot
+iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them.
+Some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their
+ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on
+the ground. Others have on large iron collars or yokes upon their
+necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. Some have bells
+put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. Some
+masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with
+their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. The
+whiplash-knots, or rawhide, have sometimes by a reckless stroke
+reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels.
+One slaveholder with whom I lived, whipped one of his slaves one day,
+as many, I should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the
+_butt-end_ and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly I
+was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. Not a few
+slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died
+under a "moderate correction." I wonder that ten are not killed where
+one is! Were they not much hardier than the whites many more of them
+must die than do. One young mulatto man, with whom I was well
+acquainted, was killed by his master in his yard with _impunity_. I
+boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was
+committed, and knew the master well. He had a plantation, on which he
+enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, I was
+informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. Little notice
+was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action
+being taken against the murderer. The masters used to try to make me
+whip their negroes. They said I could not get along with them without
+flogging them--but I found I could get along better with them by
+coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. I had
+not a heart to beat and kick about those beings; although I had not
+grace in my heart the three first years I was there, yet I sympathised
+with the slaves. I never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he
+was whipped but eight or nine blows. The circumstances were as
+follows: Several negroes were put under my care, one spring, _who were
+fresh from Congo and Guinea_. I could not understand them, neither
+could they me, in one word I spoke. I therefore pointed to them to go
+to work; all obeyed me willingly but one--he refused. I told the
+driver that he must tie him up and whip him. After he had tied him, by
+the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he
+yielded. I told the driver not to strike him another blow. We untied
+him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was
+with me. This one was not a sample, however--many of them have such
+exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip
+them into brutes, that is to subdue their noble spirits. The negroes
+being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping
+them when they pleased. But they never whipped much in my presence.
+This work was usually left until I had dismissed the hands. On the
+plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the
+presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror.
+
+VI. RUNAWAYS
+
+Numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters; some of whom
+doubtless perish in the swamps and other secret places, rather than
+return back again to their masters; others stay away until they almost
+famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others
+who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways.
+Sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to
+secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many
+come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. The
+slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out
+in it. The master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to
+betray the runaways. Some obtain their living in hunting after lost
+slaves. The most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them.
+This can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods,
+and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a
+little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when
+found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a
+tree. There was a man living in Savannah when I was there, who kept a
+large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway
+negroes. And he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of
+runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had
+fled, he was almost sure to catch him. And this fear of the dogs
+restrains multitudes from running off.
+
+When he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, he
+took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and
+followed by the dogs. The dogs were as true to the track of a negro,
+if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when
+he has found it. When the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must
+turn and fight them or climb a tree. If the latter, the dogs will stay
+and bark until the pursuer come. The blacks frequently deceive the
+dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. Should the hunters who
+have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not
+stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would
+at a deer. Some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or
+alive. It undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their
+property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to
+get it. Some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. I will
+mention one. He run off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a
+weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but
+was afterwards shot. He had declared, that he never would be taken
+alive. The people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the
+death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. Poor fellow, he
+fought for life and liberty like a hero; but the bullets brought him
+down. A negro can hardly walk unmolested at the south.--Every colored
+stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave,
+hence he must be interrogated by every negro hater whom he meets, and
+should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to
+jail. Some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they
+could. How little they know of their slaves! They are all sighing and
+groaning for freedom. May God hasten the time!
+
+VII. CONFINEMENT AT NIGHT.
+
+When the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded
+together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. They have
+not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for
+debt, for they have liberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves
+have. The slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight
+o'clock, P.M. At this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal
+for every slave to be in his den. In the country, the signal is given
+by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when
+to be at home. After this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols
+in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the
+morning. If they catch any negroes during the night without a pass,
+they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if
+in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until
+nine o'clock, A.M., the next day, if not called for by that time, they
+are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their
+master and his jail and guard house fees paid. The guards and patrols
+receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a
+pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their
+slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business:
+notwithstanding, many venture out, watching every step they take for
+the guard or patrol, the consequence is, some are caught almost every
+night, and some nights many are taken; some, fleeing after being
+hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting their escape, others
+are crippled for life. I find I shall not be able to write out more at
+present. My ministerial duties are pressing, and if I delay this till
+the next mail, I fear it will not be in season. Your brother for those
+who are in bonds,
+
+HORACE MOULTON
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF SARAH M. GRIMKÉ.
+
+Miss Grimké is a daughter of the late Judge Grimké, of the Supreme
+Court of South Carolina, and sister of the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké.
+
+As I left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home
+of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of
+tortured victims, I would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of
+those scenes with which I have been familiar; but this may not, cannot
+be; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with
+resistless power, in the name of a God of mercy, in the name of a
+crucified Savior, in the name of humanity; for the sake of the
+slaveholder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of
+the southern prison house. I feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty,
+by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims
+of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of
+American slavery,--to detail a few facts, most of which came under my
+_personal observation_. And here I may premise, that the actors in
+these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability,
+and of the first families in South Carolina, and, with one exception,
+citizens of Charleston; and that their cruelties did not in the
+slightest degree affect their standing in society.
+
+A handsome mulatto woman, about 18 or 20 years of age, whose
+independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in
+the habit of running away: for this offence she had been repeatedly
+sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the keeper of the
+Charleston work-house. This had been done with such inhuman severity,
+as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; a finger could not
+be laid between the cuts. But the love of liberty was too strong to be
+annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, she was whipped at
+several different times, and kept a close prisoner. A heavy iron
+collar, with three long prongs projecting from it, was placed round
+her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth was extracted, to serve
+as a mark to describe her, in case of escape. Her sufferings at this
+time were agonizing; she could lie in no position but on her back,
+which was sore from scourgings, as I can testify, from personal
+inspection, and her only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket.
+These outrages were committed in a family where the mistress daily
+read the scriptures, and assembled her children for family worship.
+She was accounted, and was really, so far as almsgiving was concerned,
+a charitable woman, and tender hearted to the poor; and yet this
+suffering slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was continually
+in her presence, sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her
+other household work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her
+mutilated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared,
+exciting any feelings of compassion.
+
+A highly intelligent slave, who panted after freedom with ceaseless
+longings, made many attempts to get possession of himself. For every
+offence he was punished with extreme severity. At one time he was tied
+up by his hands to a tree, and whipped until his back was one gore of
+blood. To this terrible infliction he was subjected at intervals for
+several weeks, and kept heavily ironed while at his work. His master
+one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion
+and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not
+credited. He again repelled the charge with honest indignation. His
+master's temper rose almost to frenzy; and seizing a fork, he made a
+deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. The man being far his
+superior in strength, caught the arm, and dashed the weapon on the
+floor. His master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged
+himself, and rushed from the apartment, having made his escape, he
+fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living
+on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and
+committed to jail. Here he lay for a considerable time, allowed
+scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking
+manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master
+visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. The
+filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor
+creature had been immured in it. Although a black man, such had been
+the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he
+hardly recognized him--his complexion was so yellow, and his hair,
+naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty; an infallible
+sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. Stripes,
+imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit
+for a season; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, he was
+"as humble as a dog." After a time he made another attempt to escape,
+and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, _dead or
+alive_. He eluded every attempt to take him, and his master,
+despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he
+would return home. It is always understood that such intelligence will
+reach the runaway; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and
+mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter
+bondage. I believe this was the last effort to obtain his liberty. His
+heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit
+which no inflictions could subdue, bowed at the cross of Jesus, and
+with the language on his lips--"the cup that my father hath given me,
+shall I not drink it?" submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and
+wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. The
+master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the
+most influential and honored citizens of South Carolina, and to his
+equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb.
+
+A slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited
+the convenience of his owner, ran away. He was taken up on the
+plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then
+lived. His only object in running away was to return to her--no other
+fault was attributed to him. For this offence he was confined in the
+stocks _six weeks_, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. He
+received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely
+sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not
+permitted to return to his wife. His master, although himself a
+husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the
+slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife,
+promising to discharge his duties faithfully; his master continued
+inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. The owner of
+this slave was a professing Christian, in full membership with the
+church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his
+chamber during his last illness.
+
+A punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is
+unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance
+of mine in Charleston--I heard her say so with much satisfaction. It
+is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. Afterwards
+it was improved upon, and a strap was contrived to fasten around the
+ankle and pass around the neck; so that the least weight of the foot
+resting on the strap would choke the person. The pain occasioned by
+this unnatural position was great; and when continued, as it sometimes
+was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. I heard this same
+woman say, that she had the ears of her waiting maid _slit_ for some
+petty theft. This she told me in the presence of the girl, who was
+standing in the room. She often had the helpless victims of her
+cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the
+instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe
+chastisement. Her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was
+often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. In his last illness
+I was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. The girl on whom
+he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours; and
+when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter
+agony of spirit, "Oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, I can
+see them all around me--take them away!" and amid such exclamations he
+expired. These persons were of one of the first families in
+Charleston.
+
+A friend of mine, in whose veracity I have entire confidence, told me
+that about two years ago, a woman in Charleston with whom I was well
+acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. She was confined in a
+solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow
+and horrible death of starvation. This woman was notoriously cruel. To
+those who have read the narrative of James Williams I need only say,
+that the character of young Larrimore's wife is an exact description
+of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles
+when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether
+millstone toward her slaves.
+
+As I was traveling in the lower country in South Carolina, a number of
+years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of
+horror from the coachman, who called out, "Look there, Miss Sarah,
+don't you see?"--I looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human
+head stuck up on a high pole. On inquiry, I found that a runaway
+slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from
+his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves
+from running away.
+
+On a plantation in North Carolina, where I was visiting, I happened
+one day, in my rambles, to step into a negro cabin; my compassion was
+instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. A slave,
+whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel;
+he had under his head a few filthy rags but the boards were his only
+bed, it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every
+part of the dilapidated building--he opened his languid eyes when I
+spoke, and in reply to my question, "What is the matter?" He said, "I
+am dying of a cancer in my side."--As he removed the rags which
+covered the sore, I found that it extended half round the body, and
+was shockingly neglected. I inquired if he had any nurse. "No,
+missey," was his answer, "but de people (the slaves) very kind to me,
+dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me some ting to eat;
+if dey did not, I might starve." The master and mistress of this man,
+who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their
+intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who
+were of their own grade in society: the master had for some time held
+the highest military office in North Carolina, and not long previous
+to the time of which I speak, was the Governor of the State.
+
+On a plantation in South Carolina, I witnessed a similar case of
+suffering--an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the
+same miserably neglected situation. The "owner" of this slave was
+proverbially kind to her negroes; so much so, that the planters in the
+neighborhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might
+produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet I have seen this
+woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her
+use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of
+Bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite
+slave to the workhouse to be severely whipped.
+
+Another fact occurs to me. A young woman about eighteen, stated some
+circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought
+derogatory to his character; whether true or false, I am unable to
+say; she was threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming
+that she had only spoken the truth. Finding her incorrigible, it was
+concluded to send her to the Charleston workhouse and have her whipt;
+she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much
+because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind
+shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal
+and licentious men; she declared to me that death would be preferable;
+but her entreaties were vain, and as there was no means of escaping
+but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her
+timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily
+encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a
+state of despair.--She was apprehended after a few weeks, by two
+slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening
+they concluded to spend the night there. What inhuman treatment she
+received from them has never been revealed. They tied her with cords
+to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon
+fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by
+intoxication and fatigue; but the miserable captive slumbered not; by
+some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled
+through the lone wilderness. After a few days she was discovered in a
+wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited; she was
+speechless; a raging fever consumed her vitals, and when a physician
+saw her, he said she was dying of a disease brought on by over
+fatigue; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached
+her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad
+consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies
+of her child.
+
+A beloved friend in South Carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with
+whom I often mingled my tears, when helpless and hopeless we deplored
+together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the
+following circumstance.
+
+On the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a slave of
+pre-eminent piety. His master was not a professor of religion, but the
+superior excellence of this disciple of Christ was not unmarked by
+him, and I believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his
+piety that he did not deprive him of the few religious privileges
+within his reach. A planter was one day dining with the owner of this
+slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession
+of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. The other asserted a
+contrary opinion, adding, I have a slave who I believe would rather
+die than deny his Saviour. This was ridiculed, and the master urged to
+prove the assertion. He accordingly sent for this man of God, and
+peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the Lord Jesus Christ.
+The slave pleaded to be excused, constantly affirming that he would
+rather die than deny the Redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. His
+master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him
+terribly whipped. The fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken;
+he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at
+the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr _died in
+consequence of this severe infliction_. Oh, how bright a gem will this
+victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the
+Redeemer's brow; and that many such will cluster there, I have not the
+shadow of a doubt.
+
+
+SARAH M. GRIMKÉ. _Fort Lee, Bergen County, New Jersey, 3rd Month,
+26th_, 1830.
+
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE LATE REV. JOHN GRAHAM of Townsend, Mass., who resided
+in S. Carolina, from 1831, to the latter part of 1833. Mr. Graham
+graduated at Amherst College in 1829, spent some time at the
+Theological Seminary, in New Haven, Ct., and went to South Carolina,
+for his health in 1830. He resided principally on the island of St.
+Helena, S.C., and most of the time in the family of James Tripp, Esq.,
+a wealthy slave holding planter. During his residence at St. Helena,
+he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated
+preacher on the island. Mr. G. was extensively known in Massachusetts;
+and his fellow students and instructers, at Amherst College, and at
+Yale Theological Seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and
+moral worth. The following are extracts of letters, which he wrote
+while in South Carolina, to an intimate friend in Concord,
+Massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication.
+
+EXTRACTS.
+
+_Springfield, St. Helena Isl., S.C., Oct. 22, 1832._
+
+"Last night, about one o'clock, I was awakened by the report of a
+musket. I was out of bed almost instantly. On opening my window, I
+found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. He had let off his
+pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and day, at a slave, who
+had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with one of his
+house servants. He did not hit him. The ball, taken from a pine tree
+the next morning, I will show you, should I be spared by Providence
+ever to return to you. The house servant was called to the master's
+chamber, where he received 75 lashes, very severe too; and I could not
+only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly
+as I lay in my bed. What was then done with the servant I know not.
+Nothing was said of this to me in the morning and I presume it will
+ever be kept from me with care, if I may judge of kindred acts. I
+shall make no comment."
+
+In the same letter, Mr. Graham says:--
+
+"You ask me of my hostess"--then after giving an idea of her character
+says: "To day, she has I verily believe laid, in a very severe manner
+too, more than 300 _stripes_, upon the house servants," (17 in
+number.)
+
+_Darlington, Court Moons. S.C. March, 28th, 1838._
+
+"I walked up to the Court House to day, where I heard one of the most
+interesting cases I ever heard. I say interesting, on account of its
+novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases
+are of frequent occurrence. The case was this: To know whether two
+ladies, present in court, were _white_ or _black_. The ladies were
+dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look,
+having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the
+etiquette of southern behaviour.
+
+"A man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the
+rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming,
+innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of
+putting them into the field, and thus increasing his STOCK! As well as
+the people of Concord are known to be of a peaceful disposition, and
+for their love of good order, I verily believe if a similar trial
+should be brought forward there and conducted as this was, the good
+people would drive the lawyers out of the house. Such would be their
+indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of
+trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in
+this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to
+the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties.
+Oh slavery! if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. If
+bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas
+against you, accursed thing! How many white sons and daughters have
+bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &c.
+
+Under date of March, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I have been doing what I
+hope never to be called to do again, and what I fear I have badly
+done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a
+very bad wound made by a wild hog. The slave was hunting wild hogs,
+when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who turning
+to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in
+the thigh. The wound is about five inches long and very deep. It was
+made by the tusk of the animal. The slaves brought him to one of the
+huts on Mr. Tripp's plantation and made every exertion to stop the
+blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping
+blood) but finding this to fail they came to me (there being no other
+white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if I
+could stop the blood. I went and found that the poor creature must
+bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. I called for a needle
+and succeeded in sewing it up as well as I could, and in stopping the
+blood. In a short time his master, who had been sent for came; and
+oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that
+fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath "_to pay him for
+that_!" I left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty
+thanks that I had saved him $500! Oh, may heaven protect the poor,
+suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty--oh
+slavery! slavery!"
+
+Under date of July, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I wish you could have been
+at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard
+what I saw and heard, not that I wish your ear and heart and soul
+pained as mine is, with every day's observation 'of wrong and outrage'
+with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and
+ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal
+language can never describe--that you might see the tender mercies of
+a hardened slaveholder, one who bears the name of being _one of the
+mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast_. Oh,
+my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but
+for what I know not. The scene this morning was truly distressing to
+me. It was this:--_After the blessing was asked_ at the breakfast
+table, one of the servants, a woman grown, in giving one of the
+children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual,
+though not more than the child usually eats. Her master was angry at
+the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. He rose from
+the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other
+began to beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the
+other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table,
+it hurt his hand too much to continue it longer. He then took off his
+_shoe_, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand,
+till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and
+raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. He then
+called a great overgrown negro _to hold her hands behind her_ while he
+should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. In this position he
+began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. It now became
+intolerable to bear; she _fell, screaming to me for help_. After she
+fell, he beat her until I thought she would have died in his hands.
+She got up, however, went out and washed off the blood and came in
+before we rose from table, one of the most pitiable objects I ever saw
+till I came to the South. Her ears were almost as thick as my hand,
+her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and
+whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was Etta--and
+for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and _thank
+her master!_ Now, all this was done while I was sitting at breakfast
+with the rest of the family. Think you not I wished myself sitting
+with the peaceful and happy circle around your table? Think of my
+feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel
+master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may
+inflict. Think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers."
+
+In a letter dated St. Helena Island, S.C., Dec. 3, 1832, Mr. G.
+writes, "If a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too
+great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is
+only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to
+increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it.
+I saw TWENTY-SEVEN _whipped at one time_ just because they did not do
+more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely
+drag one foot after the other."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. WILLIAM POE
+
+
+Mr. Poe is a native of Richmond, Virginia, and was formerly a
+slaveholder. He was for several years a merchant in Richmond, and
+subsequently in Lynchburg, Virginia. A few years since, he emancipated
+his slaves, and removed to Hamilton County, Ohio, near Cincinnati;
+where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the Presbyterian
+church. He says,--
+
+"I am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to God, to the
+oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all
+their days, could move me to say a word. I will state to you a _few_
+cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if I had
+language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery,
+even in its mildest form.
+
+Benjamin James Harris, a wealthy tobacconist of Richmond, Virginia,
+whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. While he was whipping
+her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various
+places, and burned her severely. The verdict of the coroner's inquest
+was, "Died of excessive whipping." He was tried in Richmond, and
+acquitted. I attended the trial. Some years after, this same Harris
+whipped another slave to death. The man had not done so much work as
+was required of him. After a number of protracted and violent
+scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the
+lash. Harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks
+saw it done. The same man afterwards whipped another slave severely,
+for not doing work to please him. After repeated and severe floggings
+in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of
+pleasing him, cut off his own hand. Harris soon after became a
+bankrupt, went to New Orleans to recruit his finances, failed, removed
+to Kentucky, became a maniac, and died.
+
+A captain in the United States' Navy, who married a daughter of the
+collector of the port of Richmond, and resided there, became offended
+with his negro boy, took him into the meat house, put him upon a
+stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it
+over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could just
+stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position,
+flogging him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted
+that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died.
+The master was tried and acquitted.
+
+In Goochland County, Virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree,
+flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush
+around him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. The overseer was
+tried and imprisoned. The whole transaction may be found on the
+records of the court.
+
+In traveling, one day, from Petersburg to Richmond, Virginia, I heard
+cries of distress at a distance, on the road. I rode up, and found two
+white men, beating a slave. One of them had hold of a rope, which was
+passed under the bottom of a fence; the other end was fastened around
+the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face,
+with his back bared. The other was beating him furiously with a large
+hickory.
+
+A slaveholder in Henrico County, Virginia, had a slave who used
+frequently to work for my father. One morning he came into the field
+with his back completely _cut up_, and mangled from his head to his
+heels. The man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. This same
+person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him down, and
+struck out one of his eyes with a maul. The eyes of several of his
+slaves were injured by similar violence.
+
+In Richmond, Virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large
+warehouse. They got angry with a negro lad, one of their slaves, took
+him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole though
+the floor, and passed the rope up through it. Some of the family drew
+up the boy, while others whipped. This they continued until the boy
+died. The warehouse was owned by a Mr. Whitlock, on the scite of one
+formerly owned by a Mr. Philpot.
+
+Joseph Chilton, a resident of Campbell County, Virginia, purchased a
+quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, as he said, of putting it on
+one of his negro's heads, that he had sometime previous pitched or
+tarred over, for running away.
+
+In the town of Lynchburg, Virginia, there was a negro man put in
+prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he,
+as head man of a boat, received at Richmond, to be delivered at
+Lynchburg. The goods belonged to A.B. Nichols, of Liberty, Bedford
+County, Virginia. He came to Lynchburg, and desired the jailor to
+permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was _no
+proof against him_. Mr. Williams, (I think that is his name,) a pious
+Methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a
+great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of
+Nichols. Nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists
+together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit
+a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the
+slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. He then
+commenced his bloody work, and continued, at intervals, until 500
+blows were inflicted. I received this statement from Nichols himself,
+who was, by the way, a _son of the land of "steady habits_," where
+there are many like him, if we may judge from their writings, sayings,
+and doings."
+
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.
+
+
+I. FOOD.
+
+We begin with the _food_ of the slaves, because if they are ill
+treated in this respect we may be sure that they will be ill treated
+in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. For a man
+habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of
+meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter
+indifference to their comfort. The father who stints his children or
+domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his
+laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when
+able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon
+as unfeeling and cruel. All mankind agree to call such a character
+inhuman. If any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of
+hunger. The Arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will
+freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at
+his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of
+his money. Even savages take pity on hunger. Who ever went famishing
+from an Indian's wigwam? As much as hunger craves, is the Indian's
+free gift even to an enemy. The necessity for food is such a universal
+want, so constant, manifest and imperative, that the heart is more
+touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that
+want than any other. He who can habitually inflict on others the pain
+of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on
+them any other pain. He can kick and cuff and flog and brand them, put
+them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep,
+lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep
+without covering.
+
+Other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted
+as soon as done--the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent
+state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation.
+But he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient
+sustenance, can plead no such palliation. The fact itself shows, that
+his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to
+their wants and sufferings--A state of mind which will naturally,
+necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions
+upon them, when it can be done with impunity.
+
+If, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not
+furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually
+inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to
+their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and
+severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men
+are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more
+ready to relieve that want than any other; but also, because it is
+more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any
+other; consequently, if the slave suffer in this respect, he must as
+the general rule, suffer _more_ in other respects.
+
+We now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. This
+will be shown first from the express declarations of slaveholders, and
+other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave
+states, that the slaves generally are _under-fed._ And then, by the
+laws of slave states, and by the testimony of slaveholders and others,
+the _kind, quantity_, and _quality,_ of their allowance will be given,
+and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave _must_ not
+be a sufferer.
+
+
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUNGER--DECLARATIONS OF SLAVE-HOLDERS AND
+OTHERS
+
+
+
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slave holder, and for ten years, Member of
+Congress from Virginia, in his speech on the Missouri question. Jan
+28th, 1820.
+
+"By confining the slaves to the Southern states, where crops are
+raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you _doom
+them to scarcity and hunger._ It is proposed to hem in the blacks
+where they are ILL FED."
+
+
+Rev. George Whitefield, in his letter, to the slave holders of Md. Va.
+N.C. S.C. and Ga. published in Georgia, just one hundred years ago,
+1739.
+
+"My blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your
+slaves _have not sufficient food to eat;_ they are scarcely permitted
+to _pick up the crumbs,_ that fall from their master's table."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee, and for same
+years a preacher in slave states.
+
+"Thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger
+during their whole lives."
+
+
+Report of the Gradual Emancipation Society, of North Carolina, 1826.
+Signed Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary.
+
+Speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that
+state, the report says,--"The master puts the unfortunate wretches
+upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so
+that a _great part_ of them go _half starved_ much of the time."
+
+
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a Theological Student, who resided near Natchez,
+Miss., in 1834-5.
+
+"On almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger
+at some seasons of almost every year. There is always a _good deal of
+suffering_ from hunger. On many plantations, and particularly in
+Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment,_
+during a great portion of the year."
+
+
+Thomas Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a Slaveholder.
+
+"From various causes this [the slave's allowance of food] is _often_
+not adequate to the support of a laboring man."
+
+
+Mr. Tobias Boudinot, St Albans, Ohio, a member of the Methodist
+Church. Mr. B. for some years navigated the Mississippi.
+
+"The slaves down the Mississippi, are _half-starved,_ the boats, when
+they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for
+something to eat."
+
+
+President Edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the Conn. Abolition
+Society, 1791.
+
+"The slaves are supplied with barely enough to keep them from
+_starving._"
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro' Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+
+"As a general thing on the plantations, the slaves suffer extremely
+for the want of food."
+
+
+Rev. George Bourne, late editor of the Protestant Vindicator, N.Y.,
+who was seven years pastor of a church in Virginia.
+
+"The slaves are deprived of _needful_ sustenance."
+
+
+2. KINDS OF FOOD.
+
+Hon. Robert Turnbull, a slaveholder of Charleston, South Carolina.
+
+"The subsistence of the slaves consists, from March until August, of
+corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or
+baked into corn bread. The other six months, they are fed upon the
+sweet potatoe. Meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or
+favor._"
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver Co., Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi, in 1836-7.
+
+"The food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and _sometimes_ meat
+or molasses."
+
+
+Reuben G. Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+resided in South Carolina.
+
+"The slaves had no food allowed them besides _corn,_ excepting at
+Christmas, when they had beef."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, and recently of Madison
+Co., Alabama, now member, of the Presbyterian Church, Delhi, Ohio.
+
+"On my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves, was corn-pone and a
+small allowance of meat."
+
+
+WILLIAM LADD, Esq., of Minot, Me., president of the American Peace
+Society, and formerly a slaveholder of Florida, gives the following
+testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves.
+
+"The usual food of the slaves was _corn_, with a modicum of salt. In
+some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea
+water for salt in their little pots. For about eight days near
+Christmas, i.e., from the Saturday evening before, to the Sunday
+evening after Christmas day, they were allowed some _meat_. They
+always with one single exception ground their corn in a hand-mill, and
+cooked their food themselves."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a preacher of the
+Methodist Episcopal church, in Fayette county, Ohio.
+
+"In March, 1838, Mr. Thomas Larrimer, a deacon of the Presbyterian
+church in Bloomingbury, Fayette county, Ohio, Mr. G.S. Fullerton,
+merchant, and member of the same church, and Mr. William A. Ustick, an
+elder of the same church, spent a night with a Mr. Shepherd, about 30
+miles North of Charleston, S.C., on the Monk's corner road. He owned
+five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal
+and meat tubs as himself, but that 90 out of a 100 of all the slaves
+in that county _saw meat but once a year_, which was on Christmas
+holidays."
+
+As an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon
+slaves, in respect to the _kind_ as well as the quality and quantity
+of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony
+of the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. General Hampton
+was for some time commander in chief of the army on the Canada
+frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about
+three years since, was the largest slaveholder in the United States.
+The General's testimony is contained in the following extract of a
+letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west,
+extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. His name is with
+the executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+
+"You refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this
+place, respecting the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina,
+and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the
+case--considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the
+history of slavery: 1st, That the habit of slaveholding dreadfully
+blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility
+that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. 2d, That
+the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality.
+
+"I received my information from a lady in the west of high
+respectability and great moral worth,--but think it best to withhold
+her name, although the statement was not made in confidence.
+
+"My informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with
+General Wade Hampton, and several others; that the conversation turned
+upon the treatment of their servants, &c.; when the General undertook
+to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had
+made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. He said that he
+first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which
+they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to
+them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any
+important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed
+to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared,
+with an oath, that 'they died like rotten sheep!!' It is but justice
+to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost
+indignation; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance
+from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other
+with astonishment. I give it to you just as I received it from one who
+was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable.
+
+"It is proper to add that I had previously formed an acquaintance with
+Dr. Witherspoon, now of Alabama, if alive; whose former residence was
+in South Carolina; from whom I received a particular account of the
+manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of General
+Wade Hampton, and others in the same part of the State; and certainly
+no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such
+masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether
+millstone. The cotton seed experiment I had heard of before also, as
+having been made in other parts of the south; consequently, I was
+prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if I had not
+been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant."
+
+
+2. QUANTITY OF FOOD
+
+The legal allowance of food for slaves in North Carolina, is in the
+words of the law, "a quart of corn per day." See Haywood's Manual,
+525. The legal allowance in Louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel]
+of corn, (in the ear,) or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of
+salt a month. In the other slave states the amount of food for the
+slaves is left to the option of the master.
+
+
+Thos. Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a slave holder, in his address before
+the Georgia Presbytery, 1833.
+
+"The quantity allowed by custom is _a peck of corn a week_!"
+
+
+The Maryland Journal, and Baltimore Advertiser, May 30, 1788.
+
+"_A single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the
+_ordinary_ quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which
+a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, and Elder in the
+Presbyterian Church, Wilksbarre, Penn.
+
+"The weekly allowance to grown slaves on this plantation, where I was
+best acquainted, was _one peck of corn_."
+
+
+Wm. Ladd, of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"The usual allowance of food was _one quart of corn a day_, to a full
+task hand, with a modicum of salt; kind masters allowed _a peck of
+corn a week_; some masters allowed no salt."
+
+
+Mr. Jarvis Brewster, in his "Exposition of the treatment of slaves in
+the Southern States," published in N. Jersey, 1815.
+
+"The allowance of provisions for the slaves, is _one peck of corn, in
+the grain, per week_."
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro, Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+
+"In Georgia the planters give each slave only _one peck of their gourd
+seed corn per week_, with a small quantity of salt."
+
+
+Mr. F.C. Macy, Nantucket, Mass., who resided in Georgia in 1820.
+
+"The food of the slaves was three pecks of potatos a week during the
+potato season, and _one peck of corn_, during the remainder of the
+year."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford,
+Conn., who resided in North Carolina, eleven winters.
+
+"The subsistence of the slaves, consists of _seven quarts of meal_ or
+_eight quarts of small rice for one week!_"
+
+
+William Savery, late of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the
+Society of Friends, who travelled extensively in the slave states, on
+a Religious Visitation, speaking of the subsistence of the slaves,
+says, in his published Journal,
+
+"_A peck of corn_ is their (the slaves,) miserable subsistence _for a
+week_."
+
+
+The late John Parrish, of Philadelphia, another highly respected
+Minister of the Society of Friends, who traversed the South, on a
+similar mission, in 1804 and 5, says in his "Remarks on the slavery of
+Blacks;"
+
+"They allow them but _one peck of meal_, for a whole week, in some of
+the Southern states."
+
+Richard Macy, Hudson, N.Y. a Member of the Society of Friends, who has
+resided in Georgia.
+
+"Their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which
+was dealt out to them every first day of the week. They had nothing
+allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at
+Christmas."
+
+
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, of Quincy, Ill., (the testimony of a Virginian).
+
+"The slaves are generally allowanced: a pint of corn meal and a salt
+herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a "dab" of fat
+meat of about the same value. I have known the sour milk, and clauber
+to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on
+the plantation. This is a luxury not often afforded."
+
+
+Testimony of Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, Illinois. Mr. W. has been engaged in the low
+country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year,
+principally on the Mississippi, and its tributary streams in the
+south-western slave states.
+
+"_Feeding is not sufficient_,--let facts speak. On the coast, i.e.
+Natchez and the Gulf of Mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears
+of corn, and a pint of salt per month. They may cook this in what
+manner they please, but it must be done after dark; they have no day
+light to prepare it by. Some few planters, but only a few, let them
+prepare their corn on Saturday afternoon. Planters, overseers, and
+negroes, have told me, that in _pinching times_, i.e. when corn is
+high, they did not get near that quantity. In Miss., I know some
+planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per
+week, when it was cheap. Many prepare their corn on the Sabbath, when
+they are not worked on that day, which however is frequently the case
+on sugar plantations. There are very many masters on "the coast" who
+will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they steal
+molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less
+with stolen property. But it is impossible to find out what and when,
+as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. They
+would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how
+badly they were fed, that they were almost starved; many a time I have
+set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat."
+
+
+3. QUALITY OF FOOD.
+
+Having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the
+slaves, it is important to know something of its _quality_, that we
+may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. For, if their
+provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their
+power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished.
+
+
+Thomas Clay, Esq. of Georgia, from an address to the Georgia
+Presbytery, 1834, speaking of the quality of the corn given to the
+slaves, says,
+
+"There is _often a defect here_."
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist clergyman at Marlboro, Mass. and
+five years a resident of Georgia.
+
+"The food, or 'feed' of slaves is generally of the _poorest_ kind."
+
+
+The "Western Medical Reformer," in an article on the diseases peculiar
+to negroes, by a Kentucky physician, says of the diet of the slaves;
+
+"They live on a coarse, _crude, unwholesome diet_."
+
+
+Professor A.G. Smith, of the New York Medical College; formerly a
+physician in Louisville, Kentucky.
+
+I have myself known numerous instances of large families of _badly
+fed_ negroes swept off by a prevailing epidemic; and it is well known
+to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of
+preventing that horrible malady, _Chachexia Africana_, is to feed the
+negroes with _nutritious_ food.
+
+
+4. NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY.
+
+In determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the
+number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their
+meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into
+consideration.
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, and member of the
+Presbyterian church, who lived in Florida, in 1834, and 1835.
+
+"The slaves go to the field in the morning; they carry with them corn
+meal wet with water, and at _noon_ build a fire on the ground and bake
+it in the ashes. After the labors of the day are over, they take their
+_second_ meal of ash-cake."
+
+
+President Edwards, the younger.
+
+"The slaves eat _twice_ during the day."
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+
+"The slaves received _two_ meals during the day. Those who have their
+food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and
+their other meal _after night_."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., who spent eleven winters in
+North Carolina.
+
+"The _breakfast_ of the slaves was generally about _ten or eleven_
+o'clock."
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, N.Y., who has lived at the south some
+years.
+
+"The slaves have usually _two_ meals a day, viz: at eleven o'clock
+and at night."
+
+
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, Quincy, Illinois--the testimony of a Virginian.
+
+"The slaves have _two_ meals a day. They breakfast at from ten to
+eleven, A.M., and eat their supper at from six to nine or ten at
+night, as the season and crops may be."
+
+
+The preceding testimony establishes the following points.
+
+1st. That the slaves are allowed, in general, _no meat_. This appears
+from the fact, that in the _only_ slave states which regulate the
+slaves' rations _by law_, (North Carolina and Louisiana,) the _legal
+ration_ contains _no meat_. Besides, the late Hon. R.J. Turnbull, one
+of the largest planters in South Carolina, says expressly, "meat, when
+given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." It is shown also by
+the direct testimony recorded above, of slaveholders and others, in
+all parts of the slaveholding south and west, that the general
+allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. To this
+there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are _only_ exceptions;
+the number of slaveholders who furnish meat for their _field-hands_,
+is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. The
+house slaves, that is, the cooks, chambermaids, waiters, &c.,
+generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of
+their masters' tables. But that the great body of the slaves, those
+that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent
+exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as
+they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning,
+under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are
+_in general_ provided with _no meat_, is abundantly established by the
+preceding testimony.
+
+Now we do not say that meat _is necessary_ to sustain men under hard
+and long continued labor, nor that it is _not_. This is not a treatise
+on dietetics; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in
+this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist
+that it is necessary; and that working men in all parts of the country
+do _believe_ that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those
+who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows.
+Further, it is notorious, that the slaveholders themselves _believe_
+the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not
+merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by
+the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for
+convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in
+those rare cases where meat is expressly prohibited, and the convict
+is, by _way of extra punishment_ confined to bread and water; he is
+occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water;
+that is, to the _ordinary diet_ of slaves, with this difference in
+favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is
+forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when
+exhausted with toil.
+
+The preceding testimony shows also, that _vegetables_ form generally
+no part of the slaves' allowance. The _sole_ food of the majority is
+_corn_: at every meal--from day to day--from week to week--from month
+to month, _corn_. In South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, the sweet
+potato is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a
+part of the year.
+
+2d. The preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the _quantity of
+food_ generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn
+a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. The legal
+ration of North Carolina is _less_--in Louisiana it is _more_. Of the
+slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the fore-going testimony,
+the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance
+of corn than a peck for a week; though a number testify, that within
+the circle of their knowledge, _seven_ quarts was the usual allowance.
+Frequently a small quantity of meat is added; but this, as has already
+been shown, is not the general rule for _field-hands_. We may add,
+also, that in the season of "pumpkins," "cimblins," "cabbages,"
+"greens," &c., the slaves on small plantations are, to some extent,
+furnished with those articles.
+
+Now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is
+necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure,
+and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the
+insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that
+all civilized nations have, in all ages, and in the most emphatic
+manner, declared, that _eight quarts of corn a week_, (the usual
+allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human
+body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are
+subjected.
+
+To show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and
+present some statistics. And first, the northern reader must bear in
+mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost
+invariably the _white gourd seed_ corn, and that a quart of this kind
+of corn weighs five or six ounces _less_ than a quart of "flint corn,"
+the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states;
+consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would
+be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of
+the corn commonly raised in the New England States, New York, New
+Jersey, &c. Now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who
+should allow his laborers but _six quarts and five gills of corn for a
+week's provisions?_
+
+Further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is
+often _defective_. This, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary
+testimony of Thomas Clay, Esq., the Georgia planter, whose testimony
+is given above. When this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment
+contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five,
+or four, or even three quarts of "flint corn."
+
+As a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a
+quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive,
+that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn,
+would contain about one third of a pound less nutriment than though
+his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would
+amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human
+sustenance! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a
+peck of corn a week for two months! It is unnecessary to add, that
+this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too
+important to be overlooked. As one quart of the southern corn weighs
+one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would
+be about one pound and six-eighths of a pound. We now solicit the
+attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the
+civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to
+sustain human beings under labor. This testimony is to be found in the
+laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers
+and sailors, disbursements made by governments for the support of
+citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in
+prisons, &c. We will begin with the United States.
+
+The daily ration for each United States soldier, established by act of
+Congress, May 30, 1796. was the following: one pound of beef, one
+pound of bread, half a gill of spirits; and at the rate of one quart
+of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of
+candles to every hundred rations. To those soldiers "who were on the
+frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration
+was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread.
+Laws U.S. vol. 3d, sec. 10, p. 431.
+
+After an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found
+_insufficient_, it was increased, by act of Congress, July 16, 1798,
+and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two
+ounces; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and
+candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. The preceding
+allowance was afterwards still further increased.
+
+The _present daily ration_ for the United States' soldiers, is, as we
+learn from an advertisement of Captain Fulton, of the United States'
+army, in a late number of the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, as follows: one
+and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixteenths pounds of
+bread; and at the rate of _eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of
+sugar_, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of
+candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations.
+
+We have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating Ottawa
+Indians, two years since, and for the emigrating Cherokees last fall.
+They were the same--one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &c.
+
+The daily ration for the United States' navy, is fourteen ounces of
+bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice,
+three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an
+ounce of tea, one-third of a gill molasses.
+
+The daily ration in the British army is one and a quarter pounds of
+beef, one pound of bread, &c.
+
+The daily ration in the French army is one pound of beef, one and a
+half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &c.
+
+The common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one
+pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread.
+
+The _sea ration_ among the Portuguese, has become the usual ration in
+the navies of European powers generally. It is as follows: "one and a
+half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with
+some dried fish and onions."
+
+PRISON RATIONS.--Before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed
+to convicts, in the principal prisons in the United States, we will
+quote the testimony of the "American Prison Discipline Society," which
+is as follows:
+
+"The common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to
+ONE POUND OF MEAT, ONE POUND OF BREAD, AND ONE POUND OF VEGETABLES PER
+DAY. It varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally
+equivalent to it." First Report of American Prison Discipline Society,
+page 13.
+
+The daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in
+this country, is as follows:
+
+In the New Hampshire State Prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal,
+and fourteen ounces of beef, for _breakfast and dinner;_ and for
+supper, a soup or porridge of potatos and beans, or peas, the
+_quantity not limited_.
+
+In the Vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat _as much as
+they wish_.
+
+In the Massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatos, and one gill of
+molasses, or one pint of milk.
+
+In the Connecticut State Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of
+bread, two and a half pounds of potatos, half a gill of molasses, with
+salt, pepper, and vinegar.
+
+In the New York State Prison, at Auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two
+ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of
+rye, four quarts of salt, two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces
+of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred
+rations.
+
+In the New York State Prison at Sing Sing, one pound of beef, eighteen
+ounces of flour and meal, besides potatos, rye coffee, and molasses.
+
+In the New York City Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of flour;
+and three pecks of potatos to every hundred rations, with other small
+articles.
+
+In the New Jersey State Prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of
+beef, with potatos and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of
+molasses, and a bowl of mush for supper.
+
+In the late Walnut Street Prison, Philadelphia, one and a half pounds
+of bread and meal, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatos, one gill
+of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee.
+
+In the Baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the
+preceding.
+
+In the Pennsylvania Eastern Penitentiary, one pound of bread and one
+pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatos
+without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper.
+
+In the Penitentiary for the District of Columbia, Washington city, one
+pound of beef, twelve ounces of Indian meal, ten ounces of wheat
+flour, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of
+salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatos to
+every hundred rations.
+
+RATIONS IN ENGLISH PRISONS.--The daily ration of food in the
+Bedfordshire Penitentiary, is _two pounds of bread;_ and if at hard
+labor, _a quart of soup for dinner._
+
+In the Cambridge County House of Correction, three pounds of bread,
+and one pint of beer.
+
+In the Millbank General Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+one pound of potatos, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth
+therefrom.
+
+In the Gloucestershire Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity
+not stated. Also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and
+one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it.
+
+In the Leicestershire House of Correction, two pounds of bread, and
+three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in
+addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of
+gruel.
+
+In the Buxton House of Correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one
+and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths
+of a pound of potatos, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef.
+
+Notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the Buxton Prison is
+about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting
+physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work
+the tread-mill, it was _entirely sufficient_. This question was
+considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the
+Surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice; which resulted
+in "large additions" to the rations of those who worked on the
+tread-mill. See London Morning Chronicle, Jan. 13, 1830.
+
+To the preceding we add the _ration of the Roman slaves_. The monthly
+allowance of food to slaves in Rome was called "Dimensum." The
+"Dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which
+consisted of five _modii_ a month to each slave. Ainsworth, in his
+Latin Dictionary estimates the _modius_, when used for the measurement
+of grain, at _a peck and a half_ our measure, which would make the
+Roman slave's allowance _two quarts of grain a day_, just double the
+allowance provided for the slave by _law_ in North Carolina, and _six_
+quarts more per week than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the
+slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of
+slaveholders themselves. But it must by no means be overlooked that
+this "dimensum," or _monthly_ allowance, was far from being the sole
+allowance of food to Roman slaves. In _addition_ to this, they had a
+stated _daily_ allowance (_diarium_) besides a monthly allowance of
+_money_, amounting to about a cent a day.
+
+Now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare
+the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this
+and other countries; to convicts in this and other countries; to
+bodies of emigrants rationed at public expense; and finally, with the
+fixed allowance given to Roman slaves, and we find the states of this
+Union, the _slave_ states as well as the free, the United States'
+government, the different European governments, the old Roman empire,
+in fine, we may add, the _world_, ancient and modern, uniting in the
+testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from daylight till dark
+with but 1-1/2 lbs. of _corn_ per day, their sole sustenance, is to
+MURDER THEM BY PIECE-MEAL. The reader will perceive by examining the
+preceding statistics that the _average daily_ ration throughout this
+country and Europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance _at least a
+pound a day_; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and
+convicts in the United States, and for solders and sailors in Europe
+is _meat_, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our
+slaves is corn, only. Further, the convicts in our prisons are
+sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early
+morning and evening, from cold, rain, &c.; whereas, the great body of
+the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season, from daylight
+till dark; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than
+convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to
+prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of
+the day, while the convicts have theirs prepared for them. These, with
+other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon
+the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion,
+and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer
+than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less
+exhausting toils.
+
+That the slaveholders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to
+slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working
+men, is shown by the fact, that in all the slave states, we believe
+without exception, _white_ convicts at hard labor, have a much
+_larger_ allowance of food than the usual one of slaves; and generally
+more than _one third_ of this daily allowance is meat. This conviction
+of slaveholders shows itself in various forms. When persons wish to
+hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of
+high wages held out to masters to hire out their slaves, the
+contractors pledge themselves that a certain amount of food shall be
+given the slaves, taking care to specify a _larger_ amount than the
+usual allowance, and a part of it _meat_.
+
+The following advertisement is an illustration. We copy it from the
+"Daily Georgian," Savannah, Dec. 14, 1838.
+
+
+NEGROES WANTED.
+
+The Contractors upon the Brunswick and Alatamaha Canal are desirous to
+hire a number of prime Negro Men, from the 1st October next, for
+fifteen months, until the 1st January, 1810. They will pay at the rate
+of eighteen dollars per month for each prime hand.
+
+These negroes will be employed in the excavation of the Canal. They
+will be provided with _three and a half pounds of pork or bacon, and
+ten quarts of gourd seed corn per week_, lodged in comfortable
+shantees and attended constantly a skilful physician. J.H. COUPER,
+P.M. NIGHTINGALE.
+
+
+But we have direct testimony to this point. The late Hon. John Taylor,
+of Caroline Co. Virginia, for a long time Senator in Congress, and for
+many years president of the Agricultural Society of the State, says in
+his "Agricultural Essays," No. 30, page 97, "BREAD ALONE OUGHT NEVER
+TO BE CONSIDERED A SUFFICIENT DIET FOR SLAVES EXCEPT AS A PUNISHMENT."
+He urges upon the planters of Virginia to give their slaves, in
+addition to bread, "salt meat and vegetables," and adds, "we shall be
+ASTONISHED to discover upon trial, that this great comfort to them is
+a profit to the master."
+
+The Managers of the American Prison Discipline Society, in their third
+Report, page 58, say, "In the Penitentiaries generally, in the United
+States, the animal food is equal to one pound of meat per day for each
+convict."
+
+Most of the actual suffering from hunger on the part of the slaves, is
+in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported
+and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. Where this is
+the case there cannot but be suffering. The contingencies of bad
+crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &c. &c., naturally
+occasion short and often precarious allowances. The following extract
+from a New Orleans paper of April 26, 1837, affords an illustration.
+The writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in
+Mississippi, says:
+
+"They, (the planters,) are now left without provisions and the means
+of living and using their industry, for the present year. In this
+dilemma, planters whose crops have been from 100 to 700 bales, find
+themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get
+the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the
+rest of their negroes. In many places, heavy planters compel their
+slaves to fish for the means of subsistence, rather than sell them at
+such ruinous rates. There are at this moment THOUSANDS OF SLAVES in
+Mississippi, that KNOW NOT WHERE THE NEXT MORSEL IS TO COME FROM. The
+master must be ruined to save the wretches from being STARVED."
+
+
+II. LABOR
+
+THE SLAVES ARE OVERWORKED.
+
+This is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are
+obliged to be in the field. But before furnishing testimony as to
+their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express
+declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are severely
+driven in the field.
+
+
+The Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South
+Carolina.
+
+"Many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves,
+_do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not
+sufficient time for natural rest_.--See 2 Brevard's Digest of the Laws
+of South Carolina, 243."
+
+
+History of Carolina.--Vol. I, page 190.
+
+"So _laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice,
+that had it been possible to obtain European servants in sufficient
+numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ MUST HAVE PERISHED."
+
+
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slaveholder, and member of Congress from
+Virginia, in his speech on the "Missouri question," Jan. 28, 1820.
+
+"Is it not obvious that the way to render their situation _more
+comfortable_, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same
+motive to force the slave to INCESSANT TOIL that there is in the
+country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation.
+It is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ HARD WORKED,
+that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from
+increasing. * * * The proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the
+blacks. * * * You would * * * doom them to HARD LABOR."
+
+
+"Travels in Louisiana," translated from the French by John Davies,
+Esq.--Page 81.
+
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they _work both night and day_. Abridged of their sleep, they _scarce
+retire to rest during the whole period_."
+
+
+The Western Review, No. 2,--article "Agriculture of Louisiana."
+
+"The work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring
+when the process is commenced to be _pushed night and day_."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkesbarre, Penn.
+
+"_Overworked_ I know they (the slaves) are."
+
+
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theological student, near Natchez, Miss., in 1834
+and 1835.
+
+"Every body here knows _overdriving_ to be one of the most common
+occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to
+northerners."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+
+"During the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field
+during the whole of the daylight, and then spend a good part of the
+night in ginning and baling. The labor required is very frequently
+excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution."
+
+
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull of South Carolina, a slaveholder, speaking of the
+harvesting of cotton, says:
+
+"_All the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and
+_sickly_ negroes incapable of other labour, are then _in
+requisition_."
+
+
+HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+
+Asa A. Stone, theological student, a classical teacher near Natchez,
+Miss., 1835.
+
+"It is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves be
+in the field as _soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_,
+and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of  Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi
+a part of 1837 and 1838.
+
+"It is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work _fifteen
+hours in the day_, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number
+of pounds is required of each. If this amount is not brought in at
+night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added
+to the next day's job; this course is often repeated from day to day."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Penn, a native of Georgia. "It
+was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs _long before
+day_, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops;
+such work as could be done by fire light (pitch pine was abundant,)
+was provided."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia and son of a
+slaveholder--he has recently removed to Delhi, Hamilton County, Ohio.
+
+"_From dawn till dark_, the slaves are required to bend to their
+work."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., a resident in North Carolina
+eleven winters.
+
+"The slaves are obliged to work _from daylight till dark_, as long as
+they can see."
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powel, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who lived in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+
+"The slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and be in the field by
+_daylight, and continue there till dark_."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+
+"The slaves commence labor _by daylight_ in the morning, and do not
+leave the field _till dark_ in the evening."
+
+"Travels in Louisiana," page 87.
+
+"Both in summer and winter the slave must _be in the field by the
+first dawning of day_."
+
+
+Mr. Henry E. Knapp, member of a Christian church in Farmington, Ohio,
+who lived in Mississippi in 1837 and 1838.
+
+"The slaves were made to work, from _as soon as they could see_ in the
+morning, till as late as they could see at night. Sometimes they were
+made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could
+do, as burning cotton stalks, &c."
+
+
+A New Orleans paper, dated March 23, 1826, says: "To judge from the
+activity reigning in the cotton presses of the suburbs of St. Mary,
+and the _late hours_ during which their slaves work, the cotton trade
+was never more brisk."
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church at
+Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the south western slaves states a
+number of years says, "the slaves are driven to the field in the
+morning _about four o'clock_, the general calculation is to get them
+at work by daylight; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten
+o'clock, this meal is sometimes eaten '_bite and work_,' others allow
+fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the
+field. I have never known a case of stopping for an hour, in
+Louisiana; in Mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject
+to the will of the master. On cotton plantations, in cotton picking
+time, that is from October to Christmas, each hand has a certain
+quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished;
+their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy."
+
+The preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the
+actual labor of the slaves _in the field_. In order to determine how
+many hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account, the time
+spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of
+one, two and sometimes three miles; also the time necessary for
+pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, overnight, their food
+for the next day; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and
+preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have
+any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, &c. Besides
+this, as everyone knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many
+little errands and _chores_ are to be done for their masters and
+mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and
+been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night.
+To this we may add that the slaves are _social_ beings, and that
+during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the
+overseer or driver.[3] When they return at night, their pent up social
+feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the body
+may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled.
+Sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong
+affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows; even
+"_tired_ nature" will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to
+minister to a want of its being equally permanent and imperative as
+the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the
+higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage.
+
+[Footnote 3: We do not mean that they are not suffered to _speak_, but,
+that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are
+generally permitted to indulge in it but little.]
+
+All these things make drafts upon _time_. To show how much of the
+slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is
+necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at
+night, we subjoin a few testimonies.
+
+
+Mr. CORNELIUS JOHNSON, Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi in
+the years 1837 and 38, says:
+
+"On all the plantations where I was acquainted, the slaves were kept
+in the field till dark; after which, those who had to grind their own
+corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family
+affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water,
+washing, clothes, &c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was
+sufficiently light to commence work in the morning."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who has spent several
+years in the south western slave states, says:
+
+"Their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is
+their own; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient
+rest, but there are other things to be considered; much of their
+making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food,
+hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety
+of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours."
+
+
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq. of Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida in 1834
+and 5, gives the following testimony:
+
+"After having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine
+or ten o'clock in doing _chores_, such as grinding corn, (as all the
+corn in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of
+horses, mules, &c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a
+large plantation. If any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder
+the 'niggers' from their work, but must be done in the night."
+
+
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkes-barre, Pa. says:
+
+"The corn is ground in a handmill by the slave _after his task is
+done_--generally there is but one mill on the plantation, and as but
+one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes _very late at
+night_."
+
+
+We now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that the
+slaves engaged in raising the large staples, are _overworked_.
+
+In September, 1831, the writer of this had an interview with JAMES G.
+BIRNEY, Esq., who then resided in Kentucky, having removed with his
+family from Alabama the year before. A few hours before that
+interview, and on the morning of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a
+couple of hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence, near
+Lexington. Mr. Birney remarked, that Mr. Clay had just told him, he
+had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase
+of the slave population in the far south west--estimates which he had
+presented, I think, in a speech before the Colonization Society. He
+now believed, that the births among the slaves in that quarter were
+_not equal to the deaths_--and that, of course, the slave population,
+independent of immigration from the slave-selling states, was _not
+sustaining itself_.
+
+Among other facts stated by Mr. Clay, was the following, which we copy
+_verbatim_ from the original memorandum, made at the time by Mr.
+Birney, with which he has kindly furnished us.
+
+"Sept. 16, 1834.--Hon. H. Clay, in a conversation at his own house, on
+the subject of slavery, informed me, that Hon. Outerbridge Horsey,
+formerly a senator in Congress from the state of Delaware, and the
+owner of a sugar plantation in Louisiana, declared to him, that his
+overseer worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought
+forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field.
+
+"Also, that a few years since, he was at a brick yard in the environs
+of New Orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; among them
+were from _twenty to thirty young women_, in the prime of life. He was
+told by the proprietor, that there had _not been a child born among
+them for the last two or three years, although they all had
+husbands_."
+
+The preceding testimony of Mr. Clay, is strongly corroborated by
+advertisements of slaves, by Courts of Probate, and by executors
+administering upon the estates of deceased persons. Some of those
+advertisements for the sale of slaves, contain the names, ages,
+accustomed employment, &c., of all the slaves upon the plantation of
+the deceased. These catalogues show large numbers of young men and
+women, almost all of them between twenty and thirty-eight years old;
+and yet the number of young children is _astonishingly small_. We have
+laid aside many lists of this kind, in looking over the newspapers of
+the slaveholding states; but the two following are all we can lay our
+hands on at present. One is in the "Planter's Intelligencer,"
+Alexandria, La., March 22, 1837, containing one hundred and thirty
+slaves; and the other in the New Orleans Bee, a few days later, April
+8, 1837, containing fifty-one slaves. The former is a "Probate sale"
+of the slaves belonging to the estate of Mr. Charles S. Lee, deceased,
+and is advertised by G.W. Keeton, Judge of the Parish of Concordia,
+La. The sex, name, and age of each slave are contained in the
+advertisement which fills two columns. The following are some of the
+particulars.
+
+The whole number of slaves is _one hundred and thirty_. Of these,
+_only three are over forty years old_. There are _thirty-five females_
+between the ages of _sixteen and thirty-three_, and yet there are only
+THIRTEEN children under the age of _thirteen years!_
+
+It is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any
+other supposition, than that these thirty-five females were so
+overworked, or underfed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing.
+
+The other advertisement is that of a "Probate sale," ordered by the
+Court of the Parish of Jefferson--including the slaves of Mr. William
+Gormley. The whole number of slaves is fifty-one; the sex, age, and
+accustomed labors of each are given. The oldest of these slaves is but
+_thirty-nine years old_: of the females, _thirteen_ are between the
+ages of sixteen and thirty-two, and the oldest female is but
+_thirty-eight_--and yet there are but _two children under eight years
+old!_
+
+Another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are
+over-worked, is the fact, that so few of them live to old age. A large
+majority of them are _old_ at middle age, and few live beyond
+fifty-five. In one of the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred
+and thirty slaves, only _three_ are over forty years old!  In the
+other, out of fifty-one slaves, only _two_ are over _thirty-five_; the
+oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way in which he is designated in
+the advertisement, is an additional proof, that what to others is
+"middle age," is to the slaves in the south-west "old age:" he is
+advertised as "_old_ Jeffrey."
+
+But the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so
+over-worked that it cannot _supply its own waste_, does not rest upon
+mere inferential evidence. The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge,
+La., in its report, published in 1829, furnishes a labored estimate of
+the amount of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting "a
+well-regulated sugar estate."  In this estimate, the annual net loss
+of slaves, over and above the supply by propagation, is set down at
+TWO AND A HALF PER CENT!  The late Hon. Josiah S. Johnson, a member of
+Congress from Louisiana, addressed a letter to the Secretary of the
+United States' Treasury, in 1830, containing a similar estimate,
+apparently made with great care, and going into minute details. Many
+items in this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of
+the annual _decrease_ of the slaves on a plantation was the same--TWO
+AND A HALF PER CENT!
+
+The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, who resided
+some time in Virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such
+an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is
+not confined to the far south and south-west.
+
+"I heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as
+singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without
+the use of the whip. I was anxious to see him, and trusted that some
+discovery had been made favorable to humanity. I asked him how he was
+able to dispense with corporal punishment. He replied to me, with a
+very determined look, 'The slaves know that the work _must_ be done,
+and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.'  In
+other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed
+on them, that they never incurred it.
+
+"I then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, _decreased_
+in number. I asked the cause. He replied, with perfect frankness and
+ease, 'The gang is not large enough for the estate.'  In other words,
+they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and, yet were _made
+to do it_, though with the certainty of abridging life.
+
+"On this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. There was an
+unusual air of neatness. A superficial observer would have called the
+slaves happy. Yet they were living under a severe, subduing
+discipline, and were _over-worked_ to a degree that _shortened
+life_."--_Channing on Slavery_, page 162, first edition.
+
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who spent some time in
+Florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves:
+
+"It is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all
+day, to labor half the night. This is usually the case on sugar
+plantations, during the sugar-boiling season; and on cotton, during
+its gathering. Beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of
+the short staple, when the crop is good, 100 pounds a day to the hand,
+the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night.
+Said Mr. ---- to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of
+slaves, 'I work my niggers in a hurrying time till 11 or 12 o'clock at
+night, and have them up by four in the morning.'
+
+"Beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large
+crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at
+the south. It is very common to _bet_ on the issue of a crop. A.
+lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more
+cotton than B. The wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and
+who bears the burden of it?  How many tears, yea, how many broken
+constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this
+spirit?  From the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler
+pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into
+exercise, we might conjecture many. Such is the fact. In Middle
+Florida, a _broken-winded_ negro is more common than a _broken-winded_
+horse; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their
+constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they
+are exported to New Orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days
+in the cane-field and sugar house. I would not insinuate that all
+planters gamble upon their crops; but I mention the practice as one of
+the common inducements to 'push niggers.' Neither would I assert that
+all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. I give it
+as a _general_ rule in the district of Middle Florida, and I have no
+reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other
+fertile sections. People there told me that the situation of the
+slaves was far better than in Mississippi and Louisiana. And from
+comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for
+other reasons, I am convinced of the truth of their statements."
+
+
+DR. DEMMING, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in Ashland,
+Richland county, Ohio, stated to Professor Wright, of New York city,
+
+"That during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the Ohio
+river, on the steamboat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with
+a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company with a number of
+cotton-planters and slave-dealers, from Louisiana, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar planters
+upon the sugar coast in Louisiana had ascertained, that, as it was
+usually necessary to employ about _twice_ the amount of labor during
+the boiling season, that was required during the season of raising,
+they could, by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling
+season, accomplish the whole labor _with one set of hands_. By
+pursuing this plan, they could afford _to sacrifice a set of hands
+once in seven years!_ He further stated that this horrible system was
+now practised to a considerable extent! The correctness of this
+statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on
+board."
+
+The late MR. SAMUEL BLACKWELL, a highly respected citizen of Jersey
+city, opposite the city of New York, and a member of the Presbyterian
+church, visited many of the sugar plantations in Louisiana a few years
+since: and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar
+refinery in England, and subsequently in this country, he had not only
+every facility afforded him by the planters, for personal inspection
+of all parts of the process of sugar-making, but received from them
+the most unreserved communications, as to their management of their
+slaves. Mr. B., after his return, frequently made the following
+statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance,--"That the planters
+generally declared to him, that they were _obliged_ so to over-work
+their slaves during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten
+weeks,) as to use _them up_ in seven or eight years. For, said they,
+after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation,
+night and day; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of
+slaves to do the _extra_ work at the time of sugar-making, as we could
+not profitably employ them the rest of the year."
+
+It is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders
+generally throughout the far south and south west, that they believe
+it for their interest to wear out the slaves by excessive toil in
+eight or ten years after they put them into the field.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: Alexander Jones. Esq., a large planter in West Feliciana,
+Louisiana, published a communication in the "North Carolina True
+American," Nov. 25, 1838, in which, speaking of the horses employed in
+the mills on the plantations for ginning cotton, he says, they "are
+much whipped and jaded;" and adds, "In fact, this service is so severe
+on horses, as to shorten their lives in many instances, if not
+actually kill them in gear."
+
+Those who work one kind of their "live stock" so as to "shorten their
+lives," or "kill them in gear" would not stick at doing the same thing
+to another kind.]
+
+
+REV. DOCTOR REED, of London, who went through Kentucky, Virginia and
+Maryland in the summer of 1834, gives the following testimony:
+
+"I was told confidently and from _excellent authority_, that recently
+at a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously
+discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well
+fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of _at
+once_, and exhausted in some eight years. The decision was in favor of
+the last alternative. That decision will perhaps make many shudder.
+But to my mind this is not the chief evil. The greater and original
+evil is considering the _slave as property_. If he is only property
+and my property, then I have some right to ask how I may make that
+property most available."
+
+"Visit to the American Churches," by Rev. Drs. Reed and Mattheson.
+Vol. 2 p. 173.
+
+REV. JOHN O. CHOULES, recently pastor of a Baptist Church at New
+Bedford, Massachusetts, now of Buffalo, New York, made substantially
+the following statement in a speech in Boston.
+
+"While attending the Baptist Triennial Convention at Richmond,
+Virginia, in the spring of 1835, as a delegate from Massachusetts, I
+had a conversation on slavery, with an officer of the Baptist Church
+in that city, at whose house I was a guest. I asked my host if he did
+not apprehend that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate
+their masters.
+
+"Why," said the gentleman, "I used to apprehend such a catastrophe,
+but God has made a providential opening, a _merciful safety valve_,
+and now I do not feel alarmed in the _prospect_ of what is coming.
+'What do you mean,' said Mr. Choules, 'by providence opening a merciful
+safety valve?' Why, said the gentleman, I will tell you; the slave
+traders come from the cotton and sugar plantations of the South and
+are willing to buy up more slaves than we can part with. We must keep
+a stock for the purpose of _rearing_ slaves, but we part with the most
+valuable, and at the same time, the most _dangerous_, and the demand
+is very constant and likely to be so, for when they go to these
+southern states, the average existence Is ONLY FIVE YEARS!"
+
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, a highly intelligent French gentleman, who
+resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and published a volume of
+travels, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves there:
+
+"I have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day, their
+labors have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon; and
+then, before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their
+corn; and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand,
+would arouse them from their slumbers. Thus, of more than twenty
+negroes, who in twenty years should have doubled, the number _was
+reduced to four or five_."
+
+In conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and
+emphatic manner declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity
+toward their slaves in exacting from them such _long continued daily
+labor_. The Legislatures of Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, have
+passed laws providing that convicts in their state prisons and
+penitentiaries, "shall be employed in work each day in the year except
+Sundays, not exceeding _eight_ hours, in the months of November,
+December, and January; _nine_ hours, in the months of February and
+October, and _ten_ hours in the rest of the year." Now contrast this
+_legal_ exaction of labor from CONVICTS with the exaction from slaves
+as established by the preceding testimony. The reader perceives that
+the amount of time, in which by the preceding laws of Maryland,
+Virginia, and Georgia, the _convicts_ in their prisons are required to
+labor, is on an average during the year but little more than NINE
+HOURS daily. Whereas, the laws of South Carolina permit the master to
+_compel_ his slaves to work FIFTEEN HOURS in the twenty-four, in
+summer, and FOURTEEN in the winter--which would be in winter, from
+daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--See 2
+Brevard's Digest, 243.
+
+The other slave states, except Louisiana, have _no laws_ respecting
+the labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves
+day and night without sleep till they drop dead, _he violates no law!_
+
+The law of Louisiana provides for the slaves but TWO AND A HALF HOURS
+in the twenty-four for "rest!" See law of Louisiana, act of July 7
+1806, Martin's Digest 6. 10--12.
+
+
+III. CLOTHING.
+
+We propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by
+day, and their covering by night, are inadequate, either for comfort
+or decency.
+
+
+Hon. T.T. Bouldin, a slave-holder, and member of Congress from Virginia
+in a speech in Congress, Feb. 16, 1835.
+
+Mr. Bouldin said "_he knew_ that many negroes had _died_ from exposure
+to weather," and added, "they are clad in a _flimsy fabric, that will
+turn neither wind nor water_."
+
+
+George Buchanan, M.D., of Baltimore, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+
+"The slaves, _naked_ and starved, _often_ fall victims to the
+inclemencies of the weather."
+
+
+Wm. Savery of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the Society of
+Friends, who went through the Southern states in 1791, on a religious
+visit; after leaving Savannah, Ga., we find the following entry in his
+journal, 6th, month, 28, 1791.
+
+"We rode through many rice swamps, where the blacks were very
+numerous, great droves of these poor slaves, working up to the middle
+in water, men and women nearly _naked_."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee.
+
+"In every slave-holding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both
+while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep
+them warm."
+
+
+John Parrish, late of Philadelphia, a highly esteemed minister in the
+Society of Friends, who travelled through the South in 1804.
+
+"It is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in travelling through
+some of those states, to see those poor objects, [slaves,] especially
+in the inclement season, in _rags_, and _trembling with the cold_."
+
+"They suffer them, both male and female, _to go without clothing_ at
+the age of ten and twelve years"
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, Allegany, Co., N.Y. Mr. S. has just
+returned from a residence of several years at the south, chiefly in
+Virginia, Louisiana, and among the American settlers in Texas.
+
+"The apparel of the slaves, is of the coarsest sort and _exceedingly
+deficient_ in quantity. I have been on many plantations where
+children of eight and ten yeas old, were in a state of _perfect
+nudity_. Slaves are _in general wretchedly clad_."
+
+
+Wm. Ladd, Esq., of Minot, Maine, recently a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"They were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. one pair of
+trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh for summer; and for
+winter, one pair of trowsers, and a jacket of negro cloth, with a
+baize shirt and a pair of shoes. Some allowed hats, and some did not;
+and they were generally, I believe, allowed one blanket in two years.
+Garments of similar materials were allowed the women."
+
+
+A Kentucky physician, writing in the Western Medical Reformer, in
+1836, on the diseases peculiar to slaves, says.
+
+"They are _imperfectly clothed_ both summer and winter."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, Inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, N.Y., who
+resided sometime in Alabama.
+
+"I was at Huntsville, Alabama, in 1818-19, I frequently saw slaves on
+and around the public square, _with hardly a rag of clothing on them_,
+and in a _great many_ instances with but a single garment both in
+summer and in winter; generally the only bedding of the slaves was a
+_blanket_."
+
+
+Reuben G. Macy, Hudson, N.Y. member of the Society of Friends, who
+resided in South Carolina, in 1818 and 19.
+
+"Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of
+'negro cloth.' The women a petticoat, a very short 'short-gown,' and
+_nothing else_, the same kind of cloth; some of the women had an old
+pair of shoes, but they _generally went barefoot_."
+
+
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of Lancaster, Pa., a native of Maryland, and
+formerly a slaveholder.
+
+"Their clothing is often made by themselves after night, though
+sometimes assisted by the old women, who are no longer able to do
+out-door work; consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. And I have
+very frequently seen those who had not attained the age of twelve
+years _go naked_."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 35.
+
+"It is very common to see the younger class of slaves up to eight or
+ten _without any clothing_, and most generally the laboring men wear
+_no shirts_ in the warm season. The perfect nudity of the younger
+slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that they seem to
+witness it with perfect indifference. I may add that the aged and
+feeble often _suffer from cold_."
+
+
+Richard Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+has lived in Georgia.
+
+"For _bedding_ each slave was allowed _one blanket_, in which they
+rolled themselves up. I examined their houses, but could not find any
+thing like _a bed_."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+
+"It is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no other
+covering than a _few filthy rags fastened above the hips_, reaching
+midway to the ankles. _I never knew any kind of covering for the head_
+given. Children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years are seen in
+companies on the plantations, _in a state of perfect nudity_. This was
+so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, now a member of the
+Presbyterian Church, in Delhi, Ohio.
+
+"The only bedding of the slaves generally consists of _two old
+blankets_."
+
+
+Advertisements like the following from the "New Orleans Bee," May 31,
+1837, are common in the southern papers.
+
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway, the slave SOLOMON, about 28 years of
+age; BADLY CLOTHED. The above reward will be paid on application to
+FERNANDEZ & WHITING, No. 20, St. Louis St."
+
+RANAWAY from the subscriber the negress FANNY, always badly dressed,
+she is about 25 or 26 years old. JOHN MACOIN, 117 S. Ann st.
+
+The Darien (Ga.), Telegraph, of Jan. 24, 1837, in an editorial
+article, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally
+lets out some secrets, about the usual _clothing_ of the slaves. The
+editor says,--"The planter looks down, with the most sovereign
+contempt, on the merchant and the storekeeper. He deems himself a
+lord, because he gets his two or three RAGGED servants, to row him to
+his plantation every day, that he may inspect the labor of his hands."
+
+The following is an extract from a letter lately received from Rev.
+C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois.
+
+"I am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the _name_.
+An individual in whom I have great confidence, gave me the following
+facts. That I am not alone in placing confidence in him, I subjoin a
+testimonial from Dr. Richard Eells, Deacon of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, and Rev. Mr. Fisher, Baptist Minister of Quincy.
+
+"We have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated to you
+some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native
+state; he is a professed follower of our Lord, and we have great
+confidence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict
+Christian principle. RICHARD EELLS. EZRA FISHER."
+
+Quincy, Jan. 9th, 1839.
+
+
+TESTIMONY.--"I lived for thirty years in Virginia, and have travelled
+extensively through Fauquier, Culpepper, Jefferson, Stafford,
+Albemarle and Charlotte Counties; my remarks apply to these Counties.
+
+"The negro houses are miserably poor, generally they are a shelter
+from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the
+floor. There are exceptions to this rule, but they are only
+exceptions; you may sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost
+never a plank floor. The slaves are generally without _beds or
+bedsteads_; some few have cribs that they fasten up for themselves in
+the corner of the hut. Their bed-clothes are a nest of rags thrown
+upon a crib, or in the corner; sometimes there are three or four
+families in one small cabin. Where the slaveholders have more than one
+family, they put them in the same quarter till it is filled, then
+build another. I have seen exceptions to this, when only one family
+would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfortable bed-clothes.
+
+"Most of the slaves in these counties are _miserably clad_. I have
+known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot.
+The feet of many of them are frozen. As a general fact the planters do
+not serve out to their slaves, drawers, or any under clothing, or
+vests, or overcoats. Slaves sometimes, by working at night and on
+Sundays, get better things than their masters serve to them.
+
+"Whilst these things are true of _field-hands_, it is also true that
+many slaveholders clothe their _waiters_ and coachmen like gentlemen.
+I do not think there is any difference between the slaves of
+professing Christians and others; at all events, it is so small as to
+be scarcely noticeable.
+
+"I have seen men and women at work in the field more than half naked:
+and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, they
+would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of a
+skirt to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye."
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church in
+Quincy, Illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years
+navigating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel
+boats, as a trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing
+and lodging of the slaves.
+
+"In lower Tennessee, Mississippi and Louisiana, the clothing of the
+slaves is wretchedly poor; and grows worse as you go south, in the
+order of the states I have named. The only material is cotton bagging,
+i.e. bagging in which cotton is _baled_, not bagging made of cotton.
+In Louisiana, especially in the lower country, I have frequently seen
+them with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their
+nakedness. In winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of
+comfort, and frequently not even of decent covering. In Louisiana _the
+planters never think of serving out shoes to slaves_. In Mississippi
+they give one pair a year generally. I never saw or heard of an
+instance of masters allowing them _stockings_. A _small poor blanket
+is generally the only bed-clothing_, and this they frequently wear in
+the field when they have not sufficient clothing to hide their
+nakedness or to keep them warm. Their manner of sleeping varies with
+the season. In hot weather they stretch themselves anywhere and sleep.
+As it becomes cool they roll themselves in their blankets, and lay
+scattered about the cabin. In cold weather they nestle together with
+their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. As a general fact the
+earth is their only floor and bed--not one in ten have anything like a
+bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by themselves."
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder in the fourth Congregational Church,
+Rochester, N.Y., who spent four years in Virginia, says, "The slave
+children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten
+years, and I think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of
+_disgusting_ nudity. I have often seen them with their tow shirt
+(their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human
+appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on,
+worn off from the bottom upwards shred by shred, until nothing
+remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the
+less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms,
+leaving the principal part of the chest, as well as the limbs,
+entirely uncovered."
+
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton Co., Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark Co., Ohio, says,
+"I knew a Methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. The
+children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age,
+were _entirely_ destitute of clothing. I have seen an old man
+compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his
+nakedness."
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church, in
+Buffalo, N.Y., in describing a tour down and up the Mississippi river
+in the winter of 1832-3, says, "At the wood yards where the boats
+stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying
+wood. Their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any
+reference to comfort. They had no covering for their heads; the stuff
+which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in
+which brown domestic goods are done up. It was then December, and I
+thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without
+_stockings_, they must suffer from the cold."
+
+Mr. Benjamin Clendenon, Colerain, Lancaster Co., Pa., a member of the
+Society of Friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through
+the northern part of Maryland in the winter of 1836, thus speaks of a
+place a few miles from Chestertown. "About this place there were a
+number of slaves; very few, if any, had _either stockings or shoes_;
+the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow."
+
+The late Major Stoddard of the United States' artillery, who took
+possession of Louisiana for the U.S. government, under the cession of
+1804, published a book entitled "Sketches of Louisiana," in which,
+speaking of the planters of Lower Louisiana, he says, "_Few of them
+allow any clothing to their slaves_."
+
+The following is an extract from the Will of the late celebrated John
+Randolph of Virginia.
+
+"To my old and faithful servants, Essex and his wife Hetty, I give and
+bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes and a blanket each,
+to be paid them annually; also an annual hat to Essex."
+
+No Virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a "kind master,"
+and "good provider" for his slaves, than John Randolph. Essex and
+Hetty were _favorite_ servants, and the memory of the long
+uncompensated services of those "old and faithful servants," seems to
+have touched their master's heart. Now as this master was _John
+Randolph_, and as those servants were "faithful," and favorite
+servants, advanced in years, and worn out in his service, and as their
+allowance was, in their master's eyes, of sufficient moment to
+constitute a paragraph in his last _will and testament_, it is fair to
+infer that it would be _very liberal_, far better than the ordinary
+allowance for slaves.
+
+Now we leave the reader to judge what must be the _usual_ allowance of
+clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, when
+Essex and Hetty, the "old" and "faithful" slaves of John Randolph,
+were provided, in his last will and testament, with but _one_ suit of
+clothes annually, with but _one blanket_ each for bedding, with no
+_stockings_, nor _socks_, nor _cloaks_, nor overcoats, nor
+_handkerchiefs_, nor _towels_, and with no _change_ either of under or
+outside garments!
+
+
+
+
+IV. DWELLINGS.
+
+THE SLAVES ARE WRETCHEDLY SHELTERED AND LODGED.
+
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby. Inspector of provisions, Skaneateles, N.Y. who
+has lived in Alabama.
+
+"The huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but _one_
+apartment, and that _without floor_."
+
+
+Mr. George A. Avery, elder of the 4th Presbyterian Church, Rochester,
+N.Y. who lived four years in Virginia.
+
+"Amongst all the negro cabins which I saw in Va., _I cannot call to
+mind one_ in which there was any other floor than the _earth_; any
+thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would
+call a _bed_, nor a solitary _partition_, to separate the sexes."
+
+
+William Ladd, Esq., Minot, Maine. President of the American Peace
+Society, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves
+of stakes and poles, thatched with the palmetto leaf. The door, when
+they had any, was generally of the same materials, sometimes boards
+found on the beach. They had _no floors_, no separate apartments,
+except the guinea negroes had sometimes a small inclosure for their
+'god house.' These huts the slaves built themselves after task and on
+Sundays."
+
+
+Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Pastor Pres. Church, Castile, Greene Co., N.Y.,
+who lived in Missouri five years previous to 1837.
+
+"The slaves live _generally_ in _miserable huts_, which are _without
+floors_, and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are herded
+promiscuously together."
+
+
+Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational Church in Quincy,
+Illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave states.
+
+"On old plantations, the negro quarters are of frame and clapboards,
+seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or rain; their size
+varies from 8 by 10, to 10 by 12, feet, and six or eight feet high;
+sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, but I never saw a sash, or
+glass in any. In the new country, and in the woods, the quarters are
+generally built of logs, of similar dimensions."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a member of a Christian Church in Farmington,
+Ohio. Mr. J. lived in Mississippi in 1837-8.
+
+"Their houses were commonly built of logs, sometimes they were framed,
+often they had no floor, some of them have two apartments, commonly
+but one; each of those apartments contained a family. Sometimes these
+families consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other
+instances persons of both sexes, were thrown together without any
+regard to family relationship."
+
+
+The Western Medical Reformer, in an article on the Cachexia Africana
+by a Kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the slaves.
+
+"They are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, and sometimes having an
+imperfect, and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from the ground,
+ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, but has resided most of
+his life in Madison, Co. Alabama.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from 10 to 12 feet square,
+often without windows, doors, or floors, they have neither chairs,
+table, or bedstead."
+
+
+Reuben L. Macy of Hudson, N.Y. a member of the Religious Society of
+Friends. He lived in South Carolina in 1818-19.
+
+"The houses for the field slaves were about 14 feet square, built in
+the coarsest manner, with one room, _without any chimney or flooring,
+with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out_."
+
+
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington of Lancaster, Pa. a native of Maryland, formerly
+a slaveholder.
+
+"The descriptions generally given of negro quarters, are correct; the
+quarters are _without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the
+inclemency of the weather_; they are uncomfortable both in summer and
+winter."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, a native of Tennessee.
+
+"When they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not
+there the means of comfortable rest; _but on the cold ground they must
+lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber."_
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq. Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1835.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves are usually small _open_ log huts, with
+but one apartment, and very generally _without floors_."
+
+
+Mr. W.C. Gildersleeve, Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+
+"Their huts were generally put up without a nail, frequently without
+floors, and with a single apartment."
+
+
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull, of South Carolina, a slaveholder.
+
+"The slaves live in _clay cabins_."
+
+
+
+V. TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
+
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUMAN NEGLECT WHEN SICK
+
+In proof of this we subjoin the following testimony:
+
+Rev. Dr. CHANNING of Boston, who once resided in Virginia, relates the
+following fact in his work on slavery, page 163, 1st edition.
+
+"I cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the
+plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose
+manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence and
+conscientiousness_. When I entered with him the hospital, the first
+object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably
+approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her head rested on
+something like a pillow; but _her body and limbs were extended on the
+hard boards._ The owner, I doubt not, had at least as much kindness
+as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common
+comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not
+enter his mind."
+
+This _dying_ young woman "was _stretched on the floor_"--"her body and
+limbs extended upon the hard boards,"--and yet her master "was highly
+esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon Dr.
+Channing the impression of "benevolence and conscientiousness" If the
+_sick and dying female_ slaves of _such_ a master, suffer such
+barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of
+that inhumanity, exercised by the _majority_ of slaveholders, towards
+their aged, sick, and dying victims.
+
+The following testimony is furnished by SARAH M. GRIMKÉ, a sister of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké, of Charleston, South Carolina.
+
+"When the Ladies' Benevolent Society in Charleston, S.C., of which I
+was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were
+applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons;
+one case I particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully
+burnt from having fallen into the fire; she was living with some free
+blacks who had taken her in out of compassion. On inquiry, we found
+that _nearly all_ the colored persons who had solicited aid, were
+_slaves_, who being no longer able to work for their "owners," were
+thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have
+perished, but for the kindness of their friends.
+
+"I was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar
+circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. I knew that she had
+been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female
+slaves are. I knew also that her mistress, though a professor of
+religion, had never taught her a single precept of Christianity, yet
+that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them,
+and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease,
+occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel
+treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness
+and care. Her heart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins,
+and she was inquiring, "What shall I do to be saved?" I was sitting by
+her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to
+establish her trembling spirit in the fullness of Jesus, when I heard
+the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached
+the door. I read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the
+terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. I knew
+my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid hoping that it might
+restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. In this,
+however, I was mistaken; she passed me without apparently observing
+that I was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick
+slave. She made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger
+commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past
+misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal
+destruction awaited her. No word of kindness escaped her. What had
+then roused her temper I do not know. She continued in this strain
+several minutes, when I attempted to soften her by remarking, that
+------ was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that I
+believed Jesus had granted her forgiveness. But I might as well have
+tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated
+passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. She looked at me
+with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse
+and reproach. Her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until
+nature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild shriek, and
+casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, "Oh,
+mistress, I am dying." This appeal arrested her attention, and she soon
+left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. The
+girl survived but a few days, and, I believe, saw her mistress _no
+more_"
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y., who lived some years in Virginia, gives the following:
+
+"The manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in _chronic_
+cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. My opportunities for
+observation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any
+other, as the friend under whose direction I commenced my medical
+studies, enjoyed a high reputation as a _surgeon_. I rode considerably
+with him in his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and
+dressings from time to time. In confirmed cases of disease, it was
+common for the master to place the subject under the care of a
+physician or surgeon, at whose expense the patient should be kept, and
+if death ensued to the patient, or the disease was not cured, no
+compensation was to be made, but if cured a bonus of one, two, or
+three hundred dollars was to be given. No provision was made against
+the _barbarity_ or _neglect_ of the physician, &c. I have seen
+_fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers_ crowded together in
+the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the "brutes that
+perish," and driven from time to time _like_ brutes into a common
+yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and experiment,
+which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might
+prompt,--unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of
+common humanity."
+
+Rev. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder, of
+Huntsville, Alabama, says in a letter now before us:
+
+"Colonel Robert H. Watkins, of Laurence county, Alabama, who owned
+about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for
+some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was
+cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. This
+Colonel Watkins was a Presidential elector in 1836."
+
+A.A. GUTHRIE, Esq., elder in the Presbyterian church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows.
+
+"A near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in
+attempting to visit a sick woman on Washington's Bottom, Wood county,
+Virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a group of
+colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of Francis Keen,
+Sen., they were told to ask 'aunty, in the house.'  On entering the
+hut, says my informant, I beheld such a sight as I hope never to see
+again; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said Keen--her
+whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow
+cloth, and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight
+around her person. In the hut there was neither table, chair, nor
+chest--a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its
+furniture. On this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of
+what had been bedding--all exceedingly filthy.
+
+"The woman thus situated _had been for more than a day in travail_,
+without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper
+provision--during the night she said some fellow slave woman would
+stay with her, and the aforesaid children through the day. From a
+woman, who was a slave of Keen's at the same time, my informant
+learned, that this poor woman suffered for three days, and then
+died--when too late to save her life her master sent assistance. It
+was understood to be a rule of his, to neglect his women entirely in
+such times of trial, unless they previously came and informed him,
+and asked for aid."
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, N.Y, who has resided four years
+at the south, says:
+
+"Often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed toil is exacted from
+them. Physicians are rarely called for their benefit."
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who resided a number of years in Georgia, says:
+
+"Another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the _aged_ and
+_sick_. Many when sick, are suspected by their masters of _feigning_
+sickness, and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got
+fast hold of them; when the masters learn, that they are really sick,
+they are in many instances left alone in their cabins during work
+hours; not a few of the slaves are left to die without having one
+friend to wipe off the sweat of death. When the slaves are sick, the
+masters do not, as a general thing, employ physicians, but "doctor"
+them themselves, and their mode of practice in almost all cases is to
+bleed and give salts. When women are confined they have no physician,
+but are committed to the care of slave midwives. Slaves complain very
+little when sick, when they die they are frequently buried at night
+without much ceremony, and in many instances without any; their
+coffins are made by nailing together rough boards, frequently with
+their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes they are put into
+the ground without a coffin or box of any kind."
+
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES--PART II.
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, LATE OF ALABAMA.
+
+Mr. ALLAN is a son of the Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder and pastor of
+the Presbyterian Church at Huntsville, Alabama. He has recently
+become the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Chatham, Illinois.
+
+"I was born and have lived most of my life in the slave states, mainly
+in the village of Huntsville, Alabama, where my parents still reside.
+I seldom went to a _plantation_, and as my visits were confined almost
+exclusively to the families of professing Christians, my _personal_
+knowledge of slavery, was consequently a knowledge of its _fairest_
+side, (if fairest may be predicated of foul.)
+
+"There was one plantation just opposite my father's house in the
+suburbs of Huntsville, belonging to Judge Smith, formerly a Senator in
+Congress from South Carolina, now of Huntsville. The name of his
+overseer was Tune. I have often seen him flogging the slaves in the
+field, and have often heard their cries. Sometimes, too, I have met
+them with the tears streaming down their faces, and the marks of the
+whip, ('whelks,') on their bare necks and shoulders. Tune was so
+severe in his treatment, that his employer dismissed him after two or
+three years, lest, it was said, he should kill off all the slaves. But
+he was immediately employed by another planter in the neighborhood.
+The following fact was stated to me by my brother, James M. Allan, now
+residing at Richmond, Henry county, Illinois, and clerk of the circuit
+and county courts. Tune became displeased with one of the women who
+was pregnant, he made her lay down over a log, with her face towards
+the ground, and beat her so unmercifully, that she was soon after
+delivered of a _dead child_.
+
+"My brother also stated to me the following, which occurred near my
+father's house, and within sight and hearing of the academy and public
+garden. Charles, a fine active negro, who belonged to a bricklayer in
+Huntsville, exchanged the burning sun of the brickyard to enjoy for a
+season the pleasant shade of an adjacent mountain. When his master got
+him back, he tied him by his hands so that his feet could just touch
+the ground--stripped off his clothes, took a paddle, bored full of
+holes, and paddled him leisurely all day long. It was two weeks before
+they could tell whether he would live or die. Neither of these cases
+attracted any particular notice in Huntsville.
+
+"While I lived in Huntsville a slave was killed in the mountain near
+by. The circumstances were these. A white man (James Helton) hunting
+in the woods, suddenly came upon a black man, and commanded him to
+stop, the slave kept on running, Helton fired his rifle and the negro
+was killed.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: This murder was committed about twelve years since. At
+that time, James G. Birney, Esq., now Corresponding Secretary of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society was the Solicitor (prosecuting attorney)
+for that judicial district. His views and feelings upon the subject of
+slavery were, even at that period, in advance of the mass of
+slaveholders, and he determined if possible to bring the murderer to
+justice. He accordingly drew up an indictment and procured the finding
+of a true bill against Helton. Helton, meanwhile, moved over the line
+into the state of Tennessee, and such was the apathy of the community,
+individual effort proved unavailing; and though the murderer had gone
+no further than to an adjoining county (where perhaps he still
+resides) he was never brought to trial.--ED.]
+
+"Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr of Carrollton, Illinois, formerly
+from Courtland, Alabama, told me last spring, that she has very often
+stopped her ears that she might not hear the screams of slaves who
+were under the lash, and that sometimes she has left her house, and
+retired to a place more distant, in order to get away from their
+agonizing cries.
+
+"I have often seen groups of slaves on the public squares in
+Huntsville, who were to be sold at auction, and I have often seen
+their tears gush forth and their countenances distorted with anguish.
+A considerable number were generally sold publicly every month.
+
+"The following facts I have just taken down from the lips of Mr. L.
+Turner, a regular and respectable member of the Second Presbyterian
+Church in Springfield, our county town. He was born and brought up in
+Caroline county, Virginia. He says that the slaves are neither
+considered nor treated as human beings. One of his neighbors whose
+name was Barr, he says, on one occasion stripped a slave and lacerated
+his back with a handcard (for cotton or wool) and then washed it with
+salt and water, with pepper in it. Mr. Turner _saw_ this. He further
+remarked that he believed there were _many_ slaves there in advanced
+life whose backs had never been well since they began to work.
+
+"He stated that one of his uncles had killed a woman--broke her skull
+with an ax helve: she had insulted her mistress! No notice was taken
+of the affair. Mr. T. said, further, that slaves were _frequently
+murdered_.
+
+"He mentioned the case of one slaveholder, whom he had seen lay his
+slaves on a large log, which he kept for the purpose, strip them, tie
+them with the face downward, then have a kettle of hot water
+brought--take the paddle, made of hard wood, and perforated with
+holes, dip it into the hot water and strike--before every blow dipping
+it into the water--every hole at every blow would raise a 'whelk.'
+This was the usual punishment fur _running away_.
+
+"Another slaveholder had a slave who had often run away, and often
+been severely whipped. After one of his floggings he burnt his master's
+barn: this so enraged the man, that when he caught him he took a pair
+of pincers and pulled his toe nails out. The negro then murdered two
+of his master's children. He was taken after a desperate pursuit,
+(having been shot through the shoulder) and hung.
+
+"One of Mr. Turner's cousins, was employed as overseer on a large
+plantation in Mississippi. On a certain morning he called the slaves
+together, to give some orders. While doing it, a slave came running
+out of his cabin, having a knife in his hand and eating his breakfast.
+The overseer seeing him coming with the knife, was somewhat alarmed,
+and instantly raised his gun and shot him dead. He said afterwards,
+that he believed the slave was perfectly innocent of any evil
+intentions, he came out hastily to hear the orders whilst eating. _No_
+notice was taken of the killing.
+
+"Mr. T. related the whipping habits of one of his uncles in Virginia.
+He was a wealthy man, had a splendid house and grounds. A tree in his
+_front yard_, was used as a _whipping post_. When a slave was to be
+punished, he would frequently invite some of his friends, have a
+table, cards and wine set out under the shade; he would then flog his
+slave a little while, and then play cards and drink with his friends,
+occasionally taunting the slave, giving him the privilege of
+confessing such and such things, at his leisure, after a while flog
+him again, thus keeping it up for hours or half the day, and sometimes
+all day. This was his _habit_.
+
+"_February 4th._--Since writing the preceding, I have been to
+Carrollton, on a visit to my uncle, Rev. Hugh Barr, who was originally
+from Tennessee, lived 12 or 14 years in Courtland, Lawrence county,
+Alabama, and moved to Illinois in 1835. In conversation with the
+family, around the fireside, they stated a multitude of horrid facts,
+that were perfectly notorious in the neighborhood of Courtland.
+
+"William P. Barr, an intelligent young man, and member of his father's
+church in Carrollton, stated the following. Visiting at a Mr.
+Mosely's, near Courtland, William Mosely came in with a bloody knife
+in his hand, having just stabbed a negro man. The negro was sitting
+quietly in a house in the village, keeping a woman company who had
+been left in charge of the house,--when Mosely, passing along, went in
+and demanded his business there. Probably his answer was not as civil
+as slaveholding requires, Mosely rushed upon him and stabbed him. The
+wound laid him up for a season. Mosley was called to no account for
+it. When he came in with the bloody knife, he said he wished he had
+killed him.
+
+"John Brown, a slaveholder, and a member of the Presbyterian church in
+Courtland, Alabama, stated the following a few weeks since, in
+Carrollton. A man near Courtland, of the name of Thompson, recently
+shot a negro _woman_ through the head; and put the pistol so close
+that her hair was singed. He did it in consequence of some difficulty
+in his dealings with her as a concubine. He buried her in a log heap;
+she was discovered by the buzzards gathering around it.
+
+"William P. Barr stated the following, as facts well known in the
+neighborhood of Courtland, but not witnessed by himself. Two men, by
+the name of Wilson, found a fine looking negro man at 'Dandridge's
+Quarter,' without a pass; and flogged him so that he died in a short
+time. They were not punished.
+
+"Col. Blocker's overseer attempted to flog a negro--he refused to be
+flogged; whereupon the overseer seized an axe, and cleft his skull.
+The Colonel justified it.
+
+"One Jones whipped a woman to death for 'grabbling' a potato hill. He
+owned 80 or 100 negroes. His own children could not live with him.
+
+"A man in the neighborhood of Courtland, Alabama, by the name of
+Puryear, was so proverbially cruel that among the negroes he was
+usually called 'the Devil.' Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr, was at
+Puryear's house, and saw a negro girl about 13 years old, waiting
+around the table, with a single garment--and that in cold weather;
+arms and feet bare--feet wretchedly swollen--arms burnt, and full of
+sores from exposure. All the negroes under his care made a wretched
+appearance.
+
+"Col. Robert H. Watkins had a runaway slave, who was called Jim
+Dragon. Before he was caught the last time, he had been out a year,
+within a few miles of his master's plantation. He never stole from any
+one but his master, except when necessity compelled him. He said he
+had a right to take from his master; and when taken, that he had,
+whilst out, seen his master a hundred times. Having been whipped,
+clogged with irons, and yoked, he was set at work in the field. Col.
+Watkins worked about 300 hands--generally had one negro out hunting
+runaways. After employing a physician for some time among his negroes,
+he ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to
+lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. He was a
+Presidential elector in 1836.
+
+"Col. Ben Sherrod, another large planter in that neighborhood, is
+remarkable for his kindness to his slaves. He said to Rev. Mr. Barr,
+that he had no doubt he should be rewarded in heaven for his kindness
+to his slaves; and yet his overseer, Walker, had to sleep with loaded
+pistols, for fear of assassination. Three of the slaves attempted to
+kill him once, because of his _treatment of their wives_.
+
+"Old Major Billy Watkins was noted for his severity. I well remember,
+when he lived in Madison county, to have often heard him yell at his
+negroes with the most savage fury. He would stand at his house, and
+watch the slaves picking cotton; and if any of them straitened their
+backs for a moment, his savage yell would ring, 'bend your backs.'
+
+"Mrs. Barr stated, that Mrs. H----, of Courtland, a member of the
+Presbyterian church, sent a little negro girl to jail, suspecting that
+she had attempted to put poison in the water pail. The fact was, that
+the child had found a vial, and was playing in the water. This same
+woman (in high standing too,) told the Rev. Mr. McMillan, that she
+could 'cut Arthur Tappan's throat from ear to ear.'
+
+"The clothing of slaves is in many cases comfortable, and in many it
+is far from being so. I have very often seen slaves, whose tattered
+rags were neither comfortable nor decent.
+
+"Their _huts_ are sometimes comfortable, but generally they are
+miserable _hovels_, where male and female are herded promiscuously
+together.
+
+"As to the _usual_ allowance of food on the plantations in North
+Alabama, I cannot speak confidently, from _personal_ knowledge. There
+was a slave named Hadley, who was in the habit of visiting my father's
+slaves occasionally. He had run away several times. His reason was, as
+he stated, that they would not give him any meat--said he could not
+work without meat. The last time I saw him, he had quite a heavy iron
+yoke on his neck, the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches long,
+extending out over his shoulders and bending upwards.
+
+"_Legal_ marriage is unknown among the slaves, they sometimes have a
+marriage form--generally, however, _none at all_. The pastor of the
+Presbyterian church in Huntsville, had two families of slaves when I
+left there. One couple were married by a negro preacher--the man was
+robbed of his wife a number of months afterwards, by her '_owner_.'
+The other couple just 'took up together,' without any form of
+marriage. They are both members of churches--the man a Baptist deacon,
+sober and correct in his deportment. They have a large family of
+children--all children of concubinage--living in a minister's family.
+
+"If these statements are deemed of any value by you, in forwarding
+your glorious enterprize, you are at liberty to use them as you
+please. The great wrong is _enslaving a man_; all other wrongs are
+pigmies, compared with that. Facts might be gathered abundantly, to
+show that it is _slavery itself_, and not cruelties merely, that make
+slaves unhappy. Even those that are most kindly treated, are generally
+far from being happy. The slaves in my father's family are almost as
+kindly treated as _slaves_ can be, yet they pant for liberty.
+
+"May the Lord guide you in this great movement. In behalf of the
+perishing, Your friend and brother, WILLIAM. T. ALLAN"
+
+
+NARRATIVE OF MR. WILLIAM LEFTWICH, A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+
+Mr. Leftwich is a grandson of Gen. Jabez Leftwich, who was for some
+years a member of Congress from Virginia. Though born in Virginia, he
+has resided most of his life in Alabama. He now lives in Delhi,
+Hamilton county, Ohio, near Cincinnati.
+
+As an introduction to his letter, the reader is furnished with the
+following testimonial to his character, from the Rev. Horace Bushnell,
+pastor of the Presbyterian church in Delhi. Mr. B. says:
+
+"Mr. Leftwich is a worthy member of this church, and is a young man of
+sterling integrity and veracity.
+
+H. BUSHNELL."
+
+The following is the letter of Mr. Leftwich, dated Dec. 26, 1838.
+
+"Dear Brother--I am not ranked among the abolitionists, yet I cannot,
+as a friend of humanity, withhold from the public such facts in
+relation to the condition of the slaves, as have fallen under my own
+observation. That I am somewhat acquainted with slavery will be seen,
+as I narrate some incidents of my own life. My parents were
+slaveholders, and moved from Virginia to Madison county, Alabama,
+during my infancy. My mother soon fell a victim to the climate. Being
+the youngest of the children, I was left in the care of my aged
+grandfather, who never held a slave, though his sons owned from 90 to
+100 during the time I resided with him. As soon as I could carry a
+hoe, my uncle, by the name of Neely, persuaded my grandfather that I
+should be placed in his hands, and brought up in habits of industry. I
+was accordingly placed under his tuition. I left the domestic circle,
+little dreaming of the horrors that awaited me. My mother's own
+brother took me to the cotton field, there to learn habits of
+industry, and to be benefited by his counsels. But the sequel proved,
+that I was there to feel in my own person, and witness by experience
+many of the horrors of slavery. Instead of kind admonition, I was to
+endure the frowns of one, whose sympathies could neither be reached by
+the prayers and cries of his slaves, nor by the entreaties and
+sufferings of a sister's son. Let those who call slaveholders kind,
+hospitable and humane, mark the course the slaveholder pursues with
+one born free, whose ancestors fought and bled for liberty; and then
+say, if they can without a blush of shame, that he who robs the
+helpless of every _right_, can be truly kind and hospitable.
+
+"In a short time after I was put upon the plantation, there was but
+little difference between me and the slaves, except being _white_, I
+ate at the master's table. The slaves were my companions in misery,
+and I well learned their condition, both in the house and field. Their
+dwellings are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square; often without
+windows, doors or floors. They have neither chairs, tables or
+bedsteads. These huts are occupied by eight, ten or twelve persons
+each. Their bedding generally consists of two old blankets. Many of
+them sleep night after night sitting upon their blocks or stools;
+others sleep in the open air. Our task was appointed, and from dawn
+till dark all must bend to their work. Their meals were taken without
+knife or plate, dish or spoon. Their food was corn _pone_, prepared in
+the coarsest manner, with a small allowance of meat. Their meals in
+the field were taken from the hands of the carrier, wherever he found
+them, with no more ceremony than in the feeding of swine. My uncle was
+his own overseer. For punishing in the field, he preferred a large
+hickory stick; and wo to him whose work was not done to please him,
+for the hickory was used upon our heads as remorselessly as if we had
+been mad dogs. I was often the object of his fury, and shall bear the
+marks of it on my body till I die. Such was my suffering and
+degradation, that at the end of five years, I hardly dared to say I
+was _free_. When thinning cotton, we went mostly on our knees. One
+day, while thus engaged, my uncle found my row behind; and, by way of
+admonition, gave me a few blows with his hickory, the marks of which I
+carried for weeks. Often I followed the example of the fugitive
+slaves, and betook myself to the mountains; but hunger and fear drove
+me back, to share with the wretched slave his toil and stripes. But I
+have talked enough about my own bondage; I will now relate a few
+facts, showing the condition of the slaves _generally_.
+
+"My uncle wishing to purchase what is called a good 'house wench,' a
+_trader_ in human flesh soon produced a woman, recommending her as
+highly as ever a jockey did a horse. She was purchased, but on trial
+was found wanting in the requisite qualifications. She then fell a
+victim to the disappointed rage of my uncle; innocent or guilty, she
+suffered greatly from his fury. He used to tie her to a peach tree in
+the yard, and whip her till there was no sound place to lay another
+stroke, and repeat it so often that her back was kept continually
+sore. Whipping the females around the legs, was a favorite mode of
+punishment with him. They must stand and hold up their clothes, while
+he plied his hickory. He did not, like some of his neighbors, keep a
+pack of hounds for hunting runaway negroes, but be kept one dog for
+that purpose, and when he came up with a runaway, it would have been
+death to attempt to fly, and it was nearly so to stand. Sometimes,
+when my uncle attempted to whip the slaves, the dog would rush upon
+them and relieve them of their rags, if not of their flesh. One object
+of my uncle's special hate was "Jerry," a slave of a proud spirit. He
+defied all the curses, rage and stripes of his tyrant. Though he was
+often overpowered--for my uncle would frequently wear out his stick
+upon his head--yet be would never submit. As he was not expert in
+picking cotton, he would sometimes run away in the fall, to escape
+abuse. At one time, after an absence of some months, he was arrested
+and brought back. As is customary, he was stripped, tied to a log, and
+the cow-skin applied to his naked body till his master was exhausted.
+Then a large log chain was fastened around one ankle, passed up his
+back, over his shoulders, then across his breast, and fastened under
+his arm. In this condition he was forced to perform his daily task.
+Add to this he was chained each night, and compelled to chop wood
+every Sabbath, to make up lost time. After being thus manacled for
+some months, he was released--but his spirit was unsubdued. Soon
+after, his master, in a paroxysm of rage, fell upon him, wore out his
+staff upon his head, loaded him again with chains, and after a month,
+sold him farther south. Another slave, by the name of Mince, who was a
+man of great strength, purloined some bacon on a Christmas eve. It was
+missed in the morning, and he being absent, was of course suspected.
+On returning home, my uncle commanded him to come to him, but he
+refused. The master strove in vain to lay hands on him; in vain he
+ordered his slaves to seize him--they dared not. At length the master
+hurled a stone at his head sufficient to have felled a bullock--but he
+did not heed it. At that instant my aunt sprang forward, and
+presenting the gun to my uncle, exclaimed, 'Shoot him! shoot him !' He
+made the attempt, but the gun missed fire, and Mince fled. He was
+taken eight or ten months after while crossing the Ohio. When brought
+back, the master, and an overseer on another plantation, took him to
+the mountain and punished him to their satisfaction in secret; after
+which he was loaded with chains and set to his task.
+
+"I here spent nearly all my life in the midst of slavery. From being
+the son of a slaveholder, I descended to the condition of a slave, and
+from that condition I rose (if you please to call it so,) to the
+station of a '_driver_.' I have lived in Alabama, Tennessee, and
+Kentucky; and I _know_ the condition of the slaves to be that of
+unmixed wretchedness and degradation. And on the part of slaveholders,
+there is cruelty _untold_. The labor of the slave is constant toil,
+wrung out by fear. Their food is scanty, and taken without comfort.
+Their clothes answer the purposes neither of comfort nor decency. They
+are not allowed to read or write. Whether they may worship God or not,
+depends on the will of the master. The young children, until they can
+work, often go naked during the warm weather. I could spend months in
+detailing the sufferings, degradation and cruelty inflicted upon
+slaves. But my soul sickens at the remembrance of these things."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. LEMUEL SAPINGTON, A NATIVE OF MARYLAND.
+
+Mr. Sapington, is a repentant "soul driver" or slave trader, now a
+citizen of Lancaster, Pa. He gives the following testimony in a letter
+dated, Jan. 21, 1839.
+
+"I was born in Maryland, afterwards moved to Virginia, where I
+commenced the business of farming and trafficking in slaves. In my
+neighborhood the slaves were 'quartered.' The description generally
+given of negro quarters is correct. The quarters are without floors,
+and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather, they are
+uncomfortable both in summer and winter. The food there consists of
+potatoes, pork, and corn, which were given to them daily, by weight
+and measure. The sexes were huddled together promiscuously. Their
+clothing is made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted
+by the old women who are no longer able to do out door work,
+consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. I have frequently seen
+those of both sexes who have not attained the age of twelve years go
+naked. Their punishments are invariably cruel. For the slightest
+offence, such as taking a hen's egg, I have seen them stripped and
+suspended by their hands, their feet tied together, a fence rail of
+ordinary size placed between their ankles, and then most cruelly
+whipped, until, from head to foot, they were completely lacerated, a
+pickle made for the purpose of salt and water, would then be applied
+by a fellow-slave, for the purpose of healing the wounds as well as
+giving pain. Then taken down and without the least respite sent to
+work with their hoe.
+
+"Pursuing my assumed right of driving souls, I went to the Southern
+part of Virginia for the purpose of trafficking in slaves. In that
+part of the state, the cruelties practised upon the slaves, are far
+greater than where I lived. The punishments there often resulted in
+death to the slave. There was no law for the negro, but that of the
+overseer's whip. In that part of the country, the slaves receive
+nothing for food, but corn in the ear, which has to be prepared for
+baking after working hours, by grinding it with a hand-mill. This they
+take to the fields with them, and prepare it for eating, by holding it
+on their hoes, over a fire made by a stump. Among the gangs, are often
+young women, who bring their children to the fields, and lay them in a
+fence corner, while they are at work, only being permitted to nurse
+them at the option of the overseer. When a child is three weeks old, a
+woman is considered in working order. I have seen a woman, with her
+young child strapped to her back, laboring the whole day, beside a
+man, perhaps the father of the child, and he not being permitted to
+give her any assistance, himself being under the whip. The uncommon
+humanity of the driver allowing her the comfort of doing so. I was
+then selling a drove of slaves, which I had brought by water from
+Baltimore, my conscience not allowing me to drive, as was generally
+the case uniting the slaves by collars and chains, and thus driving
+them under the whip. About that time an unaccountable something, which
+I now know was an interposition of Providence, prevented me from
+prosecuting any farther this unholy traffic; but though I had quitted
+it, I still continued to live in a slave state, witnessing every day
+its evil effects upon my fellow beings. Among which was a
+heart-rending scene that took place in my father's house, which led me
+to lease a slave state, as well as all the imaginary comforts arising
+from slavery. On preparing for my removal to the state of
+Pennsylvania, it became necessary for me to go to Louisville, in
+Kentucky, where, if possible, I became more horrified with the
+impositions practiced upon the negro than before. There a slave was
+sold to go farther south, and was hand-cuffed for the purpose of
+keeping him secure. But choosing death rather than slavery, he jumped
+overboard and was drowned. When I returned four weeks afterwards his
+body, that had floated three miles below, was yet unburied. One fact;
+it is impossible for a person to pass through a slave state, if he has
+eyes open, without beholding every day cruelties repugnant to
+humanity.
+
+Respectfully Yours,
+
+LEMUEL SAPINGTON.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MRS. NANCY LOWRY, A NATIVE OF KENTUCKY.
+
+Mrs. Lory, is a member of the non-conformist church in Osnaburg, Stark
+County, Ohio, she is a native of Kentucky. We have received from her
+the following testimony.
+
+"I resided in the family of Reuben Long, the principal part of the
+time, from seven to twenty-two years of age. Mr. Long had 16 slaves,
+among whom were three who were treated with severity, although Mr.
+Long was thought to be a very human master. These three, namely John,
+Ned, and James, had wives; John and Ned had theirs at some distance,
+but James had his with him. All three died a premature death, and it
+was generally believed by his neighbors, that extreme whipping was the
+cause. I believe so too. Ned died about the age of 25 and John 34 or
+35. The cause of their flogging was commonly staying a little over the
+time, with their wives. Mr. Long would tie them up by the wrist, so
+high that their toes would just touch the ground, and then with a
+cow-hide lay the lash upon the naked back, until he was exhausted,
+when he would sit down and rest. As soon as he had rested
+sufficiently, he would ply the cow-hide again, thus he would continue
+until the whole back of the poor victim was lacerated into one uniform
+coat of blood. Yet he was a strict professor of the Christian
+religion, in the southern church. I frequently washed the wounds of
+John, with salt water, to prevent putrefaction. This was the usual
+course pursued after a severe flogging; their backs would be full of
+gashes, so deep the I could almost lay my finger in them. They were
+generally laid up after the flogging for several days. The last
+flogging Ned got, he was confined to the bed, which he never left till
+he was carried to his grave. During John's confinement in his last
+sickness on one occasion while attending on him, he exclaimed, 'oh,
+Nancy, Miss Nancy, I haven't much longer in this world, I feel as if
+my whole body inside and all my bones were beaten into a jelly.' Soon
+after he died. John and Ned were both professors of religion.
+
+"John Ruffner, a slaveholder, had one slave named Pincy, whom he as
+well as Mrs. Ruffner would often flog very severely. I frequently saw
+Mrs. Ruffner flog her with the broom, shovel, or any thing she could
+seize in her rage. She would knock her down and then kick and stamp
+her most unmercifully, until she would be apparently so lifeless, that
+I more than once thought she would never recover. Often Pincy would
+try to shelter herself from the blows of her mistress, by creeping
+under the bed, from which Mrs. Ruffner would draw her by the feet, and
+then stamp and leap on her body, till her breath would be gone. Often
+Pincy, would cry, 'Oh Missee, don't kill me!' 'Oh Lord, don't kill
+me!' 'For God's sake don't kill me!' But Mrs. Ruffner would beat and
+stamp away, with all the venom of a demon. The cause of Pincy's
+flogging was, not working enough, or making some mistake in baking,
+&c. &c. Many a night Pincy had to lie on the bare floor, by the side
+of the cradle, rocking the baby of her mistress, and if she would fall
+asleep, and suffer the child to cry, so as to waken Mrs. Ruffner, she
+would be sure to receive a flogging."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. WM. C. GILDERSLEEVE, A NATIVE OF GEORGIA
+
+MR. W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, a native of Georgia, is an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkesbarre, Pa.
+
+"_Acts of cruelty, without number, fell under my observation_ while I
+lived in Georgia. I will mention but one. A slave of a Mr. Pinkney, on
+his way with a wagon to Savannah, 'camped' for the night by the road
+side. That night, the nearest hen-roost was robbed. On his return, the
+hen-roost was again visited, and the fowl counted one less in the
+morning. The oldest son, with some attendants made search, and came
+upon the poor fellow, in the act of dressing his spoil. He was too
+nimble for them, and made his retreat good into a dense swamp. When
+much effort to start him from his hiding place had proved
+unsuccessful, it was resolved to lay an ambush for him, some distance
+ahead. The wagon, meantime, was in charge of a lad, who accompanied
+the teamster as an assistant. The little boy lay still till nearly
+night, (in the hope probably that the teamster would return,) when he
+started with his wagon. After travelling some distance, the lost one
+made his appearance, when the ambush sprang upon him. The poor fellow
+was conducted back to the plantation. He expected little mercy. He
+begged for himself, in the most suplicating manner, 'pray massa give
+me 100 lashes and let me go.' He was then tied by the hands, to a limb
+of a large mulberry tree, which grew in the yard, so that his feet
+were raised a few inches from the ground, while a _sharpened stick_
+was driven underneath that he might rest his weight on it, or swing by
+his hands. In this condition 100 lashes were laid on his bare body. I
+stood by and witnessed the whole, without as I recollect feeling the
+least compassion. So hardening is the influence of slavery, that it
+very much destroys feeling for the slave."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. HIRAM WHITE--A NATIVE OF NORTH CAROLINA
+
+
+Mr. WHITE resided thirty-two years in Chatham county, North Carolina,
+and is now a member of the Baptist Church, at Otter Creek Prairie,
+Illinois.
+
+About the 20th December 1830, a report was raised that the slaves in
+Chatham county, North Carolina, were going to rise on Christmas day,
+in consequence of which a considerable commotion ensued among the
+inhabitants; orders were given by the Governor to the militia
+captains, to appoint patrolling captains in each district, and orders
+were given for every man subject to military duty to patrol as their
+captains should direct. I went two nights in succession, and after
+that refused to patrol at all. The reason why I refused was this,
+orders were given to search every negro house for books or prints of
+any kind, and _Bibles_ and _Hymn books_ were particularly mentioned.
+And should we find any, our orders were to inflict punishment by
+whipping the slave until he _informed who_ gave them to him, or how
+they came by them.
+
+As regards the comforts of the slaves in the vicinity of my residence,
+I can say they had nothing that would bear that name. It is true, the
+slaves in general, of a good crop year, were tolerably well fed, but
+of a bad crop year, they were, as a general thing, cut short of their
+allowance. Their houses were pole cabins, without loft or floor. Their
+beds were made of what is there called "broom-straw." The men more
+commonly sleep on benches. Their clothing would compare well with
+their lodging. Whipping was common. It was hardly possible for a man
+with a common pair of ears, if he was out of his house but a short
+time on Monday mornings, to miss of hearing the sound of the lash, and
+the cries of the sufferers pleading with their masters to desist.
+These scenes were more common throughout the time of my residence
+there, from 1799 to 1831.
+
+Mr. Hedding of Chatham county, held a slave woman. I traveled past
+Heddings as often as once in two weeks during the winter of 1828, and
+always saw her clad in a single cotton dress, sleeves came half way to
+the elbow, and in order to prevent her running away, a child, supposed
+to be about seven years of age, was connected with her by a long chain
+fastened round her neck, and in this situation she was compelled all
+the day to grub up the roots of shrubs and sapplings to prepare ground
+for the plough. It is not uncommon for slaves to make up on Sundays
+what they are not able to perform through the week of their tasks.
+
+At the time of the rumored insurrection above named, Chatham jail was
+filled with slaves who were said to have been concerned in the plot.
+Without the least evidence of it, they were punished in divers ways;
+some were whipped, some had their _thumbs screwed in a vice_ to make
+them confess, but no proof satisfactory was ever obtained that the
+negroes had ever thought of an insurrection, nor did any so far as I
+could learn, acknowledge that an insurrection had ever been projected.
+From this time forth, the slaves were prohibited from assembling
+together for the worship of God, and many of those who had previously
+been authorized to preach the gospel were prohibited.
+
+Amalgamation was common. There was scarce a family of slaves that had
+females of mature age where there were not some mulatto children.
+
+HIRAM  WHITE
+
+_Otter Creek Prairie, Jan. 22, 1839_.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. JOHN M. NELSON--A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+
+Extract of a letter, dated January 3, 1839, from John M. Nelson, Esq.,
+of Hillsborough. Mr. Nelson removed from Virginia to Highland county,
+Ohio, many years since, where he is extensively known and respected.
+
+I was born and raised in Augusta county, Virginia; my father was an
+elder in the Presbyterian Church, and was "owner" of about twenty
+slaves; he was what was generally termed a "good master." His slaves
+were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over worked,
+they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to
+family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these
+privileges. On _some occasions_ I have seen him whip them severely,
+particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for
+what was called, "running away." For _this_ they were scourged more
+severely than for any thing else. After they have been retaken, I have
+seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a
+tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the ground,
+and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs. A
+boy named Jack, particularly, I have seen served in this way more than
+once. When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to
+see one _tied up_ to be whipped, and I used to intercede with tears in
+their behalf, and mingle my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing
+to take part of the punishment; I have been severely rebuked by my
+father for this kind of sympathy. Yet, such is the hardening nature of
+such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering
+slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness their stripes
+with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse.
+One case I have often looked back to with sorrow and contrition,
+particularly since I have been convinced that "negroes are men." When
+I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, I undertook to correct
+a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed offence; I think it was
+leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger
+than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my
+striking him; this I considered the height of insolence, and cried for
+help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. My
+father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where
+switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch
+wore out he supplied me with others. After I had whipped him a while,
+he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and I kicked him in the
+face; my father said, "don't kick him, but whip him;" this I did until
+his back was literally covered with _welts_. I know I have repented,
+and trust I have obtained pardon for these things.
+
+My father owned a woman, (we used to call aunt Grace,) she was
+purchased in Old Virginia. She has told me that her old master, in his
+_will_, gave her her freedom, but at his death, his sons had sold her
+to my father: when he bought her she manifested some unwillingness to
+go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by force. This was
+before I was born; but I remember to have seen the irons, and was told
+that was what they had been used for. Aunt Grace is still living, and
+must be between seventy and eighty years of age; she has, for the last
+forty years, been an exemplary Christian. When I was a youth I took
+some pains to learn her to read; this is now a great consolation to
+her. Since age and infirmity have rendered her of little value to her
+"owners," she is permitted to read as much as she pleases; this she
+can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old family Bible, which is
+almost the only book she has ever looked into. This with some little
+mending for the black children, is all she does; she is still held as
+a slave. I well remember what a _heart-rending scene_ there was in the
+family when _my father sold her husband_; this was, I suppose,
+thirty-five years ago. And yet my father was considered one of the
+best of masters. I know of few who were better, but of _many_ who were
+worse.
+
+The last time I saw my father, which was in the fall of 1832, he
+promised me that he would free all his slaves at his death. He died
+however without doing it; and I have understood since, that he omitted
+it, through the influence of Rev. Dr. Speece, a Presbyterian minister,
+who lived in the family, and was a _warm friend of the Colonization
+Society_.
+
+About the year 1809 or 10, I became a student of Rev. George Bourne;
+he was the first abolitionist I had ever seen, and the first I had
+ever heard pray or plead for the oppressed, which gave me the first
+misgivings about the _innocence_ of slaveholding. I received
+impressions from Mr. Bourne which I could not get rid of,[6] and
+determined in my own mind that when I settled in life, it should be in
+a free state; this determination I carried into effect in 1813, when I
+removed to this place, which I supposed at that time, to be all the
+opposition to slavery that was necessary, but the moment I became
+convinced that all slaveholding was in itself _sinful_, I became an
+abolitionist, which was about four years ago.
+
+[Footnote 6: Mr. Bourne resided seven years in Virginia, "in perils
+among false brethren; fiercely persecuted for his faithful testimony
+against slavery. More than twenty years since he published a work
+entitled 'The Book and Slavery irreconcileable.'"]
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF ANGELINA GRIMKÉ WELD.
+
+Mrs. Weld is the youngest daughter of the late Judge Grimké, of the
+Supreme Court of South Carolina, and a sister of the late Hon. Thomas
+S. Grimké, of Charleston.
+
+Fort Lee, Bergen Co., New Jersey, Fourth month 6th, 1839.
+
+I sit down to comply with thy request, preferred in the name of the
+Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The
+responsibility laid upon me by such a request, leaves me no option.
+While I live, and slavery lives, I _must_ testify against it. If I
+should hold my peace, "the stone would cry out of the wall, and the
+beam out of the timber would answer it." But though I feel a necessity
+upon me, and "a woe unto me," if I withhold my testimony, I give it
+with a heavy heart. My flesh crieth out, "if it be possible, let
+_this_ cup pass from me;" but, "Father, _thy_ will be done," is, I
+trust, the breathing of my spirit. Oh, the slain of the daughter of my
+people! they lie in all the ways; their tears fall as the rain, and
+are their meat day and night; their blood runneth down like water;
+their plundered hearths are desolate; they weep for their husbands and
+children, because they are not; and the proud waves do continually go
+over them, while no eye pitieth, and no man careth for their souls.
+
+But it is not alone for the sake of my poor brothers and sisters in
+bonds, or for the cause of truth, and righteousness, and humanity,
+that I testify; the deep yearnings of affection for the mother that
+bore me, who is still a slaveholder, both in fact and in heart; for my
+brothers and sisters, (a large family circle,) and for my numerous
+other slaveholding kindred in South Carolina, constrain me to speak:
+for even were slavery no curse to its victims, the exercise of
+arbitrary power works such fearful ruin upon the hearts of
+_slaveholders_, that I should feel impelled to labor and pray for its
+overthrow with my last energies and latest breath.
+
+I think it important to premise, that I have seen almost nothing of
+slavery on _plantations_. My testimony will have respect exclusively
+to the treatment of "_house-servants_," and chiefly those belonging to
+the first families in the city of Charleston, both in the religious
+and in the fashionable world. And here let me say, that the treatment
+of _plantation_ slaves cannot be fully known, except by the poor
+sufferers themselves, and their drivers and overseers. In a multitude
+of instances, even the master can know very little of the actual
+condition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far
+less. A few facts concerning my own family will show this. Our
+permanent residence was in Charleston; our country-seat (Bellemont,)
+was 200 miles distant, in the north-western part of the state; where,
+for some years, our family spent a few months annually. Our
+_plantation_ was three miles from this family mansion. There, all the
+field-slaves lived and worked. Occasionally, once a month, perhaps,
+some of the family would ride over to the plantation, but I never
+visited the _fields where the slaves were at work_, and knew almost
+nothing of their condition; but this I do know, that the overseers who
+had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and intemperate men.
+But I rejoice to know, that the general treatment of slaves in that
+region of country, was far milder than on the plantations in the lower
+country.
+
+Throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the
+planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. They
+have almost invariably _two residences_, and spend less than half the
+year on their estates. Even while spending a few months on them,
+politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits,
+company, literary pursuits, &c., absorb so much of their time, that
+they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their
+slaves _on trust_, from the reports of their overseers. I make this
+statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class,) are, I
+believe, almost the only ones who visit the north with their
+families;--and northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their
+testimony.
+
+But not to dwell on preliminaries, I wish to record my testimony to
+the faithfulness and accuracy with which my beloved sister, Sarah M.
+Grimké, has, in her 'narrative and testimony,' on a preceding page,
+described the condition of the slaves, and the effect upon the hearts
+of slaveholders, (even the best,) caused by the exercise of unlimited
+power over moral agents. Of the _particular acts_ which she has
+stated, I have no personal knowledge, as they occurred before my
+remembrance; but of the spirit that prompted them, and that constantly
+displays itself in scenes of similar horror, the recollections of my
+childhood, and the effaceless imprint upon my riper years, with the
+breaking of my heart-strings, when, finding that I was powerless to
+shield the victims, I tore myself from my home and friends, and became
+an exile among strangers--all these throng around me as witnesses, and
+their testimony is graven on my memory with a pen of fire.
+
+Why I did not become totally hardened, under the daily operation of
+this system, God only knows; in deep solemnity and gratitude, I say,
+it was the _Lord's_ doing, and marvellous in mine eyes. Even before my
+heart was touched with the love of Christ, I used to say, "Oh that I
+had the wings of a dove, that I might flee away and be at rest;" for I
+felt that there could be no rest for me in the midst of such outrages
+and pollutions. And yet I saw _nothing_ of slavery in its most vulgar
+and repulsive forms. I saw it in the city, among the fashionable and
+the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, and decked out
+for show. A few _facts_ will unfold the state of society in the circle
+with which I was familiar far better than any general assertions I can
+make.
+
+I will first introduce the reader to a woman of the highest
+respectability--one who was foremost in every benevolent enterprise,
+and stood for many years, I may say, at the _head_ of the fashionable
+Elite of the city of Charleston, and afterwards at the head of the
+moral and religious female society there. It was after she had made a
+profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable world, that I
+knew her; therefore I will present her in her religious character.
+This lady used to keep cowhides, or small paddles, (called 'pancake
+sticks,') in four different apartments in her house; so that when she
+wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might
+not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of torture. For many
+years, one or other, and _often_ more of her slaves, were flogged
+_every day_; particularly the young slaves about the house, whose
+faces were slapped, or their hands beat with the 'pancake stick; for
+every trifling offence--and often for no fault at all. But the
+floggings were not all; the scolding, and abuse daily heaped upon them
+all, were worse: 'fools' and 'liars,' 'sluts' and 'husseys,'
+'hypocrites' and 'good-for-nothing creatures'; were the common
+epithets with which her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves,
+adults as well as children. Very often she would take a position at
+her window, in an upper story, and scold at her slaves while working
+in the garden, at some distance from the house, (a large yard
+intervening,) and occasionally order a flogging. I have known her thus
+on the watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a
+voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her; and this without the
+least apparent feeling of shame. Indeed, it was no disgrace among
+slaveholders, and did not in the least injure her standing, either as
+a lady or a Christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved.
+After the 'revival' in Charleston, in 1825, she opened her house to
+social prayer-meetings. The room in which they were held in the
+evening, and where the voice of prayer was heard around the family
+altar, and where she herself retired for private devotion thrice each
+day, was the very place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped
+with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the infliction; and the
+wail of the sufferer would be heard, where, perhaps only a few hours
+previous, rose the voices of prayer and praise. This mistress would
+occasionally send her slaves, male and female, to the Charleston
+work-house to be punished. One poor girl, whom she sent there to be
+flogged, and who was accordingly stripped _naked_ and whipped, showed
+me the deep gashes on her back--I might have laid my whole finger in
+them--_large pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the
+torturing lash_. She sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned
+and worked on the tread-mill. This girl was confined several days, and
+forced to work the mill while in a state of suffering from another
+cause. For ten days or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from
+the violent exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the
+machine. She spoke to me with intense feeling of this outrage upon
+her, as a _woman_. Her men servants were sometimes flogged there; and
+so exceedingly offensive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated
+backs, for days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of
+the house--the smell arising from their wounds being too horrible to
+be endured. They were always stiff and sore for some days, and not in
+a condition to be seen by visitors.
+
+This professedly Christian woman was a most awful illustration of the
+ruinous influence of arbitrary power upon the temper--her bursts of
+passion upon the heads of her victims were dreaded even by her own
+children, and very often, all the pleasure of social intercourse
+around the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the cook into
+her presence, and storming at him, when the dinner or breakfast was
+not prepared to her taste, and in the presence of all her children,
+commanding the waiter to slap his face. _Fault-finding_, was with her
+the constant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that peace
+which should hover around the social board, and smile on every face.
+It was common for her to order brothers to whip their own sisters, and
+sisters their own brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor
+more than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants.
+This may seem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner, but these
+seeming contradictions vanish when we consider that over _them_ she
+possessed no arbitrary power, they were always presented to her mind
+as unfortunate sufferers, towards whom her sympathies most freely
+flowed; she was ever ready to wipe the tears from _their_ eyes, and
+open wide her purse for _their_ relief, but the others were her
+_vassals_, thrust down by public opinion beneath her feet, to be at
+her beck and call, ever ready to serve in all humility, her, whom God
+in his providence had set over them--it was their _duty_ to abide in
+abject submission, and hers to _compel_ them to do so--_it was thus
+that she reasoned_. Except at family prayers, none were permitted to
+_sit_ in her presence, but the seamstresses and waiting maids, and
+they, however delicate might be their circumstances, were forced to
+sit upon low stools, without backs, that they might be constantly
+reminded of their inferiority. A slave who waited in the house, was
+guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, and kept
+dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave of a lady who lived
+at a little distance.)  When the family sat down to the table, the
+mistress began to scold the waiter for the offence--he attempted to
+excuse himself--she ordered him to hold his tongue--he ventured
+another apology; her son then rose from the table in a rage, and beat
+the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully that the blood gushed
+from his mouth, and nose, and ears. This mistress was a _professor of
+religion_; her daughter who related the circumstance, was a _fellow
+member_ of the Presbyterian church _with the poor outraged
+slave_--instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous abuse of her
+brother in the church, she justified the deed, and said "he got just
+what he deserved."  I solemnly believe this to be a true picture of
+_slaveholding religion_.
+
+The following is another illustration of it:
+
+A mistress in Charleston sent a grey headed female slave to the
+workhouse, and had her severely flogged. The poor old woman went to
+an acquaintance of mine and begged her to buy her, and told her how
+cruelly she had been whipped. My friend examined her _lacerated back_,
+and out of compassion did purchase her. The circumstance was
+mentioned to one of the former owner's relatives, who asked her if it
+were true. The mistress told her it was, and said that she had made
+the severe whipping of this aged woman a _subject of prayer_, and that
+she believed she had done right to have it inflicted upon her. The
+last 'owner' of the poor old slave, said she, had no fault to find
+with her as a servant.
+
+I remember very well that when I was a child, our next door neighbor
+whipped a young woman so brutally, that in order to escape his blows
+she rushed through the drawing-room window in the second story, and
+fell upon the street pavement below and broke her hip. This
+circumstance produced no excitement or inquiry.
+
+The following circumstance occurred in Charleston, in 1828:
+
+A slaveholder, after flogging a little girl about thirteen years old,
+set her on a table with her feet fastened in a pair of stocks. He then
+locked the door and took out the key. When the door was opened she
+was found dead, having fallen from the table. When I asked a
+prominent lawyer, who belonged to one of the first families in the
+State, whether the murderer of this helpless child could not be
+indicted, he coolly replied, that the slave was Mr. ----'s property,
+and if he chose to suffer the _loss_, no one else had any thing to do
+with it. The loss of _human life_, the distress of the parents and
+other relatives of the little girl, seemed utterly out of his
+thoughts: it was the loss of _property_ only that presented itself to
+his mind.
+
+I knew a gentleman of great benevolence and generosity of character,
+so essentially to injure the eye of a little boy, about ten years old,
+as to destroy its sight, by the blow of a cowhide, inflicted whilst he
+was whipping him.[7]  I have heard the same individual speak of
+"breaking down the spirit of a slave under the lash" as perfectly
+right.
+
+[Footnote 7: The Jewish law would have set this servant free, for his
+eye's sake, but he was held in slavery and sold from hand to hand,
+although, besides this title to his liberty according to Jewish law,
+he was a _mulatto_, and therefore free under the Constitution of the
+United States, in whose preamble our fathers declare that they
+established it expressly to "secure the blessings of _liberty_ to
+themselves and _their posterity_."--Ed.]
+
+I also know that an aged slave of his, (by marriage,) was allowed to
+get a scanty and precarious subsistence, by begging in the streets of
+Charleston--he was too old to work, and therefore _his allowance was
+stopped_, and he was turned out to make his living by begging.
+
+When I was about thirteen years old, I attended a seminary, in
+Charleston, which was superintended by a man and his wife of superior
+education. They had under their instruction the daughters of nearly
+all the aristocracy. Their cruelty to their slaves, both male and
+female, I can never forget. I remember one day there was called into
+the school room to open a window, a boy whose head had been shaved in
+order to disgrace him, and he had been so dreadfully whipped that he
+could hardly walk. So horrible was the impression produced upon my
+mind by his heart-broken countenance and crippled person that I
+fainted away. The sad and ghastly countenance of one of their female
+mulatto slaves who used to sit on a low stool at her sewing in the
+piazza, is now fresh before me. She often told me, secretly, how
+cruelly she was whipped when they sent her to the work house. I had
+known so much of the terrible scourgings inflicted in that house of
+blood, that when I was once obliged to pass it, the very sight smote
+me with such horror that my limbs could hardly sustain me. I felt as
+if I was passing the precincts of hell. A friend of mine who lived in
+the neighborhood, told me she often heard the screams of the slaves
+under their torture.
+
+I once heard a physician of a high family, and of great respectability
+in his profession, say, that when he sent his slaves to the work-house
+to be flogged, he always went to see it done, that he might be sure
+they were properly, i.e. _severely_ whipped. He also related the
+following circumstance in my presence. He had sent a youth of about
+eighteen to this horrible place to be whipped and _afterwards_ to be
+worked upon the treadmill. From not keeping the step, which probably
+he COULD NOT do, in consequence of the lacerated state of his body;
+his arm got terribly torn, from the shoulder to the wrist. This
+physician said, he went every day to attend to it himself, in order
+that he might use those restoratives, which _would inflict the
+greatest possible pain_. This poor boy, after being imprisoned there
+for some weeks, was then brought home, and compelled to wear iron
+clogs on his ankles for one or two months. I saw him with those irons
+on one day when I was at the house. This man was, when young,
+remarkable in the fashionable world for his elegant and fascinating
+manners, but the exercise of the slaveholder's power has thrown the
+fierce air of tyranny even over these.
+
+I heard another man of equally high standing say, that he believed he
+suffered far more than his waiter did whenever he flogged him for he
+felt the _exertion_ for days afterward, but he could not let his
+servant go on in the neglect of his business, it was _his duty_ to
+chastise him. "His duty" to flog this boy of seventeen so severely
+that he felt _the exertion_ for days after! and yet he never felt it
+to be his duty to instruct him, or have him instructed, even in the
+common principles of morality. I heard the mother of this man say it
+would be no surprise to her, if he killed a slave some day, for, that,
+when transported with passion he did not seem to care what he did. He
+once broke a _large_ stick over the back of a slave and at another
+time the ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over the _head_ of
+another. This last was attacked with epileptic fits some months after,
+and has ever since been subject to them, and occasionally to violent
+fits of insanity.
+
+Southern mistresses sometimes flog their slaves themselves though
+generally one slave is compelled to flog another. Whilst staying at a
+friend's house some years ago, I one day saw the mistress with a
+cow-hide in her hand, and heard her scolding in an under tone, her
+waiting man, who was about twenty-five years old. Whether she actually
+inflicted the blows I do not know, for I hastened out of sight and
+hearing. It was not the first time I had seen a mistress thus engaged.
+I knew she was a cruel mistress, and had heard her daughters
+disputing, whether their mother did right or wrong, to send the slave
+_children_, (whom she sent out to sweep chimneys) to the work house to
+be whipped if they did not bring in their wages regularly. This woman
+moved in the most fashionable circle in Charleston. The income of this
+family was derived mostly from the hire of their slaves, about one
+hundred in number. Their luxuries were blood-bought luxuries indeed.
+And yet what stranger would ever have inferred their cruelties from
+the courteous reception and bland manners of the parlor. Every thing
+cruel and revolting is carefully concealed from strangers, especially
+those from the north. Take an instance. I have known the master and
+mistress of a family send to their friends to _borrow_ servants to
+wait on company, because their own slaves had been so cruelly flogged
+in the work house, that they could not walk without limping at every
+step, and their putrified flesh emitted such an intolerable smell that
+they were not fit to be in the presence of company. How can
+northerners know these things when they are hospitably received at
+southern tables and firesides? I repeat it, no one who has not been an
+_integral part_ of a slaveholding community, can have any idea of its
+abominations. It is a whited sepulchre full of dead men's bones and
+all uncleanness. Blessed be God, the Angel of _Truth_ has descended
+and rolled away the stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits
+upon it. The abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before
+all Israel and the sun. Yes, the Angel of Truth _sits upon this
+stone_, and it can never be rolled back again.
+
+The utter disregard of the comfort of the slaves, in _little_ things,
+can scarcely be conceived by those who have not been a _component
+part_ of slaveholding communities. Take a few particulars out of
+hundreds that might be named. In South Carolina musketoes swarm in
+myriads, more than half the year--they are so excessively annoying at
+night, that no family thinks of sleeping without nets or
+"musketoe-bars" hung over their bedsteads, yet slaves are never
+provided with them, unless it be the favorite old domestics who get
+the cast-off pavilions; and yet these very masters and mistresses will
+be so kind to their _horses_ as to provide them with _fly nets_.
+Bedsteads and bedding too, are rarely provided for any of the
+slaves--if the waiters and coachmen, waiting maids, cooks, washers,
+&c., have beds at all, they must generally get them for themselves.
+Commonly they lie down at night on the bare floor, with a small
+blanket wrapped round them in winter, and in summer a coarse osnaburg
+sheet, or nothing. Old slaves generally have beds, but it is because
+when younger _they have provided them for themselves._
+
+Only two meals a day are allowed the house slaves--the _first at
+twelve o'clock_. If they eat before this time, it is by stealth, and I
+am sure there must be a good deal of suffering among them from
+_hunger_, and particularly by children. Besides this, they are often
+kept from their meals by way of punishment. No table is provided for
+them to eat from. They know nothing of the comfort and pleasure of
+gathering round the social board--each takes his plate or tin pan and
+iron spoon and holds it in the hand or on the lap. I _never_ saw
+slaves seated round a _table_ to partake of any meal.
+
+As the general rule, no lights of any kind, no firewood--no towels,
+basins, or soap, no tables, chairs, or other furniture, are provided.
+Wood for cooking and washing _for the family_ is found, but when the
+master's work is done, the slave must find wood for himself if he has
+a fire. I have repeatedly known slave children kept the whole winter's
+evening, sitting on the stair-case in a cold entry, just to be at hand
+to snuff candles or hand a tumbler of water from the side-board, or go
+on errands from one room to another. It may be asked why they were not
+permitted to stay in the parlor, when they would be still more at
+hand. I answer, because waiters are not allowed to _sit_ in the
+presence of their owners, and as children who were kept running all
+day, would of course get very tired of standing for two or three
+hours, they were allowed to go into the entry and sit on the staircase
+until rung for. Another reason is, that even slaveholders at times
+find the presence of slaves very annoying; they cannot exercise entire
+freedom of speech before them on all subjects.
+
+I have also known instances where seamstresses were kept in cold
+entries to work by the stair case lamps for one or two hours, every
+evening in winter--they could not see without standing up all the
+time, though the work was often too large and heavy for them to sew
+upon it in that position without great inconvenience, and yet they
+were expected to do their work as _well_ with their cold fingers, and
+standing up, as if they had been sitting by a comfortable fire and
+provided with the necessary light. House slaves suffer a great deal
+also from not being allowed to leave the house without permission. If
+they wish to go even for a draught of water, they must _ask leave_,
+and if they stay longer than the mistress thinks necessary, they are
+liable to be punished, and often are scolded or slapped, or kept from
+going down to the next meal.
+
+It frequently happens that relatives, among slaves, are separated for
+weeks or months, by the husband or brother being taken by the master
+on a journey, to attend on his horses and himself.--When they return,
+the white husband seeks the wife of his love; but the black husband
+must wait to see _his_ wife, until mistress pleases to let her
+chambermaid leave her room. Yes, such is the despotism of slavery,
+that wives and sisters dare not run to meet their husbands and
+brothers after such separations, and hours sometimes elapse before
+they are allowed to meet; and, at times, a fiendish pleasure is taken
+in keeping them asunder--this furnishes an opportunity to vent
+feelings of spite for any little neglect of "duty."
+
+The sufferings to which slaves are subjected by separations of various
+kinds, cannot be imagined by those unacquainted with the working out
+of the system behind the curtain. Take the following instances.
+
+Chambermaids and seamstresses often sleep in their mistresses'
+apartments, but with no bedding at all. I know an instance of a woman
+who has been married eleven years, and yet has never been allowed to
+sleep out of her mistress's chamber.--This is a _great_ hardship to
+slaves. When we consider that house slaves are rarely allowed social
+intercourse during _the day_, as their work generally _separates_
+them; the barbarity of such an arrangement is obvious. It is
+peculiarly a hardship in the above case, as the husband of the woman
+does not "belong" to her "owner;" and because he is subject to
+dreadful attacks of illness, and can have but little attention from
+his wife in the _day_. And yet her mistress, who is an old lady, gives
+her the highest character as a faithful servant, and told a friend of
+mine, that she was "entirely dependent upon her for _all_ her
+comforts; she dressed and undressed her, gave her all her food, and
+was so _necessary_ to her that she could not do without her." I may
+add, that this couple are tenderly attached to each other.
+
+I also know an instance in which the husband was a slave and the wife
+was free: during the illness of the former, the latter was _allowed_
+to come and nurse him; she was obliged to leave the work by which she
+had made a living, and come to stay with her husband, and thus lost
+weeks of her time, or he would have suffered for want of proper
+attention; and yet his "owner" made her no compensation for her
+services. He had long been a faithful and a favorite slave, and his
+owner was a woman very benevolent to the poor whites.--She went a
+great deal among these, as a visiting commissioner of the Ladies'
+Benevolent Society, and was in the constant habit of _paying the
+relatives of the poor whites_ for nursing _their_ husbands, fathers,
+and other relations; because she thought it very hard, when their time
+was taken up, so that they could not earn their daily bread, that they
+should be left to suffer. Now, such is the stupifying influence of the
+"_chattel_ principle" on the minds of slaveholders, that I do not
+suppose it ever occurred to her that this poor _colored_ wife ought to
+be paid for her services, and particularly as she was spending her
+time and strength in taking care of her "_property_." She no doubt
+only thought how kind she was, to _allow_ her to come and stay so long
+in her yard; for, let it be kept in mind, that slaveholders have
+unlimited power to separate husbands and wives, parents and children,
+however and whenever they please; and if this mistress had chosen to
+do it, she could have debarred this woman from all intercourse with
+her husband, by forbidding her to enter her premises.
+
+Persons who own plantations and yet live in cities, often take
+children from their parents as soon as they are weaned, and send them
+into the country; because they do not want the time of the mother
+taken up by attendance upon her own children, it being too valuable to
+the mistress. As a _favor_, she is, in some cases, permitted to go to
+see them once a year. So, on the other hand, if field slaves happen to
+have children of an age suitable to the convenience of the master,
+they are taken from their parents and brought to the city. Parents are
+almost never consulted as to the disposition to be made of their
+children; they have as little control over them, as have domestic
+animals over the disposal of their young. Every natural and social
+feeling and affection are violated with indifference; slaves are
+treated as though they did not possess them.
+
+Another way in which the feelings of slaves are trifled with and often
+deeply wounded, is by changing their names; if, at the time they are
+brought into a family, there is another slave of the same name; or if
+the owner happens, for some other reason, not to like the name of the
+new comer. I have known slaves very much grieved at having the names
+of their children thus changed, when they had been called after a dear
+relation. Indeed it would be utterly impossible to recount the
+multitude of ways in which the _heart_ of the slave is continually
+lacerated by the total disregard of his feelings as a social being and
+a human creature.
+
+The slave suffers also greatly from being continually watched. The
+system of espionage which is constantly kept up over slaves is the
+most worrying and intolerable that can be imagined. Many mistresses
+are, in fact, during the absence of their husbands, really their
+drivers; and the pleasure of returning to their families often, on the
+part of the husband, is entirely destroyed by the complaints preferred
+against the slaves when he comes home to his meals.
+
+A mistress of my acquaintance asked her servant boy, one day, what was
+the reason she could not get him to do his work whilst his master was
+away, and said to him, "Your master works a great deal harder than you
+do; he is at his office all day, and often has to study his law cases
+at night." "Master," said the boy, "is working for himself, and for
+you, ma'am, but I am working for _him_". The mistress turned and
+remarked to a friend, that she was so struck with the truth of the
+remark, that she could not say a word to him. But I forbear--the
+sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they are
+_indescribable_. I may paint the agony of kindred torn from each
+other's arms, to meet no more in time; I may depict the inflictions of
+the blood-stained lash, but I cannot describe the daily, hourly,
+ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that is constantly trampled
+under the foot of despotic power. This is a part of the horrors of
+slavery which, I believe, no one has ever attempted to delineate; I
+wonder not at it, it mocks all power of language. Who can describe the
+anguish of that mind which feels itself impaled upon the iron of
+arbitrary power--its living, writhing, helpless victim! every human
+susceptibility tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and
+bleeding--always feeling the death-weapon in its heart, and yet not so
+deep as to _kill_ that humanity which is made the curse of Its
+existence.
+
+In the course of my testimony I have entered somewhat into the
+_minutiae_ of slavery, because this is a part of the subject often
+overlooked, and cannot be appreciated by any but those who have been
+witnesses, and entered into sympathy with the slaves as human beings.
+Slaveholders think nothing of them, because they regard their slaves
+as _property_, the mere instruments of their convenience and pleasure.
+_One who is a slaveholder at heart never recognises a human being in a
+slave_.
+
+As thou hast asked me to testify respecting the _physical condition_
+of the slaves merely, I say nothing of the awful neglect of their
+_minds and souls_ and the systematic effort to imbrute them. A wrong
+and an impiety, in comparison with which all the other unutterable
+wrongs of slavery are but as the dust of the balance.
+
+ANGELINA G. WELD.
+
+
+
+
+GENERAL TESTIMONY
+
+TO THE CRUELTIES INFLICTED UPON SLAVES.
+
+
+Before presenting to the reader particular details of the cruelties
+inflicted upon American slaves, we will present in brief the
+well-weighed declarations of slaveholders and other residents of slave
+states, testifying that the slaves are treated with barbarous
+inhumanity. All _details_ and particulars will be drawn out under
+their appropriate heads. We propose in this place to present testimony
+of a _general character_--the solemn declarations of slaveholders and
+others, that the slaves are treated with great cruelty.
+
+To discredit the testimony of witnesses who insist upon convicting
+themselves, would be an anomalous scepticism.
+
+
+To show that American slavery has _always_ had one uniform character
+of diabolical cruelty, we will go back one hundred years, and prove it
+by unimpeachable witnesses, who have given their deliberate testimony
+to its horrid barbarity, from 1739 to 1839.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD.
+
+In a letter written by him in Georgia, and addressed to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina and
+Georgia, in 1739.--See Benezet's "Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies."
+
+"As I lately passed through your provinces on my way hither, I was
+sensibly touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor
+negroes.
+
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are _some_,) I fear the _generality_ of
+you that own negroes _are liable to such a charge_. Not to mention
+what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel
+_taskmasters_, who by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed their
+backs and made long furrows, and at length brought them to the grave!
+
+"_The blood of them, spilt for these many years, in your respective
+provinces, will ascend up to heaven against you!_" The following is
+the testimony of the celebrated JOHN WOOLMAN, an eminent minister of
+the Society of Friends, who traveled extensively in the slave state.
+We copy it from a "Memoir of JOHN WOOLMAN, chiefly extracted from a
+Journal of his Life and Travels." It was published in Philadelphia, by
+the "Society of Friends."
+
+"The following reflections, were written in 1757, while he was
+traveling on a religious account among slaveholders."
+
+"Many of the white people in these provinces, take little or no care
+of negro marriages; and when negroes marry, after their own way, some
+make so little account of those marriages, that, with views of outward
+interest, they often part men from their wives, by selling them far
+asunder; which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue.
+
+"Many whose labor is heavy, being followed at their business in the
+field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose,--have, in common,
+little else allowed them but _one peck_ of Indian corn and some salt
+for one week, with a few potatoes. (The potatoes they commonly raise
+by their labor on the first day of the week.) The correction ensuing
+on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is
+often _very severe_, and sometimes _desperate_. Men and women have
+many times _scarce clothes enough to hide their nakedness_--and boys
+and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often _quite naked_ among
+their masters' children. Some use endeavors to instruct those (negro
+children) they have in reading; but in common, this is not only
+neglected, but disapproved."--p. 12.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE 'MARYLAND JOURNAL AND BALTIMORE ADVERTISER,' OF MAY
+30, 1788.
+
+
+"In the ordinary course of the business of the country, the punishment
+of relations frequently happens on the same farm, and in view of each
+other: the father often sees his beloved son--the son his venerable
+sire--the mother her much loved daughter--the daughter her
+affectionate parent--the husband sees the wife of his bosom, and she
+the husband of her affection, _cruelly bound up_ without delicacy or
+mercy, and without daring to interpose in each other's behalf, and
+punished with all the _extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigor
+of unrelenting severity_. Let us reverse the case, and suppose it ours:
+ALL IS SILENT HORROR!"
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE HON. WILLIAM PINCKNEY, OF MARYLAND.
+
+
+In a speech before the Maryland House of Delegates, in 1789, Mr. P.
+calls slavery in that state, "a speaking picture of _abominable
+oppression_;" and adds: "It will not do thus to ... act like
+_unrelenting tyrants_, perpetually sermonizing it with liberty as our
+text, and actual _oppression_ for our commentary. Is she [Maryland]
+not ... the foster mother of _petty despots_,--the patron of _wanton
+oppression?_"
+
+Extract from a speech of Mr. RICE, in the Convention for forming the
+Constitution of Kentucky, in 1790:
+
+"The master may, and _often does, inflict upon him all the severity of
+punishment the human body is capable of bearing."_
+
+President Edwards, the Younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, 1791, says:
+
+"From these drivers, for every imagined, as well as real neglect or
+want of exertion, they receive the lash--the smack of which is all day
+long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the
+vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only
+to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at
+almost every stroke.
+
+"This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals
+suffer still more severely. _Many, many are knocked down; some have
+their eyes beaten out: some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopped
+off_; and many, for a very small, or for no crime at all, have been
+beaten to death, merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or
+overseer."
+
+Extract from an oration, delivered at Baltimore, July 4, 1797, by
+GEORGE BUCHANAN, M.D., member of the American Philosophical Society.
+
+Their situation (the slaves') is _insupportable_; misery inhabits
+their cabins, and pursues them in the field. Inhumanly beaten, they
+_often_ fall sacrifices to the turbulent tempers of their masters! Who
+is there, unless inured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the
+inhuman punishments _daily inflicted_ upon the unfortunate blacks,
+without feeling for them? Can a man who calls himself a Christian,
+coolly and deliberately tie up, _thumb-screw, torture with pincers_,
+and beat unmercifully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of
+duty?--p. 14.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF HON. JOHN RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE--A SLAVEHOLDER.
+
+
+In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: "Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post-horses _whipped to death_ in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+_The hand-cuff; the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide!_"
+
+MAJOR STODDARD, of the United States' army, who took possession of
+Louisiana in behalf of the United States, under the cession of 1804,
+in his Sketches of Louisiana, page 332, says:
+
+"The feelings of humanity are outraged--the most odious tyranny
+exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and nakedness prevail
+amidst plenty. * * * Cruel, and even unusual punishments are daily
+inflicted on these wretched creatures, enfeebled with hunger, labor
+and the lash. The scenes of misery and distress constantly witnessed
+along the coast of the Delta, [of the Mississippi,] the wounds and
+lacerations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, torture
+the feelings of the passing stranger, and wring blood from the heart."
+
+Though only the third of the following series of resolutions is
+directly relevant to the subject now under consideration, we insert
+the other resolutions, both because they are explanatory of the third,
+and also serve to reveal the public sentiment of Indiana, at the date
+of the resolutions. As a large majority of the citizens of Indiana at
+that time, were _natives of slave states_, they well knew the actual
+condition of the slaves.
+
+1. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, by the Legislative Council and House of
+Representatives of Indiana Territory, that a suspension of the sixth
+article of compact between the United States and the territories and
+states north west of the river Ohio, passed the 13th day of January,
+1783, for the term of ten years, would be highly advantageous to the
+territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the
+good citizens of the same."
+
+2. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the abstract question of liberty and
+slavery, is not considered as involved in a suspension of the said
+article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the United States would
+not be augmented by the measure."
+
+3. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the suspension of the said article
+would be equally advantageous to the territory, to the states from
+whence the negroes would be brought, and _to the negroes themselves._
+The states which are overburthened with negroes which they cannot
+comfortably support; * * and THE NEGRO HIMSELF WOULD EXCHANGE A SCANTY
+PITTANCE OF THE COARSEST FOOD, for a plentiful and nourishing diet;
+and a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of
+emancipation, for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his
+wishes."
+
+4. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that a copy of these resolutions be
+delivered to the delegate to Congress from this territory, and that he
+be, and he hereby is, instructed to use his best endeavors to obtain a
+suspension of the said article."
+
+J.B. THOMAS, _Speaker of the House of Representatives._
+
+PIERRE MINARD, _President pro tem. of the Legislative Council.
+Vincennes, Dec._ 20, 1806.
+
+"Forwarded to the Speaker the United States' Senate, by WILLIAM HENRY
+HARRISON, Governor"--_American State Papers_ vol 1. p. 467.
+
+
+MONSIEUR C.C. ROBIN, who resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and
+published a volume containing the results of his observations there,
+thus speaks of the condition of the slaves:
+
+"While they are at labor, the manager, the master, or the driver has
+commonly the whip in hand to strike the idle. But those of the negroes
+who are judged guilty of serious faults, are punished twenty,
+twenty-five, forty, fifty, or one hundred lashes. The manner of this
+cruel execution is as follows: four stakes are driven down, making a
+long square; the culprit is extended naked between these stakes, face
+downwards; his hands and his feet are bound separately, with strong
+cords, to each of the stakes, so far apart that his arms and legs,
+stretched in the form of St. Andrew's cross, give the poor wretch no
+chance of stirring. Then the executioner, who is ordinarily a negro,
+armed with the long whip of a coachman, strikes upon the reins and
+thighs. The crack of his whip resounds afar, like that of an angry
+cartman beating his horses. The blood flows, the long wounds cross
+each other, strips of skin are raised without softening either the
+hand of the executioner or the heart of the master, who cries 'sting
+him harder.'
+
+"The reader is moved; so am I: my agitated hand refuses to trace the
+bloody picture, to recount how many times the piercing cry of pain has
+interrupted my silent occupations; how many times I have shuddered at
+the faces of those barbarous masters, where I saw inscribed the number
+of victims sacrificed to their ferocity.
+
+"The women are subjected to these punishments as rigorously as the
+men--not even pregnancy exempts them; in that case, before binding
+them to the stakes, a hole is made in the ground to accommodate the
+enlarged form of the victim.
+
+"It is remarkable that the white creole women are ordinarily more
+inexorable than the men. Their slow and languid gait, and the trifling
+services which they impose, betoken only apathetic indolence; but
+should the slave not promptly obey, should he even fail to divine the
+meaning of their gestures, or looks, in an instant they are armed with
+a formidable whip; it is no longer the arm which cannot sustain the
+weight of a shawl or a reticule--it is no longer the form which but
+feebly sustains itself. They themselves order the punishment of one of
+these poor creatures, and with a dry eye see their victim bound to
+four stakes; they count the blows, and raise a voice of menace, if the
+arm that strikes relaxes, or if the blood does not flow in sufficient
+abundance. Their sensibility changed to fury must needs feed itself
+for a while on the hideous spectacle; they must, as if to revive
+themselves, hear the piercing shrieks, and see the flow of fresh
+blood; there are some of them who, in their frantic rage, pinch and
+bite their victims.
+
+"It is by no means wonderful that the laws designed to protect the
+slave, should be little respected by the generality of such masters. I
+have seen some masters pay those unfortunate people the miserable
+overcoat which is their due; but others give them nothing at all, and
+do not even leave them the hours and Sundays granted to them by law. I
+have seen some of those barbarous masters leave them, during the
+winter, in a state of revolting nudity, even contrary to their own
+true interests, for they thus weaken and shorten the lives upon which
+repose the whole of their own fortunes. I have seen some of those
+negroes obliged to conceal their nakedness with the long moss of the
+country. The sad melancholy of these wretches, depicted upon their
+countenances, the flight of some, and the death of others, do not
+reclaim their masters; they wreak upon those who remain, the vengeance
+which they can no longer exercise upon the others."
+
+
+WHITMAN MEAD, Esq. of New York, in his journal, published nearly a
+quarter of a century ago, under date of
+
+"SAVANNAH, January 28, 1817.
+
+"To one not accustomed to such scenes as slavery presents, the
+condition of the slaves is _impressively shocking._ In the course of
+my walks, I was every where witness to their wretchedness. Like the
+brute creatures of the north, they are driven about at the pleasure of
+all who meet them: _half naked and half starved_, they drag out a
+pitiful existence, apparently almost unconscious of what they suffer.
+A threat accompanies every command, and a bastinado is the usual
+reward of disobedience."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JOHN RANKIN,
+
+_A native of Tennessee, educated there, and for a number of years a
+preacher in slave states--now pastor of a church in Ripley, Ohio._
+
+"Many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and tied across
+barrels, or large bags, _and tortured with the lash during hours, and
+even whole days, until their flesh is mangled to the very bones_.
+Others are stripped and hung up by the arms, their feet are tied
+together, and the end of a heavy piece of timber is put between their
+legs in order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the
+torturing lash--and in this situation they are often whipped until
+their bodies are covered _with blood and mangled flesh_--and in order
+to add the greatest keenness to their sufferings, their wounds are
+washed with _liquid salt_! And some of the miserable creatures are
+permitted to hang in that position until they actually _expire_; some
+die under the lash, others linger about for a time, and at length die
+of their wounds, and many survive, and endure again similar torture.
+These bloody scenes are _constantly exhibiting in every slave holding
+country--thousands of whips are every day stained in African blood_!
+Even the poor _females_ are not permitted to escape these shocking
+cruelties."--_Rankin's Letters._
+
+These letters were published fifteen years ago.--They were addressed
+to a brother in Virginia, who was a slaveholder.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
+
+"We have heard of slavery as it exists in Asia, and Africa, and
+Turkey--we have heard of the feudal slavery under which the peasantry
+of Europe have groaned from the days of Alaric until now, but
+excepting only the horrible system of the West India Islands, we have
+never heard of slavery in any country, ancient or modern, Pagan,
+Mohammedan, or _Christian! so terrible in its character_, as the
+slavery which exists in these United States."--_Seventh Report
+American Colonization Society,_ 1824.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE GRADUAL EMANCIPATION SOCIETY OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+
+
+_Signed by Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary._
+
+"In the eastern part of the state, the slaves considerably outnumber
+the free population. Their situation is there wretched beyond
+description. Impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already
+attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur
+and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short
+allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great
+part of them go half naked and half starved much of the time.
+Generally, throughout the state, the African is an _abused, a
+monstrously outraged creature."--See Minutes of the American
+Convention, convened in Baltimore, Oct._ 25, 1826.
+
+
+
+
+FROM NILES' BALTIMORE REGISTER FOR 1829, VOL 35, p. 4.
+
+
+"Dealing in slaves has become a _large business_. Establishments are
+made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle. These places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with _iron thumb-screws and gags_, and ornamented with
+_catskins and other whips--often times bloody_."
+
+Judge RUFFIN, of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, in one of his
+judicial decisions, says--"The slave, to remain a slave, must feel
+that there is NO APPEAL FROM HIS MASTER. No man can anticipate the
+provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of
+the master, prompting him to BLOODY VENGEANCE on the turbulent
+traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practiced with impunity, by reason of
+its PRIVACY."--See _Wheeler's Law of Slavery_ p. 247.
+
+MR. MOORE, of VIRGINIA, in his speech before the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 15, 1832, says: "It must be confessed, that although the
+treatment of our slaves is in the general, as mild and humane as it
+can be, that it must always happen, that there will be found hundreds
+of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their
+dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of
+cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is _almost
+intolerable_, and at which humanity revolts."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF B. SWAIN, ESQ., OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+
+
+"Let any man of spirit and feeling, for a moment cast his thoughts
+over this land of slavery--think of the _nakedness_ of some, the
+_hungry yearnings_ of others, the _flowing tears and heaving sighs_ of
+parting relations, the _wailings and wo, the bloody cut of the keen
+lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies_--and all
+this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other
+depraved feelings of the human heart.... THE WORST IS NOT GENERALLY
+KNOWN. Were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once
+into view, a peal of seven-fold thunder could scarce strike greater
+alarm."--_See "Swain's Address,"_ 1830.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF DR. JAMES C. FINLEY,
+
+
+_Son of Dr. Finley, one of the founders of the Colonization Society,
+and brother of R.S. Finley, agent of the American Colonization
+Society._ Dr. J.C. Finley was formerly one of the editors of the
+Western Medical Journal, at Cincinnati, and is well known in the west
+as utterly hostile to immediate abolition.
+
+"In almost the last conversation I had with you before I left
+Cincinnati, I promised to give you some account of some scenes of
+atrocious cruelty towards slaves, which I witnessed while I lived at
+the south. I almost regret having made the promise, for not only are
+they _so atrocious_ that you will with difficulty believe them, but I
+also fear that they will have the effect of driving you into that
+_abolitionism_, upon the borders of which you have been so long
+hesitating. The people of the north _are ignorant of the horrors of
+slavery_--of the _atrocities_ which it commits upon the unprotected
+slave.   *     *     *
+
+"I do not know that any thing could be gained by particularizing the
+scenes of _horrible barbarity_, which fell under my observation during
+my _short_ residence in one of the wealthiest, most intelligent, and
+most moral parts of Georgia. Their _number_ and _atrocity_ are such,
+that I am confident they would gain credit with none but
+_abolitionists_. Every thing will be conveyed in the remark, that in a
+state of society calculated to foster the worst passions of our
+nature, the slave derives _no protection_ either from _law_ or _public
+opinion_, and that ALL the cruelties which the Russians are reported
+to have acted towards the Poles, after their late subjugation, ARE
+SCENES OF EVERY-DAY OCCURRENCE in the southern states. This statement,
+incredible as it may seem, falls short, very far short of the truth."
+
+The foregoing is extracted from a letter written by Dr. Finley to Rev.
+Asa Mahan, his former pastor, then of Cincinnati, now President of
+Oberlin Seminary.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, OF ILLINOIS, _Son of a
+Slaveholder, Rev. Dr. Allan of Huntsville, Ala._
+
+"At our house it is so common to hear their (the slaves') screams,
+that we think nothing of it: and lest any one should think that in
+_general_ the slaves are well treated, let me be distinctly
+understood:--_cruelty_ is the _rule_, and _kindness_ the _exception_."
+
+Extract of a letter dated July 2d, 1834, from Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St.
+Louis, Missouri, to Arthur Tappan, Esq. of this city:
+
+"I am not an advocate of the immediate and unconditional emancipation
+of the slaves of our country, yet _no man has ever yet depicted the
+wretchedness of the situation of the slaves in colors as dark for the
+truth_.... I know that many good people _are not aware of the
+treatment to which slaves are usually subjected_, nor have they any
+just idea of the extent of the evil."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JAMES A. THOME, _A native of Kentucky--Son of Arthur
+Thome Esq., till recently a Slaveholder._
+
+"Slavery is the parent of more suffering than has flowed from any one
+source since the date of its existence. Such sufferings too!
+_Sufferings inconceivable and innumerable--unmingled wretchedness_
+from the ties of nature rudely broken and destroyed, the _acutest
+bodily tortures, groans, tears and blood_--lying forever in weariness
+and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and in thirst, in cold and
+nakedness.
+
+"Brethren of the North, be not deceived. _These sufferings still
+exist_, and despite the efforts of their cruel authors to hush them
+down, and confine them within the precincts of their own plantations,
+they will ever and anon, struggle up and reach the ear of
+humanity."--_Mr. Thome's Speech at New York, May,_ 1834.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE MARYVILLE (TENNESSEE) INTELLIGENCER, OF OCT. 4, 1835.
+
+The Editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves which are
+taken by the internal trade to the South West, says:
+
+"Place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in their condition.
+With _heavy galling chains_, riveted upon your person; _half-naked,
+half-starved_; your back _lacerated_ with the 'knotted Whip;'
+traveling to a region where your _condition through time will be
+second only to the wretched creatures in Hell_.
+
+"This depicting is not visionary. Would to God that it was."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD OF KENTUCKY; _A large majority of
+whom are slaveholders._
+
+"This system licenses and produces _great cruelty_.
+
+"Mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be
+inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and he has no redress.
+
+"There are now in our whole land two millions of human beings,
+exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and every injury short of
+maiming or death, which their fellow men may choose to inflict. _They
+suffer all_ that can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping
+avarice, by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger.
+Their happiness is the sport of every whim, and the prey of every
+passion that may, occasionally, or habitually, infest the master's
+bosom. If we could calculate the amount of wo endured by ill-treated
+slaves, it would overwhelm every compassionate heart--it would move
+even the obdurate to sympathy. There is also a vast sum of suffering
+inflicted upon the slave by humane masters, as a punishment for that
+idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces.
+
+"_Brutal stripes_ and all the varied kinds of personal indignities,
+are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. N.H. HARDING, Pastor of the Presbyterian Church,
+in Oxford, North Carolina, a slaveholder.
+
+"I am greatly surprised that you should in any form have been the
+apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and
+benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness,
+and cold hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils,
+both to the oppressor and the oppressed, THE ONE THOUSANDTH PART OF
+WHICH HAS NEVER BEEN BROUGHT TO LIGHT."
+
+MR. ASA A. STONE, a theological student, who lived near Natchez,
+(Mi.,) in 1834 and 5, sent the following with other testimony, to be
+published under his own name, in the N.Y. Evangelist, while he was
+still residing there.
+
+"Floggings for all offences, including deficiencies in work, are
+_frightfully common_, and _most terribly severe._
+
+"_Rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after a severe
+whipping._"
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH, Centreville, Allegany Co., N.Y. who
+lived four years at the South.
+
+"They are badly clothed, badly fed, wretchedly lodged, unmercifully
+whipped, from month to month, from year to year, from childhood to old
+age."
+
+
+REV. JOSEPH M. SADD, Castile, Genessee CO. N.Y. who was till recently
+a preacher in Missouri, says,
+
+"It is true that barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon them, such as
+terrible lacerations with the whip, and excruciating tortures are
+sometimes experienced from the thumb screw."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from SARAH M. GRIMKÉ, dated 4th Month, 2nd, 1839
+
+"If the following extracts from letters which I have received from
+South Carolina, will be of any use thou art at liberty to publish
+them. I need not say, that the names of the writers are withheld of
+necessity, because such sentiments if uttered at the south would peril
+their lives."
+
+
+EXTRACTS
+
+--South Carolina, 4th Month, 5th, 1835. "With regard to slavery I
+must confess, though we had heard a great deal on the subject, we
+found on coming South the _half_, the _worst_ half too, had not been
+told us; not that we have ourselves seen much oppression, though truly
+we have felt its deadening influence, but the accounts we have
+received from every tongue that nobly dares to speak upon the subject,
+are indeed _deplorable_. To quote the language of a lady, who with
+true Southern hospitality, received us at her mansion. "The _northern_
+people don't know anything of slavery at all, they think it is
+_perpetual bondage merely_, but of the _depth of degradation_ that
+that word involves, they have no conception; if they had any just idea
+of it, they would I am sure use every effort until an end was put to
+such a shocking system.'
+
+"Another friend writing from South Carolina, and who sustains herself
+the legal relation of slaveholder, in a letter dated April 4th, 1838,
+says--'I have some time since, given you my views on the subject of
+slavery, which so much engrosses your attention. I would most
+willingly forget what I have seen and heard in my own family, with
+regard to the slaves. _I shudder when I think of it_, and increasingly
+feel that slavery is a curse since it leads to such _cruelty_.'"
+
+
+
+
+PUNISHMENTS.
+
+
+I. FLOGGINGS.
+
+The slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &c.; red pepper
+and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh; hot brine and turpentine
+are poured into their gashes; and innumerable other tortures inflicted
+upon them.
+
+We will in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the
+slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate and
+mangle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent
+scars and ridges; after establishing this, we will present a mass of
+testimony, concerning a great variety of other tortures. The
+testimony, for the most part, will be that of the slaveholders
+themselves, and in their own chosen words. A large portion of it will
+be taken from the advertisements, which they have published in their
+own newspapers, describing by the scars on their bodies made by the
+whip, their own runaway slaves. To copy these advertisements _entire_
+would require a great amount of space, and flood the reader with a
+vast mass of matter irrelevant to the _point_ before us; we shall
+therefore insert only so much of each, as will intelligibly set forth
+the precise point under consideration. In the column under the word
+"witnesses," will be found the name of the individual, who signs the
+advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his or her place of
+residence, and the name and date of the paper, in which it appeared,
+and generally the name of the place where it is published. Opposite
+the name of each witness, will be an extract, from the advertisement,
+containing his or her testimony.
+
+
+Mr. D. Judd, jailor, Davidson Co., Tennessee, in the "Nashville
+Banner," Dec. 10th, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail as a runaway, a negro woman named Martha, 17 or 18
+years of age, has _numerous scars of the whip on her back_."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Nicoll, Dauphin st. between Emmanuel and Conception st's,
+Mobile, Alabama, in the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+
+"Ten dollars reward for my woman Siby, _very much scarred about the
+neck and ears by whipping_."
+
+
+Mr. Bryant Johnson, Fort Valley Houston Co., Georgia, in the "Standard
+of Union," Milledgeville Ga. Oct. 2, 1838. "Ranaway, a negro woman,
+named Maria, _some scars on her back occasioned by the whip_."
+
+
+Mr. James T. De Jarnett, Vernon, Autauga Co., Alabama, in the
+"Pensacola Gazette," July 14, 1838.
+
+"Stolen a negro woman, named Celia. On examining her back you will
+find marks _caused by the whip_."
+
+
+Maurice Y. Garcia, Sheriff of the County of Jefferson, La., in the
+"New Orleans Bee,"  August, 14, 1838.
+
+"Lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, _having large marks of the whip,_ on
+his shoulders and other parts of his body."
+
+
+R.J. Bland, Sheriff of Claiborne Co, Miss., in the "Charleston (S.C.)
+Courier." August, 28, 1838.
+
+"Was committed a negro boy, named Tom, is _much marked with the
+whip_."
+
+
+Mr. James Noe, Red River Landing, La., in the "Sentinel," Vicksburg,
+Miss., August 22, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow named Dick--has _many scars on his back from
+being whipped."_
+
+
+William Craze, jailor, Alexandria, La. in the "Planter's
+Intelligencer." Sept. 26, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave--his back is _very badly scarred."_
+
+
+John A. Rowland, jailor, Lumberton, North Carolina, in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 20, 1838.
+
+"Committed, a mulatto fellow--his back shows _lasting impressions of
+the whip,_ and leaves no doubt of his being A SLAVE"
+
+
+J.K. Roberts, sheriff, Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," Dec. 9, 1839.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man--his back _much marked_ by the whip."
+
+
+Mr. H. Varillat, No. 23 Girod street, New Orleans--in the "Commercial
+Bulletin," August 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro slave named Jupiter--has a _fresh mark_ of a
+cowskin on one of his cheeks."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius D. Tolin, Augusta, Ga., in the "Chronicle and Sentinel,"
+Oct. 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Johnson--he has a _great many marks of the
+whip_ on his back."
+
+
+W.H. Brasseale, sheriff; Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," June 9, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave named James--_much scarred_ with a
+whip on his back."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Ga., in the "Georgia Messenger," July 27,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain--he is marked _on the back with the whip."_
+
+
+Mr. John Wotton, Rockville, Montgomery county, Maryland, in the
+"Baltimore Republican," Jan. 13, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Bill--has _several_ LARGE SCARS on his back from a _severe_
+whipping in _early life."_
+
+
+D.S. Bennett, sheriff, Natchitoches, La., in the "Herald," July 21,
+1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself Joe--said negro
+bears _marks of the whip."_
+
+
+Messrs. C.C. Whitehead, and R.A. Evans, Marion, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville (Ga.) "Standard of Union," June 26, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro fellow John--from being whipped, has _scars on his
+back, arms, and thighs."_
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Stewart, Greensboro', Ala., in the "Southern Advocate,"
+Huntsville, Jan. 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a boy named Jim--with the marks of the _whip_ on the small
+of the back, reaching round to the flank."
+
+
+Mr. John Walker, No. 6, Banks' Arcade New Orleans, in the "Bulletin,"
+August 11, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the mulatto boy Quash--_considerably marked_ on the back and
+other places with the lash."
+
+
+Mr. Jesse Beene, Cahawba, Ala., in the "State Intelligencer,"
+Tuskaloosa, Dec. 25, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Billy--he has the _marks of the_ whip."
+
+
+Mr. John Turner, Thomaston, Upson county, Georgia--in the "Standard of
+Union," Milledgeville, June 26, 1838.
+
+"Left, my negro man named George--has _marks of the whip very plain on
+his thighs."_
+
+
+James Derrah, deputy sheriff; Claiborne county, Mi., in the "Port
+Gibson Correspondent," April 15, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, negro man Toy--he has been _badly whipped."_
+
+
+S.B. Murphy, sheriff, Wilkinson county, Georgia--in the Milledgeville
+"Journal," May 15, 1838.
+
+"Brought to jail, a negro man named George--he has a _great many scars
+from the lash."_
+
+
+Mr. L.E. Cooner, Branchville Orangeburgh District, South Carolina--in
+the Macon "Messenger," May 25, 1837.
+
+"One hundred dollars reward, for my negro Glasgow, and Kate, his wife.
+Glasgow is 24 years old--has _marks of the whip_ on his back. Kate is
+26--has a _scar_ on her cheek, _and several marks of a whip."_
+
+
+John H. Hand, jailor, parish of West Feliciana, La., in the St.
+"Francisville Journal," July 6, 1837
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy named John, about 17 years old--his
+back _badly marked_ with the _whip_, his upper lip and chin _severely
+bruised."_
+
+
+The preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern
+papers, mostly in the year 1838. They are the mere _samples_ of
+hundreds of similar ones published during the same period, with which,
+as the preceding are quite sufficient to show the _commonness_ of
+inhuman floggings in the slave states, we need not burden the reader.
+
+The foregoing testimony is, as the reader perceives, that of the
+slaveholders themselves, voluntarily certifying to the outrages which
+their own hands have committed upon defenceless and innocent men and
+women, over whom they have assumed authority. We have given to _their_
+testimony precedence over that of all other witnesses, for the reason
+that when men testify against _themselves_ they are under no
+temptation to exaggerate.
+
+We will now present the testimony of a large number of individuals,
+with their names and residences,--persons who witnessed the
+inflictions to which they testify. Many of them have been
+slaveholders, and _all_ residents for longer or shorter periods in
+slave states.
+
+
+Rev. JOHN H. CURTISS, a native of Deep Creek, Norfolk county,
+Virginia, now a local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Portage co., Ohio, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In 1829 or 30, one of my father's slaves was accused of taking the
+key to the office and stealing four or five dollars: he denied it. A
+constable by the name of Hull was called; he took the Negro, very
+deliberately tied his hands, and whipped him till the blood ran freely
+down his legs. By this time Hull appeared tired, and stopped; he then
+took a rope, put a slip noose around his neck, and told the negro he
+was going to _kill_ him, at the same time drew the rope and began
+whipping: the Negro fell; his cheeks looked as though they would burst
+with strangulation. Hull whipped and kicked him, till I really thought
+he was going to kill him; when he ceased, the negro was in a complete
+gore of blood from head to foot."
+
+
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class-leader in the Methodist Church, at St.
+Alban's, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In the year 1821 or 2, I saw a slave hung for killing his master. The
+master had whipped the slave's mother to DEATH, and, locking him in a
+room, threatened him with the same fate; and, cowhide in hand, had
+begun the work, when the slave joined battle and slew the master."
+
+
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton county, Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark county, Ohio,
+gives the following testimony:--
+
+"While a resident of Southampton county, Virginia, I knew two men,
+after having been severely treated, endeavor to make their escape. In
+this they failed--were taken, tied to trees, and whipped to _death_ by
+their overseer. I lived a mile from the negro quarters, and, at that
+distance, could frequently hear the screams of the poor creatures when
+beaten, and could also hear the blows given by the overseer with some
+heavy instrument."
+
+
+Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam, Ohio, gives the following testimony of
+Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of that place, a captain and supercargo of boats
+descending the Mississippi river:--
+
+"At Bayou Sarah, I saw a slave _staked out,_ with his face to the
+ground, and whipped with a large whip, which laid open the flesh for
+about two and a half inches _every stroke._ I stayed about five
+minutes, but could stand it no longer, and left them whipping."
+
+
+Mr. STEPHEN E. MALTBY, inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, New York,
+who has resided in Alabama, speaking of the condition of the slaves,
+says:--
+
+"I have seen them cruelly whipped. I will relate one instance. One
+Sabbath morning, before I got out of my bed, I heard an outcry, and
+got up and went to the window, when I saw some six or eight boys, from
+eight to twelve years of age, near a rack (made for tying horses) on
+the public square. A man on horseback rode up, got off his horse, took
+a cord from his pocket, _tied one of the boys_ by the _thumbs_ to the
+rack, and with his horsewhip lashed him most severely. He then untied
+him and rode off without saying a word.
+
+"It was a general practice, while I was at Huntsville, Alabama, to
+have a patrol every night; and, to my knowledge, this patrol was in
+the habit of traversing the streets with cow-skins, and, if they found
+any slaves out after eight o'clock without a pass, to whip them until
+they were out of reach, or to confine them until morning."
+
+
+Mr. J.G. BALDWIN, of Middletown, Connecticut, a member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, gives the following testimony:--
+
+"I traveled at the south in 1827: when near Charlotte, N.C. a free
+colored man fell into the road just ahead of me, and went on
+peaceably.--When passing a public-house, the landlord ran out with a
+large cudgel, and applied it to the head and shoulders of the man with
+such force as to shatter it in pieces. When the reason of his conduct
+was asked, he replied, that he owned slaves, and he would not permit
+free blacks to come into his neighborhood.
+
+"Not long after, I stopped at a public-house near Halifax, N.C.,
+between nine and ten o'clock P.M., to stay over night. A slave sat
+upon a bench in the bar-room asleep. The master came in, seized a
+large horsewhip, and, without any warning or apparent provocation,
+laid it over the face and eyes of the slave. The master cursed, swore,
+and swung his lash--the slave cowered and trembled, but said not a
+word. Upon inquiry the next morning, I ascertained that the only
+offence was falling asleep, and this too in consequence of having been
+up nearly all the previous night, in attendance upon company."
+
+
+Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, of Castile, N.Y., who has lately left Missouri,
+where he was pastor of a church for some years, says:--
+
+"In one case, near where we lived, a runaway slave, when brought back,
+was most cruelly beaten--bathed in the _usual_ liquid--laid in the
+sun, and a physician employed to heal his wounds:--then the same
+process of punishment and healing was _repeated_, _and repeated
+again_, and then the poor creature was sold for the New Orleans
+market. This account we had from the _physician himself_."
+
+
+MR. ABRAHAM BELL, of Poughkeepsie, New York, a member of the Scotch
+Presbyterian Church, was employed, in 1837 and 38, in levelling and
+grading for a rail-road in the state of Georgia: he had under his
+direction, during the whole time, thirty slaves. Mr. B. gives the
+following testimony:--
+
+"_All_ the slaves had their backs scarred, from the oft-repeated
+whippings they had received."
+
+
+Mr. ALONZO BARNARD, of Farmington, Ohio, who was in Mississippi in
+1837 and 8, says:--
+
+"The slaves were often severely whipped. I saw one _woman_ very
+severely whipped for accidentally cutting up a stalk of cotton.[8]
+When they were whipped they were commonly _held down by four men_: if
+these could not confine them, they were fastened by stakes driven
+firmly into the ground, and then lashed often so as to draw blood at
+each blow. I saw one woman who had lately been delivered of a child in
+consequence of cruel treatment."
+
+[Footnote 8: Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of Farmington, Ohio, was also a
+witness to this inhuman outrage upon an unprotected woman, for the
+unintentional destruction of a stalk of cotton! In his testimony he is
+more particular, and says, that the number of lashes inflicted upon
+her by the overseer was "ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY."]
+
+
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church at Buffalo,
+N.Y. says:--
+
+"There was a steam cotton press, in the vicinity of my boarding-house
+at New Orleans, which was driven night and day, without intermission.
+My curiosity led me to look at the interior of the establishment.
+There I saw several slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags, fastening
+ropes lading carts, &c.
+
+"The presiding genius of the place was a driver, who held a rope four
+feet long in his hand, which he wielded with cruel dexterity. He used
+it in single blows, just as the men were lifting to _tighten_ the bale
+cords. It seemed to me that he was desirous to edify me with a
+specimen of his authority; at any rate the cruelty was horrible."
+
+
+Mr. JOHN VANCE, a member of the Baptist Church, in St. Albans, Licking
+county, Ohio, who moved from Culpepper county, Va., his native state
+in 1814, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In 1826, I saw a woman by the name of Mallix, flog her female slave
+with a horse-whip so horribly that she was washed in salt and water
+several days, to keep her bruises from mortifying.
+
+"In 1811, I was returning from mill, in Shenandoah county, when I
+heard the cry of murder, in the field of a man named Painter. I rode
+to the place to see what was going on. Two men, by the names of John
+Morgan and Michael Siglar, had heard the cry and came running to the
+place. I saw Painter beating a negro with a tremendous club, or small
+handspike, swearing he would kill him: but he was rescued by Morgan
+and Siglar. I learned that Painter had commenced flogging the slave
+for not getting to work soon enough. He had escaped, and taken refuge
+under a pile of rails that were on some timbers up a little from the
+ground. The master had put fire to one end, and stood at the other
+with his club, to kill him as he came out. The pile was still burning.
+Painter said he was a turbulent fellow and he _would_ kill him. The
+apprehension of P. was TALKED ABOUT, but, as a compromise, the negro
+was sold to another man."
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE PUBLISHED JOURNAL OF THE LATE WM. SAVER, of
+Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the Religious Society of
+Friends:--
+
+"6th mo. 22d, 1791. We passed on to Augusta, Georgia. They can
+scarcely tolerate us, on account of our abhorrence of slavery. On the
+28th we got to Savannah, and lodged at one Blount's, a hard-hearted
+slaveholder. One of his lads, aged about fourteen, was ordered to go
+and milk the cow: and falling asleep, through weariness, the master
+called out and ordered him a flogging. I asked him what he meant by a
+flogging. He replied, the way we serve them here is, we cut their
+backs until they are raw all over, and then salt them. Upon this my
+feelings were roused; I told him that was too bad, and queried *if it
+were possible; he replied it was, with many curses upon the blacks. At
+supper this unfeeling wretch _craved a blessing_!
+
+"Next morning I heard some one begging for mercy, and also the lash as
+of a whip. Not knowing whence the sound came, I rose, and presently
+found the poor boy tied up to a post, his toes scarcely touching the
+ground, and a negro whipper. He had already cut him in an unmerciful
+manner, and the blood ran to his heels. I stepped in between them, and
+ordered him untied immediately, which, with some reluctance and
+astonishment, was done. Returning to the house I saw the landlord, who
+then showed himself in his true colors, the most abominably wicked man
+I ever met with, full of horrid execrations and threatenings upon all
+northern people; but I did not spare him; which occasioned a bystander
+to say, with an oath, that I should be "popped over." We left them,
+and were in full expectation of their way-laying or coming after us,
+but the Lord restrained them. The next house we stopped at we found
+the same wicked spirit."
+
+
+Col. ELIJAH ELLSWORTH, of Richfield, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:--
+
+"Eight or ten years ago I was in Putnam county, in the state of
+Georgia, at a Mr. Slaughter's, the father of my brother's wife. A
+negro, that belonged to Mr. Walker, (I believe,) was accused of
+stealing a pedlar's trunk. The negro denied, but, without ceremony,
+was lashed to a tree--the whipping commenced--six or eight men took
+turns--the poor fellow begged for mercy, but without effect, until he
+was literally _cut to pieces, from his shoulders to his hips_, and
+covered with a gore of blood. When he said the trunk was in a stack of
+fodder, he was unlashed. They proceeded to the stack, but found no
+trunk. They asked the poor fellow, what he lied about it for; he said,
+"Lord, Massa, to keep from being whipped to death; I know nothing
+about the trunk." They commenced the whipping with redoubled vigor,
+until I really supposed he would be whipped to death on the spot; and
+such shrieks and crying for mercy! Again he acknowledged, and again
+they were defeated in finding, and the same reason given as before.
+Some were for whipping again, others thought he would not survive
+another, and they ceased. About two months after, the trunk was found,
+and it was then ascertained who the thief was: and the poor fellow,
+after being nearly beat to death, and twice made to lie about it, was
+as innocent as I was."
+
+
+The following statements are furnished by Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio.
+
+"In the summer of 1837, Mr. JOHN H. MOOREHEAD, a partner of mine,
+descended the Mississippi with several boat loads of flour. He told me
+that floating in a place in the Mississippi, where he could see for
+miles a head, he perceived a concourse of people on the bank, that for
+at least a mile and a half above he saw them, and heard the screams of
+some person, and from a great distance, the crack of a whip, he run
+near the shore, and saw them whipping a black man, who was on the
+ground, and at that time nearly unable to scream, but the whip
+continued to be applied without intermission, as long as he was in
+sight, say from one mile and a half, to two miles below--he probably
+saw and heard them for one hour in all. He expressed the opinion that
+the man could not survive.
+
+"About four weeks since I had a conversation with Mr. Porter, a
+respectable citizen of Morgan county of this state, of about fifty
+years of age. He told me that he formerly traveled about five years in
+the southern states, and that on one occasion he stopped at a private
+house, to stay all night; (I think it was in Virginia,) while he was
+conversing with the man, his wife came in, and complained that the
+wench had broken some article in the kitchen, and that she must be
+whipped. He took the _woman_ into the door yard, stripped her clothes
+down to her hips--tied her hands together, and drawing them up to a
+limb, so that she could just touch the ground, took a very large
+cowskin whip, and commenced flogging; he said that every stroke at
+first raised the skin, and immediately the blood came through; this he
+continued, until the blood stood in a puddle down at her feet. He then
+turned to my informant and said, 'Well, Yankee, what do you think of
+that?'"
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. W. DUSTIN, a member of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church, and, when the letter was written, 1835, a student of
+Marietta College, Ohio.
+
+"I find by looking over my journal that the murdering, which I spoke
+of yesterday, took place about the first of June, 1834.
+
+"Without commenting upon this act of cruelty, or giving vent to my own
+feelings, I will simply give you a statement of the fact, as known
+from _personal_ observation.
+
+"Dr. K. a man of wealth, and a practising physician in the county of
+Yazoo, state of Mississippi, personally known to me, having lived in
+the same neighborhood more than twelve months, after having scourged
+one of his negroes for running away, declared with an oath, that if he
+ran away again, he would kill him. The negro, so soon as an
+opportunity offered, ran away again. He was caught and brought back.
+Again he was scourged, until his flesh, mangled and torn, and thick
+mingled with the clotted blood, rolled from his back. He became
+apparently insensible, and beneath the heaviest stroke would scarcely
+utter a groan. The master got tired, laid down his whip and nailed the
+negro's ear to a tree; in this condition, nailed fast to the rugged
+wood, he remained all night!
+
+"Suffice it to say, in the conclusion, that the next day he was found
+DEAD!
+
+"Well, what did they do with the master? The sum total of it is this:
+he was taken before a magistrate and gave bonds, for his appearance at
+the next court. Well, to be sure he had plenty of cash, so he paid up
+his bonds and moved away, and there the matter ended.
+
+"If the above fact will be of any service to you in exhibiting to the
+world the condition of the unfortunate negroes, you are at liberty to
+make use of it in any way you think best.
+
+Yours, fraternally, M. DUSTIN."
+
+
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, a member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and the assessor of that town, has furnished the following:
+
+"I went down the Mississippi in December, 1838 and saw twelve of
+fourteen negroes punished on one plantation, by stretching them on a
+ladder and tying them to it; then stripping off their clothes, and
+whipping them on the naked flesh with a heavy whip, the lash seven or
+eight feet long: most of the strokes cut the skin. I understood they
+were whipped for not doing the tasks allotted to them."
+
+
+FROM THE PHILANTHROPIST, Cincinnati, Ohio, Feb. 26, 1839.
+
+"A very intelligent lady the widow of a highly respectable preacher of
+the gospel of the Presbyterian Church, formerly a resident of a free
+state, and a colonizationist, and a strong antiabolitionist, who,
+although an enemy to slavery, was opposed to abolition on the ground
+that it was for carrying things too rapidly, and without regard to
+circumstances, and especially who believed that abolitionists
+exaggerated with regard to the evils of slavery, and used to say that
+such men ought to go to slave states and see for themselves, to be
+convinced that they did the slaveholders injustice, has gone and seen
+for herself. Hear her testimony."
+
+_Kentucky, Dec._ 25, 1835.
+
+"Dear Mrs. W.--I am still in the land of oppression and cruelty, but
+hope soon to breathe the air of a free state. My soul is sick of
+slavery, and I rejoice that my time is nearly expired: but the scenes
+that I have witnessed have made an impression that never can be
+effaced, and have inspired me with the determination to unite my
+feeble efforts with those who are laboring to suppress this horrid
+system. I am _now_ an _abolitionist_. You will cease to be surprised
+at this, when I inform you, that I have just seen a poor slave who was
+beaten by his inhuman master until he could neither walk nor stand. I
+saw him from my window carried from the barn where he had been
+whipped to the cabin, by two negro men; and he now lies there, and if
+he recovers, will be a sufferer for months, and probably for life. You
+will doubtless suppose that he committed some great crime; but it was
+not so. He was called upon by a young man (the son of his master,) to
+do something, and not moving as quickly as his young master wished him
+to do, he drove him to the barn, knocked him down, and jumped upon
+him, stamped, and then cowhided him until he was almost dead. This is
+not the first act of cruelty that I have seen, though it is the
+_worst_; and I am convinced that those who have described the
+cruelties of slaveholders, have not exaggerated."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GERRIT SMITH, Esq., of Peterboro'. N.Y.
+Peterboro', December 1, 1838.
+
+_To the Editor of the Union Herald_: "My dear Sir:--You will be happy
+to hear, that the two fugitive slaves, to whom in the brotherly love
+of your heart, you gave the use of your horse, are still making
+undisturbed progress towards the _monarchical_ land whither
+_republican_ slaves escape for the enjoyment of liberty. They had
+eaten their breakfast, and were seated in my wagon, before day-dawn,
+this morning.
+
+"Fugitive slaves have before taken my house in their way, but never
+any, whose lips and persons made so forcible an appeal to my
+sensibilities, and kindled in me so much abhorrence of the
+hell-concocted system of American slavery.
+
+"The fugitives exhibited their bare backs to myself and a number of my
+neighbors. Williams' back is comparatively scarred. But, I speak
+within bounds, when I say, that one-third to one-half of the whole
+surface of the back and shoulders of poor Scott, _consists of scars
+and wales resulting from innumerable gashes._ His natural complexion
+being yellow and the callous places being nearly black, his back and
+shoulders remind you of a spotted animal."
+
+The LOUISVILLE REPORTER (Kentucky,) Jan. 15, 1839, contains the report
+of a trial for inhuman treatment of a female slave. The following is
+some of the testimony given in court.
+
+"Dr. CONSTANT testified that he saw Mrs. Maxwell at the kitchen door,
+whipping the negro severely, without being particular whether she
+struck her in the face or not. The negro was lacerated by the whip,
+and the blood flowing. Soon after, on going down the steps, he saw
+quantities of blood on them, and on returning, saw them again. She had
+been thinly clad--barefooted in very cold weather. Sometimes she had
+shoes--sometimes not. In the beginning of the winter she had linsey
+dresses, since then, calico ones. During the last four months, had
+noticed many scars on her person. At one time had one of her eyes tied
+up for a week. During the last three months seemed declining, and had
+become stupified. Mr. Winters was passing along the street, heard
+cries, looked up through the window that was hoisted, saw the boy
+whipping her, as much as forty or fifty licks, while he staid. The
+girl was stripped down to the hips. The whip seemed to be a cow-hide.
+Whenever she turned her face to him, he would hit her across the face
+either with the butt end or small end of the whip to make her turn her
+back round square to the lash, that he might get a fair blow at her.
+
+"Mr. Say had noticed several wounds on her person, chiefly bruises.
+
+"Captain Porter, keeper of the work-house, into which Milly had been
+received, thought the injuries on her person very bad--some of them
+appeared to be burns--some bruises or stripes, as of a cow-hide."
+
+
+LETTER OF REV. JOHN RANKIN, of Ripley, Ohio, to the Editor of the
+Philanthropist.
+
+RIPLEY, Feb. 20, 1839.
+
+"Some time since, a member of the Presbyterian Church of Ebenezer,
+Brown county, Ohio, landed his boat at a point on the Mississippi. He
+saw some disturbance among the colored people on the bank. He stepped
+up, to see what was the matter. A black man was stretched naked on
+the ground; his hands were tied to a stake, and one held each foot. He
+was doomed to receive fifty lashes; but by the time the overseer had
+given him twenty-five with his great whip, the blood was standing
+round the wretched victim in little puddles. It appeared just as if it
+had rained blood.--Another observer stepped up, and advised to defer
+the other twenty-five to another time, lest the slave might die; and
+he was released, to receive the balance when he should have so
+recruited as to be able to bear it and live. The offence was, coming
+one hour too late to work."
+
+
+Mr. RANKIN, who is a native of Tennessee, in his letters on slavery,
+published fifteen years since, says:
+
+"A respectable gentleman, who is now a citizen of Flemingsburg,
+Fleming county, Kentucky, when in the state of South Carolina, was
+invited by a slaveholder, to walk with him and take a view of his
+farm. He complied with the invitation thus given, and in their walk
+they came to the place where the slaves were at work, and found the
+overseer whipping one of them very severely for not keeping pace with
+his fellows--in vain the poor fellow alleged that he was sick, and
+could not work. The master seemed to think all was well enough, hence
+he and the gentleman passed on. In the space of an hour they returned
+by the same way, and found that the poor slave, who had been whipped
+as they first passed by the field of labor, was actually dead! This I
+have from unquestionable authority."
+
+Extract of a letter from a MEMBER OF CONGRESS, to the Editor of the
+New York American, dated Washington, Feb. 18, 1839. The name of the
+writer is with the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society.
+
+"Three days ago, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the new Patent
+Building were alarmed by an outcry in the street, which proved to be
+that of a slave who had just been knocked down with a brick-bat by his
+pursuing master. Prostrate on the ground, with a large gash in his
+head, the poor slave was receiving the blows of his master on one
+side, and the kicks of his master's son on the other. His cries
+brought a few individuals to the spot; but no one dared to interfere,
+save to exclaim--You will kill him--which was met by the response, "He
+is mine, and I have a right to do what I please with him." The
+heart-rending scene was closed from _public_ view by dragging the poor
+bruised and wounded slave from the public street into his master's
+stable. What followed is not known. The outcries were heard by members
+of Congress and others at the distance of near a quarter of a mile
+from the scene.
+
+"And now, perhaps, you will ask, is not the city aroused by this
+flagrant cruelty and breach of the peace? I answer--not at all. Every
+thing is quiet. If the occurrence is mentioned at all, it is spoken of
+in whispers."
+
+_From the Mobile Examiner, August_ 1, 1837.
+
+"POLICE REPORT--MAYOR'S OFFICE.
+_Saturday morning, August_ 12, 1837.
+
+"His Honor the Mayor presiding.
+
+"Mr. MILLER, of the foundry, brought to the office this morning a
+small negro girl aged about eight or ten years, whom he had taken into
+his house some time during the previous night. She had crawled under
+the window of his bed room to screen herself from the night air, and
+to find a warmer shelter than the open canopy of heaven afforded. Of
+all objects of pity that have lately come to our view, this poor
+little girl most needs the protection of authority, and the sympathies
+of the charitable. From the cruelty of her master and mistress, she
+has been whipped, worked and starved, until she is now a breathing
+skeleton, hardly able to stand upon her feet.
+
+"The back of the poor little sufferer, (which we ourselves saw,) _was
+actually cut into strings, and so perfectly was the flesh worn from
+her limbs,_ by the wretched treatment she had received, that _every
+joint showed distinctly its crevices_ and protuberances through the
+skin. Her little lips clung closely over her teeth--her cheeks were
+sunken and her head narrowed, and when her eyes were closed, the lids
+resembled film more than flesh or skin.
+
+"We would desire of our northern friends such as choose to publish to
+the world their own version of the case we have related, not to forget
+to add, in conclusion, that the owner of this little girl is a
+foreigner, speaks against slavery as an institution, and reads his
+Bible to his wife, with the view of finding proofs for his opinions."
+
+
+Rev. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, gives the following testimony
+in a recent letter:
+
+"I had a class-mate at the Andover Theological Seminary, who spent a
+season at the south,--in Georgia, I think--who related the following
+fact in an address before the Seminary. It occasioned very deep
+sensation on the part of opponents. The gentleman was Mr. Julius C.
+Anthony, of Taunton, Mass. He graduated at the Seminary in 1835. I do
+not know where he is now settled. I have no doubt of the fact, as be
+was an _eye-witness_ of it. The man with whom he resided had a very
+athletic slave--a valuable fellow--a blacksmith. On a certain day a
+small strap of leather was missing. The man's little son accused this
+slave of stealing it. He denied the charge, while the boy most
+confidently asserted it. The slave was brought out into the yard and
+bound--his hands below his knees, and a stick crossing his knees, so
+that he would lie upon either side in form of the letter S. One of the
+overseers laid on fifty lashes--he still denied the theft--was turned
+over and fifty more put on. Sometimes the master and sometimes the
+overseers whipping--as they relieved each other to take breath. Then
+he was for a time left to himself, and in the course of the day
+received FOUR HUNDRED LASHES--still denying the charge, Next morning
+Mr. Anthony walked out--the sun was just rising--he saw the man
+greatly enfeabled, leaning against a stump. It was time to go to
+work--he attempted to rise, but fell back--again attempted, and again
+fell back--still making the attempt, and still falling back, Mr.
+Anthony thought, nearly _twenty times_ before he succeeded in
+standing--he then staggered off to his shop. In course of the morning
+Mr. A. went to the door and looked in. Two overseers were standing by.
+The slave was feverish and sick--his skin and mouth dry and parched.
+He was very thirsty. One of the overseers, while Mr. A, was looking at
+him, inquired of the other whether it were not best to give him a
+little water. 'No. damn him, he will do well enough,' was the reply
+from the other overseer. This was all the relief gained by the poor
+slave. A few days after, the slaveholder's _son confessed that he
+stole the strap himself._"
+
+
+Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church at
+Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, has just forwarded a letter, from
+which the following is an extract:
+
+
+"GEORGE ROEBUCK, an old and respectable farmer, near Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, a member of the Methodist Episcopal church,
+says, that almost forty-three years ago, he saw in Bath county,
+Virginia, a slave girl with a sore between the shoulders of the size
+and shape of a _smoothing iron._ The girl was 'owned' by one M'Neil. A
+slaveholder who boarded at M'Neil's stated that Mrs. M'Neil had placed
+the aforesaid iron when hot, between the girl's shoulders, and
+produced the sore.
+
+"Roebuck was once at this M'Neil's father's, and whilst the old man
+was at morning prayer, he heard the son plying the whip upon a slave
+out of doors.
+
+
+"ELI WEST, of Concord township, Fayette county, Ohio, formerly of
+North Carolina, a farmer and an exhorter in the Methodist Protestant
+church, says, that many years since he went to live with an uncle who
+owned about fifty negroes. Soon after his arrival, his uncle ordered
+his waiting boy, who was _naked_, to be tied--his hands to horse rack,
+and his feet together, with a rail passed between his legs, and held
+down by a person at each end. In this position he was whipped, from
+neck to feet, till covered with blood; after which he was _salted._
+
+"His uncle's slaves received one quart of corn each day, and that
+only, and were allowed one hour each day to cook and eat it. They had
+no meat but once in the year. Such was the general usage in that
+country.
+
+"West, after this, lived one year with Esquire Starky and mother. They
+had two hundred slaves, who received the usual treatment of
+starvation, nakedness, and the cowhide. They had one lively negro
+woman who bore no children. For this neglect, her mistress had her
+back made naked and a severe whipping inflicted. But as she continued
+barren, she was sold to the 'negro buyers.'"
+
+
+"THOMAS LARRIMER, a deacon in the Presbyterian church at Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, and a respectable farmer, says, that in April,
+1837, as he was going down the Mississippi river, about fifty miles
+below Natchez, he saw ahead, on the left side of the river, a colored
+person tied to a post, and a man with a driver's whip, the lash about
+eight or ten feet long. With this the man commenced, with much
+deliberation, to whip, with much apparent force, and continued till he
+got out of sight.
+
+"When coming up the river forty or fifty miles below Vicksburg, a
+Judge Owens came on board the steamboat. He was owner of a cotton
+plantation below there, and on being told of the above whipping, he
+said that slaves were often whipped to death for great offences, such
+as _stealing,_ &c.--but that when death followed, the overseers were
+generally severely _reproved!_
+
+"About the same time, he spent a night at Mr. Casey's, three miles
+from Columbia, South Carolina. Whilst there they heard him giving
+orders as to what was to be done, and amongst other things, "That
+nigger must be buried." On inquiry, he learnt that a gentleman
+traveling with a servant, had a short time previous called there, and
+said his servant had just been taken ill, and he should be under the
+necessity of leaving him. He did so. The slave became worst, and
+Casey called in a physician, who pronounced it an old case, and said
+that he must shortly die. The slave said, if that was the case he
+would now tell the truth. He had been attacked, a long time since,
+with a difficulty in the side--his master swore he would 'have his own
+out of him' and started off to sell him, with a threat to kill him if
+he told he had been sick, more than a few days. They saw them making
+a rough plank box to bury him in.
+
+"In March, 1833, twenty-five or thirty miles south of Columbia, on the
+great road through Sumpterville district, they saw a large company of
+female slaves carrying rails and building fence. Three of them were
+far advanced in pregnancy.
+
+"In the month of January, 1838, he put up with a drove of mules and
+horses, at one Adams', on the Drovers' road, near the south border of
+Kentucky. His son-in-law, who had lived in the south, was there. In
+conversation about picking cotton, he said, 'some hands cannot get the
+sleight of it. I have a girl who to-day has done as good a day's work
+at grubbing as any _man_, but I could not make her a hand at
+cotton-picking. I whipped her, and if I did it once I did it five
+hundred times, but I found she _could_ not; so I put her to carrying
+rails with the men. After a few days I found her shoulders were so
+_raw_ that every rail was _bloody_ as she laid it down. I asked her if
+she would not rather pick cotton than carry rails. 'No,' said she, 'I
+don't get whipped now.'"
+
+
+WILLIAM A. USTICK, an elder of the Presbyterian church at
+Bloomingburg, and Mr. G.S. Fullerton, a merchant and member of the
+same church, were with Deacon Larrimer on this journey, and are
+witnesses to the preceding facts.
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, and formerly
+secretary of the Colonization society in that village, has recently
+communicated the facts that follow. We quote from his letter.
+
+
+"The following horrid flagellation was witnessed in part, till his
+soul was sick, by MR. GLIDDEN, an inhabitant of Marietta, Ohio, who
+went down the Mississippi river, with a boat load of produce in the
+autumn of 1837; it took place at what is called 'Matthews' or
+'Matheses Bend' in December, 1837. Mr. G. is worthy of credit.
+
+"A negro was tied up, and flogged until the blood ran down and filled
+his shoes, so that when he raised either foot and set it down again,
+the blood would run over their tops. I could not look on any longer,
+but turned away in horror; the whipping was continued to the number of
+500 lashes, as I understood; a quart of spirits of turpentine was then
+applied to his lacerated body. The same negro came down to my boat, to
+get some apples, and was so weak from his wounds and loss of blood,
+that he could not get up the bank, but fell to the ground. The crime
+for which the negro was whipped, was that of telling the other
+negroes, that _the overseer had lain with his wife."_
+
+Mr. Hall adds:--
+
+"The following statement is made by a young man from Western Virginia.
+He is a member of the Presbyterian Church, and a student in Marietta
+College. All that prevents the introduction of his _name,_ is the
+peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence, on his
+return to Virginia. His character for integrity and veracity is above
+suspicion.
+
+"On the night of the great meteoric shower, in Nov. 1833. I was at
+Remley's tavern, 12 miles west of Lewisburg, Greenbrier Co., Virginia.
+A drove of 50 or 60 negroes stopped at the same place that night.
+They usually 'camp out,' but as it was excessively muddy, they were
+permitted to come into the house. So far as my knowledge extends,
+'droves,' on their way to the south, eat but twice a day, early in the
+morning and at night. Their supper was a compound of 'potatoes and
+meal,' and was, without exception, the _dirtiest, blackest looking
+mess I ever saw._ I remarked at the time that the food was not as
+clean, in appearance, as that which was given to a _drove of hogs_, at
+the same place the night previous. Such as it was, however, a black
+woman brought it on her head, in a tray or trough two and a half feet
+long, where the men and women were promiscuously herded. The slaves
+rushed up and seized it from the trough in handfulls, before the woman
+could take it off her head. They jumped at it as if half-famished.
+
+"They slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to
+occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females,
+promiscuously. They were so thick on the floor, that in passing
+through the room it was necessary to step over them.
+
+"There were three drivers, one of whom staid in the room to watch the
+drove, and the other two slept in an adjoining room. Each of the
+latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the
+common practice of the drivers generally. There is no doubt about this
+particular instance, _for they were seen together_. The mud was so
+thick on the floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to
+take a shovel, the next morning, and clear it out. Six or eight in
+this drove were chained; all were for the south.
+
+In the autumn of the same year I saw a drove of upwards of a hundred,
+between 40 and 50 of them were fastened to one chain, the links being
+made of iron rods, as thick in diameter as a man's little finger. This
+drove was bound westward to the Ohio river, to be shipped to the
+south. I have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost
+without exception, were chained. I never saw but one drove, that went
+on their way making merry. In that one they were blowing horns,
+singing, &c., and appeared as if they had been drinking whisky.
+
+"They generally appear extremely dejected. I have seen in the course
+of five years, on the road near where I reside, 12 or 15 droves at
+least, passing to the south. They would average 40 in each drove. Near
+the first of January, 1834, I started about sunrise to go to
+Lewisburg. It was a bitter cold morning. I met a drove of negroes, 30
+or 40 in number, remarkably ragged and destitute of clothing. One
+little boy particularly excited my sympathy. He was some distance
+behind the others, not being able to keep up with the rest. Although
+he was shivering with cold and crying, the driver was pushing him up
+in a trot to overtake the main gang. All of them looked as if they
+were half-frozen. There was one remarkable instance of tyranny,
+exhibited by a boy, not more than eight years old, that came under my
+observation, in a family by the name of D----n, six miles from
+Lewisburg. This youngster would swear at the slaves, and exert all the
+strength he possessed, to flog or beat them, with whatever instrument
+or weapon he could lay hands on, provided they did not obey him
+_instanter_. He was encouraged in this by his father, the master of
+the slaves. The slaves often fled from this young tyrant in terror."
+
+Mr. Hall adds:--
+
+"The following extract is from a letter, to a student in Marietta
+College, by his friend in Alabama. With the writer, Mr. Isaac Knapp, I
+am perfectly acquainted. He was a student in the above College, for
+the space of one year, before going to Alabama, was formerly a
+resident of Dummerston, Vt. He is a professor of religion, and as
+worthy of belief as any member of the community. Mr. K. has returned
+from the South, and is now a member of the same college.
+
+"In Jan. (1838) a negro of a widow Phillips, ranaway, was taken up,
+and confined in Pulaski jail. One Gibbs, overseer for Mrs. P., mounted
+on horseback, took him from confinement, compelled him to run back to
+Elkton, a distance of fifteen miles, whipping him all the way. When he
+reached home, the negro exhausted and worn out, exclaimed, 'you have
+broke my heart,' i.e. you have killed me. For this, Gibbs flew into a
+violent passion, tied the negro to a stake, and, in the language of a
+witness, '_cut his back to mince-meat_.' But the fiend was not
+satisfied with this. He burnt his legs to a blister, with hot embers,
+and then chained him _naked_, in the open air, weary with running,
+weak from the loss of blood, and smarting from his burns. It was a
+cold night--and _in the morning the negro was dead_. Yet this monster
+escaped without even _the shadow_ of a trial. 'The negro,' said the
+doctor, 'died, by--he knew not what; any how, Gibbs did not kill
+him.'[9]  A short time since, (the letter is dated, April, 1838.)
+'Gibbs whipped another negro unmercifully because the horse, with
+which he was ploughing, broke the reins and ran. He then raised his
+whip against Mr. Bowers, (son of Mrs. P.) who shot him. Since I came
+here,' (a period of about six months,) there have been eight white men
+and two negroes killed, within 30 miles of me."
+
+[Footnote 9: Mr. Knapp, gives me some further verbal particulars about
+this affair. He says that his informant saw the negro dead the next
+morning, that his legs were blistered, and that the negroes affirmed
+that Gibbs compelled them to throw embers upon him. But Gibbs denied
+it, and said the blistering was the effect of frost, as the negro was
+much exposed to before being taken up. Mr. Bowers, a son of Mrs.
+Phillips by a former husband, attempted to have Gibbs brought to
+justice, but his mother justified Gibbs, and nothing was therefore
+done about it. The affair took place in Upper Elkton, Tennessee, near
+the Alabama line.]
+
+The following is from Mr. Knapp's own lips, taken down a day or two
+since.
+
+"Mr. Buster, with whom I boarded, in Limestone Co., Ala., related to me
+the following incident: 'George a slave belonging to one of the
+estates in my neighborhood, was lurking about my residence without a
+pass. We were making preparations to give him a flogging, but he
+escaped from us. Not long afterwards, meeting a patrol which had just
+taken a negro in custody without a pass, I inquired, Who have you
+there? on learning that it was _George_, well, I rejoined, there is a
+small matter between him and myself that needs adjustment, so give me
+the raw hide, which I accordingly took, and laid 60 strokes on his
+back, to the utmost of my strength.' I was speaking of this barbarity,
+afterwards, to Mr. Bradley, an overseer of the Rev. Mr. Donnell, who
+lives in the vicinity of Moresville, Ala., 'Oh,' replied he, 'we
+consider _that_ a very light whipping here' Mr. Bradley is a professor
+of religion, and is esteemed in that vicinity a very pious, exemplary
+Christian.'"
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. C. STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois,
+dated Jan. 1, 1839.
+
+"I do not feel at liberty to disclose the name of the brother who has
+furnished the following facts. He is highly esteemed as a man of
+scrupulous veracity. I will confirm my own testimony by the
+certificate of Judge Snow and Mr. Keyes, two of the oldest and most
+respectable settlers in Quincy.
+
+Quincy, Dec. 29, 1838"
+
+"Dear Sir,--We have been long acquainted with the Christian brother
+who has named to you some facts that fell under his observation while
+a resident of slave states. He is a member of a Christian church, in
+good standing; and is a man of strict integrity of character.
+
+Henry H. Snow, Willard Keyes.
+Rev. C. Stewart Renshaw."
+
+
+"My informant spent thirty years of his life in Kentucky and Missouri.
+Whilst in Kentucky he resided in Hardin co. I noted down his testimony
+very nearly in his own words, which will account for their
+_evidence-like_ form. On the general condition of the slaves in
+Kentucky, through Hardin co., he said, their houses were very
+uncomfortable, generally without floors, other than the earth: many
+had puncheon floors, but he never remembers to have seen a plank
+floor. In regard to clothing they were very badly off. In summer
+they cared little for clothing; but in winter they almost froze. Their
+rags might hide their nakedness from the sun in summer, but would not
+protect them from the cold in winter. Their bed-clothes were tattered
+rags, thrown into a corner by day, and drawn before the fire by night.
+'The only thing,' said he, 'to which I can compare them, in winter, is
+_stock without a shelter.'_
+
+"He made the following comparison between the condition of slaves in
+Kentucky and Missouri. So far as he was able to compare them, he said,
+that in Missouri the slaves had better _quarters_-but are not so well
+clad, and are more severely punished than in Kentucky. In both states,
+the slaves are huddled together, without distinction of sex, into the
+same quarter, till it is filled, then another is built; often two or
+three families in a log hovel, twelve feet square.
+
+"It is proper to state, that the sphere of my informant's observation
+was mainly in the region of Hardin co., Kentucky, and the eastern part
+of Missouri, and not through those states generally.
+
+"Whilst at St. Louis, a number of years ago, as he was going to work
+with Mr. Henry Males, and another carpenter, they heard groans from a
+barn by the road-side: they stopped, and looking through the cracks of
+the barn, saw a negro bound hand and foot to a post, so that his toes
+just touched the ground; and his master, Captain Thorpe, was
+inflicting punishment; he had whipped him till exhausted,--rested
+himself, and returned again to the punishment. The wretched sufferer
+was in a most pitiable condition, and the warm blood and dry dust of
+the barn had formed a mortar up to his instep. Mr. Males jumped the
+fence, and remonstrated so effectually with Capt. Thorpe, that he
+ceased the punishment. It was six weeks before that slave could put on
+his shirt!
+
+"John Mackey, a rich slaveholder, lived near Clarksville, Pike co.,
+Missouri, some years since. He whipped his slave Billy, a boy fourteen
+years old, till he was sick and stupid; he then sent him home. Then,
+for his stupidity, whipped him again, and fractured his skull with an
+axe-helve. He buried him away in the woods; dark words were whispered,
+and the body was disinterred. A coroner's inquest was held, and Mr. R.
+Anderson, the coroner, brought in a verdict of death from fractured
+skull, occasioned by blows from an axe-handle, inflicted by John
+Mackey. The case was brought into court, but Mackey was rich, and his
+murdered victim was his SLAVE; after expending about $500 be walked
+free.
+
+"One Mrs. Mann, living near ----, in ---- co., Missouri was known to
+be very cruel to her slaves. She had a bench made purposely to whip
+them upon; and what she called her "six pound paddle," an instrument
+of prodigious torture, bored through with holes; this she would wield
+with both hands as she stood over her prostrate victim.
+
+"She thus punished a hired slave woman named Fanny, belonging to Mr.
+Charles Trabue, who lives neat Palmyra, Marion co., Missouri; on the
+morning after the punishment Fanny was a corpse; she was silently and
+quickly buried, but rumor was not so easily stopped. Mr. Trabue heard
+of it, and commenced suit for his _property_. The murdered slave was
+disinterred, and an inquest held; her back was a mass of jellied
+muscle; and the coroner brought in a verdict of death by the 'six
+pound paddle.'  Mrs. Mann fled for a few months, but returned again,
+and her friends found means to protract the suit.
+
+"This same Mrs. Mann had another hired slave woman living with her,
+called Patterson's Fanny, she belonged to a Mr. Patterson; she had a
+young babe with her, just beginning to creep. One day, after washing,
+whilst a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the kitchen, Mrs. Mann came
+out in haste, and sent Fanny to do something out of doors. Fanny tried
+to beg off--she was afraid to leave her babe, lest it should creep to
+the tub and get hurt--Mrs. M. said she would watch the babe, and sent
+her off. She went with much reluctance, and heard the child struggle
+as she went out the door. Fearing lest Mrs. M. should leave the babe
+alone, she watched the room, and soon saw her pass out of the opposite
+door. Immediately Fanny hurried in, and looked around for her babe,
+she could not see it, she looked at the tub--there her babe was
+floating, a strangled corpse. The poor woman gave a dreadful scream;
+and Mrs. M. rushed into the room, with her hands raised, and
+exclaimed, 'Heavens, Fanny! have you drowned your child?' It was vain
+for the poor bereaved one to attempt to vindicate herself: in vain she
+attempted to convince them that the babe had not been alone a moment,
+and could not have drowned itself; and that she had not been in the
+house a moment, before she screamed at discovering her drowned babe.
+All was false! Mrs. Mann declared it was all pretence--that Fanny had
+drowned her own babe, and now wanted to lay the blame upon her! and
+Mrs. Mann was a white woman--of course her word was more valuable than
+the oaths of all the slaves of Missouri. No evidence but that of
+slaves could be obtained, or Mr. Patterson would have prosecuted for
+his 'loss of property.'  As it was, every one believed Mrs. M. guilty,
+though the affair was soon hushed up."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Col. THOMAS ROGERS, a native of Kentucky, now
+an elder in the Presbyterian Church at New Petersburg, Highland co.,
+Ohio.
+
+"When a boy, in Bourbon co., Kentucky, my father lived near a
+slaveholder of the name of Clay, who had a large number of slaves; I
+remember being often at their quarters; not one of their shanties, or
+hovels, had any floor but the earth. Their clothing was truly neither
+fit for covering nor decency. We could distinctly, of a still morning,
+hear this man whipping his blacks, and hear their screams from my
+father's farm; this could be heard almost any still morning about the
+dawn of day. It was said to be his usual custom to repair, about the
+break of day, to their cabin doors, and, as the blacks passed out, to
+give them as many strokes of his cowskin as opportunity afforded; and
+he would proceed in this manner from cabin to cabin until they were
+all out. Occasionally some of his slaves would abscond, and upon being
+retaken they were punished severely; and some of them, it is believed,
+died in consequence of the cruelty of their usage. I saw one of this
+man's slaves, about seventeen years old, wearing a collar, with long
+iron horns extending from his shoulders far above his head.
+
+"In the winter of 1828-29 I traveled through part of the states of
+Maryland and Virginia to Baltimore. At Frost Town, on the national
+road, I put up for the night. Soon after, there came in a slaver with
+his drove of slaves; among them were two young men, chained together.
+The bar room was assigned to them for their place of lodging--those in
+chains were guarded when they had to go out. I asked the 'owner' why
+he kept these men chained; he replied, that they were stout young
+fellows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to
+manage them. I then left the room, and shortly after heard a
+_scream_, and when the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly
+told her not to trouble herself, he was only chastising one of his
+women. It appeared that three days previously her child had died on
+the road, and been thrown into a hole or crevice in the mountain, and
+a few stones thrown over it; and the mother weeping for her child was
+chastised by her master, and told by him, she 'should have something
+to cry for.' The name of this man I can give if called for.
+
+"When engaged in this journey I spent about one month with my
+relations in Virginia. It being shortly after new year, _the time of
+hiring_ was over; but I saw the pounds, and the scaffolds which
+remained of the pounds, in which the slaves had been penned up"
+
+M. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the
+southwestern slave states a number of years, has furnished the
+following statement.
+
+"The great mass of the slaves are under drivers and overseers. I never
+saw an overseer without a whip; the whip usually carried is a short
+loaded stock, with a heavy lash from five to six feet long. When they
+whip a slave they make him pull off his shirt, if he has one, then
+make him lie down on his face, and taking their stand at the length of
+the lash, they inflict the punishment. Whippings are so _universal_
+that a negro that has not been whipped is talked of in all the region
+as a wonder. By whipping I do not mean a few lashes across the
+shoulders, but a set flogging, and generally _lying down._
+
+"On sugar plantations generally, and on some cotton plantations, they
+have negro drivers, who are in such a degree responsible for their
+gang, that if they are at fault, the driver is whipped. The result is,
+the gang are constantly driven by him to the extent of the influence
+of the lash; and it is uniformly the case that gangs dread a negro
+driver more than a white overseer.
+
+"I spent a winter on widow Culvert's plantation, near Rodney,
+Mississippi, but was not in a situation to see extraordinary
+punishments. Bellows, the overseer, for a trifling offence, took one
+of the slaves, stripped him, and with a piece of burning wood applied
+to his posteriors, burned him cruelly; while the poor wretch screamed
+in the greatest agony. The principal preparation for punishment that
+Bellows had, was single handcuffs made of iron, with chains, by which
+the offender could be chained to four stakes on the ground. These are
+very common in all the lower country. I noticed one slave on widow
+Calvert's plantation, who was whipped from twenty-five to fifty lashes
+every fortnight during the whole winter. The expression 'whipped to
+death,' as applied to slaves, is common at the south.
+
+"Several years ago I was going below New Orleans, in what is called
+the Plaquemine country, and a planter sent down in my boat a runaway
+he had found in New Orleans, to his plantation at Orange 5 Points. As
+we came near the Points he told me, with deep feeling, that he
+expected to be whipped almost to death: pointing to a graveyard, he
+said, 'There lie five who were whipped to death.' Overseers generally
+keep some of the women on the plantation; I scarce know an exception
+to this. Indeed, their intercourse with them is very much
+promiscuous,--they show them not much, if any favor. Masters
+frequently follow the example of their overseers in this thing.
+
+"GEORGE W. WESTGATE."
+
+
+
+II. TORTURES, BY IRON COLLARS, CHAINS, FETTERS, HANDCUFFS, &c.
+
+The slaves are often tortured by iron collars, with long prongs or
+"horns" and sometimes bells attached to them--they are made to wear
+chains, handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron
+upon their limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their
+mouths, &c.
+
+In proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves,
+under their own names; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from
+their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing
+their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs,
+chains, fetters, &c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists,
+ankles, and other parts of their bodies. To publish the _whole_ of
+each advertisement, would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader;
+we shall consequently, as heretofore, give merely the name of the
+advertiser, the name and date of the newspaper containing the
+advertisement, with the place of publication, and only so much of the
+advertisement as will give the particular _fact_, proving the truth of
+the assertion contained in the _general head_.
+
+
+William Toler, sheriff of Simpson county, Mississippi, in the
+"Southern Sun," Jackson, Mississippi, September 22, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a yellow boy named Jim--had on a _large lock
+chain around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. James R. Green, in the "Beacon," Greensborough, Alabama, August
+23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Squire--had on a _chain locked with a
+house-lock, around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. Hazlet Loflano, in the "Spectator," Staunton, Virginia, Sept. 27,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named David--with some _iron hobbles around each
+ankle."_
+
+
+Mr. T. Enggy, New Orleans, Gallatin street, between Hospital and
+Barracks, N.O. "Bee," Oct. 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negress Caroline--had on a _collar with one prong turned
+down."_
+
+
+Mr. John Henderson, Washington, county, Mi., in the "Grand Gulf
+Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a black woman, Betsey--had an _iron bar on her right leg."_
+
+
+William Dyer sheriff, Claiborne, Louisiana, in the "Herald,"
+Natchitoches, (La.) July 26, 1837.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Ambrose--has a _ring of iron
+around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. Owen Cooke, "Mary street, between Common and Jackson streets," New
+Orleans, in the N.O. "Bee," September 12, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my slave Amos, had a _chain_ attached to one of his legs"
+
+
+H.W. Rice, sheriff, Colleton district, South Carolina, in the
+"Charleston Mercury," September 1, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Patrick, about forty-five years old,
+and is _handcuffed._"
+
+
+W.P. Reeves, jailor, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the "Memphis
+Enquirer, June 17, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro--had on his right leg an _iron band_ with
+one link of a chain."
+
+
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Lauderdale county, Ala., in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," August 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Charles--had on a _drawing chain,_
+fastened around his ankle with a house lock."
+
+
+Mr. A. Murat, Baton Rouge, in the New Orleans "Bee," June 20, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro Manuel, _much marked with irons."_
+
+
+Mr. Jordan Abbott, in the "Huntsville Democrat," Nov. 17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named Daniel, about nineteen years old, and was
+_handcuffed."_
+
+
+Mr. J. Macoin, No. 177 Ann street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," August
+ll, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negress Fanny--had on an _iron band about her neck."_
+
+
+Menard Brothers, parish of Bernard, Louisiana, In the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named John--having an _iron around his right foot."_
+
+
+Messrs. J.L. and W.H. Bolton, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the
+"Memphis Enquirer," June 7, 1837.
+
+"Absconded, a colored boy named Peter--had an _iron round his neck_
+when he went away."
+
+
+H. Gridly, sheriff of Adams county, Mi., in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Times," September, 1834.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro boy--had on a _large neck iron_ with a
+_huge pair of horns and a large bar or band of iron_ on his left leg."
+
+
+Mr. Lambre, in the "Natchitoches (La.) Herald," March 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Teams--he had on his neck an _iron collar."_
+
+
+Mr. Ferdinand Lemos, New Orleans, in the "Bee," January 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro George--he had on _his neck an iron collar,_ the
+branches of which had been taken off"
+
+
+Mr. T.J. De Yampert, merchant, Mobile, Alabama, of the firm of De
+Yampert, King & Co., in the "Mobile Chronicle," June 15, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy about _twelve_ years old--had round his neck _a
+chain dog-collar_, with 'De Yampert' engraved on it."
+
+
+J.H. Hand, jailor, St. Francisville, La., in the "Louisiana
+Chronicle," July 26, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, slave John--has several scars on his wrists,
+occasioned, as he says, by _handcuffs."_
+
+
+Mr. Charles Curener, New Orleans, in the "Bee," July 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro, Hown--has a ring of iron on his left foot. Also,
+Grise, his _wife,_ having a _ring and chain on the left leg."_
+
+
+Mr. P.T. Manning, Huntsville, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Advocate,"
+Oct. 23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named James--said boy was _ironed_ when he left
+me."
+
+
+Mr. William L. Lambeth, Lynchburg, Virginia, in the "Moulton [Ala.]
+Whig," January 30, 1836.
+
+"Ranaway, Jim--had on when he escaped a pair of _chain handcuffs."_
+
+
+Mr. D.F. Guex, Secretary of the Steam Cotton Press Company, New
+Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," May 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Edmund Coleman--it is supposed he must have _iron shackles
+on his ankles_."
+
+
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Democrat,"
+March 8, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway ----, a mulatto--had on when he left, a _pair of handcuffs_
+and a _pair of drawing chains_."
+
+
+B.W. Hodges, jailor, Pike county, Alabama, in the "Montgomery
+Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a man who calls his name John--he has a _clog of
+iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds_."
+
+
+P. Bayhi captain of police, in the N.O. "Bee," June 9, 1838.
+
+"Detained at the police jail, the negro wench Myra--has several marks
+of _lashing_, and has _irons on her feet_."
+
+
+Mr. Charles Kernin, parish of Jefferson, Louisiana, in the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Betsey--when she left she had on her _neck an iron collar_."
+
+
+The foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of
+similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states
+every month.
+
+To the preceding testimony of slaveholders, published by themselves,
+and vouched for by their own signatures, we subjoin the following
+testimony of other witnesses to the same point.
+
+JOHN M. NELSON, Esq., a native of Virginia, now a highly respected
+citizen of highland county, Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian
+Church in Hillsborough, in a recent letter states the following:--
+
+"In Staunton, Va., at the horse of Mr. Robert M'Dowell, a merchant of
+that place, I once saw a colored woman, of intelligent and dignified
+appearance, who appeared to be attending to the business of the house,
+with an _iron collar_ around her neck, with horns or prongs extending
+out on either side, and up, until they met at something like a foot
+above her head, at which point there was a bell attached. This _yoke_,
+as they called it, I understood was to prevent her from running away,
+or to punish her for having done so. I had frequently seen _men_ with
+iron collars, but this was the first instance that I recollect to have
+seen a _female_ thus degraded."
+
+Major HORACE NYE, an elder in the Presbyterian Church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, in a letter, dated Dec. 5, 1838, makes the
+following statement:--
+
+"Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of this place, who is frequently employed by our
+citizens as captain and supercargo of descending boats, whose word may
+be relied on, has just made to me the following statement:--
+
+"While laying at Alexandria, on Red River, Louisiana, he saw a slave
+brought to a blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron fastened round his
+neck, with two pieces rivetted to the sides, meeting some distance
+above his head. At the top of the arch, thus formed, was attached a
+large cow-bell, the motion of which, while walking the streets, made
+it necessary for the slave to hold his hand to one of its sides, to
+steady it.
+
+"In New Orleans he saw several with iron collars, with horns attached
+to them. The first he saw had three prongs projecting from the collar
+ten or twelve inches, with the letter S on the end of each. He says
+iron collars are quite frequent there."
+
+To the preceding Major Nye adds:--
+
+"When I was about twelve years of age I lived at Marietta, in this
+state: I knew little of slaves, as there were few or none, at that
+time, in the part of Virginia opposite that place. But I remember
+seeing a slave who had run away from some place beyond my knowledge at
+that time: he had an iron collar round his neck, to which was a strap
+of iron rivetted to the collar, on each side, passing over the top of
+the head; and another strap, from the back side to the top of the
+first--thus inclosing the head on three sides. I looked on while the
+blacksmith severed the collar with a file, which, I think, took him
+more than an hour."
+
+Rev. JOHN DUDLEY, Mount Morris, Michigan, resided as a teacher at the
+missionary station, among the Choctaws, in Mississippi, during the
+years 1830 and 31. In a letter just received Mr. Dudley says:--
+
+"During the time I was on missionary ground, which was in 1830 and 31,
+I was frequently at the residence of the agent, who was a
+slaveholder.--I never knew of his treating his own slaves with
+cruelty; but the poor fellows who were escaping, and lodged with him
+when detected, found no clemency. I once saw there a fetter for '_the
+d----d runaways_,' the weight of which can be judged by its size. It
+was at least three inches wide, half an inch thick, and something over
+a foot long. At this time I saw a poor fellow compelled to work in the
+field, at 'logging,' with such a galling fetter on his ankles. To
+prevent it from wearing his ankles, a string was tied to the centre,
+by which the victim suspended it when he walked, with one hand, and
+with the other carried his burden. Whenever he lifted, the fetter
+rested on his bare ankles. If he lost his balance and made a misstep,
+which must very often occur in lifting and rolling logs, the torture
+of his fetter was severe. Thus he was doomed to work while wearing the
+torturing iron, day after day, and at night he was confined in the
+runaways' jail. Some time after this, I saw the same dejected,
+heart-broken creature obliged to wait on the other hands, who were
+husking corn. The privilege of sitting with the others was too much
+for him to enjoy; he was made to hobble from house to barn and barn to
+house, to carry food and drink for the rest. He passed round the end
+of the house where I was sitting with the agent: he seemed to take no
+notice of me, but fixed his eyes on his tormentor till he passed quite
+by us."
+
+
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and an assessor of that town, testifies as follows :--
+
+"I stayed in New Orleans three weeks: during that time there used to
+pass by where I stayed a number of slaves, each with an iron band
+around his ankle, a chain attached to it, and an eighteen pound ball
+at the end. They were employed in wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow;
+they would put the ball into the barrow when they moved.--I recollect
+one day, that I counted nineteen of them, sometimes there were not as
+many; they were driven by a slave, with a long lash, as if they were
+beasts. These, I learned, were runaway slaves from the plantations
+above New Orleans.
+
+"There was also a negro woman, that used daily to come to the market
+with milk; she had an iron band around her neck, with three rods
+projecting from it, about sixteen inches long, crooked at the ends."
+
+For the fact which follows we are indebted to Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a
+teacher in Marietta College, Ohio. We quote his letter.
+
+"Mr. Curtis, a journeyman cabinet-maker, of Marietta, relates the
+following, of which he was an eye witness. Mr. Curtis is every way
+worthy of credit.
+
+"In September, 1837, at 'Milligan's Bend,' in the Mississippi river, I
+saw a negro with an iron band around his head, locked behind with a
+padlock. In the front, where it passed the mouth, there was a
+projection inward of an inch and a half, which entered the mouth.
+
+"The overseer told me, he was so addicted to running away, it did not
+do any good to whip him for it. He said he kept this gag constantly on
+him, and intended to do so as long as he was on the plantation: so
+that, if he ran away, he could not eat, and would starve to death. The
+slave asked for drink in my presence; and the overseer made him lie
+down on his back, and turned water on his face two or three feet high,
+in order to torment him, as he could not swallow a drop.--The slave
+then asked permission to go to the river; which being granted, he
+thrust his face and head entirely under the water, that being the only
+way he could drink with his gag on. The gag was taken off when he took
+his food, and then replaced afterwards."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. SOPHIA LITTLE, of Newport, Rhode Island,
+daughter of Hon. Asher Robbins, senator in Congress for that state.
+
+"There was lately found, in the hold of a vessel engaged in the
+southern trade, by a person who was clearing it out, an iron collar,
+with three horns projecting from it. It seems that a young female
+slave, on whose slender neck was riveted this fiendish instrument of
+torture, ran away from her tyrant, and begged the captain to bring her
+off with him. This the captain refused to do; but unriveted the collar
+from her neck, and threw it away in the hold of the vessel. The collar
+is now at the anti-slavery office, Providence. To the truth of these
+facts Mr. William H. Reed, a gentleman of the highest moral character,
+is ready to vouch.
+
+"Mr. Reed is in possession of many facts of cruelty witnessed by
+persons of veracity; but these witnesses are not willing to give their
+names. One case in particular he mentioned. Speaking with a certain
+captain, of the state of the slaves at the south, the captain
+contended that their punishments were often very _lenient_; and, as an
+instance of their excellent clemency, mentioned, that in one instance,
+not wishing to whip a slave, they sent him to a blacksmith, and had an
+iron band fastened around him, with three long projections reaching
+above his head; and this he wore some time."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. JONATHON F. BALDWIN, of Lorain county,
+Ohio. Mr. B. was formerly a merchant in Massillon, Ohio, and an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church there.
+
+"Dear Brother,--In conversation with Judge Lyman, of Litchfield
+county, Connecticut, last June, he stated to me, that several years
+since he was in Columbia, South Carolina, and observing a colored man
+lying on the floor of a blacksmith's shop, as he was passing it, his
+curiosity led him in. He learned the man was a slave and rather
+unmanageable. Several men were attempting to detach from his ankle an
+iron which had been bent around it.
+
+"The iron was a piece of a flat bar of the ordinary size from the
+forge hammer, and bent around the ankle, the ends meeting, and forming
+a hoop of about the diameter of the leg. There was one or more strings
+attached to the iron and extending up around his neck, evidently so to
+suspend it as to prevent its galling by its weight when at work, yet
+it had galled or griped till the leg had swollen out beyond the iron
+and inflamed and suppurated, so that the leg for a considerable
+distance above and below the iron, was a mass of putrefaction, the
+most loathsome of any wound he had ever witnessed on any living
+creature. The slave lay on his back on the floor, with his leg on an
+anvil which sat also on the floor, one man had a chisel used for
+splitting iron, and another struck it with a sledge, to drive it
+between the ends of the hoop and separate it so that it might be taken
+off. Mr. Lyman said that the man swung the sledge over his shoulders
+as if splitting iron, and struck many blows before he succeeded in
+parting the ends of the iron at all, the bar was so large and
+stubborn--at length they spread it as far as they could without
+driving the chisel so low as to ruin the leg. The slave, a man of
+twenty-five years, perhaps, whose countenance was the index of a mind
+ill adapted to the degradations of slavery, never uttered a word or a
+groan in all the process, but the copious flow of sweat from every
+pore, the dreadful contractions and distortions of every muscle in his
+body, showed clearly the great amount of his sufferings; and all this
+while, such was the diseased state of the limb, that at every blow,
+the bloody, corrupted matter gushed out in all directions several
+feet, in such profusion as literally to cover a large area around the
+anvil. After various other fruitless attempts to spread the iron, they
+concluded it was necessary to weaken by filing before it could be got
+off which he left them attempting to do."
+
+
+Mr. WILLIAM DROWN, a well known citizen of Rhode Island, formerly of
+Providence, who has traveled in nearly all the slave states, thus
+testifies in a recent letter:
+
+"I recollect seeing large gangs of slaves, generally a considerable
+number in each gang, being chained, passing westward over the
+mountains from Maryland, Virginia, &c. to the Ohio. On that river I
+have frequently seen flat boats loaded with them, and their keepers
+armed with pistols and dirks to guard them.
+
+"At New Orleans I recollect seeing gangs of slaves that were driven
+out every day, the Sabbath not excepted, to work on the streets.
+These had heavy chains to connect two or more together, and some had
+iron collars and yokes, &c. The noise as they walked, or worked in
+their chains, was truly dreadful!"
+
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, pastor of the Congregational Church at Bedford,
+New Hampshire, who was for some years a resident of Mississippi and
+Louisiana, gives the following fact, in a letter dated January 9,
+1839.
+
+"In 1819, while employed as an instructor at Second Creek, near
+Natchez, Mississippi, I resided on a plantation where I witnessed the
+following circumstance. One of the slaves was in the habit of running
+away. He had been repeatedly taken, and repeatedly whipped, with
+great severity, but to no purpose. He would still seize the first
+opportunity to escape from the plantation. At last his owner
+declared, I'll fix him, I'll put a stop to his running away. He
+accordingly took him to a blacksmith, and had an _iron head-frame_
+made for him, which may be called lock-jaw, from the use that was made
+of it. It had a lock and key, and was so constructed, that when on the
+head and locked, the slave could not open his mouth to take food, and
+the design was to prevent his running away. But the device proved
+unavailing. He was soon missing, and whether by his own desperate
+effort, or the aid of others, contrived to sustain himself with food;
+but he was at last taken, and if my memory serves me, his life was
+soon terminated by the cruel treatment to which he was subjected."
+
+The Western Luminary, a religious paper published at Lexington,
+Kentucky, in an editorial article, in the summer of 1833, says:
+
+"A few weeks since we gave an account of a company of men, women and
+children, part of whom were manacled, passing through our streets.
+Last week, a number of slaves were driven through the main street of
+our city, among whom were a number manacled together, two abreast, all
+connected by, and supporting a _heavy iron chain_, which extended the
+whole length of the line."
+
+TESTIMONY OF A VIRGINIAN.
+
+The _name_ of this witness cannot be published, as it would put him in
+peril; but his _credibility_ is vouched for by the Rev. Ezra Fisher,
+pastor of the Baptist Church, Quincy, Illinois, and Dr. Richard Eels,
+of the same place. These gentlemen say of him, "We have great
+confidence in his integrity, discretion, and strict Christian
+principle."  He says--
+
+"About five years ago, I remember to have passed, in _a single day_,
+four droves of slaves for the south west; the largest drove had 350
+slaves in it, and the smallest upwards of 200. I counted 68 or 70 in
+a single _coffle_. The '_coffle chain_' is a chain fastened at one
+end to the centre of the bar of a pair of hand cuffs, which are
+fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another
+slave, they standing abreast, and the chain between them. These are
+the head of the coffle. The other end is passed through a ring in the
+bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two
+and two together, walk up, and the coffle chain is passed, and they go
+up towards the head of the coffle. Of course they are closer or wider
+apart in the coffle, according to the number to be coffled, and to the
+length of the chain. _I have seen HUNDREDS of droves and
+chain-coffles of this description_, and every coffle was a scene of
+misery and wo, of tears and brokenness of heart."
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, gives, in a late
+letter, the following statement of a fellow student, from Kentucky, of
+whom he says, "he is a professor of religion, and worthy of entire
+confidence."
+
+"I have seen at least _fifteen_ droves of 'human cattle,' passing by
+us on their way to the south; and I do not recollect an exception,
+where there were not more or less of them _chained_ together."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE P.C. HUSSEY, of Fayetteville, Franklin county,
+Pennsylvania, writes thus:
+
+"I was born and raised in Hagerstown, Washington county, Maryland,
+where slavery is perhaps milder than in any other part of the slave
+states; and yet I have seen _hundreds_ of colored men and women
+chained together, two by two, and driven to the south. I have seen
+slaves tied up and lashed till the blood ran down to their heels."
+
+
+Mr. GIDDINGS, member of Congress from Ohio, in his speech in the House
+of Representatives, Feb. 13, 1839, made the following statement:
+
+"On the beautiful avenue in front of the Capitol, members of Congress,
+during this session, have been compelled to turn aside from their
+path, to permit a coffle of slaves, males and females, _chained to
+each other by their necks_, to pass on their way to this _national
+slave market_."
+
+
+Testimony of JAMES K. PAULDING, Esq. the present Secretary of the
+United States' Navy.
+
+In 1817, Mr. Paulding published a work, entitled 'Letters from the
+South, written during an excursion in the summer of 1816.'  In the
+first volume of that work, page 128, Mr. P. gives the following
+description:
+
+"The sun was shining out very hot--and in turning the angle of the
+road, we encountered the following group: first, a little cart drawn
+by one horse, in which five or six half naked black children were
+tumbled like pigs together. The cart had no covering, and they seemed
+to have been broiled to sleep. Behind the cart marched three black
+women, with head, neck and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or
+stockings: next came three men, bare-headed, and _chained together
+with an ox-chain_. Last of all, came a white man on horse back,
+carrying his pistols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the
+impudence to look us in the face without blushing. At a house where we
+stopped a little further on, we learned that he had bought these
+miserable beings in Maryland, and was marching them in this manner to
+one of the more southern states. Shame on the State of Maryland! and I
+say, shame on the State of Virginia! and every state through which
+this wretched cavalcade was permitted to pass! I do say, that when
+they (the slaveholders) permit such flagrant and indecent outrages
+upon humanity as that I have described; when they sanction a villain
+in thus marching half naked women and men, loaded with chains, without
+being charged with any crime but that of being _black_ from one
+section of the United States to another, hundreds of miles in the face
+of day, they disgrace themselves, and the country to which they
+belong."[10]
+
+[Footnote 10: The fact that Mr. Paulding, in the reprint of these
+"Letters," in 1835, struck out this passage with all others
+disparaging to slavery and its supporters, does not impair the force
+of his testimony, however much it may sink the man. Nor will the next
+generation regard with any more reverence, his character as a prophet,
+because in the edition of 1835, two years after the American
+Antislavery Society was formed, and when its auxiliaries were numbered
+by hundreds, he inserted a _prediction_ that such movements would be
+made at the North, with most disastrous results. "Wot ye not that such
+a man as I can certainly divine!" Mr. Paulding has already been taught
+by Judge Jay, that he who aspires to the fame of an oracle, without
+its inspiration, must resort to other expedients to prevent detection,
+than the clumsy one of _antedating_ his responses.]
+
+
+
+III. BRANDINGS, MAIMINGS, GUY-SHOT WOUNDS, &c.
+
+The slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms
+and _shot_, hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with
+knives, dirks, &c.; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out,
+their bones dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and
+toes cut off, their faces and other parts of their persons disfigured
+with scars and gashes, _besides_ those made with the lash.
+
+We shall adopt, under this head, the same course as that pursued under
+previous ones,--first give the testimony of the slaveholders
+themselves, to the mutilations, &c. by copying their own graphic
+descriptions of them, in advertisements published under their own
+names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, and,
+generally, in their own immediate vicinity. We shall, as heretofore,
+insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to make
+the point intelligible.
+
+
+Mr. Micajah Ricks, Nash County, North Carolina, in the Raleigh
+"Standard," July 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went
+off, _I burnt her with a hot iron_, on the left side of her face,_ I
+tried to make the letter M._"
+
+
+Mr. Asa B. Metcalf, Kingston, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier;'
+June 15, 1832.
+
+"Ranaway Mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball._"
+
+
+Mr. William Overstreet, Benton, Yazoo Co. Mi. in the "Lexington
+(Kentucky) Observer," July 22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man named Henry, _his left eye out_, some scars from
+a _dirk_ on and under his left arm, and _much scarred_ with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. R.P. Carney, Clark Co. Ala., in the Mobile Register, Dec. 22, 1832
+
+One hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow Pompey, 40 years old, he
+is _branded_ on the _left jaw_.
+
+
+Mr. J. Guyler, Savannah Georgia, in the "Republican," April 12, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Laman, an old negro man, grey, has _only one eye._"
+
+
+J.A. Brown, jailor, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Jan.
+12, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail a negro man, has _no toes_ on his left foot."
+
+
+Mr. J. Scrivener, Herring Bay, Anne Arundel Co. Maryland, in the
+Annapolis Republican, April 18, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway negro man Elijah, has a scar on his left cheek, apparently
+occasioned by _a shot_."
+
+
+Madame Burvant corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, New Orleans,
+in the "Bee," Dec. 21, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro woman named Rachel, has _lost all her toes_ except
+the large one."
+
+
+Mr. O.W. Lains, In the "Helena, (Ark.) Journal," June 1, 1833.
+
+"Ranaway Sam, he was _shot_ a short time since, through the hand, and
+has _several shots in his left arm and side_."
+
+
+Mr. R.W. Sizer, in the "Grand Gulf, [Mi.] Advertiser," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man Dennis, said negro has been _shot_ in the left
+arm between the shoulders and elbow, which has paralyzed the left
+hand."
+
+
+Mr. Nicholas Edmunds, in the "Petersburgh [Va.] Intelligencer," May
+22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man named Simon, _he has been shot badly_ in his
+back and right arm."
+
+
+Mr. J. Bishop, Bishopville, Sumpter District, South Carolina, in the
+"Camden [S.C.] Journal," March 4, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway a negro named Arthur, has a considerable _scar_ across his
+_breast and each arm_, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the
+goodness of God."
+
+
+Mr. S. Neyle, Little Ogeechee, Georgia, in the "Savannah Republican,"
+July 3, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway George, he has a _sword cut_ lately received on his left
+arm."
+
+
+Mrs. Sarah Walsh, Mobile, Ala. in the "Georgia Journal," March 27,
+1837.
+
+"Twenty five dollars reward for my man Isaac, he has a scar on his
+forehead caused by a _blow_, and one on his back made by _a shot from
+a pistol_."
+
+
+Mr. J.P. Ashford, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August 24,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+_good many teeth missing_, the letter A _is branded on her cheek and
+forehead_."
+
+
+Mr. Ely Townsend, Pike Co. Ala. in the "Pensacola Gazette," Sep. 16,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway negro Ben, has a scar on his right hand, his thumb and fore
+finger being injured by being _shot_ last fall, a part of _the bone
+came out_, he has also one or two _large scars_ on his back and hips."
+
+
+S.B. Murphy, jailer, Irvington, Ga. in the "Milledgeville Journal,"
+May 29, 1838.
+
+"Committed a negro man, is _very badly shot in the right side_ and
+right hand."
+
+
+Mr. A. Luminais, Parish of St. John Louisiana, in the New Orleans
+"Bee," March 3, 1838.
+
+"Detained at the jail, a mulatto named Tom, has a _scar_ on the right
+cheek and appears to have been _burned with powder_ on the face."
+
+
+Mr. Isaac Johnson, Pulaski Co. Georgia, in the "Milledgeville
+Journal," June 19, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man named Ned, _three of his fingers_ are drawn into
+the palm of his hand by a _cut_, has a _scar_ on the back of his neck
+nearly half round, done by a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Hudnall, Madison Co. Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register,"
+September 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro named Hambleton, _limps_ on his left foot where he
+was _shot_ a few weeks ago, while runaway."
+
+
+Mr. John McMurrain, Columbus, Ga. in the "Southern Sun," August 7,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro boy named Mose, he has a _wound_ in the right
+shoulder near the back bone, which was occasioned by a _rifle shot_."
+
+
+Mr. Moses Orme, Annapolis, Maryland, in the "Annapolis Republican,"
+June 20, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man Bill, he has a _fresh wound in his head_ above
+his ear."
+
+
+William Strickland, Jailor, Kershaw District, S.C. in the "Camden
+[S.C.] Courier," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail a negro, says his name is Cuffee, he is lame in one
+knee, occasioned _by a shot_."
+
+
+The Editor of the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway Joshua, his thumb is off of his left hand."
+
+
+Mr. William Bateman, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway William, _scar_ over his left eye, one between his eye brows,
+one on his breast, and his right leg has been _broken_."
+
+
+Mr. B.G. Simmons, in the "Southern Argus," May 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Mark, his left arm has been _broken_."
+
+
+Mr. James Artop, in the "Macon [Ga.] Messenger, May 25, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Caleb, 50 years old, has an awkward gait occasioned by his
+being _shot_ in the thigh."
+
+
+J.L. Jolley, Sheriff of Clinton, Co. Mi. in the "Clinton Gazette,"
+July 23, 1836.
+
+"Was committed to jail a negro man, says his name is Josiah, his back
+very much scarred by the whip, and _branded on the thigh and hips, in
+three or four places_, thus (J.M.) the _rim of his right ear has been
+bit or cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Ledwith, Jacksonville East Florida, in the "Charleston
+[S.C.] Courier, Sept. 1, 1838.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward, he has a _scar_ on the
+corner of his mouth, two _cuts_ on and under his arm, and the _letter
+E on his arm_."
+
+
+Mr. Joseph James, Sen., Pleasant Ridge, Paulding Co. Ga., in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Nov. 7, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Ellie, has a _scar_ on one of his arms _from the
+bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. W. Riley, Orangeburg District, South Carolina, in the "Columbia
+[S.C.] Telescope," Nov. 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man, has a _scar_ on the ankle produced by a _burn_,
+and a _mark on his arm_ resembling the letter S."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Mason, Warren Co, Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register," July 18,
+1838."
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Allen, he has a scar on his breast, also a
+scar under the left eye, and has _two buck shot in his right arm_."
+
+
+Mr. F.L.C. Edwards, in the "Southern Telegraph", Sept. 25, 1837
+
+"Ranaway from the plantation of James Surgette, the following negroes,
+Randal, _has one ear cropped_; Bob, _has lost one eye_, Kentucky Tom,
+_has one jaw broken_."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen M. Jackson, in the "Vicksburg Register", March 10, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Anthony, _one of his ears cut off_, and his left hand cut
+with an axe."
+
+
+Philip Honerton, deputy sheriff of Halifax Co. Virginia, Jan. 1837.
+
+"Was committed, a negro man, has a _scar_ on his right side by a burn,
+one on his knee, and one on the calf of his leg _by the bite of a
+dog_."
+
+
+Stearns & Co. No. 28, New Levee, New Orleans, in the "Bee", March 22,
+1837.
+
+"Absconded, the mulatto boy Tom, his fingers _scarred_ on his right
+hand, and has a _scar_ on his right cheek"
+
+
+Mr. John W. Walton, Greensboro, Ala. in the "Alabama Beacon", Dec. 13,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway my black boy Frazier, with a _scar_ below and one above his
+right ear."
+
+
+Mr. R. Furman, Charleston, S.C. in the "Charleston Mercury" Jan. 12,
+1839.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick, about 19, has lost the small toe of one foot."
+
+
+Mr. John Tart, Sen. in the "Fayetteville [N.C.] Observer", Dec. 26,
+1838
+
+"Stolen a mulatto boy, _ten_ years old, he has a _scar_ over his eye
+which was made by an axe."
+
+
+Mr. Richard Overstreet, Brook Neal, Campbell Co. Virginia, in the
+"Danville [Va.] Reporter", Dec. 21, 1838.
+
+"Absconded my negro man Coleman, has a _very large scar_ on one of his
+legs, also one on _each_ arm, by a burn, and his heels have been
+frosted."
+
+
+The editor of the New Orleans "Bee" in that paper, August 27, 1837.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for the negro Jim Blake--has a _piece cut out
+of each ear_, and the middle finger of the left hand _cut off_ to the
+second joint."
+
+
+Mr. Bryant Jonson, Port Valley, Houston county, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville "Union", Oct. 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Maria--has a scar on one side of her
+cheek, by a _cut_--some scars on her back."
+
+
+Mr. Leonard Miles, Steen's Creek, Rankin county, Mi. in the "Southern
+Sun", Sept. 22, 1838
+
+"Ranaway, Gabriel--has _two or three scars across his neck_ made with
+a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Bezou, New Orleans, in the "Bee" May 23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the mulatto wench Mary--has a _cut on the left arm, a scar
+on the shoulder, and two upper teeth missing_."
+
+
+Mr. James Kimborough, Memphis, Tenn. in the "Memphis Enquirer" July
+13, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy, named Jerry--has a _scar_ on his right check
+two inches long, from the cut of a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Georgia, in the "Georgia Messenger", July
+27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain--has _holes in his ears, a scar_ on the
+right side of his forehead--has been _shot in the hind parts of his
+legs_--is marked on the back with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. B.G. Barrer, St. Louis, Missouri, in the "Republican", Sept. 6,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jarret--_has a scar_ on the under part of
+one of his arms, occasioned by a wound from a knife."
+
+
+Mr. John D. Turner, near Norfolk, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald",
+June 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro by the name of Joshua--he has a cut across one of
+his ears, which he will conceal as much as possible--one of his
+ankles is _enlarged by an ulcer_."
+
+
+Mr. William Stansell, Picksville, Ala. in the "Huntsville Democrat",
+August 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Harper--has a scar on one of his hips in the form
+of a G."
+
+
+Hon. Ambrose H. Sevier Senator, in Congress, from Arkansas in the
+"Vicksburg Register", of Oct. 18.
+
+"Ranaway, Bob, a slave--has a _scar across his breast_, another on the
+_right side of his head_--his back is _much scarred_ with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. R.A. Greene, Milledgeville, Georgia, in the "Macon Messenger" July
+27, 1837.
+
+"Two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my negro man Jim--he is
+much marked with _shot_ in his right thigh,--the shot entered on the
+outside, half way between the hip and knee joints."
+
+
+Benjamin Russel, deputy sheriff, Bibb county, Ga. in the "Macon
+Telegraph", December 25, 1837.
+
+"Brought to jail, John--_left ear cropt_."
+
+
+Hon. H Hitchcock, Mobile, judge of the Supreme Court, in the
+"Commercial Register", Oct. 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the slave Ellis--he has _lost one of his ears_."
+
+
+Mrs. Elizabeth L. Carter, near Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, in the "National Intelligencer", Washington, D.C. June 10,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man, Moses--he has _lost a part_ of one of his
+ears."
+
+
+Mr. William D. Buckels, Natchez, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," July
+28, 1838.
+
+"Taken up, a negro man--is _very much scarred_ about the face and
+body, and has the left _ear bit off_."
+
+
+Mr. Walter R. English, Monroe county, Ala. in the "Mobile Chronicle,"
+Sept. 2, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my slave Lewis--he has lost a _piece of one ear_, and a
+_part of one of his fingers_, a _part of one of his toes_ is also
+lost."
+
+
+Mr. James Saunders, Grany Spring, Hawkins county, Tenn. in the
+"Knoxville Register," June 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a black girl named Mary--has a _scar_ on her cheek, and the
+end of one of her toes _cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. John Jenkins, St Joseph's, Florida, captain of the steamboat
+Ellen, "Apalachicola Gazette," June 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Caesar--he has _but one eye_."
+
+
+Mr. Peter Hanson, Lafayette city, La., in the New Orleans "Bee," July
+28, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negress Martha--she has _lost her right eye_."
+
+
+Mr. Orren Ellis, Georgeville, Mi. in the "North Alabamian," Sept. 15,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, George--has had the lower part of _one of his ears bit
+off_."
+
+
+Mr. Zadock Sawyer, Cuthbert, Randolph county, Georgia, in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro Tom--has a piece _bit off the top of his right
+ear_, and his little finger is _stiff_."
+
+
+Mr. Abraham Gray, Mount Morino, Pike county, Ga. in the "Milledgeville
+Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my mulatto woman Judy--she has had her _right arm broke_."
+
+
+S.B. Tuston, jailer, Adams county, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," June
+15, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man named Bill--has had the _thumb of
+his left hand split_."
+
+Mr. Joshua Antrim, Nineveh, Warren county, Virginia, in the
+"Winchester Virginian," July 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a mulatto man named Joe--his fingers on the left hand are
+_partly amputated_."
+
+
+J.B. Randall, jailor,  Marietta, Cobb county, Ga., in the "Southern
+Recorder;" Nov. 6, 1838.
+
+"Lodged in jail, a negro man named Jupiter--is very _lame in his left
+hip_, so that he can hardly walk--has lost a joint of the middle
+finger of his left hand."
+
+
+Mr. John N. Dillahunty, Woodville, Mi., in the "N.O. Commercial
+Bulletin," July 21, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Bill--has a scar over one eye, also one on his leg, from
+_the bite of a dog_--has a _burn on his buttock, from a piece of hot
+iron in shape of a T_."
+
+
+William K. Ratcliffe, sheriff, Franklin county, Mi. in the "Natchez
+Free Trader," August 23, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Mike--_his left ear off_"
+
+
+Mr. Preston Halley, Barnwell, South Carolina, in the "Augusta [Ga.]
+Chronicle," July 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Levi--his left hand has been _burnt_, and I
+think the end of his fore finger _is off_."
+
+
+Mr. Welcome H. Robbins, St. Charles county, Mo. in the "St. Louis
+Republican," June 30, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named Washington--has _lost a part of his middle
+finger and the end of his little finger_."
+
+
+G. Gourdon & Co. druggists, corner of Rampart and Hospital streets,
+New Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," Sept. 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named David Drier--has _two toes cut_."
+
+
+Mr. William Brown, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Edmund--has a _scar_ on his right temple, and under his
+right eye, and _holes in both ears_."
+
+
+Mr. James McDonnell, Talbot county, Georgia, in the "Columbus
+Enquirer," Jan. 18, 1838.
+
+"Runaway, a negro boy _twelve or thirteen_ years old--has a scar on
+his left cheek _from the bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. John W. Cherry, Marengo county, Ala. in the "Mobile Register,"
+June 15, 1838.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my negro man John--he has a considerable
+scar on his _throat_, done with a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Thos. Brown, Roane co. Tenn. in the "Knoxville Register," Sept 12,
+1838.
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward, for my man John--the _tip_ of his nose is
+_bit off_."
+
+
+Messrs. Taylor, Lawton & Co., Charleston, South Carolina, in the
+"Mercury," Nov. 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow called Hover--has a _cut_ above the right
+eye."
+
+
+Mr. Louis Schmidt, Faubourg, Sivaudais, La. in the New Orleans "Bee,"
+Sept. 5, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro man Hardy--has a _scar_ on the upper lip, and
+another made with a _knife_ on his neck."
+
+
+W.M. Whitehead, Natchez, in the "New Orleans Bulletin," July 21,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Henry--has half of one _ear bit off_."
+
+
+Mr. Conrad Salvo, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," August
+10, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Jacob--he has but _one eye_."
+
+
+William Baker, jailer, Shelby county, Ala., in the "Montgomery (Ala.)
+Advertiser," Oct. 5, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, Ben--his _left thumb off_ at the first joint."
+
+
+Mr. S.N. Hite, Camp street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Feb. 19, 1838.
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave Sally--walks as though
+_crippled_ in the back."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen M. Richards, Whitesburg, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," Sept 8, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Dick--has a _little finger off_ the right
+hand."
+
+
+Mr. A. Brose, parish of St. Charles, La. in the "New Orleans Bee,"
+Feb. 19, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro Patrick--has his little finger of the right hand
+_cut close to the hand_."
+
+
+Mr. Needham Whitefield, Aberdeen, Mi. in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Enquirer," June 15, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Joe Dennis--has a small _notch_ in one of his ears."
+
+
+Col. M.J. Keith, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Nov.
+27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick--has _lost the little toe_ of one of his feet."
+
+
+Mr. R. Faucette, Haywood, North Carolina, in the "Raleigh Register,"
+April 30, 1838.
+
+"Escaped, my negro man Eaton--his _little finger_ of the right hand
+has been _broke_."
+
+
+Mr. G.C. Richardson, Owen Station, Mo., in the St. Louis "Republican,"
+May 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man named Top--has had one of his _legs broken_."
+
+
+Mr. E. Han, La Grange, Fayette county, Tenn. in the Gallatin "Union,"
+June 23, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Jack--has a small _crop out of his left ear_."
+
+
+D. Herring, warden of Baltimore city jail, in the "Marylander," Oct 6,
+1837.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man--has _two scars_ on his forehead,
+and the _top of his left ear cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. James Marks, near Natchitoches, La. in the "Natchitoches Herald,"
+July 21, 1838.
+
+"Stolen, a negro man named Winter--has a _notch_ cut out of the left
+ear, and the mark of _four or five buck shot_ on his legs."
+
+
+Mr. James Barr, Amelia Court House, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald,"
+Sept. 12, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man--_scar back of his left eye_, as if from the
+_cut_ of a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Isaac Michell, Wilkinson county, Georgia, in the "Augusta
+Chronicle," Sept 21, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro man Buck--has a very _plain mark_ under his ear on his
+jaw, about the size of a dollar, having been _inflicted by a knife._"
+
+
+Mr. P. Bayhi, captain of the police, Suburb Washington, third
+municipality, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Oct. 13, 1837.
+
+"Detained at the jail, the negro boy Hermon--has a scar below his left
+ear, from the _wound of a knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Willie Paterson, Clinton, Jones county, Ga. in the "Darien
+Telegraph," Dec. 5, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man by the name of John--he has a _scar_ across his
+cheek, and one on his right arm, apparently done with a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Ragland, Triana, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Advocate," Dec. 23, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Isham--has a _scar_ upon the breast and upon the under lip,
+from the _bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. Moses E. Bush, near Clayton, Ala. in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," July 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man--has a _scar_ on his hip and on his breast, and
+_two front teeth out_."
+
+
+C.W. Wilkins, sheriff Baldwin Co, Ala, is the "Mobile Advertiser;"
+Sept. 24, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man, he is _crippled_ in the right leg."
+
+
+Mr. James H. Taylor, Charleston South Carolina, in the "Courier,"
+August 7, 1837.
+
+"Absconded, a colored boy, named Peter, _lame_ in the right leg."
+
+
+N.M.C. Robinson, jailer, Columbus, Georgia, in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," August 2, 1838.
+
+"Brought to jail, a negro man, his left ankle has been _broke_."
+
+
+Mr. Littlejohn Rynes, Hinds Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August,
+17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jerry, has a small piece _cut out of the
+top of each ear_."
+
+
+The Heirs of J.A. Alston, near Georgetown, South Carolina, in the
+"Georgetown [S.C.] Union," June 17, 1837.
+
+"Absconded a negro named Cuffee, has _lost one finger_; has an
+_enlarged leg_."
+
+
+A.S. Ballinger, Sheriff, Johnston Co, North Carolina, In the "Raleigh
+Standard," Oct. 18, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man; has a _very sore leg_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Crutchfield, Atkins, Ten. in the "Tennessee Journal," Oct.
+17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my mulatto boy Cy, has but _one hand_, all the fingers of
+his right hand were _burnt off_ when young."
+
+
+J.A. Brown, jailer, Orangeburg, South Carolina, in the "Charleston
+Mercury," July 18, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Bob, appears to be _crippled_ in
+the right leg."
+
+
+S.B. Turton, jailer, Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natchez Courier," Sept.
+29, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man, has his _left thigh broke_."
+
+
+Mr. John H. King,  High street, Georgetown, in the "National
+Intelligencer," August 1, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man, he has the _end of one_ of his fingers
+_broken_."
+
+
+Mr. John B. Fox, Vicksburg, Miss. in the "Register," March 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named Tom, has a _notch_ in the back
+of one of his ears."
+
+
+Messrs. Fernandez and Whiting, auctioneers, New Orleans, in the "Bee,"
+April 8, 1837.
+
+"Will be sold Martha, aged nineteen, _has one eye out_."
+
+
+Mr. Marshall Jett, Farrowsville, Fauquier Co. Virginia, in the
+"National Intelligencer," May 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro man Ephraim, has a _mark_ over one of his eyes,
+occasioned by a _blow_."
+
+
+S.B. Turton, jailer Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natches Courier," Oct. 12,
+1838.
+
+"Was committed a negro, calls himself Jacob, has been _crippled_ in
+his right leg."
+
+
+John Ford, sheriff of Mobile County, in the "Mississippian," Jackson
+Mi. Dec. 28, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man Cary, a _large scar on his forehead_."
+
+
+E.W. Morris, sheriff of Warren County, in the "Vicksburg [Mi.]
+Register," March 28, 1838.
+
+"Committed as a runaway, a negro man Jack, he has _several scars_ on
+his face."
+
+
+Mr. John P. Holcombe, In the "Charleston Mercury," April 17, 1828.
+
+"Absented himself, his negro man Ben, _has scars_ on his throat,
+occasioned by the _cut of a knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Geo. Kinlock, in the "Charleston, S.C. Courier," May 1, 1839.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Kitt, 15 or 16 years old, _has a piece taken out
+of one of his ears_."
+
+
+Wm. Magee, sheriff, Mobile Co. in the "Mobile Register," Dec. 27, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a runaway slave, Alexander, a _scar_ on his left
+check."
+
+
+Mr. Henry M. McGregor, Prince George County, Maryland, in the
+"Alexandria [D.C.] Gazette," Feb. 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro Phil, _scar through the right eye brow_ part of the
+_middle toe_ right foot _cut off_."
+
+
+Green B Jourdan, Baldwin County Ga. in the "Georgia Journal," April
+18, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, John, has a _scar_ on one of his hands extending from the
+wrist joint to the little finger, also a _scar_ on one of his legs."
+
+
+Messrs. Daniel and Goodman, New Orleans, in the "N.O. Bee," Feb. 2,
+1838.
+
+"Absconded, mulatto slave Alick, has a _large scar over_ one of his
+cheeks."
+
+
+Jeremiah Woodward, Gonchland, Co. Va. in the "Richmond Va. Whig," Jan.
+30, 1838.
+
+"200 DOLLARS REWARD for Nelson, has a _scar_ on his forehead
+occasioned by a _burn_, and one on his lower lip and one about the
+knee."
+
+
+Samuel Rawlins, Gwinet Co. Ga. in the "Columbus Sentinel," Nov. 29,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man and his wife, named Nat and Priscilla, he has a
+small _scar_ on his left cheek, _two stiff fingers_ on his right hand
+with a _running sore_ on them; his wife has a _scar_ on her left arm,
+and one _upper tooth out_."
+
+
+The reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous
+ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under
+their own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. We now
+ask the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. They are
+endorsed by responsible names--men who 'speak what they know, and
+testify what they have seen'--testimonies which show, that the
+slaveholders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the
+work of their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming,
+mutilating, cropping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of
+their slaves, breaking their bones, &c., have manifested, _as far as
+they have gone_ in the description, a commendable fidelity to truth.
+
+It is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding
+advertisements were the result of accidents; and some _may be_ the
+result of violence inflicted by the slaves upon each other. Without
+arguing that point, we say, these are the _facts_; whoever reads and
+ponders them, will need no argument to convince him, that the
+proposition which they have been employed to sustain, _cannot be
+shaken_. That any considerable portion of them were _accidental_, is
+totally improbable, from the nature of the case; and is in most
+instances disproved by the advertisements themselves. That they have
+not been produced by assaults of the slaves upon each other, is
+manifest from the fact, that injuries of that character inflicted by
+the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar with the
+habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare; and of
+necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the
+strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature.
+
+Advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered by
+scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states.
+Before presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the
+proposition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that
+some of the tortures enumerated under this and the preceding heads,
+are not in all cases inflicted by slaveholders as _punishments_, but
+sometimes merely as preventives of escape, for the greater security of
+their 'property'. Iron collars, chains, &c. are put upon slaves when
+they are driven or transported from one part of the country to
+another, in order to keep them from running away. Similar measures are
+often resorted to upon plantations. When the master or owner suspects
+a slave of plotting an escape, an iron collar with long 'horns,' or a
+bar of iron, or a ball and chain, are often fastened upon him, for the
+double purpose of retarding his flight, should he attempt it, and of
+serving as an easy means of detection.
+
+Another inhuman method of _marking_ slaves, so that they may be easily
+described and detected when they escape, is called _cropping_. In the
+preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of cases,
+in which the runaway is described as '_cropt_,' or a '_notch cut_ in
+the ear, or a part or the whole of the ear _cut off_,' &c.
+
+Two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just
+received by Mr. Lewis Tappan, of New York, containing a negro's ear
+cut off close to the head. The writer of the letter, who signed
+himself Thomas Oglethorpe, Montgomery, Alabama, sent it to Mr. Tappan
+as 'a specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his
+'collection.'
+
+Another method of _marking_ slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off
+one or two _front teeth_--commonly the upper ones, as the mark would
+in that case be the more obvious. An instance of this kind the reader
+will recall in the testimony of Sarah M. Grimké, page 30, and of which
+she had _personal_ knowledge; being well acquainted both with the
+inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,) by whose
+order the brutal deed was done, and with the poor young girl whose
+mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to furnish a convenient mark by
+which to describe her in case of her elopement, as she had frequently
+run away.
+
+The case stated by Miss G. serves to unravel what, to one uninitiated,
+seems quite a mystery: i.e. the frequency with which, in the
+advertisements of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they
+are described as having _one or two front teeth out_. Scores of such
+advertisements are in southern papers now on our table. We will
+furnish the reader with a dozen or two.
+
+
+Jesse Debruhl, sheriff, Richland District, "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Feb. 24, 1839.
+
+"Committed to jail, Ned, about 25 years of age, has lost his _two
+upper front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. John Hunt, Black Water Bay, "Pensacola (Ga.) Gazette," October 14,
+1837.
+
+"100 DOLLARS REWARD, for Perry, _one under front tooth_ missing, aged
+23 years."
+
+
+Mr. John Frederick, Branchville, Orangeburgh District, S.C.
+"Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 12, 1837.
+
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD, for Mary, _one or two upper teeth_ out, about 25
+years old."
+
+
+Mr. Egbert A. Raworth, eight miles west of Nashville on the Charlotte
+road "Daily Republican Banner," Nashville, Tennessee, April 30, 1938.
+
+"Ranaway, Myal, 23 years old, one of his _fore teeth out_."
+
+
+Benjamin Russel, Deputy sheriff Bibb Co. Ga. "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph,"
+Dec. 25, 1837.
+
+"Brought to jail John, 23 years old, _one fore tooth out_."
+
+
+F. Wisner, Master of the Work House, "Charleston (S.C.) Courier." Oct.
+17, 1837.
+
+"Committed to the Charleston Work House Tom, _two of his upper front
+teeth out_, about 30 years of age."
+
+Mr. S. Neyle, "Savannah (Ga.) Republican," July 3, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Peter, has lost _two front teeth_ in the upper jaw."
+
+
+Mr. John McMurrain, near Columbus, "Georgia Messenger," Aug. 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a boy named Moses, some of his _front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. John Kennedy, Stewart Co. La. "New Orleans Bee," April 7, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Sally, her _fore teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. A.J. Hutchings, near Florence, Ala. "North Alabamian," August 25,
+1838
+
+"Ranaway, George Winston, two of his _upper fore teeth out_
+immediately in front."
+
+
+Mr. James Purdon, 33 Commons street, N.O. "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 13,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Jackson, has lost _one of his front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Calvert, in the "Arkansas State Gazette," August 22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Jack, 25 years old, has lost _one of his fore teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. A.G.A. Beazley, in the Memphis Gazette, March 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Abraham, 20 or 22 years of age, _his front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Townsend, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," May 24,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick, 18 or 20 years of age, _has one front tooth out_."
+
+
+Mr. Philip A. Dew, in the "Virginia Herald," of May 24, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Washington, about 25 years of age, has _an upper front tooth
+out_."
+
+
+J.G. Dunlap, "Georgia Constitutionalist," April 24, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro woman Abbe, _upper front teeth out_."
+
+
+John Thomas, "Southern Argus," August 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Lewis, 25 or 26 years old, _one or two of his front teeth
+out_."
+
+
+M.E.W. Gilbert, in the "Columbus [Ga.] Enquirer," Oct. 5. 1837.
+
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Prince, 25 or 26 years old, _one or two teeth
+out_ in front on the upper jaw."
+
+
+Publisher of the "Charleston Mercury," Aug. 31, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Seller Saunders, _one fore tooth out_, about 22 years of
+age."
+
+
+Mr. Byrd M. Grace, in the "Macon [Ga.] Telegraph," Oct. 16, 1383.
+
+"Ranaway, Warren, about 25 or 26 years old, has lost _some of his
+front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. George W. Barnes, in the "Milledgeville [Ga.] Journal," May 22,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Henry, about 23 years old, has one of his _upper front teeth
+out_."
+
+
+D. Herring, Warden of Baltimore Jail, in "Baltimore Chronicle," Oct.
+6, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail Elizabeth Steward, 17 or 18 years old, has _one of
+her front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. J.L. Colborn, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," July 4, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Liley, 26 years of age, _one fore tooth gone_."
+
+
+Samuel Harman Jr. in the "New Orleans Bee," Oct. 12, 1838.
+
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Adolphe, 28 years old, _two of his front
+teeth_ are missing."
+
+
+Were it necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list,
+_hundreds_. The reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are
+given, are _young_--not one has arrived at middle age; consequently it
+can hardly be supposed that they have lost their teeth either from age
+or decay. The probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is
+increased by the fact of their being _front teeth_ in almost every
+case, and from the fact that the loss of no _other_ is mentioned in
+the advertisements. It is well known that the front teeth are not
+generally the first to fail. Further, it is notorious that the teeth
+of the slaves are remarkably sound and serviceable, that they decay
+far less, and at a much later period of life than the teeth of the
+whites: owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; but more
+probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life.
+
+As an illustration of the horrible mutilations _sometimes_ suffered by
+them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the
+following, from the New Orleans Bee of May 31, 1837.
+
+$10 REWARD.--Ranaway, Friday, May 12, JULIA, a negress, EIGHTEEN OR
+TWENTY YEARS OLD. SHE HAS LOST HER UPPER TEETH, and the under ones ARE
+ALL BROKEN. Said reward will be paid to whoever will bring her to her
+master, No. 172 Barracks-street, or lodge her in the jail.
+
+The following is contained in the same paper.
+
+Ranaway, NELSON, 27 years old,--"ALL HIS TEETH ARE MISSING."
+
+This advertisement is signed by "S. ELFER," Faubourg Marigny.
+
+We now call the attention of the reader to a mass of testimony in
+support of our general proposition.
+
+GEORGE B. RIPLEY, Esq. of Norwich, Connecticut, has furnished the
+following statement, in a letter dated Dec. 12, 1838.
+
+"GURDON CHAPMAN, Esq., a respectable merchant of our city, one of our
+county commissioners,--last spring a member of our state
+legislature,--and whose character for veracity is above suspicion,
+about a year since visited the county of Nansemond, Virginia, for the
+purpose of buying a cargo of corn. He purchased a large quantity of
+Mr. ----, with whose family he spent a week or ten days; after he
+returned, he related to me and several other citizens the following
+facts. In order to prepare the corn for market by the time agreed
+upon, the slaves were worked as hard as they would bear, from daybreak
+until 9 or 10 o'clock at night. They were called directly from their
+bunks in the morning to their work, without a morsel of food until
+noon, when they took their breakfast and dinner, consisting of bacon
+and corn bread. The quantity of meat was not one tenth of what the
+same number of northern laborers usually have at a meal. They were
+allowed but fifteen minutes to take this meal, at the expiration of
+this time the horn was blown. The rigor with which they enforce
+punctuality to its call, may be imagined from the fact, that a little
+boy only nine years old was whipped so severely by the driver, that in
+many places the whip cut through his clothes (which were of cotton,)
+for tardiness of not over three minutes. They then worked without
+intermission until 9 or 10 at night; after which they prepared and ate
+their second meal, as scanty as the first. An aged slave, who was
+remarkable for his industry and fidelity, was working with all his
+might on the threshing floor; amidst the clatter of the shelling and
+winnowing machines the master spoke to him, but he did not hear; he
+presently gave him several severe cuts with the raw hide, saying, at
+the same time, 'damn you, if you cannot hear I'll see if you can
+feel.' One morning the master rose from breakfast and whipped most
+cruelly, with a raw hide, a nice girl who was waiting on the table,
+for not opening a _west_ window when he had told her to open an east
+one. The number of slaves was only forty, and yet the lash was in
+constant use. The bodies of all of them were literally covered with
+old scars.
+
+"Not one of the slaves attended church on the Sabbath. The social
+relations were scarcely recognised among them, and they lived in a
+state of promiscuous concubinage. The master said he took pains to
+breed from his best stock--the whiter the progeny the higher they
+would sell for house servants. When asked by Mr. C. if he did not fear
+his slaves would run away if he whipped them so much, he replied, they
+know too well what they must suffer if they are taken--and then said,
+'I'll tell you how I treat my runaway niggers. I had a big nigger that
+ran away the second time; as soon as I got track of him I took three
+good fellows and went in pursuit, and found him in the night, some
+miles distant, in a corn-house; we took him and ironed him hand and
+foot, and carted him home. The next morning we tied him to a tree, and
+whipped him until there was not a sound place on his back. I then tied
+his ankles and hoisted him up to a _limb_--feet up and head down--we
+then whipped him, until the damned nigger smoked so that I thought he
+would take fire and burn up. We then took him down; and to make sure
+that he should not run away the third time, I run my knife in back of
+the ankles, and _cut off the large cords_,--and then I ought to have
+put some lead into the wounds, but I forgot it'
+
+"The truth of the above is from unquestionable authority; and you may
+publish or suppress it, as shall best subserve the cause of God and
+humanity."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM STEPHAN SEWALL, Esq., Winthrop, Maine, dated
+Jan. 12th, 1839. Mr. S. is a member of the Congregational church in
+Winthrop, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing company.
+
+"Being somewhat acquainted with slavery, by a residence of about five
+years in Alabama, and having witnessed many acts of slaveholding
+cruelty, I will mention one or two that came under my eye; and one of
+excessive cruelty mentioned to me at the time, by the gentleman (now
+dead,) that interfered in behalf of the slave.
+
+"I was witness to such cruelties by an overseer to a slave, that he
+twice attempted to drown himself, to get out of his power: this was on
+a raft of slaves, in the Mobile river. I saw an owner take his runaway
+slave, tie a rope round him, then get on his horse, give the slave and
+horse a cut the whip, and run the poor creature barefooted, very fast,
+over rough ground, where small black jack oaks had been cut up,
+leaving the sharp stumps, on which the slave would frequently fall;
+then the master would drag him as long as he could himself hold out;
+then stop, and whip him up on his feet again--then proceed as before.
+This continued until he got out of my sight, which was about half a
+mile. But what further cruelties this wretched man, (whose passion was
+so excited that he could scarcely utter a word when he took the slave
+into his own power,) inflicted upon his poor victim, the day of
+judgment will unfold.
+
+"I have seen slaves severely whipped on plantations, but this _is an
+every day occurrence_, and comes under the head of general treatment.
+
+"I have known the case of a husband compelled to whip his wife. This I
+did not witness, though not two rods from the cabin at the time.
+
+"I will now mention the case of cruelty before referred to. In 1820 or
+21, while the public works were going forward on Dauphin Island,
+Mobile Bay, a contractor, engaged on the works, beat one of his slaves
+so severely that the poor creature had no longer power to writhe under
+his suffering: he then took out his knife, and began to _cut his flesh
+in strips, from his hips down_. At this moment, the gentleman referred
+to, who was also a contractor, shocked at such inhumanity, stepped
+forward, between the wretch and his victim, and exclaimed, 'If you
+touch that slave again you do it at the peril of your life.' The
+slaveholder raved at him for interfering between him and his slave;
+but he was obliged to drop his victim, fearing the arm of my
+friend--whose stature and physical powers were extraordinary."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. MARY COWLES, a member of the
+Presbyterian church at Geneva, Ashtabula county, Ohio, dated 12th, mo.
+18th, 1838. Mrs. Cowles is a daughter of Mr. James Colwell of Brook
+county, Virginia, near West Liberty.
+
+"In the year 1809, I think, when I was twenty-one years old, a man in
+the vicinity where I resided, in Brooke co. Va. near West Liberty, by
+the name of Morgan, had a little slave girl about six years old, who
+had a habit or rather a natural infirmity common to children of that
+age. On this account her master and mistress would pinch her ears with
+hot tongs, and throw hot embers on her legs. Not being able to
+accomplish their object by these means, they at last resorted to a
+method too indelicate, and too horrible to describe in detail. Suffice
+it to say, it soon put an end to her life in the most excruciating
+manner. If further testimony to authenticate what I have stated is
+necessary, I refer you to Dr. Robert Mitchel who then resided in the
+vicinity, but now lives at Indiana, Pennsylvania, above Pittsburgh."
+
+MARY COWLES.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM LADD, Esq., now of Minot, Maine, formerly a
+slaveholder in Florida. Mr. Ladd is now the President of the American
+Peace Society. In a letter dated November 29, 1838, Mr. Ladd says:
+
+"While I lived in Florida I knew a slaveholder whose name was
+Hutchinson, he had been a preacher and a member of the Senate of
+Georgia. He told me that he dared not keep a gun in his house, because
+he was so passionate; and that he had _been the death of three or four
+men_. I understood him to mean _slaves_. One of his slaves, a girl,
+once came to my house. She had run away from him at Indian river. The
+cords of one of her hands were so much contracted that her hand was
+useless. It was said that he had thrust her hand into the fire while
+he was in a fit of passion, and held it there, and this was the
+effect. My wife had hid the girl, when Hutchinson came for her. Out of
+compassion for the poor slave, I offered him more than she was worth,
+which he refused. We afterward let the girl escape, and I do not know
+what became of her, but I believe he never got her again. It was
+currently reported of Hutchinson, that he once knocked down a _new_
+negro (one recently from Africa) who was clearing up land, and who
+complained of the cold, as it was mid-winter. The slave was stunned
+with the blow. Hutchinson, supposing he had the 'sulks,' applied fire
+to the side of the slave until it was so roasted that he said the
+slave was not worth curing, and ordered the other slaves to pile on
+brush, and he was consumed.
+
+"A murder occurred at the settlement, (Musquito) while I lived there.
+An overseer from Georgia, who was employed by a Mr. Cormick, in a fit
+of jealousy shot a slave of Samuel Williams, the owner of the next
+plantation. He was apprehended, but afterward suffered to escape. This
+man told me that he had rather whip a negro than sit down to the best
+dinner. This man had, near his house, a contrivance like that which is
+used in armies where soldiers are punished with the picket; by this
+the slave was drawn up from the earth, by a cord passing round his
+wrists, so that his feet could just touch the ground. It somewhat
+resembled a New England well sweep, and was used when the slaves were
+flogged.
+
+"The treatment of slaves at Musquito I consider much milder than that
+which I have witnessed in the United States. Florida was under the
+Spanish government while I lived there. There were about fifteen or
+twenty plantations at Musquito. I have an indistinct recollection of
+four or five slaves dying of the cold in Amelia Island. They belonged
+to Mr. Bunce of musquito. The compensation of the overseers was a
+certain portion of the crop."
+
+
+GERRIT SMITH, Esq. of Peterboro, in a letter, dated Dec. 15, 1838,
+says:
+
+"I have just been conversing with an inhabitant of this town, on the
+subject of the cruelties of slavery. My neighbors inform me that he is
+a man of veracity. The candid manner of his communication utterly
+forbade the suspicion that he was attempting to deceive me.
+
+"My informant says that he resided in Louisiana and Alabama during a
+great part of the years 1819 and 1820:--that he frequently saw slaves
+whipped, never saw any killed; but often heard of their being
+killed:--that in several instances he had seen a slave receive, in the
+space of two hours, five hundred lashes--each stroke drawing blood. He
+adds that this severe whipping was always followed by the application
+of strong brine to the lacerated parts.
+
+"My informant further says, that in the spring of 1819, he steered a
+boat from Louisville to New Orleans. Whilst stopping at a plantation
+on the east bank of the Mississippi, between Natchez and New Orleans,
+for the purpose of making sale of some of the articles with which the
+boat was freighted, he and his fellow boatmen saw a shockingly cruel
+punishment inflicted on a couple of slaves for the repeated offence of
+running away. Straw was spread over the whole of their backs, and,
+after being fastened by a band of the same material, was ignited, and
+left to burn, until entirely consumed. The agonies and screams of the
+sufferers he can never forget."
+
+
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, late president of Marion College, Missouri, a native
+of Tennessee, and till forty years old a slaveholder, said in an
+Anti-Slavery address at Northampton, Mass. Jan. 1839--
+
+"I have not attempted to harrow your feelings with stories of cruelty.
+I will, however, mention one or two among the many incidents that came
+under my observation as family physician. I was one day dressing a
+blister, and the mistress of the house sent a little black girl into
+the kitchen to bring me some warm water. She probably mistook her
+message; for she returned with a bowl full of boiling water; which her
+mistress no sooner perceived, than she thrust her hand into it, and
+held it there till it was half cooked."
+
+
+Mr. HENRY H. LOOMIS, a member of the Presbyterian Theological Seminary
+in the city of New York, says, in a recent letter--
+
+"The Rev. Mr. Hart, recently my pastor, in Otsego county, New York,
+and who has spent some time at the south as a teacher, stated to me
+that in the neighborhood in which he resided a slave was set to watch
+a turnip patch near an academy, in order to keep off the boys who
+occasionally trespassed on it. Attempting to repeat the trespass in
+presence of the slave, they were told that his 'master forbad it.' At
+this the boys were enraged, and hurled brickbats at the slave until
+his face and other parts were much injured and wounded--but nothing
+was said or done about it as an injury to the slave.
+
+"He also said, that a slave from the same neighborhood was found out
+in the woods, with his arms and legs burned almost to a cinder, up as
+far as the elbow and knee joints; and there appeared to be but little
+more said or thought about it than if he had been a brute. It was
+supposed that his master was the cause of it--making him an example of
+punishment to the rest of the gang!"
+
+The following is an extract of a letter dated March 5, 1839, from Mr.
+JOHN CLARKE, a highly respected citizen of Scriba, Oswego county, New
+York, and a member of the Presbyterian church.
+
+The 'Mrs. Turner' spoken of in Mr. C.'s letter, is the wife of Hon.
+Fielding S. Turner, who in 1803 resided at Lexington, Kentucky, and
+was the attorney for the Commonwealth. Soon after that, he removed to
+New Orleans, and was for many years Judge of the Criminal Court of
+that city. Having amassed an immense fortune, he returned to Lexington
+a few years since, and still resides there. Mr. C. the writer, spent
+the winter of 1836-7 in Lexington. He says,
+
+"Yours of the 27th ult. is received, and I hasten to state the facts
+which came to my knowledge while in Lexington, respecting the
+occurrences about which you inquire. Mrs. Turner was originally a
+Boston lady. She is from 35 to 40 years of age, and the wife of Judge
+Turner, formerly of New Orleans, and worth a large fortune in slaves
+and plantations. I repeatedly heard, while in Lexington, Kentucky,
+during the winter of 1836-7, of the wanton cruelty practised by this
+woman upon her slaves, and that she had caused several to be _whipped
+to death_; but I never heard that she was suspected of being deranged,
+otherwise than by the indulgence of an ungoverned temper, until I
+heard that her husband was attempting to incarcerate her in the
+Lunatic Asylum. The citizens of Lexington, believing the charge to be
+a false one, rose and prevented the accomplishment for a time, until,
+lulled by the fair promises of his friends, they left his domicil, and
+in the dead of night she was taken by force, and conveyed to the
+asylum. This proceeding being judged illegal by her friends, a suit
+was instituted to liberate her. I heard the testimony on the trial,
+which related only to proceedings had in order to getting her admitted
+into the asylum; and no facts came out relative to her treatment of
+her slaves, other than of a general character.
+
+"Some days after the above trial, (which by the way did not come to an
+ultimate decision, as I believe) I was present in my brother's office,
+when Judge Turner, in a long conversation with my brother on the
+subject of his trials with his wife, said, '_That woman has been the
+immediate cause of the death of_ six _of my servants, by her
+severities_!
+
+"I was repeatedly told, while I was there, that she drove a colored
+boy from the second story window, a distance of 15 to 18 feet, on to
+the pavement, which made him a cripple for a time.
+
+"I heard the trial of a man for the murder of his slave, by whipping,
+where the evidence was to my mind perfectly conclusive of his guilt;
+but the jury were two of them for convicting him of manslaughter, and
+the rest for acquitting him; and as they could not agree were
+discharged--and on a subsequent trial, as I learned by the papers, the
+culprit was acquitted."
+
+
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, of Bedford, New Hampshire, in a recent letter,
+states the following fact:
+
+"The following circumstance was related to me last summer, by my
+brother, now residing as a physician, at Rodney, Mississippi; and who,
+though a pro-slavery man, spoke of it in terms of reprobation, as an
+act of capricious, wanton cruelty. The planter who was the actor in it
+I myself knew; and the whole transaction is so characteristic of the
+man, that, independent of the strong authority I have, I should
+entertain but little doubt of its authenticity. He is a wealthy
+planter, residing near Natchez, eccentric, capricious and intemperate.
+On one occasion he invited a number of guests to an elegant
+entertainment, prepared in the true style of southern luxury. From
+some cause, none of the guests appeared. In a moody humor, and under
+the influence, probably, of mortified pride, he ordered the overseer
+to call the people (a term by which the field hands are generally
+designated,) on to the piazza. The order was obeyed, and the people
+came. 'Now,' said he, 'have them seated at the table. Accordingly they
+were seated at the well-furnished, glittering table, while he and his
+overseer waited on them, and helped them to the various dainties of
+the feast. 'Now,' said he, after awhile, raising his voice, 'take
+these rascals, and give them twenty lashes a piece. I'll show them how
+to eat at my table.' The overseer, in relating it, said he had to
+comply, though reluctantly, with this brutal command."
+
+
+Mr. HENRY P. THOMPSON, a native and still a resident of Nicholasville,
+Kentucky, made the following statement at a public meeting in Lane
+Seminary, Ohio, in 1833. He was at that time a slaveholder.
+
+"_Cruelties_, said he, _are so common_, I hardly know what to relate.
+But one fact occurs to me just at this time, that happened in the
+village where I live. The circumstances are these. A colored man, a
+slave, ran away. As he was crossing Kentucky river, a white man, who
+suspected him, attempted to stop him. The negro resisted. The white
+man procured help, and finally succeeded in securing him. He then
+wreaked his vengeance on him for resisting--flogging him till he was
+not able to walk. They then put him on a horse, and came on with him
+ten miles to Nicholasville. When they entered the village, it was
+noticed that he sat upon his horse like a drunken man. It was a very
+hot day; and whilst they were taking some refreshment, the negro sat
+down upon the ground, under the shade. When they ordered him to go, he
+made several efforts before he could get up; and when he attempted to
+mount the horse, his strength was entirely insufficient. One of the
+men struck him, and with an oath ordered him to get on the horse
+without any more fuss. The negro staggered back a few steps, fell
+down, and died. I do not know that any notice was ever taken of it."
+
+
+Rev. COLEMAN S. HODGES, a native and still a resident of Western
+Virginia, gave the following testimony at the same meeting.
+
+"I have frequently seen the mistress of a family in Virginia, with
+whom I was well acquainted, beat the woman who performed the kitchen
+work, with a stick two feet and a half long, and nearly as thick as my
+wrist; striking her over the head, and across the small of the back,
+as she was bent over at her work, with as much spite as you would a
+snake, and for what I should consider no offence at all. There lived
+in this same family a young man, a slave, who was in the habit of
+running away. He returned one time after a week's absence. The master
+took him into the barn, stripped him entirely naked, tied him up by
+his hands so high that he could not reach the floor, tied his feet
+together, and put a small rail between his legs, so that he could not
+avoid the blows, and commenced whipping him. He told me that he gave
+him five hundred lashes. At any rate, he was covered with wounds from
+head to foot. Not a place as big as my hand but what was cut. Such
+things as these are perfectly common all over Virginia; at least so
+far as I am acquainted. Generally, planters avoid punishing their
+slaves before strangers."
+
+
+Mr. CALVIN H. TATE, of Missouri, whose father and brothers were
+slaveholders, related the following at the same meeting. The
+plantation on which it occurred, was in the immediate neighborhood of
+his father's.
+
+"A young woman, who was generally very badly treated, after receiving
+a more severe whipping than usual, ran away. In a few days she came
+back, and was sent into the field to work. At this time the garment
+next her skin was stiff like a scab, from the running of the sores
+made by the whipping. Towards night, she told her master that she was
+sick, and wished to go to the house. She went, and as soon as she
+reached it, laid down on the floor exhausted. The mistress asked her
+what the matter was? She made no reply. She asked again; but received
+no answer. 'I'll see,' said she, 'if I can't make you speak.' So
+taking the tongs, she heated them red hot, and put them upon the
+bottoms of her feet; then upon her legs and body; and, finally, in a
+rage, took hold of her throat. This had the desired effect. The poor
+girl faintly whispered, 'Oh, misse, don't--I am most gone;' and
+expired."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, pastor of the
+Congregational Church, Quincy, Illinois.
+
+"Judge Menzies of Boone county, Kentucky, an elder in the Presbyterian
+Church, and a slaveholder, told me that _he knew_ some overseers in
+the tobacco growing region of Virginia, who, to make their slaves
+careful in picking the tobacco, that is taking the worms off; (you
+know what a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is) would make them _eat_
+some of the worms, and others who made them eat every worm they missed
+in picking."
+
+
+"Mrs. NANCY JUDD, a member of the Non-Conformist Church in Osnaburg,
+Stark county, Ohio, and formerly a resident of Kentucky, testifies
+that she knew a slaveholder,
+
+"Mr. Brubecker, who had a number of slaves, among whom was one who
+would frequently avoid labor by hiding himself; for which he would get
+severe floggings without the desired effect, and that at last Mr. B.
+would tie large cats on his naked body and whip them to make them tear
+his back, in order to break him of his habit of hiding."
+
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marlborough, Massachusetts, says:
+
+"Some, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_
+them; that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by its
+hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied; this
+kind of punishment, as I have understood, poisons the flesh much worse
+than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave."
+
+
+Rev. ABEL BROWN, Jr. late pastor of the first Baptist Church, Beaver,
+Pennsylvania, in a communication to Rev. C.P. Grosvenor, Editor of
+the Christian Reflector, says:
+
+"I almost daily see the poor heart-broken slave making his way to a
+land of freedom. A short time since, I saw a noble, pious, distressed,
+spirit-crushed slave, a member of the Baptist church, escaping from a
+(professed Christian) bloodhound, to a land where he could enjoy that
+of which he had been robbed during forty years. His prayers would have
+made us all feel. I saw a Baptist sister of about the same age, her
+children had been torn from her, her head was covered with fresh
+wounds, while her upper lip had scarcely ceased to bleed, in
+consequence of a blow with the poker, which knocked out her teeth; she
+too, was going to a land of freedom. Only a very few days since, I saw
+a girl of about eighteen, with a child as white as myself, aged ten
+months; a Christian master was raising her child (as well his own
+perhaps) to sell to a southern market. She had heard of the
+intention, and at midnight took her only treasure and traveled twenty
+miles on foot through a land of strangers--she found friends."
+
+
+Rev. HENRY T. HOPKINS, pastor of the Primitive Methodist Church in New
+York City, who resided in Virginia from 1821 to 1826, relates the
+following fact:
+
+"An old colored man, the slave of Mr. Emerson; of Portsmouth,
+Virginia, being under deep conviction for sin, went into the back part
+of his master's garden to pour out his soul in prayer to God. For this
+offence he was whipped thirty-nine lashes."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from DOCTOR F. JULIUS LEMOYNE, of Washington,
+Pennsylvania, dated Jan. 9, 1839.
+
+"Lest you should not have seen the statement to which I am going to
+allude, I subjoin a brief outline of the facts of a transaction which
+occurred in Western Virginia, adjacent to this county, a number of
+years ago--a full account of which was published in the "Witness"
+about two years since by Dr. Mitchell, who now resides in Indiana
+county, Pennsylvania. A slave boy ran away in cold weather, and during
+his concealment had his legs frozen; he returned, or was retaken.
+After some time the flesh decayed and _sloughed_--of course was
+offensive--he was carried out to a field and left there without bed,
+or shelter, _deserted to die_. His only companions were the house dogs
+which he called to him. After several days and nights spent in
+suffering and exposure, he was visited by Drs. McKitchen and Mitchell
+in the field, of their own accord, having heard by report of his
+lamentable condition; they remonstrated with the master; brought the
+boy to the house, amputated both legs, and he finally recovered."
+
+
+Hon. JAMES K. PAULDING, the Secretary of the Navy of the U. States, in
+his "Letters from the South" published in 1817, relates the following:
+
+"At one of the taverns along the road we were set down in the same
+room with an elderly man and a youth who seemed to be well acquainted
+with him, for they conversed familiarly and with true republican
+independence--for they did not mind who heard them. From the tenor of
+his conversation I was induced to look particularly at the elder. He
+was telling the youth something like the following detested tale. He
+was going, it seems, to Richmond, to inquire about a draft for seven
+thousand dollars, which he had sent by mail, but which, not having
+been acknowledged by his correspondent, he was afraid had been stolen,
+and the money received by the thief. 'I should not like to lose it,'
+said he, 'for I worked hard for it, and sold many a poor d----l of a
+black to Carolina and Georgia, to scrape it together.' He then went on
+to tell many a perfidious tale. All along the road it seems he made it
+his business to inquire where lived a man who might be tempted to
+become a party in this accursed traffic, and when he had got some half
+dozen of these poor creatures, _he tied their hands behind their
+backs_, and drove them three or four hundred miles or more,
+bare-headed and half naked through the burning southern sun. Fearful
+that _even southern humanity_ would revolt at such an exhibition of
+human misery and human barbarity, he gave out that they were runaway
+slaves he was carrying home to their masters. On one occasion a poor
+black woman exposed this fallacy, and told the story of her being
+_kidnapped_, and when he got her into a wood out of hearing, he beat
+her, to use his own expression, 'till her back was white.' It seems he
+married all the men and women he bought, himself, because they would
+sell better for being man and wife! But, said the youth, were you not
+afraid, in traveling through the wild country and sleeping in lone
+houses, these slaves would rise and kill you? 'To be sure I was,' said
+the other, 'but I always fastened my door, put a chair on a table
+before it, so that it might wake me in falling, and slept with a
+loaded pistol in each hand. It was a bad life, and I left it off as
+soon as I could live without it; for many is the time I have separated
+wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, and parents from
+children, but then I made them amends by marrying them again as soon
+as I had a chance, that is to say, I made them call each other man and
+wife, and sleep together, which is quite enough for negroes. I made
+one bad purchase though,' continued he. 'I bought a young mulatto
+girl, a lively creature, a great bargain. She had been the favorite of
+her master, who had lately married. The difficulty was to get her to
+go, for the poor creature loved her master. However, I swore most
+bitterly I was only going to take to take her to her mother's at ----
+and she went with me, though she seemed to doubt me very much. But
+when she discovered, at last, that we were out of the state, I thought
+she would go mad, and in fact, the next night she drowned herself in
+the river close by. I lost a good five hundred dollars by this foolish
+trick.'" Vol. I. p. 121.
+
+
+Mr. ---- SPILLMAN, a native, and till recently, a resident of
+Virginia, now a member of the Presbyterian church in Delhi, Hamilton
+co., Ohio, has furnished the two following facts, of which he had
+personal knowledge.
+
+"David Stallard, of Shenandoah co., Virginia, had a slave, who run
+away; he was taken up and lodged in Woodstock jail. Stallard went with
+another man and took him out of the jail--tied him to their
+horses--and started for home. The day was excessively hot, and they
+rode so fast, dragging the man by the rope behind them, that he became
+perfectly exhausted--fainted--dropped down, and died.
+
+"Henry Jones, of Culpepper co., Virginia, owned a slave, who ran away.
+Jones caught him, tied him up, and for two days, at intervals,
+continued to flog him, and rub salt into his mangled flesh, until his
+back was literally cut up. The slave sunk under the torture; and for
+some days it was supposed he must die. He, however, slowly recovered;
+though it was some weeks before he could walk."
+
+
+Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St. Louis, Missouri, in a letter to Mr. Arthur
+Tappan, of New-York, dated July 2, 1834, says,--
+
+"You will find inclosed an account of the proceedings of an inquest
+lately held in this city upon the body of a slave, the details of
+which, if published, not one in ten could be induced to believe
+true.[11] It appears that the master or mistress, or both, suspected
+the unfortunate wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which were missing;
+and to extort some explanation, which, it is more than probable, the
+slave was as unable to do as her mistress, or any other person, her
+master, Major Harney, an officer of our army, had whipped her for
+three successive days, and it is supposed by some, that she was kept
+tied during the time, until her flesh was so lacerated and torn that
+it was impossible for the jury to say whether it had been done with a
+whip or hot iron; some think both--but she was tortured to death. It
+appears also that the husband of the said slave had become suspected
+of telling some neighbor of what was going on, for which Major Harney
+commenced torturing him, until the man broke from him, and ran into
+the Mississippi and drowned himself. The man was a pious and very
+industrious slave, perhaps not surpassed by any in this place. The
+woman has been in the family of John Shackford, Esq., the present
+doorkeeper of the Senate of the United States, for many years; was
+considered an excellent servant--was the mother of a number of
+children--and I believe was sold into the family where she met her
+fate, as matter of conscience, to keep her from being sent below."
+
+[Footnote 11: The following is the newspaper notice referred to:--
+
+An inquest was held at the dwelling house of Major Harney, in this
+city, on the 27th inst. by the coroner, on the body of Hannah, a
+slave. The jury, on their oaths, and after hearing the testimony of
+physicians and several other witnesses, found, that said slave "came
+to her death by wounds inflicted by William S. Harney."]
+
+
+
+
+MR. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a highly respected citizen of Cornwall,
+Litchfield co., Connecticut, who resided for many years at the south,
+furnished to the Rev. E. R. Tyler, editor of the Connecticut Observer,
+the following personal testimony.
+
+"While I lived in Limestone co., Alabama, in 1826-7, a tavern-keeper
+of the village of Moresville discovered a negro carrying away a piece
+of old carpet. It was during the Christmas holidays, when the slaves
+are allowed to visit their friends. The negro stated that one of the
+servants of the tavern owed him some twelve and a half or twenty-five
+cents, and that he had taken the carpet in payment. This the servant
+denied. The innkeeper took the negro to a field near by, and whipped
+him cruelly. He then struck him with a stake, and punched him in the
+face and mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. After this, he took
+him back to the house, and committed him to the care of his son, who
+had just then come home with another young man. This was at evening.
+They whipped him by turns, with heavy cowskins, and made the _dogs
+shake him_. A Mr. Phillips, who lodged at the house, heard the cruelty
+during the night. On getting up he found the negro in the bar-room,
+terribly mangled with the whip, and his flesh so torn by the dogs,
+that the cords were bare. He remarked to the landlord that he was
+dangerously hurt, and needed care. The landlord replied that he
+deserved none. Mr. Phillips went to a neighboring magistrate, who took
+the slave home with him, where he soon died. The father and son were
+both tried, and acquitted!! A suit was brought, however, for damages
+in behalf of the owner of the slave, a young lady by the name of Agnes
+Jones. _I was on the jury when these facts were stated on oath_. Two
+men testified, one that he would have given $1000 for him, the other
+$900 or $950. The jury found the latter sum.
+
+"At Union Court House, S.C., a tavern-keeper, by the name of Samuel
+Davis, procured the conviction and execution of his own slave, for
+stealing a cake of gingerbread from a grog shop. The slave raised the
+latch of the back door, and took the cake, doing no other injury. The
+shop keeper, whose name was Charles Gordon, was willing to forgive
+him, but his master procured his conviction and execution by hanging.
+The slave had but one arm; and an order on the state treasury by the
+court that tried him, which also assessed his value, brought him more
+money than he could have obtained for the slave in market."
+
+
+Mr. ----, an elder of the Presbyterian Church in one of the slave
+states, lately wrote a letter to an agent of the Anti-Slavery Society,
+in which he states the following fact. The name of the writer is with
+the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+
+"I was passing through a piece of timbered land, and on a sudden I
+heard a sound as of murder; I rode in that direction, and at some
+distance discovered a naked black man, hung to the limb of a tree by
+his hands, his feet chained together, and a pine rail laid with one
+end on the chain between his legs, and the other upon the ground, to
+steady him; and in this condition the overseer gave him _four hundred
+lashes_. The miserably lacerated slave was then taken down, and put to
+the care of a physician. And what do you suppose was the offence for
+which all this was done? Simply this; his owner, observing that he
+laid off corn rows too crooked, he replied, 'Massa, much corn grow on
+crooked row as on straight one!' This was it--this was enough. His
+overseer, boasting of his skill in managing a _nigger_, he was
+submitted to him, and treated as above."
+
+
+DAVID L. CHILD, Esq., of Northampton, Massachusetts, Secretary of the
+United States' minister at the Court of Lisbon during the
+administration of President Monroe, stated the following fact in an
+oration delivered by him in Boston, in 1831. (See Child's "Despotism
+of Freedom," p. 30.
+
+"An honorable friend, who stands high in the state and in the nation,
+[12] was _present at the_ burial of a female slave in Mississippi, who
+_had been whipped to death_ at the stake by her master, because she
+was gone longer of an errand to the neighboring town than her master
+thought necessary. Under the lash she protested tlat she was ill, and
+was obliged to rest in the fields. To complete the climax of horror,
+she was delivered of a dead infant while undergoing the punishment."
+
+[Footnote 12: "The narrator of this fact is now absent from the United
+States, and I do not feel at liberty to mention his name."]
+
+
+The same fact is stated by MRS. CHILD in her "Appeal." In answer to a
+recent letter, inquiring of Mr. and Mrs. Child if they were now at
+liberty to disclose the name of their informant, Mr. C. says,--
+
+"The witness who stated to us the fact was John James Appleton, Esq.,
+of Cambridge, Mass. He is now in Europe, and it is not without some
+hesitation that I give his name. He, however, has openly embraced our
+cause, and taken a conspicuous part in some anti-slavery public
+meetings since the time that I felt a scruple at publishing his name.
+Mr. Appleton is a gentleman of high talents and accomplishments. He
+has been Secretary of Legation at Rio Janeiro, Madrid, and the Hague;
+Commissioner at Naples, and Charge d'Affaires at Stockholm."
+
+
+The two following facts are stated upon the authority of the REV.
+JOSEPH G. WILSON, pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Salem,
+Washington co., Indiana.
+
+"In Bath co., Kentucky, Mr. L., in the year '32 or '33, while
+intoxicated, in a fit of rage whipped a female slave until she fainted
+and fell on the floor. Then he whipped her to get up; then with red
+hot tongs he burned off her ears, and whipped her again! but all in
+vain. He then ordered his negro men to carry her to the cabin. There
+she was found dead next morning.
+
+"One Wall, in Chester district, S.C., owned a slave, whom he hired to
+his brother-in-law, Wm. Beckman, for whom the slave worked eighteen
+months, and worked well. Two weeks after returning to his master he
+ran away on account of bad treatment. To induce him to return, the
+master sold him _nominally_ to his neighbor, to whom the slave gave
+himself up, and by whom he was returned to his master:--Punishment,
+_stripes_. To prevent escape a bar of iron was fastened with three
+bands, at the waist, knee, and ankle. That night he broke the bands
+and bar, and escaped. Next day he was taken and whipped to death, by
+three men, the master, Thorn, and the overseer. First, he was whipped
+and driven towards home; on the way he attempted to escape, and was
+shot at by the master,--caught, and knocked down with the butt of the
+gun by Thorn. In attempting to cross a ditch he fell, with his feet
+down, and face on the bank; they whipped in vain to get him up--he
+died. His soul ascended to God, to be a swift witness against his
+oppressors. This took place at 12 o'clock. Next evening an inquest was
+held. Of thirteen jurors, summoned by the coroner, nine said it was
+murder; two said it was manslaughter, and two said it was JUSTIFIABLE!
+He was bound over to court, tried, and acquitted--not even fined!"
+
+
+The following fact is stated on the authority of Mr. WM. WILLIS,  of
+Green Plains, Clark co. Ohio; formerly of Caroline co. on the eastern
+shore of Maryland.
+
+"Mr. W. knew a slave called Peter White, who was sold to be taken to
+Georgia; he escaped, and lived a long time in the woods--was finally
+taken. When he found himself surrounded, he surrendered himself
+quietly. When his pursuers had him in their possession, they shot him
+in the leg, and broke it, out of mere wantonness. The next day a
+Methodist minister set his leg, and bound it up with splints. The man
+who took him, then went into his place of confinement, wantonly jumped
+upon his leg and crushed it. His name was William Sparks."
+
+
+Most of our readers are familiar with the horrible atrocities
+perpetrated in New Orleans, in 1834, by a certain Madame La Laurie,
+upon her slaves. They were published extensively in northern
+newspapers at the time. The following are extracts from the accounts
+as published in the New Orleans papers immediately after the
+occurrence. The New Orleans Bee says:--
+
+"Upon entering one of the apartments, the most appalling spectacle met
+their eyes. Seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated, were seen
+suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn,
+from one extremity to the other. They had been confined for several
+months in the situation from which they had thus providentially been
+rescued; and had been merely kept in existence to prolong their
+sufferings, and to make them taste all that a most refined cruelty
+could inflict."
+
+
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+
+"A negro woman was found chained, covered with bruises and wounds from
+severe flogging.--All the apartments were then forced open. In a room
+on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable
+condition. Up stairs and in the garret, four more were found chained;
+some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and
+sores. One mulatto boy declares himself to have been chained for five
+months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving
+every morning the most cruel treatment."
+
+
+The New Orleans Courier says:--
+
+"We saw one of these miserable beings.--He had a large hole in his
+head--his body, from head to foot, was covered with scars and filled
+with worms."
+
+
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+
+"Seven poor unfortunate slaves were found--some chained to the floor,
+others with chains around their necks, fastened to the ceiling; and
+one poor old man, upwards of sixty years of age, chained hand and
+foot, and made fast to the floor, in a _kneeling position_. His head
+bore the appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, and the
+worms were actually to be seen making a feast of his brains!! A woman
+had her back literally cooked (if the expression may be used) with the
+lash; _the very bones might be seen projecting through the skin!_"
+
+
+The New York Sun, of Feb. 21, 1837, contains the following:--
+
+"Two negroes, runaways from Virginia, were overtaken a few days since
+near Johnstown, Cambria co. Pa. when the persons in pursuit called out
+for them to stop or they would shoot them.--One of the negroes turned
+around and said, he would die before he would be taken, and at the
+moment received a rifle ball through his knee: the other started to
+run, but was brought to the ground by a ball being shot in his back.
+After receiving the above wounds they made battle with their pursuers,
+but were captured and brought into Johnstown. It is said that the
+young men who shot them had orders to take them dead or alive."
+
+
+Mr. M.M. SHAFTER, of Townsend, Vermont, recently a graduate of the
+Wesleyan University at Middletown, Connecticut, makes the following
+statement:
+
+"Some of the events of the Southampton, Va. insurrection were narrated
+to me by Mr. Benjamin W. Britt, from Riddicksville, N.C. Mr. Britt
+claimed the honor of having shot a black on that occasion, for the
+crime of disobeying Mr. Britt's imperative 'Stop.' And Mr. Ashurst, of
+Edenton, Georgia, told me that a neighbor of his 'fired at a likely
+negro boy of his mother,' because the said boy encroached upon his
+premises."
+
+
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class leader in the Methodist Episcopal Church at
+St. Albans, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, certifies as follows:--
+
+"About the year 1825, a slave had escaped for Canada, but was arrested
+in Hardin county. On his return, I saw him in Hart county--his wrists
+tied together before, his arms tied close to his body, the rope then
+passing behind his body, thence to the neck of a horse on which rode
+the master, with a club about three feet long, and of the size of a
+hoe handle; which, by the appearance of the slave, had been used on
+his head, so as to wear off the hair and skin in several places, and
+the blood was running freely from his mouth and nose; his heels very
+much bruised by the horse's feet, as his master had rode on him
+because he _would_ not go fast enough. Such was the slave's appearance
+when passing through where I resided. Such cases were not unfrequent."
+
+
+The following is furnished by Mr. F.A. HART, of Middletown,
+Connecticut, a manufacturer, and an influential member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church. It occurred in 1824, about twenty-five
+miles this side of Baltimore, Maryland.--
+
+"I had spent the night with a Methodist brother; and while at
+breakfast, a person came in and called for help. We went out and found
+a crowd collected around a carriage. Upon approaching we discovered
+that a slave-trader was endeavoring to force a woman into his
+carriage. He had already put in three children, the youngest
+apparently about eight years of age. The woman was strong, and
+whenever he brought her to the side of the carriage, she resisted so
+effectually with her feet that he could not get her in. The woman
+becoming exhausted, at length, by her frantic efforts, he thrust her
+in with great violence, _stamped her down upon the bottom with his
+feet_! shouted to the driver to go on; and away they rolled, the
+miserable captives moaning and shrieking, until their voices were lost
+in the distance."
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, writes as
+follows:--
+
+"Mr. ISAAC C. FULLER is a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marietta. He was a fellow student of mine while in college, and now
+resides in this place. He says:--In 1832, as I was descending the Ohio
+with a flat boat, near the 'French Islands,' so called, below
+Cincinnati, I saw two negroes on horseback. The horses apparently took
+fright at something and ran. Both jumped over a rail fence; and one of
+the horses, in so doing, broke one of his fore-legs, falling at the
+same time and throwing the negro who was upon his back. A white man
+came out of a house not over two hundred yards distant, and came to
+the spot. Seizing a stake from the fence, he knocked the negro down
+five or six times in succession.
+
+"In the same year I worked for a Mr. Nowland, eleven miles above Baton
+Rouge, La. at a place called 'Thomas' Bend.' He had an overseer who
+was accustomed to flog more or less of the slaves every morning. I
+heard the blows and screams as regularly as we used to hear the
+college bell that summoned us to any duty when we went to school. This
+overseer was a nephew of Nowland, and there were about fifty slaves on
+his plantation. Nowland himself related the following to me. One of
+his slaves ran away, and came to the Homo Chitto river, where he found
+no means of crossing. Here he fell in with a white man who knew his
+master, being on a journey from that vicinity. He induced the slave to
+return to Baton Rouge, under the promise of giving him a pass, by
+which he might escape, but, in reality, to betray him to his master.
+This he did, instead of fulfilling his promise. Nowland said that he
+took the slave and inflicted five hundred lashes upon him, cutting his
+back all to pieces, and then thew on hot embers. The slave was on the
+plantation at the time, and told me the same story. He also rolled up
+his sleeves, and showed me the scars on his arms, which, in
+consequence, appeared in places to be callous to the bone. I was with
+Nowland between five and six months."
+
+
+Rev. JOHN RANKIN, formerly of Tennessee, now pastor of the
+Presbyterian Church of Ripley, Ohio, has furnished the following
+statement:--
+
+"The Rev. LUDWELL G. GAINES, now pastor of the Presbyterian Church of
+Goshen, Clermont county, Ohio, stated to me, that while a resident of
+a slave state, he was summoned to assist in taking a man who had made
+his black woman work naked several days, and afterwards murdered her.
+The murderer armed himself, and threatened to shoot the officer who
+went to take him; and although there was ample assistance at hand, the
+officer declined further interference."
+
+
+Mr. RANKIN adds the following:--
+
+"A Presbyterian preacher, now resident in a slave state, and therefore
+it is not expedient to give his name, stated, that he saw on board of
+a steamboat at Louisville, Kentucky, a woman who had been forced on
+board, to be carried off from all she counted dear on earth. She ran
+across the boat and threw herself into the river, in order to end a
+life of intolerable sorrows. She was drawn back to the boat and taken
+up. The brutal driver beat her severely, and she immediately threw
+herself again into the river. She was hooked up again, chained, and
+carried off."
+
+
+Testimony of M. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper county, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves.
+
+"I saw a slave taken out of prison by his master, on a hot summer's
+day, and driven, by said master, on the road before him, till he
+dropped down dead."
+
+
+The above statement was made by Mr. Hansborough to Lindley Coates, of
+Lancaster county, Pa. a distinguished member of the Society of
+Friends, and a member of the late Convention in Pa. for altering the
+State Constitution. The letter from Mr. C. containing this testimony
+of Mr. H. is now before us.
+
+
+Mr. TOBIAS BOUDINOT, a member of the Methodist Church in St. Albans,
+Licking county, Ohio, says:
+
+"In Nicholasville, Ky. in the year 1823, he saw a slave fleeing before
+the patrol, but he was overtaken near where he stood, and a man with a
+knotted cane, as large as his wrist, struck the slave a number of
+times on his head, until the club was broken and he made tame; the
+blood was thrown in every direction by the violence of the blows."
+
+
+The Rev. WILLIAM DICKEY, of Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, wrote
+a letter to the Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio thirteen years
+since, containing a description of the cutting up of a slave with a
+broad axe; beginning at the feet and gradually cutting the legs, arms,
+and body into pieces! This diabolical atrocity was committed in the
+state of Kentucky, in the year 1807. The perpetrators of the deed were
+two brothers, Lilburn and Isham Lewis, NEPHEWS OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON.
+The writer of this having been informed by Mr. Dickey, that some of
+the facts connected with this murder were not contained in his letter
+published by Mr. Rankin, requested him to write the account _anew_,
+and furnish the additional facts. This he did, and the letter
+containing it was published in the "Human Rights" for August, 1837. We
+insert it here, slightly abridged, with the introductory remarks which
+appeared in that paper.
+
+"Mr. Dickey's first letter has been scattered all over the country,
+south and north; and though multitudes have affected to disbelieve its
+statements, _Kentuckians_ know the truth of them quite too well to
+call them in question. The story is fiction or fact--if _fiction_, why
+has it not been nailed to the wall? Hundreds of people around the
+mouth of Cumberland River are personally knowing to these facts.
+_There_ are the records of the court that tried the wretches.--_There_
+their acquaintances and kindred still live. All over that region of
+country, the brutal butchery of George is a matter of public
+notoriety. It is quite needless, perhaps, to add, that the Rev. Wm.
+Dickey is a Presbyterian clergyman, one of the oldest members of the
+Chilicothe Presbytery, and greatly respected and beloved by the
+churches in Southern Ohio. He was born in South Carolina, and was for
+many years pastor of a church in Kentucky."
+
+REV. WM. DICKEY'S LETTER.
+
+"In the county of Livingston, KY. near the mouth of Cumberland River,
+lived Lilburn Lewis, a sister's son of the celebrated Jefferson. He
+was the wealthy owner of a considerable gang of negroes, whom he drove
+constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The consequence was,
+that they would run away. Among the rest was an ill-thrived boy of
+about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was
+sent to the spring for water, and in returning let fall an elegant
+pitcher: it was dashed to shivers upon the rocks. This was made the
+occasion for reckoning with him. It was night, and the slaves were all
+at home. The master had them all collected in the most roomy negro
+house, and a rousing fire put on. When the door was secured, that none
+might escape, either through _fear of him_ or _sympathy with George_,
+he opened to them the design of the interview, namely, that they might
+be effectually advised to _stay at home and obey his orders_. All
+things now in train, he called up George, who approached his master
+with unreserved submission. He bound him with cords; and by the
+assistance of Isham Lewis, his youngest brother, laid him on a broad
+bench, the _meat-block_. He then proceeded to _hack off George at the
+ankles_! It was with the _broad axe_! In vain did the unhappy victim
+_scream and roar_! for he was completely in his master's power; not a
+hand among so many durst interfere; casting the feet into the fire, he
+lectured them at some length.--He next _chopped him off below the
+knees_! George _roaring out_ and praying his master to begin at the
+_other end_! He admonished them again, throwing the legs into the
+fire--then, above the knees, tossing the joints into the fire--the
+next stroke severed the thighs from the body; these were also
+committed to the flames--and so it may be said of the arms, head, and
+trunk, until all was in the fire! He threatened any of them with
+similar punishment who should in future disobey, run away, or disclose
+the proceedings of that evening. Nothing now remained but to consume
+the flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was brightly
+stirred until two hours after midnight; when a coarse and heavy
+back-wall, composed of rock and clay, covered the fire and the remains
+of George. It was the Sabbath--this put an end to the _amusements_ of
+the evening. The negroes were now permitted to disperse, with charges
+to keep this matter among themselves, and never to whisper it in the
+neighbourhood, under the penalty of a like punishment.
+
+"When he returned home and retired, his wife exclaimed, 'Why, Mr.
+Lewis, where have you been, and what were you doing?' She had heard a
+strange _pounding_ and dreadful _screams_, and had smelled something
+like fresh meat _burning_. The answer he returned was, that he had
+never enjoyed himself at a ball so well as he had enjoyed himself that
+night.
+
+"Next morning he ordered the hands to rebuild the back-wall, and he
+himself superintended the work, throwing the pieces of flesh that
+still remained, with the bones, behind, as it went up--thus hoping to
+conceal the matter. But it _could not be hid_--much as the negroes
+seemed to hazard, they did _whisper the horrid deed_. The neighbors
+came, and in his presence tore down the wall; and finding the
+_remains_ of the boy, they apprehended Lewis and his brother, and
+testified against them. They were committed to jail, that they might
+answer at the coming court for this shocking outrage; but finding
+security for their appearance at court, THEY WERE ADMITTED TO BAIL!
+
+"In the interim, other articles of evidence leaked out. That of Mrs.
+Lewis hearing a pounding, and screaming and her smelling fresh meat
+burning, for not till now had this come out. He was offended with her
+for disclosing these things, alleging that they might have some weight
+against him at the pending trial.
+
+"In connection with this is another item, full of horror. Mr.s. Lewis,
+or her girl, in making her bed one morning after this, found, under
+her bolster, a keen BUTCHER KNIFE! The appalling discovery forced from
+her the confession that she considered her life in jeopardy. Messrs.
+Rice and Philips, whose wives were her sisters, went to see her and to
+bring her away if she wished it. Mr. Lewis received them with all the
+expressions of _Virginia hospitality_. As soon as they were seated
+they said, 'Well, Letitia, we supposed that you might be unhappy here,
+and afraid for your life; and we have come to-day to take you to your
+father's, if you desire it.' She said, 'Thank you, kind brothers, I am
+indeed afraid for my life.'--We need not interrupt the story to tell
+how much surprised he affected to be with this strange procedure of
+his brothers-in-law, and with this declaration of his wife. But all
+his professions of fondness for her, to the contrary notwithstanding,
+they rode off with her before his eyes.--He followed and overtook, and
+went with them to her father's; but she was locked up from him, with
+her own consent, and he returned home.
+
+"Now he saw that his character was gone, his respectable friends
+believed that he had massacred George; but, worst of all, he saw that
+they considered the life of the harmless Letitia was in danger from
+his perfidious hands. It was too much for his chivalry to sustain. The
+proud Virginian sunk under the accumulated load of public odium. He
+proposed to his brother Isham, who had been his accomplice in the
+George affair, that they should finish the play of life with a still
+deeper tragedy. The plan was, that they should shoot one another.
+Having made the hot-brained bargain, they repaired with their guns to
+the grave-yard, which was on an eminence in the midst of his
+plantation. It was inclosed with a railing, say thirty feet square.
+One was to stand at one railing, and the other over against him at the
+other. They were to make ready, take aim, and count deliberately 1, 2,
+3, and then fire. Lilburn's will was written, and thrown down open
+beside him. They cocked their guns and raised them to their faces; but
+the peradventure occurring that one of the guns might miss fire, Isham
+was sent for a rod, and when it was brought, Lilburn cut it off at
+about the length of two feet, and was showing his brother how the
+survivor might do, provided one of the guns should fail; (for they
+were determined upon going together;) but forgetting, perhaps, in the
+perturbation of the moment that the gun was cocked, when he touched
+trigger with the rod the gun fired, and he fell, and died in a few
+minutes--and was with George in the eternal world, where _the slave is
+free from his master_. But poor Isham was so terrified with this
+unexpected occurrence and so confounded by the awful contortions of
+his brother's face, that he had not nerve enough to follow up the
+play, and finish the plan as was intended, but suffered Lilburn to go
+alone. The negroes came running to see what it meant that a gun should
+be fired in the grave-yard. There lay their master, dead! They ran for
+the neighbors. Isham still remained on the spot. The neighbors at the
+first charged him with the murder of his brother. But he, though as if
+he had lost more than half his mind, told the whole story; and the
+course of range of the ball in the dead man's body agreeing with his
+statement, Isham was not farther charged with Lilburn's death.
+
+"The Court sat--Isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in
+the affair of George. He was to be hanged at Salem. The day was set.
+My good old father visited him in the prison--two or three times
+talked and prayed with him; I visited him once myself. We fondly hoped
+that he was a sincere penitent. Before the day of execution came, by
+some means, I never knew what, Isham was _missing_. About two years
+after, we learned that he had gone down to Natchez, and had married a
+lady of some refinement and piety. I saw her letters to his sisters,
+who were worthy members of the church of which I was pastor. The last
+letter told of his death. He was in Jackson's army, and fell in the
+famous battle of New Orleans."
+
+"I am, sir, your friend,
+
+"WM. DICKEY."
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES-PART III.
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY.
+
+Mr. Hawley is the pastor of the Baptist Church in Colebrook,
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. He has resided fourteen years in the
+slave states, North and South Carolina. His character and standing
+with his own denomination at the south, may be inferred from the
+fact, that the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina appointed
+him, a few years since, their general agent to visit the Baptist
+churches within their bounds, and to secure their co-operation in
+the objects of the Convention. Mr. H. accepted the appointment, and
+for some time traveled in that capacity.
+
+"I rejoice that the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society have resolved to publish a volume of facts and testimony
+relative to the character and workings of American slavery. Having
+resided fourteen years at the south, I cheerfully comply with your
+request, to give the result of my observation and experience.
+
+"And I would here remark, that one may reside at the south for years,
+and not witness extreme cruelties; a northern man, and one who is not
+a slaveholder, would be the last to have an opportunity of witnessing
+the infliction of cruel punishments."
+
+
+PLANTATIONS.
+
+"A majority of the large plantations are on the banks of rivers, far
+from the public eye. A great deal of low marshy ground lies in the
+vicinity of most of the rivers at the south; consequently the main
+roads are several miles from the rivers, and generally no _public_
+road passes the plantations. A stranger traveling on the _ridge_,
+would think himself in a miserably poor country; but every two or
+three miles he will see a road turning off and leading into the swamp;
+taking one of those roads, and traveling from two to six miles, he
+will come to a large gate; passing which, he will find himself in a
+clearing of several hundred acres of the first quality of land;
+passing on, he will see 30, or 40, or more slaves--men, women, boys
+and girls, at their task, every one with a hoe; or, if in cotton
+picking season, with their baskets. The overseer, with his whip,
+either riding or standing about among them; or if the weather is hot,
+sitting under a shade. At a distance, on a little rising ground, if
+such there be, he will see a cluster of huts, with a tolerable house
+in the midst, for the overseer. Those huts are from ten to fifteen
+feet square, built of logs, and covered, not with shingles, but with
+boards, about four feet long, split out of pine timber with a
+'_frow_'. The floors are very commonly made in this way. Clay is first
+worked until it is soft; it is then spread upon the ground, about four
+or five inches thick; when it dries, it becomes nearly as hard as a
+brick. The crevices between the logs are sometimes filled with the
+same. These huts generally cost the master nothing--they are commonly
+built by the negroes at night, and on Sundays. When a slave of a
+neighboring plantation takes a wife, or to use the phrase common at
+the south, 'takes up' with one of the women, he builds a hut, and it
+is called her house. Upon entering these huts, (not as comfortable in
+many instances as the horse stable,) generally, you will find no
+chairs, but benches and stools; no table, no bedstead, and no bed,
+except a blanket or two, and a few rags or moss; in some instances a
+knife or two, but very rarely a fork. You may also find a pot or
+skillet, and generally a number of gourds, which serve them instead of
+bowls and plates. The cruelties practiced on those secluded
+plantations, the judgment day alone can reveal. Oh, Brother, could I
+summon ten slaves from ten plantations that I could name, and have
+them give but one year's history of their bondage, it would thrill the
+land with horror. Those overseers who follow the business of
+overseeing for a livelihood, are generally the most unprincipled and
+abandoned of men. Their wages are regulated according to their skill
+in extorting labor. The one who can make the most bags of cotton, with
+a given number of hands, is the one generally sought after; and there
+is a competition among them to see who shall make the largest crop,
+according to the hands he works. I ask, what must be the condition of
+the poor slaves, under the unlimited power of such men, in whom, by
+the long-continued practise of the most heart-rending cruelties, every
+feeling of humanity has been obliterated? But it may be asked, cannot
+the slaves have redress by appealing to their masters? In many
+instances it is impossible, as their masters live hundreds of miles
+off. There are perhaps thousands in the northern slave states, [and
+many in the free states,] who own plantations in the southern slave
+states, and many more spend their summers at the north, or at the
+various watering places. But what would the slaves gain, if they
+should appeal to the master? He has placed the overseer over them,
+with the understanding that he will make as large a crop as possible,
+and that he is to have entire control, and manage them according to
+his own judgment. Now suppose that in the midst of the season, the
+slaves make complaint of cruel treatment. The master cannot get along
+without an overseer--it is perhaps very sickly on the plantation he
+dare not risk his own life there. Overseers are all enraged at that
+season, and if he takes part with his slave against the overseer, he
+would destroy his authority, and very likely provoke him to leave his
+service--which would of course be a very great injury to him. Thus, in
+nineteen cases out of twenty, self-interest would prevent the master
+from paying any attention to the complaints of his slaves. And, if any
+should complain, it would of course come to the ears of the overseer,
+and the complainant would be inhumanly punished for it."
+
+
+CLOTHING.
+
+"The rule, where slaves are hired out, is two suits of clothes per
+year, one pair of shoes, and one blanket; but as it relates to the
+great body of the slaves, this cannot be called a general rule. On
+many plantations, the children under ten or twelve years old, go
+_entirely naked_--or, it clothed at all, they have nothing more than a
+shirt. The cloth is of the coarsest kind, far from being durable or
+warm; and their shoes frequently come to pieces in a few weeks. I
+have never known any provision made, or time allowed for the washing
+of clothes. If they wish to wash, as they have generally but one suit,
+they go after their day's toil to some stream, build a fire, pull off
+their clothes and wash them in the stream, and dry them by the fire;
+and in some instances they wear their clothes until they are worn off;
+without washing. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+putting himself to any expense, that his slaves might have decent
+clothes for the Sabbath. If by making baskets, brooms, mats, &c. at
+night or on Sundays, the slaves can get money enough to buy a Sunday
+suit, very well. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+furnishing his slaves with stockings or mittens. I _know_ that the
+slaves suffer much, and no doubt many die in consequence of not being
+well clothed."
+
+
+FOOD.
+
+"In the grain-growing part of the south, the slaves, as it relates to
+food, fare tolerably well; but in the cotton, and rice-growing, and
+sugar-making portion, some of them fare badly. I have been on
+plantations where, from the appearance of the slaves, I should judge
+they were half-starved. They receive their allowance very commonly on
+Sunday morning. They are left to cook it as they please, and when they
+please. Many slaveholders rarely give their slaves meat, and very few
+give them more food than will keep them in a working condition. They
+rarely ever have a _change_ of food. I have never known an instance of
+slaves on plantations being furnished either with sugar, butter,
+cheese, or milk."
+
+
+WORK.
+
+"If the slaves on plantations were well fed and clothed, and had the
+stimulus of wages, they could perhaps in general perform their tasks
+without injury. The horn is blown soon after the dawn of day, when all
+the hands destined for the field must be 'on the march!' If the field
+is far from their huts, they take their breakfast with them. They toil
+till about ten o'clock, when they eat it. They then continue their
+toil till the sun is set.
+
+"A neighbor of mine, who has been an overseer in Alabama, informs me,
+that there they ascertain how much labor a slave can perform in a day,
+in the following manner. When they commence a new cotton field, the
+overseer takes his watch, and marks how long it takes them to hoe one
+row, and then lays out the task accordingly. My neighbor also informs
+me, that the slaves in Alabama are worked very hard; that the lash is
+almost universally applied at the close of the day, if they fail to
+perform their task in the cotton-picking season. You will see them,
+with their baskets of cotton, slowly bending their way to the cotton
+house, where each one's basket is weighed. They have no means of
+knowing accurately, in the course of the day, how they make progress;
+so that they are in suspense, until their basket is weighed. Here
+comes the mother, with her children; she does not know whether
+herself, or children, or all of them, must take the lash; they cannot
+weigh the cotton themselves--the whole must be trusted to the
+overseer. While the weighing goes on, all is still. So many pounds
+short, cries the overseer, and takes up his whip, exclaiming, 'Step
+this way, you d--n lazy scoundrel, or bitch.' The poor slave begs, and
+promises, but to no purpose. The lash is applied until the overseer is
+satisfied. Sometimes the whipping is deferred until the weighing is
+all over. I have said that all must be _trusted_ to the overseer. If
+he owes any one a grudge, or wishes to enjoy the fiendish pleasure of
+whipping a little, (for some overseers really delight in it,) they
+have only to tell a falsehood relative to the weight of their basket;
+they can then have a pretext to gratify their diabolical disposition;
+and from the character of overseers, I have no doubt that it is
+frequently done. On all plantations, the male and female slaves fare
+pretty much alike; those who are with child are driven to their task
+till within a few days of the time of their delivery; and when the
+child is a few weeks old, the mother must again go to the field. If it
+is far from her hut, she must take her babe with her, and leave it in
+the care of some of the children--perhaps of one not more than four or
+five years old. If the child cries, she cannot go to its relief; the
+eye of the overseer is upon her; and if, when she goes to nurse it,
+she stays a little longer than the overseer thinks necessary, he
+commands her back to her task, and perhaps a husband and father must
+hear and witness it all. Brother, you cannot begin to know what the
+poor slave mothers suffer, on thousands of plantations at the south.
+
+"I will now give a few facts, showing the workings of the system. Some
+years since, a Presbyterian minister moved from North Carolina to
+Georgia. He had a negro man of an uncommon mind. For some cause, I
+know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. He next
+nearly _drowned_ him; he then put him _in the fence_; this is done by
+lifting up the corner of a 'worm' fence, and then putting the feet
+through; the rails serve as _stocks_. He kept him there some time, how
+long I was not informed, but the poor slave _died_ in a few days; and,
+if I was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church
+or state. After some tame, he moved back to North Carolina, and is now
+a member of ---- Presbytery. I have heard him preach, and have been in
+the pulpit with him. May God forgive me!
+
+"At Laurel Hill, Richmond county, North Carolina, it was reported that
+a runaway slave was in the neighborhood. A number of young men took
+their guns, and went in pursuit. Some of them took their station near
+the stage road, and kept on the look-out. It was early in the
+evening--the poor slave came along, when the ambush rushed upon him,
+and ordered him to surrender. He refused, and kept them off with his
+club. They still pressed upon him with their guns presented to his
+breast. Without seeming to be daunted, he caught hold of the muzzle of
+one of the guns, and came near getting possession of it. At length,
+retreating to a fence on one side of the road, he sprang over into a
+corn-field, and started to run in one of the rows. One of the young
+men stepped to the fence, fired, and lodged the whole charge between
+his shoulders; he fell, and died in a short time. He died without
+telling who his master was, or whether he had any, or what his own
+name was, or where he was from. A hole was dug by the side of the road
+his body tumbled into it, and thus ended the whole matter.
+
+"The Rev, Mr. C. a Methodist minister, held as his slave a negro man,
+who was a member of his own church. The slave was considered a very
+pious man, had the confidence of his master, and all who knew him, and
+if I recollect right, he sometimes attempted to preach. Just before
+the Nat Turner insurrection, in Southampton county, Virginia, by which
+the whole south was thrown into a panic, then worthy slave obtained
+permission to visit his relatives, who resided either in Southampton,
+or the county adjoining. This was the only instance that ever came to
+my knowledge, of a slave being permitted to go so far to visit his
+relatives. He went and returned according to agreement. A few weeks
+after his return, the insurrection took place, and the whole country
+was deeply agitated. Suspicion soon fixed on this slave. Nat Turner
+was a Baptist minister, and the south became exceedingly jealous of
+all negro preachers. It seemed as if the whole community were
+impressed with the belief that he knew all about it; that he and Nat
+Turner had concocted an extensive insurrection; and so confident were
+they in this belief, that they took the poor slave, tried him, and
+hung him. It was all done in a few days. He protested his innocence to
+the last. After the excitement was over, many were ready to
+acknowledge that they believed him innocent. He was hung upon
+_suspicion_!
+
+"In R---- county, North Carolina, lived a Mr. B. who had the name of
+being a cruel master. Three or four winters since, his slaves were
+engaged in clearing a piece of new land. He had a negro girl, about 14
+years old, whom he had severely whipped a few days before, for not
+performing her task. She again failed. The hands left the field for
+home; she went with them a part of the way, and fell behind; but the
+negroes thought she would soon be along; the evening passed away, and
+she did not come. They finally concluded that she had gone back to the
+new ground, to lie by the log heaps that were on fire. But they were
+mistaken: she had sat down by the foot of a large pine. She was thinly
+clad--the night was cold and rainy. In the morning the poor girl was
+found, but she was speechless and died in a short time.
+
+"One of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about 14 years
+old. It was more than his poor mother could bear. Her reason fled, and
+she became a perfect _maniac_, and had to be kept in close
+confinement. She would occasionally get out and run off to the
+neighbors. On one of these occasions she came to my house. She was
+indeed a pitiable object. With tears rolling down her checks, and her
+frame shaking with agony, she would cry out, _'don't you hear
+him--they are whipping him now, and he is calling for me!'_ This
+neighbor of mine, who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus
+broke her heart, was a _member of the Presbyterian church._
+
+"Mr. S----, of Marion District, South Carolina, informed me that a boy
+was killed by the overseer on Mr. P----'s plantation. The boy was
+engaged in driving the horses in a cotton gin. The driver generally
+sits on the end of the sweep. Not driving to suit the overseer, he
+knocked him off with the butt of his whip. His skull was fractured. He
+died in a short time.
+
+"A man of my acquaintance in South Carolina, and of considerable
+wealth, had an only son, whom he educated for the bar; but not
+succeeding in his profession, he soon returned home. His father having
+a small plantation three or four miles off; placed his son on it as an
+overseer. Following the example of his father, as I have good reason
+to believe, he took the wife of one of the negro men. The poor slave
+felt himself greatly injured, and expostulated with him. The wretch
+took his gun, and deliberately shot him. Providentially he only
+wounded him badly. When the father came, and undertook to remonstrate
+with his son about his conduct, he threatened to shoot him also! and
+finally, took the negro woman, and went to Alabama, where he still
+resided when I left the south.
+
+"An elder in the Presbyterian church related to me the following.--'A
+speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and I
+bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. After a few months, I
+concluded that I would rather have a plough-boy. Another speculator
+was passing, and I sold the girl. She was much distressed, and was
+very unwilling to leave.'--She had been with him long enough to become
+attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by
+saying, that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had
+determined never to do the like again. I would not trust him, for I
+know him to be a very avaricious man.
+
+"While traveling in Anson county, North Carolina, I put up for a night
+at a private house. The man of the house was not at home when I
+stopped, but came in the course of the evening, and was noisy and
+profane, and nearly drunk. I retired to rest, but not to sleep; his
+cursing and swearing were enough to keep a regiment awake. About
+midnight he went to his kitchen, and called out his two slaves, a man
+and woman. His object, he said, was to whip them. They both begged and
+promised, but to no purpose. The whipping began, and continued for
+some time. Their cries might have been heard at a distance.
+
+"I was acquainted with a very wealthy planter, on the Pedee river, in
+South Carolina, who has since died in consequence of intemperance. It
+was said that he had occasioned the death of twelve of his slaves, by
+compelling them to work in water, opening a ditch in the midst of
+winter. The disease with which they died was a pleurisy.
+
+"In crossing Pedee river, at Cashway Ferry, I observed that the
+ferryman had no hair on either side of his head, I asked him the
+cause. He informed me that it was caused by his master's cane. I said,
+you have a very bad master. 'Yes, a very bad master.' I understood
+that he was once a number of Congress from South Carolina.
+
+"While traveling as agent for the North Carolina Baptist State
+Convention, I attended a three days' meeting in Gates county, Friday,
+the first day, passed off. Saturday morning came, and the pastor of
+the church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance.
+The day passed off, and no news from the pastor. On Sabbath morning,
+he came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. He soon
+explained: said he had a hired negro man, who, on Saturday morning,
+gave him a 'little _slack jaw.'_ Not having a stick at hand, he fell
+upon him with his fist and foot, and in _kicking_ him, he injured his
+foot so seriously, that he could not attend meeting on Saturday.
+
+"Some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves
+under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of
+churches. The Rev. Mr. B----, formerly of Pennsylvania, had a
+plantation in Marlborough District, South Carolina, and was the pastor
+of a church in Darlington District. The Rev. Mr. T----, of Johnson
+county, North Carolina, has a plantation in Alabama.
+
+"I was present, and saw the Rev. J---- W----, of Mecklenburg county,
+North Carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines is
+Burke county. The Rev. H---- M----, of Orange county, sold for $900, a
+negro man to a speculator, on a Monday of a camp meeting.
+
+"Runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. _I was once
+out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs._ I trust the
+Lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness! We did not take the
+runaways.
+
+"Slaves are sometimes most unmercifully punished for trifling
+offences, or mere mistakes.
+
+"As it relates to amalgamation, I can say, that I have been in
+respectable families, (so called,) where I could distinguish the
+family resemblance in the slaves who waited upon the table. I once
+hired a slave who belonged to his own _uncle._ It is so common for the
+female slaves to have white children, that little or nothing is ever
+said about it. Very few inquiries are made as to who the father is.
+
+"Thus, brother ----, I have given you very briefly, the result, in
+part, of my observations and experience relative to slavery. You can
+make what disposition of it you please. I am willing that my name
+should go to the world with what I have now written.
+
+"Yours affectionately, for the oppressed,
+
+"FRANCIS HAWLEY."
+
+_Colebrook, Connecticut, March_ 18, 1839.
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY AND RICHARD MACY.
+
+
+The following is an extract of a letter recently received from CHARLES
+MARRIOTT of Hudson, New York. Mr. Marriott is an elder in the
+Religious Society of Friends, and is extensively known and respected.
+
+"The two following brief statements, are furnished by Richard Macy and
+Reuben G. Macy, brothers, both of Hudson, New York. They are head
+carpenters by trade, and have been well known to me for more than
+thirty years, as esteemed members of the Religious Society of Friends.
+They inform me that during their stay in South Carolina, a number more
+similar cases to those here related, came under their notice, which to
+avoid repetition they omit.
+
+C. MARRIOTT."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY.
+
+"During the winter of 1818 and 19, I resided on an island near the
+mouth of the Savanna river, on the South Carolina side. Most of the
+slaves that came under my particular notice, belonged to a widow and
+her daughter, in whose family I lived. No white man belonged to the
+plantation. Her slaves were under the care of an overseer who came
+once a week to give orders, and settled the score laid up against such
+as their mistress thought deserved punishment, which was from
+twenty-five to thirty lashes on their naked backs, with a whip which
+the overseer generally brought with him. This whip had a stout handle
+about two feet long, and a lash about four and a half feet. From two
+to four received the above, I believe nearly every week during the
+winter, sometimes in my presence, and always in my hearing. I examined
+the backs and shoulders of a number of the men, which were mostly
+naked while they were about their labor, and found them covered with
+hard ridges in every direction. One day, while busy in the cotton
+house, hearing a noise, I ran to the door and saw a colored woman
+pleading with the overseer, who paid no attention to her cries, but
+tied her hands together, and passed the rope over a beam, over head,
+where was a platform for spreading cotton, he then drew the rope as
+tight as he could, so as to let her toes touch the ground; then
+stripped her body naked to the waist, and went deliberately to work
+with his whip, and put on twenty-five or thirty lashes, she pleading
+in vain all the time. I inquired, the cause of such treatment, and was
+informed it was for answering her mistress rather '_short_.'"
+
+"A woman from a neighboring plantation came where I was, on a visit;
+she came in a boat rowed by six slaves, who, according to the common
+practice, were left to take care of themselves, and having laid them
+down in the boat and fallen asleep, the tide fell, and the water
+filling the stern of the boat, wet their mistresses trunk of clothes.
+When she discovered it, she called them up near where I was, and
+compelled them to whip each other, till they all had received a severe
+flogging. She standing by with a whip in her hand to see that they did
+not spare each other. Their usual allowance of food was one peck of
+corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the
+week, and such as were not there to receive their portion at the
+appointed time, had to live as they could during the coming week. Each
+one had the privilege of planting a small piece of ground, and raising
+poultry for their own use which they generally sold, that is, such as
+did improve the privilege which were but few. They had nothing allowed
+them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at Christmas which a
+slave brought three miles on his head. They were allowed three days
+rest at Christmas. Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and
+jacket, made of whitish woollen cloth called negro cloth. The women
+had nothing but a petticoat, and a very short short-gown, made of the
+same king of cloth. Some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but
+they generally went _barefoot_. The houses for the field slaves were
+about fourteen feet square, built in the coarsest manner, having but
+one room, without any chimney, or flooring, with a hole at the roof at
+one end to let the smoke out.
+
+"Each one was allowed one blanket in which they rolled themselves up.
+I examined their houses but could not discover any thing like a bed. I
+was informed that when they had a sufficiency of potatoes the slaves
+were allowed some; but the season that I was there they did not raise
+more than were wanted for seed. All their corn was ground in one
+hand-mill, every night just as much as was necessary for the family,
+then each one his daily portion, which took considerable time in the
+night. I often awoke and heard the sound of the mill. Grinding the
+corn in the night, and in the dark, after their day's labor, and the
+want of other food, were great hardships.
+
+"The traveling in those parts, among the islands, was altogether with
+boats, rowed by from four to ten slaves, which often stopped at our
+plantation, and staid through the night, when the slaves, after rowing
+through the day, were left to shift for themselves; and when they went
+to Savannah with a load of cotton the were obliged to sleep in the
+open boats, as the law did not allow a colored person to be out after
+eight o'clock in the evening, without a pass from his master."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF RICHARD MACY.
+
+"The above account is from my brother, I was at work on Hilton Head
+about twenty miles north of my brother, during the same winter. The
+same allowance of one peck of corn for a week, the same kind of houses
+to live in, and the same method of grinding their corn, and always in
+the night, and in the dark, was practiced there.
+
+"A number of instances of severe whipping came under my notice. The
+first was this:--two men were sent out to saw some blocks out of large
+live oak timber on which to raise my building. Their saw was in poor
+order, and they sawed them badly, for which their master stripped them
+naked and flogged them.
+
+"The next instance was a boy about sixteen years of age. He had crept
+into the coach to sleep; after two or three nights he was caught by
+the coach driver, a _northern man_, and stripped _entirely naked_, and
+whipped without mercy, his master looking on.
+
+"Another instance. The overseer, a young white man, had ordered
+several negroes a boat's crew, to be on the spot at a given time. One
+man did not appear until the boat had gone. The overseer was very
+angry and told him to strip and be flogged; he being slow, was told if
+he did not instantly strip off his jacket, he, the overseer, would
+whip it off which he did in shreds, whipping him cruelly.
+
+"The man ran into the barrens and it was about a month before they
+caught him. He was newly starved, and at last stole a turkey; then
+another, and was caught.
+
+"Having occasion to pass a plantation very early one foggy morning, in
+a boat we heard the sound of the whip, before we could see, but as we
+drew up in front of the plantation, we could see the negroes at work
+in the field. The overseer was going from one to the other causing
+them to lay down their hoe, strip off their garment, hold up their
+hands and receive their number of lashes. Thus he went on from one to
+the other until we were out of sight. In the course of the winter a
+family came where I was, on a visit from a neighboring island; of
+course, in a boat with negroes to row them--one of these a barber,
+told me that he ran away about two years before, and joined a company
+of negroes who had fled to the swamps. He said they suffered a great
+deal--were at last discovered by a party of hunters, who fired among
+them, and caused them to scatter. Himself and one more fled to the
+coast, took a boat and put off to sea, a storm came on and swamped or
+upset them, and his partner was drowned, he was taken up by a passing
+vessel and returned to his master.
+
+RICHARD MACY.
+
+_Hudson, 12 mo. 29th_, 1838."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. ELEAZAR POWELL
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. WILLIAM SCOTT, a highly respectable
+citizen of Beaver co. Pennsylvania, dated Jan 7, 1839.
+
+_Chippeca Township, Beaver co. Pa. Jan._ 7, 1839.
+
+"I send you the statement of Mr. Eleazar Powell, who was born, and has
+mostly resided in this township from his birth. His character for
+sobriety and truth stands above impeachment.
+
+"With sentiments of esteem,
+I am your friend,
+WILLIAM SCOTT.
+
+"In the month of December, 1836, I went to the State of Mississippi to
+work at my trade, (masonry and bricklaying,) and continued to work in
+the counties of Adams and Jefferson, between four and five months. In
+following my business I had an opportunity of seeing the treatment of
+slaves in several places.
+
+"In Adams county I built a chimney for a man named Joseph Gwatney; he
+had forty-five field hands of both sexes. The field in which they
+worked at that time, lay about two miles from the house; the hands had
+to cook and eat their breakfast, prepare their dinner, and be in the
+field at daylight, and continue there till dark. In the evening the
+cotton they had picked was weighed, and if they fell short of their
+task they were whipped. One night I attended the weighing--two women
+fell short of their task, and the master ordered the black driver to
+take them to the quarters and flog them; one of them was to receive
+twenty-five lashes and pick a peck of cotton seed. I have been with
+the overseer several times through the negro quarters. The huts are
+generally built of split timber, some larger than rails, twelve and a
+half feet wide and fourteen feet long--some with and some without
+chimneys, and generally without floors; they were generally without
+daubing, and mostly had split clapboards nailed on the cracks on the
+outside, though some were without even that: in some there was a kind
+of rough bedstead, made from rails, polished with the axe, and put
+together in a very rough manner, the bottom covered with clapboards,
+and over that a bundle of worn out clothes. In some huts there was no
+bedstead at all. The above description applies to the places generally
+with which I was acquainted, and they were mostly _old settlements._
+
+"In the east part of Jefferson county I built a chimney for a man
+named ---- M'Coy; he had forty-seven laboring hands. Near where I was
+at work, M'Coy had ordered one of his slaves to set a post for a gate.
+When he came to look at it, he said the slave had not set it in the
+right place; and ordered him to strip, and lie down on his face;
+telling him that if he struggled, or attempted to get up, two men, who
+had been called to the spot, should seize and hold him fast. The slave
+agreed to be quiet, and M'Coy commenced flogging him on the bare back,
+with the wagon whip. After some time the sufferer attempted to get up;
+one of the slaves standing by, seized him by the feet and held him
+fast; upon which he yielded, and M'Coy continued to flog him ten or
+fifteen minutes. When he was up, and had put on his trowsers, the
+blood came through them.
+
+"About half a mile from M'Coy's was a plantation owned by his
+step-daughter. The overseer's name was James Farr, of whom it appears
+Mrs. M'Coy's waiting woman was enamoured. One night, while I lived
+there, M'Coy came from Natchez, about 10 o'clock at night. He said
+that Dinah was gone, and wished his overseer to go with him to Farr's
+lodgings. They went accordingly, one to each door, and caught Dinah as
+she ran out, she was partly dressed in her mistress's clothes; M'Coy
+whipped her unmercifully, and she afterwards made her escape. On the
+next day, (Sabbath), M'Coy came to the overseer's, where I lodged, and
+requested him and me to look for her, as he was afraid that she had
+hanged herself. He then gave me the particulars of the flogging. He
+stated that near Farr's he had made her strip and lie down, and had
+flogged her until he was tired; that before he reached home he had a
+second time made her strip, and again flogged her until he was tired;
+that when he reached home he had tied her to a peach-tree, and after
+getting a drink had flogged her until he was thirsty again; and while
+he went to get a drink the woman made her escape. He stated that he
+knew, from the whipping he had given her, there must be in her back
+cuts an inch deep. He showed the place where she had been tied to the
+tree; there appeared to be as much blood as if a hog had been stuck
+there. The woman was found on Sabbath evening, near the sprang, and
+had to be carried into the house.
+
+"While I lived there I heard M'Coy say, if the slaves did not raise
+him three hundred bales of cotton the ensuing season, he would kill
+every negro he had.
+
+"Another case of flogging came under my notice: Philip O. Hughes,
+sheriff of Jefferson county, had hired a slave to a man, whose name I
+do not recollect. On a Sabbath day the slave had drank somewhat
+freely; he was ordered by the tavern keeper, (where his present master
+had left his horse and the negro,) to stay in the kitchen; the negro
+wished to be out. In persisting to go out he was knocked down three
+times; and afterwards flogged until another young man and myself ran
+about half a mile, having been drawn by the cries of the negro and the
+sound of the whip. When we came up, a number of men that had been
+about the tavern, were whipping him, and at intervals would ask him if
+he would take off his clothes. At seeing them drive down the stakes
+for a regular flogging he yielded, and took them off. They then
+flogged him until satisfied. On the next morning I saw him, and his
+pantaloons were all in a gore of blood.
+
+"During my stay in Jefferson county, Philip O. Hughes was out one day
+with his gun--he saw a negro at some distance, with a club in one hand
+and an ear of corn in the other--Hughes stepped behind a tree, and
+waited his approach; he supposed the negro to be a runaway, who had
+escaped about nine months before from his master, living not very far
+distant. The negro discovered Hughes before he came up, and started to
+run; he refusing to stop, Hughes fired, and shot him through the arm.
+Through loss of blood the negro was soon taken and put in jail. I saw
+his wound twice dressed, and heard Hughes make the above statement.
+
+"When in Jefferson county I boarded six weeks in Fayette, the county
+town, with a tavern keeper named James Truly. He had a slave named
+Lucy, who occupied the station of chamber maid and table waiter. One
+day, just after dinner Mrs. Truly took Lucy and bound her arms round a
+pine sapling behind the house, and commenced flogging her with a
+riding-whip; and when tired would take her chair and rest. She
+continued thus alternately flogging and resting, for at least an hour
+and a half. I afterwards learned from the bar-keeper, and others, that
+the woman's offence was that she had bought two candles to set on the
+table the evening before, not knowing there were yet some in the box.
+I did nor see the act of flogging above related; but it was commenced
+before I left the house after dinner, and my work not being more than
+twenty rods from the house, I distinctly heard the cries of the woman
+all the time, and the manner of tying I had from those who did see it.
+
+"While I boarded at Truly's, an overseer shot a negro about two miles
+northwest of Fayette, belonging to a man named Hinds Stuart. I heard
+Stuart himself state the particulars. It appeared that the negro's
+wife fell under the overseer's displeasure, and he went to whip her.
+The negro said she should not be whipped. The overseer then let her
+go, and ordered him to be seized. The negro, having been a driver,
+rolled the lash of his whip round his hand, and said he would not be
+whipped at that time. The overseer repeated his orders. The negro took
+up a hoe, and none dared to take hold of him. The overseer then went
+to his coat, that he had laid off to whip the negro's wife, and took
+out his pistol and shot him dead. His master ordered him to be buried
+in a hole without a coffin. Stuart stated that he would not have taken
+two thousand dollars for him. No punishment was inflicted on the
+overseer.
+
+ELEAZAR POWELL, Jr."
+
+
+TESTIMONY ON THE AUTHORITY OF REV. WM. SCALES, LYNDON, VT
+
+The following is an extract of a letter from two professional
+gentlemen and their wives, who have lived for some years in a small
+village in one of the slave states. They are all persons of the
+highest respectability, and are well known in at least one of the New
+England states. Their names are with the Executive Committee of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society; but as the individuals would doubtless
+be murdered by the slaveholders, if they were published, the Committee
+feel sacredly bound to withhold them. The letter was addressed to a
+respected clergyman in New England. The writers say:
+
+"A man near us owned a valuable slave--his best--most faithful servant.
+In a gust of passion, he struck him dead with a lever, or stick of
+wood.
+
+"During the years '36 and '37, the following transpired. A slave in
+our neighborhood ran away and went to a place about thirty miles
+distant. There he was found by his pursuers on horseback, and
+compelled by the whip to run the distance of thirty miles. It was an
+exceedingly hot day--and within a few hours after he arrived at the
+end of his journey the slave was dead.
+
+"Another slave ran away, but concluded to return. He had proceeded
+some distance on his return, when he was met by a company of two or
+three drivers who raced, whipped and abused him until he fell down and
+expired. This took place on the Sabbath." The writer after speaking of
+another murder of a slave in the neighborhood, without giving the
+circumstances, say--"There is a powerful New England influence at
+----" the village where they reside--"We may therefore suppose that
+there would he as little of barbarian cruelty practiced there as any
+where;--at least we might suppose that the average amount of cruelty
+in that vicinity would be sufficiently favorable to the side of
+slavery.--Describe a circle, the centre of which shall be--, the
+residence of the writers, and the radius fifteen miles, and in about
+one year three, and I think four slaves have been _murdered_, within
+that circle, under circumstances of horrid cruelty.--What must have
+been the amount of murder in the whole slave territory? The whole
+south is rife with the crime of separating husbands and wives, parents
+and children."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH IDE, ESQ.
+
+Mr. IDE is a respected member of the Baptist Church in Sheffield,
+Caledonia county, Vt.; and recently the Postmaster in that town. He
+spent a few months at the south in the years 1837 and 8. In a letter
+to the Rev. Wm. Scales of Lyndon, Vt. written a few weeks since, Mr.
+Ide writes as follows.
+
+"In answering the proposed inquiries, I will say first, that although
+there are various other modes resorted to, whipping with the cowskin
+is the usual mode of inflicting punishment on the poor slave. I have
+never actually witnessed a whipping scene, for they are usually taken
+into some back place for that purpose; but I have often heard their
+groans and screams while writhing under the lash; and have seen the
+blood flow from their torn and lacerated skins after the vengeance of
+the inhuman master or mistress had been glutted. You ask if the woman
+where I boarded whipped a slave to death. I can give you the
+particulars of the transaction as they were related to me. My
+informant was a gentleman--a member of the Presbyterian church in
+Massachusetts--who the winter before boarded where I did. He said that
+Mrs. T---- had a female slave whom she used to whip unmercifully, and on
+one occasion, she whipped her as long as she had strength, and after
+the poor creature was suffered to go, she crawled off into a cellar.
+As she did not immediately return, search was made, and she was found
+dead in the cellar, and the horrid deed was kept a secret in the
+family, and it was reported that she died of sickness. This wretch at
+the same time was a member of a Presbyterian church. Towards her
+slaves she was certainly the most cruel wretch of any woman with whom
+I was ever acquainted--yet she was nothing more than a slaveholder.
+She would deplore slavery as much as I did, and often told me she was
+much of an abolitionist as I was. She was constant in the declaration
+that her kind treatment to her slaves was proverbial. Thought I, then
+the Lord have mercy on the rest. She has often told me of the cruel
+treatment of the slaves on a plantation adjoining her father's in the
+low country of South Carolina. She says she has often seen them driven
+to the necessity of eating frogs and lizards to sustain life. As to
+the mode of living generally, my information is rather limited, being
+with few exceptions confined to the different families where I have
+boarded. My stopping places at the south have mostly been in cities.
+In them the slaves are better fed and clothed than on plantations. The
+house servants are fed on what the families leave. But they are kept
+short, and I think are oftener whipped for stealing something to eat
+than any other crime. On plantations their food is principally
+hommony, as the southerners call it. It is simply cracked corn boiled.
+This probably constitutes seven-eights of their living. The
+house-servants in cities are generally decently clothed, and some
+favorite ones are richly dressed, but those on the plantations,
+especially in their dress, if it can be called dress, exhibit the most
+haggard and squalid appearance. I have frequently seen those of both
+sexes more than two-thirds naked. I have seen from forty to sixty,
+male and female, at work in a field, many of both sexes with their
+bodies entirely naked--who did not exhibit signs of shame more than
+cattle. As I did not go among them much on the plantations, I have
+had but few opportunities for examining the backs of slaves--but have
+frequently passed where they were at work, and been occasionally
+present with them, and in almost every case there were marks of
+violence on some parts of them--every age, sex and condition being
+liable to the whip. A son of the gentleman with whom I boarded, a
+young man about twenty-one years of age, had a plantation and eight or
+ten slaves. He used to boast almost every night of whipping some of
+them. One day he related to me a case of whipping an old negro--I
+should judge sixty years of age. He said he called him up to flog him
+for some real or supposed offence, and the poor old man, being pious,
+asked the privilege of praying before he received his punishment. He
+said he granted him the favor, and to use his own expression, 'The old
+nigger knelt down and prayed for me, and then got up and took his
+whipping.' In relation to negro huts, I will say that planters usually
+own large tracts of land. They have extensive clearings and a
+beautiful mansion house--and generally some forty or fifty rods from
+the dwelling are situated the negro cabins, or huts, built of logs in
+the rudest manner. Some consist of poles rolled up together and
+covered with mud or clay--many of them not as comfortable as northern
+pig-sties."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH
+
+MR. SMITH is now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Centreville,
+Allegany county, N.Y. He has recently returned from a residence in the
+slave states, and the American slave holding settlements in Texas. The
+following is an extract of a letter lately received from him.
+
+"You inquire respecting instances of cruelty that have come within my
+knowledge. I reply. Avarice and cruelty constitute the very gist of
+the whole slave system. Many of the enormities committed upon the
+plantations will not be described till God brings to light the hidden
+things of darkness, then the tears and groans and blood of innocent
+men, women and children will be revealed, and the oppressor's spirit
+must confront that of his victim.
+
+"I will relate a case of _torture_ which occurred on the Brassos while
+I resided a few miles distant upon the Chocolate Bayou. The case
+should be remembered as a true illustration of the nature of slavery,
+as it exists at the south. The facts are these. An overseer by the
+name of Alexander, notorious for his cruelty, was found dead in the
+timbered lands of the Brassos. It was supposed that he was murdered,
+but who perpetrated the act was unknown. Two black men were however
+seized, taken into the Prairie and put to the torture. A physician by
+the name of Parrott from Tennessee, and another from New England by
+the name of Anson Jones, were present on this occasion. The latter
+gentleman is now the Texan minister plenipotentiary to the United
+States, and resides at Washington. The unfortunate slaves being
+stripped, and all things arranged, the torture commenced by whipping
+upon their bare backs. Six athletic men were employed in this scene of
+inhumanity, the names of some of whom I well remember. There was one
+of the name of Brown, and one or two of the name of Patton. Those six
+executioners were successively employed in cutting up the bodies of
+these defenceless slaves, who persisted to the last in the avowal of
+their innocence. The bloody whip was however kept in motion till
+savage barbarity itself was glutted. When this was accomplished, the
+bleeding victims were re-conveyed to the inclosure of the mansion
+house where they were deposited for a few moments. '_The dying groans
+however incommoding the ladies, they were taken to a back shed where
+one of them soon expired_.'[13] The life of the other slave was for a
+time despaired of, but after hanging over the grave for months, he at
+length so far recovered as to walk about and labor at light work.
+These facts _cannot be controverted_. They were disclosed under the
+solemnity of an oath, at Columbia, in a court of justice. I was
+present, and shall never forget them. The testimony of Drs. Parrott
+and Jones was most appalling. I seem to hear the death-groans of that
+murdered man. His cries for mercy and protestations of innocence fell
+upon adamantine hearts. The facts above stated, and others in relation
+to this scene of cruelty came to light in the following manner. The
+master of the murdered man commenced legal process against the actors
+in this tragedy for the _recovery of the value of the chattel_, as one
+would institute a suit for a horse or an ox that had been unlawfully
+killed. It was a suit for the recovery of _damages_ merely. No
+_indictment_ was even dreamed of. Among the witnesses brought upon the
+stand in the progress of this cause were the physicians, Parrott and
+Jones above named. The part which they were called to act in this
+affair was, it is said, to examine the pulse of the victims during the
+process of _torture_. But they were mistaken as to the quantum of
+torture which a human being can undergo and not die under it. Can it
+be believed that one of these physicians was born and educated in the
+land of the pilgrims? Yes, in my own native New England. It is even
+so! The stone-like apathy manifested at the trial of the above cause,
+and the screams and the death-groans of an innocent man, as developed
+by the testimony of the witnesses, can never be obliterated from my
+memory. They form an era in my life, a point to which I look back with
+horror.
+
+[Footnote 13: The words of Dr. Parrott, a witness on the trial hereafter
+referred to.]
+
+"Another case of cruelty occurred on the San Bernard near Chance
+Prairie, where I resided for some time. The facts were these. A slave
+man fled from his master, (Mr. Sweeny) and being closely _pursued_ by
+the overseer and a son of the owner, he stepped a few yards in the
+Bernard and placed himself upon a root, from which there was no
+possibility of his escape, for he could not swim. In this situation he
+was fired upon with a blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and grape
+shot. The overseer who shot the gun was at a distance of a few feet
+only. The charge entered the body of the negro near the groin. He was
+conveyed to the plantation, lingered in inexpressible agony a few days
+and expired. A physician was called, but medical and surgical skill
+was unavailing. No notice whatever was taken of this murder by the
+public authorities, and the murderer was not discharged from the
+service of his employer.
+
+"When slaves flee, as they not unfrequently do, to the timbered lands
+of Texas, they are hunted with guns and dogs.
+
+"The sufferings of the slave not unfrequently drive him to despair and
+suicide. At a plantation on the San Bernard, where there were but five
+slaves, two during the same year committed suicide by drowning."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF PHILEMON BLISS, ESQ.
+
+Mr. Bliss is a highly respectable member of the bar, in Elyria, Lorain
+Co. Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian church, in that place. He
+resided in Florida, during the years 1834 and 5.
+
+The following extracts are from letters, written by Mr. B. in 1835,
+while residing on a plantation near Tallahassee, and published soon
+after in the Ohio Atlas; also from letters written in 1836 and
+published in the New York Evangelist.
+
+"In speaking of slavery as it is, I hardly know where to begin. The
+physical condition of the slave is far from being accurately known at
+the north. Gentlemen _traveling_ in the south can know nothing of it.
+They must make the south their residence; they must live on
+plantations, before they can have any opportunity of judging of the
+slave. I resided in Augustine five months, and had I not made
+_particular_ inquiries, which most northern visitors very seldom or
+never do, I should have left there with the impression that the slaves
+were generally very _well_ treated, and were a happy people. Such is
+the report of many northern travelers who have no more opportunity of
+knowing their real condition than if they had remained at home. What
+confidence could we place in the reports of the traveler, relative to
+the condition of the Irish peasantry, who formed his opinion from the
+appearance of the waiters at a Dublin hotel, or the household servants
+of a country gentleman? And it is not often on plantations even, that
+_strangers_ can witness the punishment of the slave. I was conversing
+the other day with a neighboring planter, upon the brutal treatment of
+the slaves which I had witnessed: he remarked, that had I been with
+him I should not have seen this. "When I whip niggers, I take them out
+of sight and hearing." Such being the difficulties in the way of a
+stranger's ascertaining the treatment of the slaves, it is not to be
+wondered at that gentlemen, of undoubted veracity, should give
+directly false statements relative to it. But facts cannot lie, and in
+giving these I confine myself to what has come under my own personal
+observation.
+
+"The negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and, excepting
+the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the
+field till dark in the evening. There is a good deal of contention
+among planters, who shall make the most cotton to the hand, or, who
+shall drive their negroes the hardest; and I have heard bets made and
+staked upon the issue of the crops. Col. W. was boasting of his large
+crops, and swore that 'he made for his force, the largest crops in the
+country.' He was disputed of course. On riding home in company with
+Mr. C. the conversation turned upon Col. W. My companion remarked,
+that though Col. W. had the reputation of making a large crop, yet he
+could beat him himself, and did do it the last year. I remarked that I
+considered it no honor to _Col. W_. to drive his slaves to death to
+make a large crop. I have heard no more about large crops from him
+since. Drivers or overseers usually drive the slaves worse than
+masters.--Their reputation for good overseers depends in a great
+measure upon the crops they make, and the death of a slave is no loss
+to them.
+
+"Of the extent and cruelty of the punishment of the slave, the
+northern public know nothing. From the nature of the case they can
+know little, as I have before mentioned.
+
+"I _have seen_ a woman, a mother, compelled, in the presence of her
+master and mistress, _to hold up her clothes_, and endure the whip of
+the driver on the naked body for more than _twenty minutes_, and while
+her cries would have rent the heart of any one, who had not hardened
+himself to human suffering. Her master and mistress were conversing
+with apparent indifference. What was her crime? She had a task given
+her of sewing which she _must finish_ that day. Late at night she
+finished it; but _the stitches were too long_, and she must be
+whipped. The same was repeated three or four nights for the same
+offence. _I have seen_ a man tied to a tree, hands and feet, and
+receive 305 blows with the paddle[14] on the fleshy parts of the body.
+Two others received the same kind of punishment at the time, though I
+did not count the blows. One received 230 lashes. Their crime was
+stealing mutton. I have _frequently_ heard the shrieks of the slaves,
+male and female, accompanied by the strokes of the paddle or whip,
+when I have not gone near the scene of horror. I knew not their
+crimes, excepting of one woman, which was stealing _four potatoes_ to
+eat with her bread! The more common number of lashes inflicted was
+fifty or eighty; and this I saw not once or twice, but so frequently
+that I can not tell the number of times I have seen it. So frequently,
+that my own heart was becoming so hardened that I could witness with
+comparative indifference, the female writhe under the lash, and her
+shrieks and cries for mercy ceased to pierce my heart with that
+keenness, or give me that anguish which they first caused. It was not
+always that I could learn their crimes; but of those I did learn, the
+most common was non-performance of tasks. I have seen men strip and
+receive from one to three hundred strokes of the whip and paddle. My
+studies and meditations were almost nightly interrupted by the cries
+of the victims of cruelty and avarice. Tom, a slave of Col. N.
+obtained permission of his overseer on Sunday, to visit his son, on a
+neighboring plantation, belonging in part to his master, but neglected
+to take a "pass." Upon its being demanded by the other overseer, he
+replied that he had permission to come, and that his having a mule was
+sufficient evidence of it, and if he did not consider it as such, he
+could take him up. The overseer replied he would take him up; giving
+him at the same time a blow on the arm with a stick he held in his
+hand, sufficient to lame it for some time. The negro collared him, and
+threw him; and on the overseer's commanding him to submit to be tied
+and whipped, he said he would not be whipped by _him_ but would leave
+it to massa J. They came to massa J.'s. I was there. After the
+overseer had related the case as above, he was blamed for not shooting
+or stabbing him at once.--After dinner the negro was tied, and the
+whip given to the overseer, and he used it with a severity that was
+shocking. I know not how many lashes were given, but from his
+shoulders to his heels there was not a spot unridged! and at almost
+every stroke the blood flowed. He could not have received less than
+300, _well laid on_. But his offence was great, almost the greatest
+known, laying hands on a _white_ man! Had he struck the overseer,
+under any provocation, he would have been in some way disfigured,
+perhaps by the loss of his ears, in addition to a whipping: or he
+might have been hung. The most common cause of punishments is, not
+finishing tasks.
+
+[Footnote 14: A piece of oak timber two and a half feet long, flat and
+wide at one end.]
+
+
+"But it would be tedious mentioning further particulars. The negro has
+no other inducement to work but the _lash_; and as man never acts
+without motive, the lash must be used so long as all other motives are
+withheld. Hence corporeal punishment is a necessary part of slavery.
+
+"Punishments for runaways are usually severe. Once whipping is not
+sufficient. I have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven
+nights in succession for one offence. I have known others who, with
+pinioned hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their
+neck, to the saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a
+smart trot, one or two hundred miles, being compelled to ford water
+courses, their drivers, according to their own confession, not abating
+a whit in the rapidity of their journey for the case of the slave. One
+tied a kettle of sand to his slave to render his journey more arduous.
+
+"Various are the instruments of torture devised to keep the slave in
+subjection. The stocks are sometimes used. Sometimes blocks are filled
+with pegs and nails, and the slave compelled to stand upon them.
+
+"While stopping on the plantation of a Mr. C. I saw a whip with a
+knotted lash lying on the table, and inquired of my companion, who was
+also an acquaintance of Mr. C's, if he used that to whip his negroes?
+"Oh," says he, "Mr. C. is not severe with his hands. He never whips
+very hard. The _knots in the lash are so large_ that he does not
+usually draw blood in whipping them."
+
+"It was principally from hearing the conversation of southern men on
+the subject, that I judge of the cruelty that is generally practiced
+toward slaves. They will deny that slaves are generally ill treated;
+but ask them if they are not whipped for certain offences, which
+either a freeman would have no temptation to commit, or which would
+not be an offence in any but a slave, and for non-performance of
+tasks, they will answer promptly in the affirmative. And frequently
+have I heard them excuse their cruelty by citing Mr. A. or Mr. B. who
+is a Christian, or Mr. C. a preacher, or Mr. D. from the _north_, who
+"drives his hands tighter, and whips them harder, than we ever do."
+Driving negroes to the utmost extent of their ability, with
+occasionally a hundred lashes or more, and a few switchings in the
+field if they hang back in the driving seasons, viz: in the hoing and
+picking months, is perfectly consistent with good treatment!
+
+"While traveling across the Peninsula in a stage, in company with a
+northern gentleman, and southern lady, of great worth and piety, a
+dispute arose respecting the general treatment of slaves, the
+gentleman contending that their treatment was generally good--'O, no!'
+interrupted the lady, 'you can know nothing of the treatment they
+receive on the plantations. People here do whip the poor negroes most
+cruelly, and many half starve them. You have neither of you had
+opportunity to know scarcely anything of the cruelties that are
+practiced in this country,' and more to the same effect. I met with
+several others, besides this lady, who appeared to feel for the sins
+of the land, but they are few and scattered, and not usually of
+sufficiently stern mould to withstand the popular wave.
+
+"Masters are not forward to publish their "domestic regulations," and
+as neighbors are usually several miles apart, one's observation must
+be limited. Hence the few instances of cruelty which break out can be
+but a fraction of what is practised. A planter, a professor of
+religion, in conversation upon the universality of whipping, remarked
+that a planter in G--, who had whipped a great deal, at length got
+tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of
+punishment, which I saw practised while I was paying him a visit. The
+negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above
+his head, and feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part
+of the body.
+
+"The master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were
+awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so
+doleful that we feared he was dying. We went to him, and found him
+covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. He could not have lived an
+hour longer. Mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment,
+that it almost superseded the whip."
+
+"How much do you give your niggers for a task while hoeing cotton,"
+inquired Mr. C---- of his neighbor Mr. H----."
+
+H. "I give my men an acre and a quarter, and my women an acre."[15]
+
+[Footnote 15: Cotton is planted in drills about three feet apart, and
+is hilled like corn.]
+
+
+C. "Well, that is a fair task. Niggers do a heap better if they are
+drove pretty tight."
+
+H. "O yes, I have driven mine into complete subordination. When I
+first bought them they were discontented and wished me to sell them,
+but I soon whipped _that_ out of them; and they now work very
+contentedly!"
+
+C. "Does Mary keep up with the rest?"
+
+H. "No, she does'nt often finish the task alone, she has to get Sam to
+help her out after he has done his, _to save her a whipping_. There's
+no other way but to be severe with them."
+
+C. "No other, sir, if you favor a nigger you spoil him."
+
+"The whip is considered as necessary on a plantation as the plough;
+and its use is almost as common. The negro whip is the common
+teamster's whip with a black leather stock, and a short, fine, knotted
+lash. The paddle is also frequently used, sometimes with holes bored
+in the flattened end. The ladies (!) in chastising their domestic
+servants, generally use the cowhide. I have known some use shovel and
+tongs. It is, however, more common to commit them to the driver to be
+whipped. The manner of whipping is as follows: The negro is tied by
+his hands, and sometimes feet, to a post or tree, and stripped to the
+skin. The female slave is not always tied. The number of lashes
+depends upon the character for severity of the master or overseer.
+
+"Another instrument of torture is sometimes used, how extensively I
+know not. The negro, or, in the case which came to my knowledge, the
+negress was compelled to stand barefoot upon a block filled with sharp
+pegs and nails for two or three hours. In case of sickness, if the
+master or overseer thinks them seriously ill, they are taken care of,
+but their complaints are usually not much heeded. A physician told me
+that he was employed by a planter last winter to go to a plantation of
+his in the country, as many of the negroes were sick. Says he--"I
+found them in a most miserable condition. The weather was cold, and
+the negroes were barefoot, with hardly enough of _cotton_ clothing to
+cover their nakedness. Those who had huts to shelter them were obliged
+to build them nights and Sundays. Many were sick and some had died. I
+had the sick taken to an older plantation of their masters, where they
+could be made comfortable, and they recovered. I directed that they
+should not go to work till after sunrise, and should not work in the
+rain till their health became established. But the overseer refusing
+to permit it, I declined attending on them farther. I was called,'
+continued he, 'by the overseer of another plantation to see one of the
+men. I found him lying by the side of a log in great pain. I asked him
+how he did, 'O,' says he, 'I'm most dead, can live but little longer.'
+How long have you been sick? I've felt for more than six weeks as
+though I could hardly stir.' Why didn't you tell your master, you was
+sick? 'I couldn't see my master, and the overseer always whips us when
+we complain, I could not stand a whipping.' I did all I could for the
+poor fellow, but his _lungs were rotten_. He died in three days from
+the time he left off work.' The cruelty of that overseer is such that
+the negroes almost tremble at his name. Yet he gets a high salary, for
+he makes the largest crop of any other man in the neighborhood, though
+none but the hardiest negroes can stand it under him. "That man," says
+the Doctor, "would be hung in my country." He was a German."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM A. CHAPIN.
+
+REV. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, has furnished the following
+testimony, under date of Dec. 15, 1838.
+
+"I send you an extract from a letter that I have just received, which
+you may use _ad libitum_. The letter is from Rev. Wm. A. Chapin,
+Greensborough, Vermont. To one who is acquainted with Mr. C. his
+opinion and statements must carry conviction even to the most
+obstinate and incredulous. He observes, 'I resided, as a teacher,
+nearly two years in the family of Carroll Webb, Esq., of Hampstead,
+New Kent co. about twenty miles from Richmond, Virginia. Mr. Webb had
+three or four plantations, and was considered one of the two
+wealthiest men in the county: it was supposed he owned about two
+hundred slaves. He was a member of the Presbyterian Church, and was
+elected an elder while I was with him. He was a native of Virginia,
+but a graduate of a New-England college.
+
+"The slaves were called in the morning before daylight, I believe at
+all seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food, and be
+ready to go to work as soon as it was light enough to see. I know that
+at the season of husking corn, October and November, they were usually
+compelled to work late--till 12 or 1 o'clock at night. I know this
+fact because they accompanied their work with a loud singing of their
+own sort. I usually retired to rest between 11 and 12 o'clock, and
+generally heard them at their work as long as I was awake. The slaves
+lived in wretched log cabins, of one room each, without floors or
+windows. I believe the slaves sometimes suffer for want of food. One
+evening, as I was sitting in the parlor with Mr. W. one of the most
+resolute of the slaves came to the door, and said, "Master, I am
+willing to work for you, but I want something to eat." The only reply
+was, "Clear yourself." I learned that the slaves had been without food
+all day, because the man who was sent to mill could not obtain his
+grinding. He went again the next day, and obtained his grist, and the
+slaves had no food till he returned. He had to go about five
+miles.[16]
+
+[Footnote 16: To this, Rev. Mr. Scales adds, "In familiar language, and
+in more detail, as I have learned it in conversation with Mr. Chapin,
+the fact is as follows:--
+
+"Mr. W. kept, what he called a 'boy,' i.e. a _man_, to go to mill. It
+was his custom not to give his slaves anything to eat while he was
+gone to mill--let him have been gone longer or shorter--for this
+reason, if he was lazy, and delayed, the slaves would become hungry:
+hence indignant, and abuse him--this was his punishment. On that
+occasion he went to mill in the morning. The slaves came up at noon,
+and returned to work without food. At night, after having worked hard
+all day, without food, went to bed without supper. About 10 o'clock
+the next day, they came up in a company, to their master's door, (that
+master an elder in the church), and deputed one more resolute than the
+rest to address him. This he did in the most respectful tones and
+terms. "We are willing to work for you, master, but we can't work
+without food; we want something to eat." "Clear yourself," was the
+answer. The slaves retired; and in the morning were driven away to
+work without food. At noon, I think, or somewhat after, they were
+fed."]
+
+
+
+"I know the slaves were sometimes severely whipped. I saw the backs of
+several which had numerous scars, evidently caused by long and deep
+lacerations of the whip; and I have good reason to believe that the
+slaves were generally in that condition; for I never saw the back of
+one exposed that was not thus marked,--and from their tattered and
+scanty clothing their backs were often exposed."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MESSRS. T.D.M. AND F.C. MACY.
+
+This testimony is communicated in a letter from Mr. Cyrus Pierce, a
+respectable and well known citizen of Nantucket, Mass. Of the
+witnesses, Messrs. T.D.M. and F.C. Macy, Mr. Pierce says, "They are
+both inhabitants of this island, and have resided at the south; they
+are both worthy men, for whose integrity and intelligence I can vouch
+unqualifiedly; the former has furnished me with the following
+statement.
+
+"During the winter of 1832-3, I resided on the island of St. Simon,
+Glynn county, Georgia. There are several extensive cotton plantations
+on the island. The overseer of the plantation on that part of the
+island where I resided was a Georgian--a man of stern character, and
+at times _cruelly abusive_ to his slaves. I have often been witness of
+the _abuse_ of his power. In South Carolina and Georgia, on the low
+lands, the cultivation is chiefly of rice. The land where it is raised
+is often inundated, and the labor of preparing it, and raising a crop,
+is very arduous. Men and women are in the field from earliest dawn to
+dark--often _without hats_, and up to their arm-pits in mud and water.
+At St. Simon's, cotton was the staple article. Ocra, the driver,
+usually waited on the overseer to receive orders for the succeeding
+day. If any slave was insolent, or negligent, the driver was
+authorized to punish him with the whip, with as many blows as the
+magnitude of the crime justified. He was frequently cautioned, upon
+the peril of his skin, to see that all the negroes were off to the
+field in the morning. 'Ocra,' said the overseer, one evening, to the
+driver, 'if any pretend to be sick, send me word--allow no lazy wench
+or fellow to skulk in the negro house.' Next morning, a few minutes
+after the departure of the hands to the field, Ocra was seen hastening
+to the house of the overseer. He was soon in his presence. 'Well, Ocra,
+what now?' 'Nothing, sir, only Rachel says she sick--can't go to de
+field to-day.' 'Ah, sick, is she? I'll see to her; you may be off. She
+shall see if I am longer to be fooled with in this way. Here,
+Christmas, mix these salts--bring them to me at the negro house.' And
+seizing his whip, he made off to the negro settlement. Having a strong
+desire to see what would be the result, I followed him. As I
+approached the negro house, I heard high words. Rachel was stating her
+complaint--children were crying from fright--and the overseer
+threatening. Rachel.--'I can't work to-day--I'm sick!' Overseer.--'But
+you shall work, if you die for it. Here, take these salts. Now move
+off--quick--let me see your face again before night, and, by G--d,
+you shall smart for it. Be off--no begging--not a word;'--and he
+dragged her from the house, and followed her 20 or 30 rods,
+threatening. The woman did not reach the field. Overcome by the
+exertion of walking, and by agitation, she sunk down exhausted by the
+road side--was taken up, and carried back to the house, where an
+_abortion_ occurred, and her life was greatly jeoparded.
+
+"It was _no uncommon_ sight to see a whole family, father, mother, and
+from two to five children, collected together around their piggin of
+hommony, or pail of potatoes, watched by the overseer. One meal was
+always eaten in the field. No time was allowed for relaxation.
+
+"It was not unusual for a child of five or six years to perform the
+office of nurse--because the mother worked in a remote part of the
+field, and was not allowed to leave her employment to take care of her
+infant. Want of proper nutriment induces sickness of the worst type.
+
+"No matter what the nature of the service, a peck of corn, dealt out
+on Sunday, must supply the demands of nature for a week.
+
+"The Sabbath, on a southern plantation, is a mere nominal holiday. The
+slaves are liable to be called upon at all times, by those who have
+authority over them.
+
+"When it rained, the slaves were allowed to collect under a tree until
+the shower had passed. Seldom, on a week day, were they permitted to
+go to their huts during rain; and even had this privilege been
+granted, many of those miserable habitations were in so dilapidated a
+condition, that they would afford little or no protection. Negro huts
+are built of logs, covered with boards or thatch, having _no
+flooring_, and but one apartment, serving all the purposes of
+sleeping, cooking, &c. Some are furnished with a temporary loft. I
+have seen a whole family herded together in a loft ten feet by twelve.
+In cold weather, they gather around the fire, spread their blankets
+_on the ground_, and keep as comfortable as they can. Their supply of
+clothing is scanty--each slave being allowed a Holland coat and
+pantaloons, of the coarsest manufacture, and one pair of cowhide
+shoes. The women, enough of the same kind of cloth for one frock. They
+have also one pair of shoes. Shoes are given to the slaves in the
+winter only. In summer, their clothing is composed of osnaburgs.
+Slaves on different plantations are not allowed without a written
+permission, to visit their fellow bondsmen, under penalty of severe
+chastisement. I witnessed the chastisement of a young male slave, who
+was found lurking about the plantation, and could give no other
+account of himself, than that he wanted to visit some of his
+acquaintance. Fifty lashes was the penalty for this offence. I could
+not endure the dreadful shrieks of the tortured slave, and rushed away
+front the scene."
+
+The remainder of this testimony is furnished by Mr. F.C. Macy.
+
+"I went to Savannah in 1820. Sailing up the river, I had my first view
+of slavery. A large number of men and women, with _a piece of board on
+their heads, carrying mud_, for the purpose of dyking, near the river.
+After tarrying a while in Savannah, I went down to the sea islands of
+De Fuskee and Hilton Head, where I spent six months. Negro houses are
+small, built of rough materials, _and no floor_. Their clothing, (one
+suit,) coarse; which they received on Christmas day. Their food was
+three pecks of potatoes per week, in the potatoe season, and one peck
+of corn the remainder of the year. The slaves carried with them into
+the field their meal, and a gourd of water. They cooked their hommony
+in the field, and ate it with a wooden paddle. Their treatment was
+little better than that of brutes. _Whipping_ was nearly an every-day
+practice. On Mr. M----'s plantation, at the island De Fuskee, I saw an
+old man whipped; he was about 60. He had no clothing on, except a
+shirt. The man that inflicted the blows was Flim, a tall and stout
+man. The whipping was _very severe_. I inquired into the cause. Some
+vegetables had been stolen from his master's garden, of which he could
+give no account. I saw several women whipped, some of whom were in
+very _delicate_ circumstances. The case of one I will relate. She had
+been purchased in Charleston, and separated from her husband. On her
+passage to Savannah, or rather to the island, she was delivered of a
+child; and in about three weeks after this, she appeared to be
+deranged. She would leave her work, go into the woods, and sing. Her
+master sent for her, and ordered the driver to whip her. I was near
+enough to hear the strokes.
+
+"I have known negro boys, partly by persuasion, and partly by force,
+made to strip off their clothing and fight for _the amusement of their
+masters_. They would fight until both got to crying.
+
+"One of the planters told me that his boat had been used without
+permission. A number of his negroes were called up, and put in a
+building that was lathed and shingled. The covering could be easily
+removed from the inside. He called one out for examination. While
+examining this one, he discovered another negro, coming out of the
+roof. He ordered him back: he obeyed. In a few moments he attempted it
+again. The master took deliberate aim at his head, but his gun missed
+fire. He told me he should probably have killed him, had his gun gone
+off. The negro jumped and run. The master took aim again, and fired;
+but he was so far distant, that he received only a few shots in the
+calf of his leg. After several days he returned, and received a severe
+whipping.
+
+"Mr. B----, planter at Hilton Head, freely confessed, that he kept one
+of his slaves as a mistress. She slept in the same room with him.
+This, I think, is a very common practice."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.
+
+The following letter was written to Mr. ARTHUR TAPPAN, of New York, in
+the summer of 1833. As the name of the writer cannot be published with
+safety to himself, it is withheld.
+
+The following testimonials, from Mr. TAPPAN, Professor WRIGHT, and
+THOMAS RITTER, M.D. of New York, establish the trust-worthiness and
+high respectability of the writer.
+
+"I received the following letters from the south during the year 1833.
+They were written by a gentleman who had then resided some years in
+the slave states. Not being at liberty to give the writer's name, I
+cheerfully certify that he is a gentleman of established character, a
+graduate of Yale College, and a respected minister of the gospel.
+
+"ARTHUR TAPPAN."
+
+"My acquaintance with the writer of the following letter commenced, I
+believe, in 1823, from which time we were fellow students in Yale
+College till 1826. I have occasionally seen him since. His character,
+so far as it has come within my knowledge, has been that of an upright
+and remarkably _candid_ man. I place great confidence both in his
+habits of careful and unprejudiced observation and his veracity.
+
+"E. WRIGHT, jun. New York, April 13, 1839."
+
+"I have been acquainted with the writer of the following letter about
+twelve years, and know him to be a gentleman of high respectability,
+integrity, and piety. We were fellow students in Yale College, and my
+opportunities for judging of his character, both at that time and
+since our graduation, have been such, that I feel myself fully
+warranted in making the above unequivocal declaration.
+
+"THOMAS RITTER. 104, Cherry-street, New York."
+
+"NATCHEZ, 1833.
+
+"It has been almost four years since I came to the south-west; and
+although I have been told, from month to month, that I should soon
+wear off my northern prejudices, and probably have slaves of my own,
+yet my judgment in regard to oppression, or my prejudices, if they are
+pleased so to call them, remain with me still. I judge still from
+those principles which were fixed in my mind at the north; and a
+residence at the south has not enabled me so to pervert truth, as to
+make injustice appear justice.
+
+"I have studied the state of things here, now for years, coolly and
+deliberately, with the eye of an uninterested looker on; and hence I
+may not be altogether unprepared to state to you some facts, and to
+draw conclusions from them.
+
+"Permit me then to relate what I have seen; and do not imagine that
+these are all exceptions to the general treatment, but rather believe
+that thousands of cruelties are practised in this Christian land,
+every year, which no eye that ever shed a tear of pity could look
+upon.
+
+"Soon after my arrival I made an excursion into the country, to the
+distance of some twenty miles. And as I was passing by a cotton field,
+where about fifty negroes were at work, I was inclined to stop by the
+road side to view a scene which was then new to me. While I was, in my
+mind, comparing this mode of labor with that of my own native place, I
+heard the driver, with a rough oath, order one that was near him, who
+seemed to be laboring to the extent of his power, to "lie down." In a
+moment he was obeyed; and he commenced whipping the offender upon his
+naked back, and continued, to the amount of about twenty lashes, with
+a heavy raw-hide whip, the crack of which might have been heard more
+than half a mile. Nor did the females escape; for although I stopped
+scarcely fifteen minutes, no less than three were whipped in the same
+manner, and that so severely, I was strongly inclined to interfere.
+
+"You may be assured, sir, that I remained not unmoved: I could no
+longer look on such cruelty, but turned away and rode on, while the
+echoes of the lash were reverberating in the woods around me. Such
+scenes have long since become familiar to me. But then the full effect
+was not lost; and I shall never forget, to my latest day, the mingled
+feelings of pity, horror, and indignation that took possession of my
+mind. I involuntarily exclaimed, O God of my fathers, how dost thou
+permit such things to defile our land! Be merciful to us! and visit us
+not in justice, for all our iniquities and the iniquities of our
+fathers!
+
+"As I passed on I soon found that I had escaped from one horrible
+scene only to witness another. A planter with whom I was well
+acquainted, had caught a negro without a pass. And at the moment I was
+passing by, he was in the act of fastening his feet and hands to the
+trees, having previously made him take off all his clothing except his
+trowsers. When he had sufficiently secured this poor creature, he beat
+him for several minutes with a green switch more than six feet long;
+while he was writhing with anguish, endeavoring in vain to break the
+cords with which he was bound, and incessantly crying out, "Lord,
+master! do pardon me this time! do, master, have mercy!" These
+expressions have recurred to me a thousand times since; and although
+they came from one that is not considered among the sons of men, yet I
+think they are well worthy of remembrance, as they might lead a wise
+man to consider whether such shall receive mercy from the righteous
+Judge, as never showed mercy to their fellow men.
+
+"At length I arrived at the dwelling of a planter of my acquaintance,
+with whom I passed the night. At about eight o'clock in the evening I
+heard the barking of several dogs, mingled with the most agonizing
+cries that I ever heard from any human being. Soon after the gentleman
+came in, and began to apologize, by saying that two of his runaway
+slaves had just been brought home; and as he had previously tried
+every species of punishment upon them without effect, he knew not what
+else to add, except to set his blood hounds upon them. 'And,'
+continued he, 'one of them has been so badly bitten that he has been
+trying to die. I am only sorry that he did not; for then I should not
+have been further troubled with him. If he lives I intend to send him
+to Natchez or to New Orleans, to work with the ball and chain.'
+
+"From this last remark I understood that private individuals have the
+right of thus subjecting their unmanageable slaves. I have since seen
+numbers of these 'ball and chain' men, both in Natchez and New
+Orleans, but I do not know whether there were any among them except
+the state convicts.
+
+"As the summer was drawing towards a close, and the yellow fever
+beginning to prevail in town, I went to reside some months in the
+country. This was the cotton picking season, during which, the
+planters say, there is a greater necessity for flogging than at any
+other time. And I can assure you, that as I have sat in my window
+night after night, while the cotton was being weighed, I have heard
+the crack of the whip, without much intermission, for a whole hour,
+from no less than three plantations, some of which were a full mile
+distant.
+
+"I found that the slaves were kept in the field from daylight until
+dark; and then, if they had not gathered what the master or overseer
+thought sufficient, they were subjected to the lash.
+
+"Many by such treatment are induced to run away and take up their
+lodging in the woods. I do not say that all who run away are thus
+closely pressed, but I do know that many are; and I have known no less
+than a dozen desert at a time from the same plantation, in consequence
+of the overseer's forcing them to work to the extent of their power,
+and then whipping them for not having done more.
+
+"But suppose that they run away--what is to become of them in the
+forest? If they cannot steal they must perish of hunger--if the nights
+are cold, their feet will be frozen; for if they make a fire they may
+be discovered, and be shot at. If they attempt to leave the country,
+their chance of success is about nothing. They must return, be
+whipped--if old offenders, wear the collar, perhaps be branded, and
+fare worse than before.
+
+"Do you believe it, sir, not six months since, I saw a number of my
+_Christian_ neighbors packing up provisions, as I supposed for a deer
+hunt; but as I was about offering myself to the party, I learned that
+their powder and balls were destined to a very different purpose: it
+was, in short, the design of the party to bring home a number of
+runaway slaves, or to shoot them if they should not be able to get
+possession of them in any other way.
+
+"You will ask, Is not this murder? Call it, sir, by what name you
+please, such are the facts:--many are shot every year, and that too
+while the masters say they treat their slaves well.
+
+"But let me turn your attention to another species of cruelty. About a
+year since I knew a certain slave who had deserted his master, to be
+caught, and for the first time fastened to the stocks. In those same
+stocks, from which at midnight I have heard cries of distress, while
+the master slept, and was dreaming, perhaps, of drinking wine and of
+discussing the price of cotton. On the next morning he was chained in
+an immovable posture, and branded in both cheeks with red hot stamps
+of iron. Such are the tender mercies of men who love wealth, and are
+determined to obtain it at any price.
+
+"Suffer me to add another to the list of enormities, and I will not
+offend you with more.
+
+"There was, some time since, brought to trial in this town a planter
+residing about fifteen miles distant, for whipping his slave to death.
+You will suppose, of course, that he was punished. No, sir, he was
+acquitted, although there could be no doubt of the fact. I heard the
+tale of murder from a man who was acquainted with all the
+circumstances. 'I was,' said he, 'passing along the road near the
+burying-ground of the plantation, about nine o'clock at night, when I
+saw several lights gleaming through the woods; and as I approached, in
+order to see what was doing, I beheld the coroner of Natchez, with a
+number of men, standing around the body of a young female, which by
+the torches seemed almost perfectly white. On inquiry I learned that
+the master had so unmercifully beaten this girl that she died under
+the operation: and that also he had so severely punished another of
+his slaves that he was but just alive.'"
+
+We here rest the case for the present, so far as respects the
+presentation of facts showing the condition of the slaves, and proceed
+to consider the main objections which are usually employed to weaken
+such testimony, or wholly to set it aside. But before we enter upon
+the examination of specific objections, and introductory to them, we
+remark,--
+
+1. That the system of slavery must be a system of horrible cruelty,
+follows of necessity, from the fact that two millions seven hundred
+thousand human beings _are held by force_, and used as articles of
+property. Nothing but a heavy yoke, and an iron one, could possibly
+keep so many necks in the dust. That must be a constant and mighty
+pressure which holds so still such a vast army; nothing could do it
+but the daily experience of severities, and the ceaseless dread and
+certainty of the most terrible inflictions if they should dare to toss
+in their chains.
+
+2. Were there nothing else to prove it a system of monstrous cruelty,
+the fact that FEAR is the only motive with which the slave is plied
+during his whole existence, would be sufficient to brand it with
+execration as the grand tormentor of man. The slave's _susceptibility
+of pain_ is the sole fulcrum on which slavery works the lever that
+moves him. In this it plants all its stings; here it sinks its hot
+irons; cuts its deep gashes; flings its burning embers, and dashes its
+boiling brine and liquid fire: into this it strikes its cold flesh
+hooks, grappling irons, and instruments of nameless torture; and by it
+drags him shrieking to the end of his pilgrimage. The fact that the
+master inflicts pain upon the slave not merely as an _end_ to gratify
+passion, but constantly as a _means_ of extorting labor, is enough of
+itself to show that the system of slavery is unmixed cruelty.
+
+3. That the slaves must suffer frequent and terrible inflictions,
+follows inevitably from the _character of those who direct their
+labor_. Whatever may be the character of the slaveholders themselves,
+all agree that the overseers are, as a class, most abandoned, brutal,
+and desperate men. This is so well known and believed that any
+testimony to prove it seems needless. The testimony of Mr. WIRT, late
+Attorney General of the United States, a Virginian and a slaveholder,
+is as follows. In his life of Patrick Henry, p. 36, speaking of the
+different classes of society in Virginia, he says,--"Last and lowest a
+feculum, of beings called 'overseers'--_the most abject, degraded,
+unprincipled race_, always cap in hand to the dons who employ them,
+and furnishing materials for the exercise of their _pride, insolence,
+and spirit of domination_."
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, New-York, who has resided some
+years at the south, says of overseers--
+
+"It need hardly be added that overseers are in general ignorant,
+_unprincipled and cruel_, and in such low repute that they are not
+permitted to come to the tables of their employers; yet they have the
+constant control of all the human cattle that belong to the master.
+
+"These men are continually advancing from their low station to the
+higher one of masters. These changes bring into the possession of
+power a class of men of whose mental and moral qualities I have
+already spoken."
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, Marlboro', Massachusetts, who lived in Georgia
+several years, says of them,--
+
+"The overseers are _generally loose in their morals_; it is the object
+of masters to employ those whom they think will get the most work out
+of their hands,--hence those who _whip and torment the slaves the
+most_ are in many instances called the best overseers. The masters
+think those whom the slaves fear the most are the best. Quite a
+portion of the masters employ their own slaves as overseers, or rather
+they are called drivers; these are more subject to the will of the
+masters than the white overseers are; some of them are as lordly as an
+Austrian prince, and sometimes more cruel even than the whites."
+
+That the overseers are, as a body, sensual, brutal, and violent men is
+_proverbial_. The tender mercies of such men _must be cruel_.
+
+4. The _ownership_ of human beings necessarily presupposes an utter
+disregard of their happiness. He who assumes it monopolizes their
+_whole capital_, leaves them no stock on which to trade, and out of
+which to _make_ happiness. Whatever is the master's gain is the
+slave's loss, a loss wrested from him by the master, for the express
+purpose of making it _his own gain_; this is the master's constant
+employment--forcing the slave to toil--violently wringing from him
+all he has and all he gets, and using it as his own;--like the vile
+bird that never builds its nest from materials of its own gathering,
+but either drives other birds from theirs and takes possession of
+them, or tears them in pieces to get the means of constructing their
+own. This daily practice of forcibly robbing others, and habitually
+living on the plunder, cannot but beget in the mind the _habit_ of
+regarding the interests and happiness of those whom it robs, as of no
+sort of consequence in comparison with its own; consequently whenever
+those interests and this happiness are in the way of its own
+gratification, they will be sacrificed without scruple. He who cannot
+see this would be unable to _feel_ it, if it were seen.
+
+
+
+OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.
+
+
+Objection I--"SUCH CRUELTIES ARE INCREDIBLE."
+
+The enormities inflicted by slaveholders upon their slaves will never
+be discredited except by those who overlook the simple fact, that he
+who holds human beings as his bona fide property, _regards_ them as
+property, and not as _persons;_ this is his permanent state of mind
+toward them. He does not contemplate slaves as human beings,
+consequently does not _treat_ them as such; and with entire
+indifference sees them suffer privations and writhe under blows,
+which, if inflicted upon whites, would fill him with horror and
+indignation. He regards that as good treatment of slaves, which would
+seem to him insufferable abuse if practiced upon others; and would
+denounce that as a monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty, if
+perpretated upon white men and women, which he sees every day meted
+out to black slaves, without perhaps ever thinking it cruel.
+Accustomed all his life to regard them rather as domestic animals, to
+hear them stormed at, and to see them cuffed and caned; and being
+himself in the constant habit of treating them thus, such practices
+have become to him a mere matter of course, and make no impression on
+his mind. True, it is incredible that men should treat as _chattels_
+those whom they truly regard as _human beings;_ but that they should
+treat as chattels and working animals those whom they _regard_ as
+such, is no marvel. The common treatment of dogs, when they are in the
+way, is to kick them out of it; we see them every day kicked off the
+sidewalks, and out of shops, and on Sabbaths out of churches,--yet, as
+they are but _dogs_, these do not strike us as outrages; yet, if we
+were to see men, women, and children--our neighbors and friends,
+kicked out of stores by merchants, or out of churches by the deacons
+and sexton, we should call the perpetrators inhuman wretches.
+
+We have said that slaveholders regard their slaves not as human
+beings, but as mere working animals, or merchandise. The whole
+vocabulary of slaveholders, their laws, their usages, and their entire
+treatment of their slaves fully establish this. The same terms are
+applied to slaves that are given to cattle. They are called "stock."
+So when the children of slaves are spoken of prospectively, they are
+called their "increase;" the same term that is applied to flocks and
+herds. So the female slaves that are mothers, are called "breeders"
+till past child bearing; and often the same terms are applied to the
+different sexes that are applied to the males and females among
+cattle. Those who compel the labor of slaves and cattle have the same
+appellation, "drivers:" the names which they call them are the same
+and similar to those given to their horses and oxen. The laws of slave
+states make them property, equally with goats and swine; they are
+levied upon for debt in the same way; they are included in the same
+advertisements of public sales with cattle, swine, and asses; when
+moved from one part of the country to another, they are herded in
+droves like cattle, and like them urged on by drivers; their labor is
+compelled in the same way. They are bought and sold, and separated
+like cattle: when exposed for sale, their good qualities are described
+as jockies show off the good points of their horses; their strength,
+activity, skill, power of endurance, &c. are lauded,--and those who
+bid upon them examine their persons, just as purchasers inspect horses
+and oxen; they open their mouths to see if their teeth are sound;
+strip their backs to see if they are badly scarred, and handle their
+limbs and muscles to see if they are firmly knit. Like horses, they
+are warranted to be "sound," or to be returned to the owner if
+"unsound." A father gives his son a horse and a _slave_; by his will
+he distributes among them his race-horses, hounds, game-cocks, and
+_slaves_. We leave the reader to carry out the parallel which we have
+only begun. Its details would cover many pages.
+
+That slaveholders do not practically regard slaves as _human beings_
+is abundantly shown by their own voluntary testimony. In a recent work
+entitled, "The South vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+Northern Abolitionists," which was written, we are informed, by
+Colonel Dayton, late member of Congress from South Carolina; the
+writer, speaking of the awe with which the slaves regard the whites,
+says,--
+
+"The northerner looks upon a band of negroes as upon so many _men_,
+but the planter or southerner _views them in a very different light._"
+
+
+Extract from the speech of Mr. SUMMERS, of Virginia, in the
+legislature of that state, Jan. 26, 1832. See the Richmond Whig.
+
+"When, in the sublime lessons of Christianity, he (the slaveholder) is
+taught to 'do unto others as he would have others do unto him,' HE
+NEVER DREAMS THAT THE DEGRADED NEGRO IS WITHIN THE PALE OF THAT HOLY
+CANON."
+
+
+PRESIDENT JEFFERSON, in his letter to GOVERNOR COLES, of Illinois,
+dated Aug. 25, 1814, asserts, that slaveholders regard their slaves as
+brutes, in the following remarkable language.
+
+"Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing the degraded
+condition, both bodily and mental, of these unfortunate beings [the
+slaves], FEW MINDS HAVE YET DOUBTED BUT THAT THEY WERE AS LEGITIMATE
+SUBJECTS OF PROPERTY AS THEIR HORSES OR CATTLE."
+
+
+Having shown that slaveholders regard their slaves as mere working
+animals and cattle, we now proceed to show that their actual treatment
+of them, is _worse_ than it would be if they were brutes. We repeat
+it, SLAVEHOLDERS TREAT THEIR SLAVES WORSE THAN THEY DO THEIR BRUTES.
+Whoever heard of cows or sheep being deliberately tied up and beaten
+and lacerated till they died? or horses coolly tortured by the hour,
+till covered with mangled flesh, or of swine having their legs tied
+and being suspended from a tree and lacerated with thongs for hours,
+or of hounds stretched and made fast at full length, flayed with
+whips, red pepper rubbed into their bleeding gashes, and hot brine
+dashed on to aggravate the torture? Yet just such forms and degrees of
+torture are _daily_ perpetrated upon the slaves. Now no man that knows
+human nature will marvel at this. Though great cruelties have always
+been inflicted by men upon brutes, yet incomparably the most horrid
+ever perpetrated, have been those of men upon _their own species_. Any
+leaf of history turned over at random has proof enough of this. Every
+reflecting mind perceives that when men hold _human beings_ as
+_property_, they must, from the nature of the case, treat them worse
+than they treat their horses and oxen. It is impossible for _cattle_
+to excite in men such tempests of fury as men excite in each other.
+Men are often provoked if their horses or hounds refuse to do, or
+their pigs refuse to go where they wish to drive them, but the feeling
+is rarely intense and never permanent. It is vexation and impatience,
+rather than settled rage, malignity, or revenge. If horses and dogs
+were intelligent beings, and still held as property, their opposition
+to the wishes of their owners, would exasperate them immeasurably more
+than it would be possible for them to do, with the minds of brutes.
+None but little children and idiots get angry at sticks and stones
+that lie in their way or hurt them; but put into sticks and stones
+intelligence, and will, and power of feeling and motion, while they
+remain as now, articles of property, and what a towering rage would
+men be in, if bushes whipped them in the face when they walked among
+them, or stones rolled over their toes when they climbed hills! and
+what exemplary vengeance would be inflicted upon door-steps and
+hearth-stones, if they were to move out of their places, instead of
+lying still where they were put for their owners to tread upon. The
+greatest provocation to human nature is _opposition to its will_. If a
+man's will be resisted by one far _below_ him, the provocation is
+vastly greater, than when it is resisted by an acknowledged superior.
+In the former case, it inflames strong passions, which in the latter
+lie dormant. The rage of proud Haman knew no bounds against the poor
+Jew who would not do as he wished, and so he built a gallows for him.
+If the person opposing the will of another, be so far below him as to
+be on a level with chattels, and be actually held and used as an
+article of property; pride, scorn, lust of power, rage and revenge
+explode together upon the hapless victim. The idea of _property_
+having a will, and that too in opposition to the will of its _owner_,
+and counteracting it, is a stimulant of terrible power to the most
+relentless human passions and from the nature of slavery, and the
+constitution of the human mind, this fierce stimulant must, with
+various degrees of strength, act upon slaveholders almost without
+ceasing. The slave, however abject and crushed, is an intelligent
+being: he has a _will_, and that will cannot be annihilated, _it will
+show itself_; if for a moment it is smothered, like pent up fires when
+vent is found, it flames the fiercer. Make intelligence _property_,
+and its manager will have his match; he is met at every turn by an
+_opposing will_, not in the form of down-right rebellion and defiance,
+but yet, visibly, an _ever-opposing will_. He sees it in the
+dissatisfied look, and reluctant air and unwilling movement; the
+constrained strokes of labor, the drawling tones, the slow hearing,
+the feigned stupidity, the sham pains and sickness, the short memory;
+and he _feels_ it every hour, in innumerable forms, frustrating his
+designs by a ceaseless though perhaps invisible countermining. This
+unceasing opposition to the will of its 'owner,' on the part of his
+rational 'property,' is to the slaveholder as the hot iron to the
+nerve. He raves under it, and storms, and gnashes, and smites; but the
+more he smites, the hotter it gets, and the more it burns him.
+Further, this opposition of the slave's will to his owner's, not only
+excites him to severity, that he may gratify his rage, but makes it
+necessary for him to use violence in breaking down this
+resistance--thus subjecting the slave to additional tortures. There is
+another inducement to cruel inflictions upon the slave, and a
+necessity for it, which does not exist in the case of brutes.
+Offenders must be made an example to others, to strike them with
+terror. If a slave runs away and is caught, his master flogs him with
+terrible severity, not merely to gratify his resentment, and to keep
+him from running away again, but as a warning to others. So in every
+case of disobedience, neglect, stubbornness, unfaithfulness,
+indolence, insolence, theft, feigned sickness, when his directions are
+forgotten, or slighted, or supposed to be, or his wishes crossed, or
+his property injured, or left exposed, or his work ill-executed, the
+master is tempted to inflict cruelties, not merely to wreak his own
+vengeance upon him, and to make the slave more circumspect in future,
+but to sustain his authority over the other slaves, to restrain them
+from like practices, and to preserve his own property.
+
+A multitude of facts, illustrating the position that slaveholders
+treat their slaves _worse_ than they do their cattle, will occur to
+all who are familiar with slavery. When cattle break through their
+owners' inclosures and escape, if found, they are driven back and
+fastened in again; and even slaveholders would execrate as a wretch,
+the man who should tie them up, and bruise and lacerate them for
+straying away; but when _slaves_ that have escaped are caught, they
+are flogged with the most terrible severity. When herds of cattle are
+driven to market, they are suffered to go in the easiest way, each by
+himself; but when slaves are driven to market, they are fastened
+together with handcuffs, galled by iron collars and chains, and thus
+forced to travel on foot hundreds of miles, sleeping at night in their
+chains. Sheep, and sometimes horned cattle are marked with their
+owners' initials--but this is generally done with paint, and of course
+produces no pain. Slaves, too, are often marked with their owners'
+initials, but the letters are stamped into their flesh with a hot
+iron. Cattle are suffered to graze their pastures without stint; but
+the slaves are restrained in their food to a fixed allowance. The
+slaveholders' horses are notoriously far better fed, more moderately
+worked, have fewer hours of labor, and longer intervals of rest than
+their slaves; and their valuable horses are far more comfortably
+housed and lodged, and their stables more effectually defended from
+the weather, than the slaves' huts. We have here merely _begun_ a
+comparison, which the reader can easily carry out at length, from the
+materials furnished in this work.
+
+We will, however, subjoin a few testimonies of slaveholders, and
+others who have resided in slave states, expressly asserting that
+slaves are treated _worse than brutes_.
+
+
+The late Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, a member of the
+American Philosophical Society, in an oration delivered in Baltimore,
+July 4, 1791, page 10, says:
+
+"The Africans whom you despise, whom you _more inhumanly treat than
+brutes_, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves."
+
+
+The Rev. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, in his celebrated letter to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and
+Georgia, written one hundred years ago, (See Benezet's Caution to
+Great Britain and her Colonies, page 13), says:
+
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are _some_) I fear the _generality_ of you
+that own negroes, _are liable to such a charge_."
+
+
+Mr. RICE, of Kentucky in his speech in the Convention that formed the
+Constitution of that state, in 1790, says:
+
+"He [the slave] is a rational creature, reduced by the power of
+legislation to the _state of a brute_, and thereby deprived of every
+privilege of humanity.... The brute may steal or rob, to supply
+his hunger; but the slave, though in the most starving condition,
+_dare not do either, on penalty of death, or some severe punishment_."
+
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in
+Marlborough, Mass. who lived some years in Georgia, says:
+
+"The southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care is
+taken of them; but southern negroes--who can describe their misery and
+their wretchedness, their nakedness and their cruel scourgings!  None
+but God. Should we _whip our horses_ as they whip their slaves, even
+for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the
+law."
+
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, Centerville, Allegany county, New York, who has
+resided four years in the midst of southern slavery--
+
+"Avarice and cruelty are twin sisters; and I do not hesitate to
+declare before the world, as my deliberate opinion, that there is
+_less compassion_ for working slaves at the south, than for working
+oxen at the north."
+
+
+STEVEN SEWALL, Esq. Winthrop, Maine, a member of the Congregational
+Church, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing Company, who
+resided five years in Alabama, says--
+
+"I do not think that brutes, not even horses, are treated with _so
+much cruelty_ as American slaves."
+
+If the preceding considerations are insufficient to remove incredulity
+respecting the cruelties suffered by slaves, and if northern objectors
+still say, 'We might believe such things of savages, but that
+civilized men, and republicans, in this Christian country, can openly
+and by system perpetrate such enormities, is impossible';--to such we
+reply, that this incredulity of the people of the free states, is not
+only discreditable to their intelligence, but to their consistency.
+
+Who is so ignorant as not to know, or so incredulous as to disbelieve,
+that the early Baptists of New England were fined, imprisoned,
+scourged, and finally banished by our puritan forefathers?--and that
+the Quakers were confined in dungeons, publicly whipped at the
+cart-tail, had their ears cut off, cleft sticks put upon their
+tongues, and that five of them, four men and one woman, were hung on
+Boston Common, for propagating the sentiments of the Society of
+Friends? Who discredits the fact, that the civil authorities in
+Massachusetts, less than a hundred and fifty years ago, confined in
+the public jail a little girl of four years old, and publicly hung the
+Rev. Mr. Burroughs, and eighteen other persons, mostly women, and
+killed another, (Giles Corey,) by extending him upon his back, and
+piling weights upon his breast till he was crushed to death [17]--and
+this for no other reason than that these men and women, and this
+little child, were accused by others of _bewitching_ them.
+
+[Footnote 17:  Judge Sewall, of Mass. in his diary, describing this
+horrible scene, says that when the tongue of the poor sufferer had, in
+the extremity of his dying agony, protruded from his mouth, a person
+in attendance took his cane and thrust it back into his mouth.]
+
+
+Even the children in Connecticut, know that the following was once a
+law of that state:
+
+"No food or lodging shall be allowed to a Quaker. If any person turns
+Quaker, he shall be banished, and not be suffered to return on pain of
+death."
+
+These objectors can readily believe the fact, that in the city of New
+York, less than a hundred years since, thirteen persons were publicly
+burned to death, over a slow fire: and that the legislature of the
+same State took under its paternal care the African slave-trade, and
+declared that "all encouragement should be given to the _direct_
+importation of slaves; that all _smuggling_ of slaves should be
+condemned, as _an eminent discouragement to the fair trader_."
+
+They do not call in question the fact that the African slave-trade was
+carried on from the ports of the free states till within thirty years;
+that even members of the Society of Friends were actively engaged in
+it, shortly before the revolutionary war; [18] that as late as 1807,
+no less than fifty-nine of the vessels engaged in that trade, were
+sent out from the little state of Rhode Island, which had then only
+about seventy thousand inhabitants; that among those most largely
+engaged in these foul crimes, are the men whom the people of Rhode
+Island delight to honor: that the man who dipped most deeply in that
+trade of blood (James De Wolf,) and amassed a most princely fortune by
+it, was not long since their senator in Congress; and another, who was
+captain of one of his vessels, was recently Lieutenant Governor of the
+state.
+
+[Footnote 18: See Life and Travels of John Woolman, page 92.]
+
+
+They can believe, too, all the horrors of the middle passage, the
+chains, suffocation, maimings, stranglings, starvation, drownings, and
+cold blooded murders, atrocities perpetrated on board these
+slave-ships by their own citizens, perhaps by their own townsmen and
+neighbors--possibly by their own _fathers_: but oh! they 'can't
+believe that the slaveholders can be so hard-hearted towards their
+slaves as to treat them with great cruelty.' They can believe that his
+Holiness the Pope, with his cardinals, bishops and priests, have
+tortured, broken on the wheel, and burned to death thousands of
+Protestants--that eighty thousand of the Anabaptists were slaughtered
+in Germany--that hundreds of thousands of the blameless Waldenses,
+Huguenots and Lollards, were torn in pieces by the most titled
+dignitaries of church and state, and that _almost every professedly
+Christian sect, has, at some period of its history, persecuted unto
+blood_ those who dissented from their creed. They can believe, also,
+that in Boston, New York, Utica, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Alton, and
+in scores of other cities and villages of the free states, 'gentlemen
+of property and standing,' led on by civil officers, by members of
+state legislatures, and of Congress, by judges and attorneys-general,
+by editors of newspapers, and by professed ministers of the gospel,
+have organized mobs, broken up lawful meetings of peaceable citizens,
+committed assault and battery upon their persons, knocked them down
+with stones, led them about with ropes, dragged them from their beds
+at midnight, gagged and forced them into vehicles, and driven them
+into unfrequented places, and there tormented and disfigured
+them--that they have rifled their houses, made bonfires of their
+furniture in the streets, burned to the ground, or torn in pieces the
+halls or churches in which they were assembled--attacked them with
+deadly weapons, stabbed some, shot others, and killed one. They can
+believe all this--and further, that a majority of the citizens in the
+places where these outrages have been committed, connived at them; and
+by refusing to indict the perpetrators, or, if they were indicted, by
+combining to secure their acquittal, and rejoicing in it, have
+publicly adopted these felonies as their own. All these things they
+can believe without hesitation, and that they have even been done by
+their own acquaintances, neighbors, relatives; perhaps those with whom
+they interchange courtesies, those for whom they _vote_, or to whose
+_salaries they contribute_--but yet, oh! they can never believe that
+slaveholders inflict cruelties upon their slaves!
+
+They can give full credence to the kidnapping, imprisonment, and
+deliberate murder of WILLIAM MORGAN, and that by men of high standing
+in society; they can believe that this deed was aided and abetted, and
+the murderers screened from justice, by a large number of influential
+persons, who were virtually accomplices, either before or after the
+fact; and that this combination was so effectual, as successfully to
+defy and triumph over the combined powers of the government;--yet
+that those who constantly rob men of their time, liberty, and wages,
+and all their _rights_, should rob them of bits of flesh, and
+occasionally of a tooth, make their backs bleed, and put fetters on
+their legs, is too monstrous to be credited! Further these same
+persons, who 'can't believe' that slaveholders are so iron-hearted as
+to ill-treat their slaves, believe that the very _elite_ of these
+slaveholders, those most highly esteemed and honored among them, are
+continually daring each other to mortal conflict, and in the presence
+of mutual friends, taking deadly aim at each other's hearts, with
+settled purpose to _kill_, if possible. That among the most
+distinguished governors of slave states, among their most celebrated
+judges, senators, and representatives in Congress, there is hardly
+_one_, who has not either killed, or tried to kill, or aided and
+abetted his friends in trying to kill, one or more individuals. That
+pistols, dirks, bowie knives, or other instruments of death are
+generally carried throughout the slave states--and that deadly affrays
+with them, in the streets of their cities and villages, are matters of
+daily occurrence; that the sons of slaveholders in southern colleges,
+bully, threaten, and fire upon their teachers, and their teachers upon
+them; that during the last summer, in the most celebrated seat of
+science and literature in the south, the University of Virginia, the
+professors were attacked by more than seventy armed students, and, in
+the words of a Virginia paper, were obliged 'to conceal themselves
+from their fury;' also that almost all the riots and violence that
+occur in northern colleges, are produced by the turbulence and lawless
+passions of southern students. That such are the furious passions of
+slaveholders, no considerations of personal respect, none for the
+proprieties of life, none for the honor of our national legislature,
+none for the character of our country abroad, can restrain the
+slaveholding members of Congress from the most disgraceful personal
+encounters on the floor of our nation's legislature--smiting their
+fists in each other's faces, throttling and even _kicking_ and trying
+to _gouge_ each other--that during the session of the Congress just
+closed, no less than six slaveholders, taking fire at words spoken in
+debate, have either rushed at each other's throats, or kicked, or
+struck, or attempted to knock each other down; and that in all these
+instances, they would doubtless have killed each other, if their
+friends had not separated them. Further, they know full well, these
+were not insignificant, vulgar blackguards, elected because they were
+the head bullies and bottle-holders in a boxing ring, or because their
+constituents went drunk to the ballot box; but they were some of the
+most conspicuous members of the House--one of them a former speaker.
+
+Our newspapers are full of these and similar daily occurrences among
+slaveholders, copied verbatim from their own accounts of them in their
+own papers and all this we fully credit; no man is simpleton enough to
+cry out 'Oh, I can't believe that slaveholders do such things;'--and
+yet when we turn to the treatment which these men mete out to their
+_slaves_, and show that they are in the habitual practice of striking,
+kicking, knocking down and shooting _them_ as well as each other--the
+look of blank incredulity that comes over northern dough-faces, is a
+study for a painter: and then the sentimental outcry, with eyes and
+hands uplifted, 'Oh, indeed, I can't believe the slaveholders are so
+cruel to their slaves.' Most amiable and touching charity! Truly, of
+all Yankee notions and free state products, there is nothing like a
+'_dough face_'--the great northern staple for the southern
+market--'made to order,' in any quantity, and _always on hand_. 'Dough
+faces!' Thanks to a slaveholder's contempt for the name, with its
+immortality of truth, infamy and scorn.[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: "_Doe_ face," which owes its paternity to John Randolph,
+age has mellowed into "_dough_ face"--a cognomen quite as expressive
+and appropriate, if not as classical.]
+
+
+Though the people of the free states affect to disbelieve the
+cruelties perpetrated upon the slaves, yet slaveholders believe _each
+other_ guilty of them, and speak of them with the utmost freedom. If
+slaveholders disbelieve any statement of cruelty inflicted upon a
+slave, it is not on account of its _enormity_. The traveler at the
+south will hear in Delaware, and in all parts of Maryland and
+Virginia, from the lips of slaveholders, statements of the most
+horrible cruelties suffered by the slaves _farther_ south, in the
+Carolinas and Georgia; when he finds himself in those states he will
+hear similar accounts about the treatment of the slaves in _Florida_
+and _Louisiana_; and in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee he will hear
+of the tragedies enacted on the plantations in Arkansas, Alabama and
+Mississippi. Since Anti-Slavery Societies have been in operation, and
+slaveholders have found themselves on trial before the world, and put
+upon their good behavior, northern slaveholders have grown cautious,
+and now often substitute denials and set defences, for the voluntary
+testimony about cruelty in the far south, which, before that period,
+was given with entire freedom. Still, however, occasionally the 'truth
+will out,' as the reader will see by the following testimony of an
+East Tennessee newspaper, in which, speaking of the droves of slaves
+taken from the upper country to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, etc.,
+the editor says, they are 'traveling to a region where their condition
+through time WILL BE SECOND ONLY TO THAT OF THE WRETCHED CREATURES IN
+HELL.' See "Maryville Intelligencer," of Oct, 4, 1835. Distant
+cruelties and cruelties _long past_, have been till recently, favorite
+topics with slaveholders. They have not only been ready to acknowledge
+that their _fathers_ have exercised great cruelty toward their slaves,
+but have voluntarily, in their official acts, made proclamation of it
+and entered it on their public records. The Legislature of North
+Carolina, in 1798, branded the successive legislatures of that state
+for more than thirty years previous, with the infamy of treatment
+towards their slaves, which they pronounce to be 'disgraceful to
+humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and
+principles of a free, Christian, and enlightened country.' This
+treatment was the enactment and perpetuation of a most barbarous and
+cruel law.
+
+But enough. As the objector can and does believe all the preceeding
+facts, if he still '_can't_ believe' as to the cruelties of
+slaveholders, it would be barbarous to tantalize his incapacity either
+with evidence or argument. Let him have the benefit of the act in such
+case made and provided.
+
+Having shown that the incredulity of the objector respecting the
+cruelty inflicted upon the slaves, is discreditable to his
+consistency, we now proceed to show that it is equally so to his
+_intelligence_.
+
+Whoever disbelieves the foregoing statements of cruelties, on the
+ground of their enormity, proclaims his own ignorance of the nature
+and history of man. What! incredulous about the atrocities perpetrated
+by those who hold human beings as property, to be used for their
+pleasure, when history herself has done little else in recording human
+deeds, than to dip her blank chart in the blood shed by arbitrary
+power, and unfold to human gaze the great red scroll? That cruelty is
+the natural effect of arbitrary power, has been the result of all
+experience, and the voice of universal testimony since the world
+began. Shall human nature's axioms, six thousand years old, go for
+nothing? Are the combined product of human experience, and the
+concurrent records of human character, to be set down as 'old wives'
+fables?' To disbelieve that arbitrary power naturally and habitually
+perpetrates cruelties, where it can do it with impunity, is not only
+ignorance of man, but of _things_. It is to be blind to innumerable
+proofs which are before every man's eyes; proofs that are stereotyped
+in the very words and phrases that are on every one's lips. Take for
+example the words _despot_ and _despotic_. Despot, signifies
+etymologically, merely one who _possesses_ arbitrary power, and at
+first, it was used to designate those alone who _possessed_ unlimited
+power over human beings, entirely irrespective of the way in which
+they exercised it, whether mercifully or cruelly. But the fact, that
+those who possessed such power, made their subjects their _victims_,
+has wrought a total change in the popular meaning of the word. It now
+signifies, in common parlance, not one who _possesses_ unlimited power
+over others, but one who exercises the power that he has, whether
+little or much, _cruelly_. So _despotic_, instead of meaning what it
+once did, something pertaining to the _possession_ of unlimited power,
+signifies something pertaining to the _capricious, unmerciful and
+relentless exercise_ of such power.
+
+The word tyrant, is another example--formerly it implied merely a
+_possession_ of arbitrary power, but from the invariable abuse of such
+power by its possessors, the proper and entire meaning of the word is
+lost, and it now signifies merely one who _exercises power to the
+injury of others_. The words tyrannical and tyranny follow the same
+analogy. So the word arbitrary; which formerly implied that which
+pertains to the will of one, independently of others; but from the
+fact that those who had no restraint upon their wills, were invariably
+capricious, unreasonable and oppressive, these words convey accurately
+the present sense of _arbitrary_, when applied to a person.
+
+How can the objector persist in disbelieving that cruelty is the
+natural effect of arbitrary power, when the very words of every day,
+rise up on his lips in testimony against him--words which once
+signified the _mere possession_ of arbitrary power, but have lost
+their meaning, and now signify merely its cruel _exercise_; because
+such a use of it has been proved by the experience of the world, to be
+inseparable from its _possession_--words now frigid with horror, and
+never used even by the objector without feeling a cold chill run over
+him.
+
+Arbitrary power is to the mind what alcohol is to the body; it
+intoxicates. Man loves power. It is perhaps the strongest human
+passion; and the more absolute the power, the stronger the desire for
+it; and the more it is desired, the more its exercise is enjoyed: this
+enjoyment is to human nature a fearful temptation,--generally an
+overmatch for it. Hence it is true, with hardly an exception, that
+arbitrary power is abused in proportion as it is _desired_. The fact
+that a person intensely desires power over others, _without
+restraint_, shows the absolute necessity of restraint. What woman
+would marry a man who made it a condition that he should have the
+power to divorce her whenever he pleased? Oh! he might never wish to
+exercise it, but the _power_ he would have! No woman, not stark mad,
+would trust her happiness in such hands.
+
+Would a father apprentice his son to a master, who insisted that his
+power over the lad should be _absolute_? The master might perhaps,
+never wish to commit a battery upon the boy, but if he should, he
+insists upon having full swing! He who would leave his son in the,
+clutches of such a wretch, would be bled and blistered for a lunatic
+as soon as his friends could get their hands upon him.
+
+The possession of power, even when greatly restrained, is such a fiery
+stimulant, that its lodgement in human hands is always perilous. Give
+men the handling of immense sums of money, and all the eyes of Argus
+and the hands of Briarcus can hardly prevent embezzlement.
+
+The mutual and ceaseless accusations of the two great political
+parties in this country, show the universal belief that this tendency
+of human nature to abuse power, is so strong, that even the most
+powerful legal restraints are insufficient for its safe custody. From
+congress and state legislatures down to grog-shop caucuses and street
+wranglings, each party keeps up an incessant din about _abuses of
+power_. Hardly an officer, either of the general or state governments,
+from the President down to the ten thousand postmasters, and from
+governors to the fifty thousand constables, escapes the charge of
+'_abuse of power_.' 'Oppression,' 'Extortion,' 'Venality,' 'Bribery,'
+'Corruption,' 'Perjury,' 'Misrule,' 'Spoils,' 'Defalcation,' stand on
+every newspaper. Now without any estimate of the lies told in these
+mutual charges, there is truth enough to make each party ready to
+believe of the other, and _of their best men too,_ any abuse of power,
+however monstrous. As is the State, so is the Church. From General
+Conferences to circuit preachers; and from General Assemblies to
+church sessions, abuses of power spring up as weeds from the dunghill.
+
+All legal restraints are framed upon the presumption, that men will
+abuse their power if not hemmed in by them. This lies at the bottom of
+all those checks and balances contrived for keeping governments upon
+their centres. If there is among human convictions one that is
+invariable and universal, it is, that when men possess unrestrained
+power over others, over their time, choice, conscience, persons,
+votes, or means of subsistence, they are under great temptations to
+abuse it; and that the intensity with which such power is desired,
+generally measures the certainty and the degree of its abuse.
+
+That American slaveholders possess a power over their slaves which is
+virtually absolute, none will deny.[20] That they _desire_ this
+absolute power, is shown from the fact of their holding and exercising
+it, and making laws to confirm and enlarge it. That the desire to
+possess this power, every tittle of it, is _intense_, is proved by the
+fact, that slaveholders cling to it with such obstinate tenacity, as
+well as by all their doings and sayings, their threats, cursings and
+gnashings against all who denounce the exercise of such power as
+usurpation and outrage, and counsel its immediate abrogation.
+
+[Footnote 20: The following extracts from the laws of slave-states are
+proofs sufficient.
+
+"The slave is ENTIRELY subject to the WILL of his master."--Louisiana
+Civil Code, Art. 273.
+
+"Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to
+be _chattels personal,_ in the hands of their owner and possessors,
+and their executors, administrators and assigns, TO ALL INTENTS,
+CONSTRUCTIONS, AND PURPOSES, WHATSOEVER."--Laws of South Carolina, 2
+Brev. Dig. 229; Prince's Digest, 446, &c.]
+
+
+From the nature of the case--from the laws of mind, such power, so
+intensely desired, griped with such a death-clutch, and with such
+fierce spurnings of all curtailment or restraint, _cannot but be
+abused._ Privations and inflictions must be its natural, habitual
+products, with ever and anon, terror, torture, and despair let loose
+to do their worst upon the helpless victims.
+
+Though power over others is in every case liable to be used to their
+injury, yet, in almost all cases, the subject individual is shielded
+from great outrages by strong safeguards. If he have talents, or
+learning, or wealth, or office, or personal respectability, or
+influential friends, these, with the protection of law and the rights
+of citizenship, stand round him as a body guard: and even if he lacked
+all these, yet, had he the same color, features, form, dialect,
+habits, and associations with the privileged caste of society, he
+would find in _them_ a shield from many injuries, which would be
+_invited,_ if in these respects he differed widely from the rest of
+the community, and was on that account regarded with disgust and
+aversion. This is the condition of the slave; not only is he deprived
+of the artificial safeguards of the law, but has none of those
+_natural_ safeguards enumerated above, which are a protection to
+others. But not only is the slave destitute of those peculiarities,
+habits, tastes, and acquisitions, which by assimilating the possessor
+to the rest of the community, excite their interest in him, and thus,
+in a measure, secure for him their protection; but he possesses those
+peculiarities of bodily organization which are looked upon with deep
+disgust, contempt, prejudice, and aversion. Besides this, constant
+contact with the ignorance and stupidity of the slaves, their filth,
+rags, and nakedness; their cowering air, servile employments,
+repulsive food, and squalid hovels, their purchase and sale, and use
+as brutes--all these associations, constantly mingling and circulating
+in the minds of slaveholders, and inveterated by the hourly
+irritations which must assail all who use human beings as things,
+produce in them a permanent state of feeling toward the slave, made up
+of repulsion and settled ill-will. When we add to this the corrosions
+produced by the petty thefts of slaves, the necessity of constant
+watching, their reluctant service, and indifference to their master's
+interests, their ill concealed aversion to him, and spurning of his
+authority; and finally, that fact, as old as human nature, that men
+always hate those whom they oppress, and oppress those whom they hate,
+thus oppression and hatred mutually begetting and perpetuating each
+other--and we have a raging compound of fiery elements and disturbing
+forces, so stimulating and inflaming the mind of the slaveholder
+against the slave, that _it cannot but break forth upon him with
+desolating fury._
+
+To deny that cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform product of
+arbitrary power, and that the natural and controlling tendency of such
+power is to make its possessor cruel, oppressive, and revengeful
+towards those who are subjected to his control, is, we repeat, to set
+at nought the combined experience of the human race, to invalidate its
+testimony, and to reverse its decisions from time immemorial.
+
+A volume might be filled with the testimony of American slaveholders
+alone, to the truth of the preceding position. We subjoin a few
+illustrations, and first, the memorable declaration of President
+Jefferson, who lived and died a slaveholder. It has been published a
+thousand times, and will live forever. In his "Notes on Virginia,"
+sixth Philadelphia edition, p. 251, he says,--
+
+"The WHOLE COMMERCE between master and slave, is a PERPETUAL EXERCISE
+of the most _boisterous passions_, the most unremitting DESPOTISM on
+the one part, and degrading submission on the other..... The parent
+_storms_, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of _wrath_, puts
+on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, GIVES LOOSE TO THE
+WORST OF PASSIONS; and thus _nursed, educated, and daily exercised in
+tyranny,_ cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities."
+
+Hon. Lewis Summers, Judge of the General Court of Virginia, and a
+slaveholder, said in a speech before the Virginia legislature in 1832;
+(see Richmond Whig of Jan. 26, 1832,)
+
+"A slave population exercises _the most pernicious influence_ upon the
+manners, habits and character, of those among whom it exists. Lisping
+infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the
+_embryo tyrant_ of its little domain. The consciousness of superior
+destiny takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and love
+of power and rule, 'grows with his growth, and strengthens with his
+strength.' Unless enabled to rise above the operation of those
+powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of
+self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper."
+
+The late JUDGE TUCKER of Virginia, a slaveholder, and Professor of Law
+in the University of William and Mary, in his "Letter to a Member of
+the Virginia Legislature," 1801, says,--
+
+"I say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our _moral
+character_, because I know you have been long sensible of this point."
+
+The Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, consisting of
+all the clergy of that denomination in those states, with a lay
+representation from the churches, most, if not all of whom are
+slaveholders, published a report on slavery in 1834, from which the
+following is an extract.
+
+"Those only who have the management of servants, know what the
+_hardening effect_ of it is upon _their own feelings towards them._
+There is no necessity to dwell on this point, as all _owners_ and
+_managers_ fully understand it. He who commences to manage them with
+tenderness and with a willingness to favor them in every way, must be
+watchful, otherwise he will settle down in _indifference, if not
+severity."_
+
+GENERAL WILLIAM H. HARRISON, now of Ohio, son of the late Governor
+Harrison of Virginia, a slaveholder, while minister from the United
+States to the Republic of Colombia, wrote a letter to General Simon
+Bolivar, then President of that Republic, just as he was about
+assuming despotic power. The letter is dated Bogota, Sept. 22, 1826.
+The following is an extract.
+
+"From a knowledge of your own disposition and present feelings, your
+excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be
+brought to an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with
+unnecessary rigor. But trust me, sir, there is nothing more
+corrupting, nothing more _destructive of the noblest and finest
+feelings of our nature than the exercise of unlimited power_. The man,
+who in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of
+taking away the life of a fellow-being, might soon have his conscience
+so seared by the repetition of crime, that the agonies of his murdered
+victims might become music to his soul, and the drippings of the
+scaffold afford blood to swim in. History is full of such excesses."
+
+WILLIAM H. FITZHUGH, Esq. of Virginia, a slaveholder, says,--"Slavery,
+in its mildest form, is cruel and unnatural; _its injurious effects on
+our morals and habits are mutually felt."_
+
+HON. SAMUEL S. NICHOLAS, late Judge of the Court of Appeals of
+Kentucky, and a slaveholder, in a speech before the legislature of
+that state, Jan. 1837, says,--
+
+"The deliberate convictions of the most matured consideration I can
+give the subject, are, that the institution of slavery is a _most
+serious injury to the habits, manners and morals_ of our white
+population--that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice."
+
+Dr. THOMAS COOPER, late President of the College of South Carolina, in
+a note to his edition of the "Institutes of Justinian" page 413,
+says,--
+
+"All absolute power has a direct tendency, not only to detract from
+the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to DEPRAVE THE
+GOOD QUALITIES of those who possess it..... the whole history of human
+nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying
+that _such is the tendency of power_ on the one hand and slavery on
+the other."
+
+A South Carolina slaveholder, whose name is with the executive
+committee of the Am. A.S. Society, says, in a letter, dated April 4,
+1838:--
+
+"I think it (slavery) _ruinous to the temper_ and to our spiritual
+life; it is a thorn in the flesh, for ever and for ever goading us on
+to say and to do what the Eternal God cannot but be displeased with. I
+speak from experience, and oh! my desire is to be delivered from it."
+
+
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, who was a resident of Louisiana from 1802 to
+1806, published a work on that country; in which, speaking of the
+effect of slaveholding on masters and their children, he says:--
+
+"The young creoles make the negroes who surround them the play-things
+of their whims: they flog, for pastime, those of their own age, just
+as their fathers flog others at their will. These young creoles,
+arrived at the age in which the passions are impetuous, do not _know
+how to bear contradiction_; they will have every thing done which they
+command, _possible or not_; and in default of this, they avenge their
+offended pride by multiplied punishments."
+
+
+Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791,
+said:--
+
+"For such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it
+_destroys every humane principle_, vitiates the mind, instills ideas
+of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of
+government."--_Buchanan's Oration_, p. 12.
+
+
+President EDWARDS the younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, in 1791, page 8, says:--
+
+"Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness, and a _domineering
+spirit_ and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their
+children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been
+bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting
+such a habit of haughtiness and domination as will express itself in
+his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or
+in any office, civil or military, with which he may be invested."
+
+
+The celebrated MONTESQUIEU, in his "Spirit of the Laws," thus
+describes the effect of slaveholding upon the master:--
+
+"The master contracts all sorts of bad habits; and becomes _haughty,
+passionate, obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel_."
+
+
+WILBERFORCE, in his speech at the anniversary of the London
+Anti-Slavery Society, in March, 1828, said:--
+
+"It is _utterly impossible_ that they who live in the administration
+of the petty despotism of a slave community, whose minds have been
+_warped_ and _polluted_ by that contamination, should not _lose that
+respect_ for their fellow creatures over whom they tyrannize, which is
+essential in the nature and moral being of man, to rescue them from
+the abuse of power over their prostrate fellow creatures."
+
+In the great debate, in the British Parliament, on the African
+slave-trade, Mr. WHITBREAD said:
+
+"Arbitrary power would spoil the hearts of the best."
+
+But we need not multiply proofs to establish our position: it is
+sustained by the concurrent testimony of sages, philosophers, poets,
+statesmen, and moralists, in every period of the world; and who can
+marvel that those in all ages who have wisely pondered men and things,
+should be unanimous in such testimony, when the history of arbitrary
+power has come down to us from the beginning of time, struggling
+through heaps of slain, and trailing her parchments in blood.
+
+Time would fail to begin with the first despot and track down the
+carnage step by step. All nations, all ages, all climes crowd forward
+as witnesses, with their scars, and wounds, and dying agonies.
+
+But to survey a multitude bewilders; let us look at a single nation.
+We instance Rome; both because its history is more generally known,
+and because it furnishes a larger proportion of instances, in which
+arbitrary power was exercised with comparative mildness, than any
+other nation ancient or modern. And yet, her whole existence was a
+tragedy, every actor was an executioner, the curtain rose amidst
+shrieks and fell upon corpses, and the only shifting of the scenes was
+from blood to blood. The whole world stood aghast, as under sentence
+of death, awaiting execution, and all nations and tongues were driven,
+with her own citizens, as sheep to the slaughter. Of her seven kings,
+her hundreds of consuls, tribunes, decemvirs, and dictators, and her
+fifty emperors, there is hardly one whose name has come down to us
+unstained by horrible abuses of power; and that too, notwithstanding
+we have mere shreds of the history of many of them, owing to their
+antiquity, or to the perturbed times in which they lived; and these
+shreds gathered from the records of their own partial countrymen, who
+wrote and sung their praises. What does this prove? Not that the
+Romans were worse than other men, nor that their rulers were worse
+than other Romans, for history does not furnish nobler models of
+natural character than many of those same rulers, when first invested
+with arbitrary power. Neither was it mainly because the martial
+enterprise of the earlier Romans and the gross sensuality of the
+later, hardened their hearts to human suffering. In both periods of
+Roman history, and in both these classes, we find men, the keen
+sympathies, generosity, and benevolence of whose general character
+embalmed their names in the grateful memories of multitudes. _They
+were human beings, and possessed power without restraint_--this
+unravels the mystery.
+
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Trajan, of his moderation, his
+clemency, his gashing sympathies, his forgiveness of injuries and
+forgetfulness of self, his tearing in pieces his own robe, to furnish
+bandages for the wounded--called by the whole world in his day, "the
+best emperor of Rome;" and so affectionately regarded by his subjects,
+that, ever afterwards, in blessing his successors upon their accession
+to power, they always said, "May you have the virtue and goodness of
+Trajan!" yet the deadly conflicts of gladiators who were trained to
+kill each other, to make sport for the spectators, furnished his chief
+pastime. At one time he kept up those spectacles for 123 days in
+succession. In the tortures which he inflicted on Christians, fire
+and poison, daggers and dungeons, wild beasts and serpents, and the
+rack, did their worst. He threw into the sea, Clemens, the venerable
+bishop of Rome, with an anchor about his neck; and tossed to the
+famished lions in the amphitheatre the aged Ignatius.
+
+Pliny the younger, who was proconsul under Trajan, may well be
+mentioned in connection with the emperor, as a striking illustration
+of the truth, that goodness and amiableness towards one class of men
+is often turned into cruelty towards another. History can hardly show
+a more gentle and lovely character than Pliny. While pleading at the
+bar, he always sought out the grievances of the poorest and most
+despised persons, entered into their wrongs with his whole soul, and
+never took a fee. Who can read his admirable letters without being
+touched by their tenderness and warmed by their benignity and
+philanthropy: and yet, this tender-hearted Pliny coolly plied with
+excruciating torture two spotless females, who had served as
+deaconesses in the Christian church, hoping to extort from them matter
+of accusation against the Christians. He commanded Christians to
+abjure their faith, invoke the gods, pour out libations to the statues
+of the emperor, burn incense to idols, and curse Christ. If they
+refused, he ordered them to execution.
+
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Titus--so beloved for his mild
+virtues and compassionate regard for the suffering, that he was named
+"The Delight of Mankind;" so tender of the lives of his subjects that
+he took the office of high priest, that his hands might never be
+defiled with blood; and was heard to declare, with tears, that he had
+rather die than put another to death. So intent upon making others
+happy, that when once about to retire to sleep, and not being able to
+recall any particular act of beneficence performed during the day, he
+cried out in anguish, "Alas! I have lost a day!"  And, finally, whom
+the learned Kennet, in his Roman Antiquities, characterizes as "the
+only prince in the world that has the character of _never doing an ill
+action_."  Yet, witnessing the mortal combats of the captives taken to
+war, killing each other in the amphitheatre, amidst the acclamations
+of the populace, was a favorite amusement with Titus. At one time he
+exhibited shows of gladiators, which lasted one hundred days, during
+which the amphitheatre was flooded with human blood. At another of
+his public exhibitions he caused five thousand wild beasts to be
+baited in the amphitheatre. During the siege of Jerusalem, he set
+ambushes to seize the famishing Jews, who stole out of the city by
+night to glean food in the valleys: these he would first dreadfully
+scourge, then torment them with all conceivable tortures, and, at
+last, crucify them before the wall of the city. According to
+Josephus, not less than five hundred a day were thus tormented. And
+when many of the Jews, frantic with famine, deserted to the Romans,
+Titus cut off their hands and drove them back. After the destruction
+of Jerusalem, he dragged to Rome one hundred thousand captives, sold
+them as slaves, and scattered them through every province of the
+empire.
+
+The kindness, condescension, and forbearance of Adrian were
+proverbial; he was one of the most eloquent orators of his age; and
+when pleading the cause of injured innocence, would melt and overwhelm
+the auditors by the pathos of his appeals. It was his constant maxim,
+that he was an Emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of
+his fellow creatures. He stooped to relieve the wants of the meanest
+of his subjects, and would peril his life by visiting them when sick
+of infectious diseases; he prohibited, by law, masters from killing
+their slaves, gave to slaves legal trial, and exempted them from
+torture; yet towards certain individuals and classes, he showed
+himself a monster of cruelty. He prided himself on his knowledge of
+architecture, and ordered to execution the most celebrated architect
+of Rome, because he had criticised one of the Emperor's designs. He
+banished all the Jews from their native land, and drove them to the
+ends of the earth; and unloosed the bloodhounds of persecution to rend
+in pieces his Christian subjects.
+
+The gentleness and benignity of the Emperor Aurelius, have been
+celebrated in story and song. History says of him, 'Nothing could
+quench his desire of being a blessing to mankind;' and Pope's eulogy
+of him is in the mouth of every schoolboy--'Like good Aurelius, let
+him reign;' and yet, '_good_ Aurelius,' lifted the flood gates of the
+fourth, and one of the most terrible persecutions against Christians
+that ever raged. He sent orders into different parts of his empire,
+to have the Christians murdered who would not deny Christ. The
+blameless Polycarp, trembling under the weight of a hundred years, was
+dragged to the stake and burned to ashes. Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons,
+at the age of ninety, was dragged through the streets, beaten, stoned,
+trampled upon by the soldiers, and left to perish. Tender virgins
+were put into nets, and thrown to infuriated wild bulls; others were
+fastened in red hot iron chairs; and venerable matrons were thrown to
+be devoured by dogs.
+
+Constantine the Great has been the admiration of Christendom for his
+virtues. The early Christian writers adorn his justice, benevolence
+and piety with the most exalted eulogy. He was baptized, and admitted
+to the Christian church. He abrogated Paganism, and made Christianity
+the religion of his empire; he attended the councils of the early
+fathers of the church, consulted with the bishops, and devoted himself
+with the most untiring zeal to the propagation of Christianity, and to
+the promotion of peace and love among its professors; he convened the
+Council of Nice, to settle disputes which had long distracted the
+church, appeared in the assembly with admirable modesty and temper,
+moderated the heats of the contending parties, implored them to
+exercise mutual forbearance, and exhorted them to love unfeigned, to
+forgive one another, as they hoped to be forgiven by Christ. Who would
+not think it uncharitable to accuse such a man of barbarity in the
+exercise of power?--and yet he drove Arius and his associates into
+banishment, for opinion's sake, denounced death against all with whom
+his books should afterwards be found, and prohibited, on pain of
+death, the exercise, however peaceably, of the functions of any other
+religion than Christianity. In a fit of jealousy and rage, he ordered
+his innocent son, Crispus, to execution, without granting him a
+hearing; and upon finding him innocent, killed his own wife, who had
+falsely accused him.
+
+To the preceding maybe added Theodosius the Great, the last Roman
+emperor before the division of the empire. He was a member of the
+Christian church, and in his zeal against paganism, and what he deemed
+heresy, surpassed all who were before him. The Christian writers of
+his time speak of him as a most illustrious model of justice,
+generosity, magnanimity, benevolence, and every virtue. And yet
+Theodosius denounced capital punishments against those who held
+'heretical' opinions, and commanded inter-marriage between cousins to
+be punished by burning the parties alive. On hearing that the people
+of Antioch had demolished the statues set up in that city, in honor of
+himself, and had threatened the governor, he flew into a transport of
+fury, ordered the city to be laid in ashes, and all the inhabitants to
+be slaughtered; and upon hearing of a resistance to his authority in
+Thessalonica, in which one of his lieutenants was killed, he instantly
+ordered a _general massacre_ of the inhabitants; and in obedience to
+his command, seven thousand men, women and children were butchered in
+the space of three hours.
+
+The foregoing are a few of many instances in the history of Rome, and
+of a countless multitude in the history of the world, illustrating the
+truth, that the lodgement of arbitrary power, in the best human hands,
+is always a fearfully perilous experiment; that the mildest tempers,
+the most humane and benevolent dispositions, the most blameless and
+conscientious previous life, with the most rigorous habits of justice,
+are no security, that, in a moment of temptation, the possessors of
+such power will not make their subjects their victims; illustrating
+also the truth, that, while men may exhibit nothing but honor,
+honesty, mildness, justice, and generosity, in their intercourse with
+those of their own grade, or language, or nation, or hue, they may
+practice towards others, for whom they have contempt and aversion, the
+most revolting meanness, perpetrate robbery unceasingly, and inflict
+the severest privations, and the most barbarous cruelties. But this is
+not all: history is full of examples, showing not only the effects of
+arbitrary power on its victims, but its terrible reaction on those who
+exercise it; blunting their sympathies, and hardening to adamant their
+hearts toward _them_, at least, if not toward the human race
+generally. This is shown in the fact, that almost every tyrant in the
+history of the world, has entered upon the exercise of absolute power
+with comparative moderation; multitudes of them with marked
+forbearance and mildness, and not a few with the most signal
+condescension, magnanimity, gentleness and compassion. Among these
+last are included those who afterwards became the bloodiest monsters
+that ever cursed the earth. Of the Roman Emperors, almost every one of
+whom perpetrated the most barbarous atrocities, Vitellius seems to
+have been the only one who cruelly exercised his power from the
+_outset_. Most of the other emperors, sprung up into fiends in the
+hot-bed of arbitrary power. If they had not been plied with its fiery
+stimulants, but had lived under the legal restraints of other men,
+instead of going to the grave under the curses of their generation,
+multitudes might have called them blessed.
+
+The moderation which has generally distinguished absolute monarchs at
+the commencement of their reigns, was doubtless in some cases assumed
+from policy; in the greater number, however, as is manifest from their
+history, it has been the natural workings of minds held in check by
+previous associations, and not yet hardened into habits of cruelty, by
+being accustomed to the exercise of power without restraint. But as
+those associations have weakened, and the wielding of uncontrolled
+sway has become a habit, like other evil doers, they have, in the
+expressive language of Scripture, 'waxed worse and worse.'
+
+For eighteen hundred years an involuntary shudder has run over the
+human race, at the mention of the name of Nero; yet, at the
+commencement of his reign, he burst into tears when called upon to
+sign the death-warrant of a criminal, and exclaimed, 'Oh, that I had
+never learned to write!' His mildness and magnanimity won the
+affections of his subjects; and it was not till the poison of absolute
+power had worked within his nature for years, that it swelled him into
+a monster.
+
+Tiberius, Claudius, and Caligula, began the exercise of their power
+with singular forbearance, and each grew into a prodigy of cruelty. So
+averse was Caligula to bloodshed, that he refused to look at a list of
+conspirators against his own life, which was handed to him; yet
+afterwards, a more cruel wretch never wielded a sceptre. In his thirst
+for slaughter, he wished all the necks in Rome _one_, that he might
+cut them off at a blow.
+
+Domitian, at the commencement of his reign, carried his abhorrence of
+cruelty to such lengths, that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen, and
+would sit whole days on the judgment-seat, reversing the unjust
+decisions of corrupt judges; yet afterwards, he surpassed even Nero in
+cruelty. The latter was content to torture and kill by proxy, and
+without being a spectator; but Domitian could not be denied the luxury
+of seeing his victims writhe, and hearing them shriek; and often with
+his own hand directed the instrument of torture, especially when some
+illustrious senator or patrician was to be killed by piece-meal.
+Commodus began with gentleness and condescension, but soon became a
+terror and a scourge, outstripping in his atrocities most of his
+predecessors. Maximin too, was just and generous when first invested
+with power, but afterwards rioted in slaughter with the relish of a
+fiend. History has well said of this monarch, 'the change in his
+disposition may readily serve to show how dangerous a thing is power,
+that could transform a person of such rigid virtues into such a
+monster.'
+
+Instances almost innumerable might be furnished in the history of
+every age, illustrating the blunting of sympathies, and the total
+transformation of character wrought in individuals by the exercise of
+arbitrary power. Not to detain the reader with long details, let a
+single instance suffice.
+
+Perhaps no man has lived in modern times, whose name excites such
+horror as that of Robespierre. Yet it is notorious that he was
+naturally of a benevolent disposition, and tender sympathies.
+
+"Before the revolution, when as a judge in his native city of Arras he
+had to pronounce judgment on an assassin, he took no food for two days
+afterwards, but was heard frequently exclaiming, 'I am sure he was
+guilty; he is a villain; but yet, to put a human being to death!!' He
+could not support the idea; and that the same necessity might not
+recur, he relinquished his judicial office.--(See Laponneray's Life of
+Robespierre, p. 8.) Afterwards, in the Convention of 1791, he urged
+strongly the abolition of the punishment of death; and yet, for
+sixteen months, in 1793 and 1794, till he perished himself by the same
+guillotine which he had so mercilessly used on others, no one at Paris
+consigned and caused so many fellow-creatures to be put to death by
+it, with more ruthless insensibility."--_Turner's Sacred history of
+the World_, vol. 2 p. 119.
+
+But it is time we had done with the objection, "such cruelties are
+INCREDIBLE." If the objector still reiterates it, he shall have the
+last word without farther molestation.
+
+An objection kindred to the preceding now claims notice. It is the
+profound induction that slaves _must_ be well treated because
+_slaveholders say they are!_
+
+
+
+OBJECTION. II.--'SLAVEHOLDERS PROTEST THAT THEY TREAT THEIR SLAVES
+WELL.'
+
+Self-justification is human nature; self-condemnation is a sublime
+triumph over it, and as rare as sublime. What culprits would be
+convicted, if their own testimony were taken by juries as good
+evidence? Slaveholders are on trial, charged with cruel treatment to
+their slaves, and though in their own courts they can clear themselves
+_by their own oaths_,[21] they need not think to do it at the bar of
+the world. The denial of crimes, by men accused of them, goes for
+nothing as evidence in all _civilized_ courts; while the voluntary
+confession of them, is the best evidence possible, as it is testimony
+_against themselves_, and in the face of the strongest motives to
+conceal the truth. On the preceding pages, are hundreds of just such
+testimonies; the voluntary and explicit testimony of slaveholders
+against themselves, their families and ancestors, their constituents
+and their rulers; against their characters and their memories; against
+their justice, their honesty, their honor and their benevolence. Now
+let candor decide between those two classes of slaveholders, which is
+most entitled to credit; that which testifies in its own favor, just
+as self-love would dictate, or that which testifies against all
+selfish motives and in spite of them; and though it has nothing to
+gain, but every thing to lose by such testimony, still utters it.
+
+But if there were no counter testimony, if all slaveholders were
+unanimous in the declaration that the treatment of the slaves is
+_good_, such a declaration would not be entitled to a feather's weight
+as testimony; it is not _testimony_ but _opinion_. Testimony respects
+matters of _fact_, not matters of opinion: it is the declaration of a
+witness as to _facts_, not the giving of an opinion as to the nature
+or qualities of actions, or the _character_ of a course of conduct.
+Slaveholders organize themselves into a tribunal to adjudicate upon
+their own conduct, and give us in their decisions, their estimate of
+their own character; informing us with characteristic modesty, that
+they have a high opinion of themselves; that in their own judgment
+they are very mild, kind, and merciful gentlemen! In these conceptions
+of their own merits, and of the eminent propriety of their bearing
+towards their slaves, slaveholders remind us of the Spaniard, who
+always took off his hat whenever he spoke of himself, and of the
+Governor of Schiraz, who, from a sense of justice to his own character
+added to his other titles, those of, 'Flower of Courtesy,' 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' and 'Rose of Delight.'
+
+[Footnote 21: The law of which the following is an extract, exists in
+South Carolina. "If any slave shall suffer in life, limb or member,
+when no white person shall be present, or being present, shall refuse
+to give evidence, the owner or other person, who shall have the care
+of such slave, and in whose power such slave shall be, shall be deemed
+guilty of such offence, _unless_ such owner or other person shall make
+the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall BY HIS
+OWN OATH CLEAR AND EXCULPATE HIMSELF. Which oath every court where
+such offence shall be tried, is hereby compared to administer, and to
+_acquit the offender_, if clear proof of the offence be not made by
+_two_ witnesses at least."--2 Brevard's Digest, 242. The state of
+Louisiana has a similar law.]
+
+
+The _sincerity_ of those worthies, no one calls in question; their
+real notions of their own merits doubtless ascended into the sublime:
+but for aught that appears, they had not the arrogance to demand that
+their own notions of their personal excellence, should be taken as the
+_proof_ of it. Not so with our slaveholders. Not content with offering
+incense at the shrine of their own virtues, they have the effrontery
+to demand, that the rest of the world shall offer it, because _they_
+do; and shall implicitly believe the presiding divinity to be a good
+Spirit rather than a Devil, because _they_ call him so! In other
+words, since slaveholders profoundly appreciate their own gentle
+dispositions toward their slaves, and their kind treatment of them,
+and everywhere protest that they do truly show forth these rare
+excellencies, they demand that the rest of the world shall not only
+believe that they _think_ so, but that they think _rightly_; that
+these notions of themselves are _true_, that their taking off their
+hats to themselves proves them worthy of homage, and that their
+assumption of the titles of, 'Flower of Kindness,' and 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' is conclusive evidence that they deserve such
+appellations!
+
+Was there ever a more ridiculous doctrine, than that a man's opinion
+of his own actions is the true standard for measuring them, and the
+certificate of their real qualities!--that his own estimate of his
+treatment of others; is to be taken as the true one, and such
+treatment be set down as _good_ treatment upon the strength of his
+judgment. He who argues the good treatment of the slave, from the
+slaveholder's _good opinion_ of such treatment, not only argues
+against human nature and all history, his own common sense, and even
+the testimony of his senses, but refutes his own arguments by his
+daily practice. Every body acts on the presumption that men's feelings
+will vary with their _practices_; that the light in which they view
+individuals and classes, and their feelings towards them, will modify
+their opinions of the treatment which they receive. In any case of
+treatment that affects himself, his church, or his political party, no
+man so stultifies himself as to argue that such treatment must be
+good, because the _author_ of it thinks so.
+
+Who would argue that the American Colonies were well treated by the
+mother country, because parliament thought so? Or that Poland was well
+treated by Russia, because Nicholas thought so? Or that the treatment
+of the Cherokees by Georgia is proved good by Georgia notions of it?
+Or that of the Greeks by the Turks, by Turkish opinions of it? Or that
+of the Jews by almost all nations, by the judgment of their
+persecutors? Or that of the victims of the Inquisition, by the
+opinions of the Inquisitor general, or of the Pope and his cardinals?
+Or that of the Quakers and Baptists, at the hands of the Puritans,--to
+be judged of by the opinions of the legislatures that authorized, and
+the courts that carried it into effect. All those classes of persons
+did not, in their own opinion, abuse their victims. If charged with
+perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon them, all those oppressors would
+have repelled the charge with indignation.
+
+Our slaveholders chime lustily the same song, and no man with human
+nature within him, and human history before him, and with sense enough
+to keep him out of the fire, will be gulled by such professions,
+unless his itch to be humbugged has put on the type of a downright
+chronic incurable. We repeat it--when men speak of the treatment of
+others as being either good or bad, their declarations are not
+generally to be taken as testimony to matters of _fact_, so much as
+expressions of _their own feelings_ towards those persons or classes
+who are the subjects of such treatment. If those persons are their
+fellow citizens; if they are in the same class of society with
+themselves; of the same language, creed, and color; similar in their
+habits, pursuits, and sympathies; they will keenly feel any wrong done
+to them, and denounce it as base, outrageous treatment; but let the
+same wrongs be done to persons of a condition in all respects the
+reverse, persons whom they habitually despise, and regard only in the
+light of mere conveniences, to be used for their pleasure, and the
+idea that such treatment is barbarous will be laughed at as
+ridiculous. When we hear slaveholders say that their slaves are _well
+treated_, we have only to remember that they are not speaking of
+_persons_, but of _property_; not of men and women, but of _chattels_
+and _things_; not of friends but of _vassals_ and _victims_; not of
+those whom they respect and honor, but of those whom they _scorn_ and
+trample on; not of those with whom they sympathize, and co-operate,
+and interchange courtesies, but of those whom they regard with
+contempt and aversion and disdainfully set with the dogs of their
+flock. Reader, keep this fact in your mind, and you will have a clue
+to the slaveholder's definition of "_good treatment_." Remember also,
+that a part of this "good treatment" of which the slaveholders boast,
+is plundering the slaves of all their inalienable rights, of the
+ownership of their own bodies, of the use of their own limbs and
+muscles, of all their time, liberty, and earnings, of the free
+exercise of choice, of the rights of marriage and parental authority,
+of legal protection, of the right to be, to do, to go, to stay, to
+think, to feel, to work, to rest, to eat, to sleep, to learn, to
+teach, to earn money, and to expend it, to visit, and to be visited,
+to speak, to be silent, to worship according to conscience, in fine,
+their right to be protected by just and equal laws, and to be
+_amenable to such only_. Of _all these rights the slaves are
+plundered_; and this is a _part_ of that "good treatment" of which
+their plunderers boast! What then is the _rest_ of it? The above is
+enough for a sample, at least a specimen-brick from the kiln. Reader,
+we ask you no questions, but merely tell you what _you know_, when we
+say that men and women who can habitually do such things to human
+beings, _can do_ ANY THING _to them_.
+
+The declarations of slaveholders, that they treat their slaves well,
+will put no man in a quandary, who keeps in mind this simple
+principle, that the state of mind towards others, which leads one to
+inflict cruelties on them _blinds the inflicter to the real nature of
+his own acts_. To him, they do not _seem_ to be cruelties;
+consequently, when speaking of such treatment toward such persons, he
+will protest that it is not cruelty; though if inflicted upon himself
+or his friends, he would indignantly stigmatize it as atrocious
+barbarity. The objector equally overlooks another every-day fact of
+human nature, which is this, that cruelties invariably cease to _seem_
+cruelties when the _habit_ is formed though previously the mind
+regarded them as such, and shrunk from them with horror.
+
+The following fact, related by the late lamented THOMAS PRINGLE, whose
+Life and Poems have published in England, is an appropriate
+illustration. Mr. Pringle states it on the authority of Captain W. F.
+Owen, of the Royal Navy.
+
+"When his Majesty's ships, the Leven and the Barracouta, employed in
+surveying the coast of Africa, were at Mozambique, in 1823, the
+officers were introduced to the family of Senor Manuel Pedro
+d'Almeydra, a native of Portugal, who was a considerable merchant
+settled on that coast; and it was an opinion agreed in by all, that
+Donna Sophia d'Almeydra was the most superior woman they had seen
+since they left England, Captain Owen, the leader of the expedition,
+expressing to Senor d'Almeydra his detestation of slavery, the Senor
+replied, 'You will not be long here before you change your sentiments.
+Look at my Sophia there. Before she would marry me, she made me
+promise that I should give up the slave trade. When we first settled
+at Mozambique, she was continually interceding for the slaves, and she
+_constantly wept when I punished them_; and now she is among the
+slaves front morning to night; she regulates the whole of my slave
+establishment; she inquires into every offence committed by them,
+pronounces sentence upon the offender, and _stands by and sees them
+punished_.'
+
+"To this, Mr. Pringle, who was himself for six years a resident of the
+English settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, adds, 'The writer of this
+article has seen, in the course of five or six years, as great a
+change upon English ladies and gentleman of respectability, as that
+described to have taken place in Donna Sophia d'Almeydra; and one of
+the individuals whom he has in his eye, while he writes this passage,
+lately confessed to him this melancholy change, remarking at the same
+time, 'how altered I am in my feelings with regard to slavery. I do
+not appear to myself the same person I was on my arrival in this
+colony, and if I would give the world for the feelings I then had, I
+could not recall them.'"
+
+
+Slaveholders know full well that familiarity with slavery produces
+indifference to its cruelties and reconciles the mind to them. The
+late Judge Tucker, a Virginia slaveholder and professor of law in the
+University of William and Mary, in the appendix to his edition of
+Blackstone's Commentaries, part 2, pp. 56, 57, commenting on the law
+of Virginia previous to 1792, which outlawed fugitive slaves, says:
+
+"Such are the cruelties to which slavery gives rise, such the horrors
+to which the mind becomes _reconciled_ by its adoption."
+
+
+The following facts from the pen of CHARLES STUART, happily illustrate
+the same principle:
+
+"A young lady, the daughter of a Jamaica planter, was sent at an early
+age to school to England, and after completing her education, returned
+to her native country.
+
+"She is now settled with her husband and family in England. I visited
+her near Bath, early last spring, (1834.) Conversing on the above
+subject, the paralyzing effects of slaveholding on the heart, she
+said:
+
+"'While at school in England, I often thought with peculiar tenderness
+of the kindness of a slave who had nursed and carried me about. Upon
+returning to my father's, one of my first inquiries was about him. I
+was deeply afflicted to find that he was on the point of undergoing a
+"law flogging for having run away." I threw myself at my father's feet
+and implored with tears, his pardon; but my father steadily replied,
+that it would ruin the discipline of the plantation, and that the
+punishment must take place. I wept in vain, and retired so grieved and
+disgusted, that for some days after, I could scarcely bear with
+patience, the sight of my own father. But many months had not elapsed
+ere _I was as ready as any body_ to seize the domestic whip, _and flog
+my slaves without hesitation_.'
+
+"This lady is one of the most Christian and noble minds of my
+acquaintance. She and her husband distinguished themselves several
+years ago, in Jamaica, by immediately emancipating their slaves."
+
+"A lady, now in the West Indies, was sent in her infancy, to her
+friends, near Belfast, in Ireland, for education. She remained under
+their charge from five to fifteen years of age, and grew up every
+thing which her friends could wish. At fifteen, she returned to the
+West Indies--was married--and after some years paid her friends near
+Belfast, a second visit. Towards white people, she was the same
+elegant, and interesting woman as before; apparently full of every
+virtuous and tender feeling; but towards the colored people she was
+like a tigress. If Wilberforce's name was mentioned, she would say,
+'Oh, I wish we had the wretch in the West Indies, I would be one of
+the first to help to tear his heart out!'--and then she would tell of
+the manner in which the West Indian ladies used to treat their slaves.
+'I have often,' she said, 'when my women have displeased me, snatched
+their baby from their bosom, and running with it to a well, have tied
+my shawl round its shoulders and pretended to be drowning it: oh, it
+was so funny to hear the mother's screams!'--and then she laughed
+almost convulsively at the recollection."
+
+
+Mr. JOHN M. NELSON, a native of Virginia, whose testimony is on a
+preceding page, furnishes a striking illustration of the principle in
+his own case. He says:
+
+"When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to see
+one tied up to be whipped, and I used to intercede _with tears in
+their behalf_, and _mingle my cries with theirs_, and feel almost
+willing to take part of the punishment. Yet such is the hardening
+nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the
+suffering slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness
+their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that
+without remorse. When I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age,
+I undertook to correct a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed
+offence, I think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he
+being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held
+me, in order to prevent my striking him; this I considered the height
+of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came
+running to my rescue. My father stripped and tied him, and took him
+into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip
+him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. After I had
+whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and
+I kicked him in the face; my father said, 'don't kick him but whip
+him,' this I did until his back was literally covered with _welts_."
+
+
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, now elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkes-barre, Penn. after describing the flogging
+of a slave, in which his hands were tied together, and the slave
+hoisted by a rope, so that his feet could not touch the ground; in
+which condition one hundred lashes were inflicted, says:
+
+"I stood by and witnessed the whole without feeling the least
+compassion; so _hardening_ is the influence of slavery that it _very
+much destroys feeling for the slave_."
+
+
+Mrs. CHILD, in her admirable "Appeal," has the following remarks:
+
+"The ladies who remove from the free States into the slaveholding ones
+almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first
+exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and
+after a while, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the
+ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive
+servants. This reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance,
+who is considered an unusually fervent Christian. Yet Christianity
+expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. This shows how
+dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to
+what is wrong.
+
+"A judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of
+her relatives, who married a slave owner, and removed to his
+plantation. The lady in question was considered very amiable, and had
+a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. After several years
+residence among her slaves, she visited New England. 'Her history was
+written in her face,' said my friend; 'its expression had changed into
+that of a fiend. She brought but few slaves with her; and those few
+were of course compelled to perform additional labor. One faithful
+negro woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing,
+ironing, and scouring. If, after a sleepless night with the restless
+babes, (driven from the bosom of their mother,) she performed her
+toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her
+own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood
+resounded with the cries of her victim. The instrument of punishment
+was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her
+New England visitors. 'For my part,' continued my friend, 'I did not
+try to be polite to her; for I was not hypocrite enough to conceal my
+indignation.'"
+
+The fact that the greatest cruelties may be exercised quite
+unconsciously when cruelty has become a habit, and that at the same
+time, the mind may feel great sympathy and commiseration towards other
+persons and even towards irrational animals, is illustrated in the
+case of Tameriane the Great. In his Life, written by himself, he
+speaks with the greatest sincerity and tenderness of his grief at
+having accidentally crushed an ant; and yet he ordered melted lead to
+be poured down the throats of certain persons who drank wine contrary
+to his commands. He was manifestly sincere in thinking himself humane,
+and when speaking of the most atrocious cruelties perpetrated by
+himself, it does not seem to ruffle in the least the self-complacency
+with which he regards his own humanity and piety. In one place he
+says, "I never undertook anything but I commenced it placing my faith
+on God"--and he adds soon after, "the people of Shiraz took part with
+Shah Mansur, and put my governor to death; I therefore ordered _a
+general massacre of all the inhabitants_."
+
+It is one of the most common caprices of human nature, for the heart
+to become by habit, not only totally insensible to certain forms of
+cruelty, which at first gave it inexpressible pain, but even to find
+its chief amusement in such cruelties, till utterly intoxicated by
+their stimulation; while at the same time the mind seems to be pained
+as keenly as ever, at forms of cruelty to which it has not become
+accustomed, thus retaining _apparently_ the same general
+susceptibilities. Illustrations of this are to be found every where;
+one happens to lie before us. Bourgoing, in his history of modern
+Spain, speaking of the bull fights, the barbarous national amusement
+of the Spaniards, says:
+
+"Young ladies, old men, people of all ages and of all characters are
+present, and yet the habit of attending these bloody festivals does
+not correct their weakness or their timidity, nor injure the sweetness
+of their manners. I have moreover known foreigners, distinguished by
+the gentleness of their manners, who experienced at first seeing a
+bull-fight such very violent emotions as made them turn pale, and they
+became ill; but, notwithstanding, this entertainment became afterwards
+an irresistible attraction, without operating any revolution in their
+characters." Modern State of Spain, by J. F. Bourgoing, Minister
+Plenipotentiary from France to the Court of Madrid, Vol ii., page 342.
+
+It is the _novelty_ of cruelty, rather than the _degree_, which repels
+most minds. Cruelty in a _new_ form, however slight, will often pain a
+mind that is totally unmoved by the most horrible cruelties in a form
+to which it is _accustomed_. When Pompey was at the zenith of his
+popularity in Rome, he ordered some elephants to be tortured in the
+amphitheatre for the amusement of the populace; this was the first
+time they had witnessed the torture of those animals, and though for
+years accustomed to witness in the same place, the torture of lions,
+tigers, leopards, and almost all sorts of wild beasts, as well as that
+of men of all nations, and to shout acclamations over their agonies,
+yet, this _novel form_ of cruelty so shocked the beholders, that the
+most popular man in Rome was execrated as a cruel monster, and came
+near falling a victim to the fury of those who just before were ready
+to adore him.
+
+We will now briefly notice another objection, somewhat akin to the
+preceding, and based mainly upon the same and similar fallacies.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION III.--'SLAVEHOLDERS ARE PROVERBIAL FOR THEIR KINDNESS,
+HOSPITALITY, BENEVOLENCE, AND GENEROSITY.'
+
+Multitudes scout as fictions the cruelties inflicted upon slaves,
+because slaveholders are famed for their courtesy and hospitality.
+They tell us that their generous and kind attentions to their guests,
+and their well-known sympathy for the suffering, sufficiently prove
+the charges of cruelty brought against them to be calumnies, of which
+their uniform character is a triumphant refutation.
+
+Now that slaveholders are proverbially hospitable to their guests, and
+spare neither pains nor expense in ministering to their accommodation
+and pleasure, is freely admitted and easily accounted for. That those
+who make their inferiors work for them, without pay, should be
+courteous and hospitable to those of their equals and superiors whose
+good opinions they desire, is human nature in its every-day dress. The
+objection consists of a fact and an inference: the fact, that
+slaveholders have a special care to the accommodation of their
+_guests;_ the inference, that therefore they must seek the comfort of
+their _slaves_--that as they are bland and obliging to their equals,
+they must be mild and condescending to their inferiors--that as the
+wrongs of their own grade excite their indignation, and their woes
+move their sympathies, they must be touched by those of their
+chattels--that as they are full of pains-taking toward those whose
+good opinions and good offices they seek, they will, of course, show
+special attention to those to whose good opinions they are
+indifferent, and whose good offices they can _compel_--that as they
+honor the literary and scientific, they must treat with high
+consideration those to whom they deny the alphabet--that as they are
+courteous to certain _persons_, they must be so to "property"--eager
+to anticipate the wishes of visitors, they cannot but gratify those of
+their vassals--jealous for the rights of the Texans, quick to feel at
+the disfranchisement of Canadians and of Irishmen, alive to the
+oppressions of the Greeks and the Poles, they must feel keenly for
+their _negroes!_ Such conclusions from such premises do not call for
+serious refutation. Even a half-grown boy, who should argue, that
+because men have certain feelings toward certain persons in certain
+circumstances, they must have the same feelings toward all persons in
+all circumstances, or toward persons in opposite circumstances, of
+totally different grades, habits, and personal peculiarities, might
+fairly be set down as a hopeless simpleton: and yet, men of sense and
+reflection on other subjects, seem bent upon stultifying themselves by
+just such shallow inferences from the fact, that slaveholders are
+hospitable and generous to certain persons in certain grades of
+society belonging to their own caste. On the ground of this reasoning,
+all the crimes ever committed may be disproved, by showing, that their
+perpetrators were hospitable and generous to those who sympathized and
+co-operated with them. To prove that a man does not hate one of his
+neighbors, it is only necessary to show that he loves another; to make
+it appear that he does not treat contemptuously the ignorant, he has
+only to show that he bows respectfully to the learned; to demonstrate
+that he does not disdain his inferiors, lord it over his dependents,
+and grind the faces of the poor, he need only show that he is polite
+to the rich, pays deference to titles and office, and fawns for favor
+upon those above him! The fact that a man always smiles on his
+customers, proves that he never scowls at those who dun him! and since
+he has always a melodious "good morning!" for "gentlemen of property
+and standing," it is certain that he never snarls at beggars. He who
+is quick to make room for a doctor of divinity, will, of course, see
+to it that he never runs against a porter; and he who clears the way
+for a lady, will be sure never to rub against a market woman, or
+jostle an apple-seller's board. If accused of beating down his
+laundress to the lowest fraction, of making his boot-black call a
+dozen times for his pay, of higgling and screwing a fish boy till he
+takes off two cents, or of threatening to discharge his seamstress
+unless she will work for a shilling a day, how easy to brand it all as
+slander, by showing that he pays his minister in advance, is generous
+in Christmas presents, gives a splendid new-year's party, expends
+hundreds on elections, and puts his name with a round sum on the
+subscription paper of the missionary society.
+
+Who can forget the hospitality of King Herod, that model of generosity
+"beyond all ancient fame," who offered half his kingdom to a guest, as
+a compensation for an hour's amusement.--Could such a noble spirit
+have murdered John the Baptist? Incredible! Joab too! how his soft
+heart was pierced at the exile of Absalom! and how his bowels yearned
+to restore him to his home! Of course, it is all fiction about his
+assassinating his nephew, Amasa, and Abner the captain of the host!
+Since David twice spared the life of Saul when he came to murder him,
+wept on the neck of Jonathan, threw himself upon the ground in anguish
+when his child sickened, and bewailed, with a broken heart, the loss
+of Absalom--it proves that he did not coolly plot and deliberately
+consummate the murder of Uriah! As the Government of the United States
+generously gave a township of land to General La Fayette, it proves
+that they have never defrauded the Indians of theirs! So the fact,
+that the slaveholders of the present Congress are, to a man, favorable
+to recognizing the independence of Texas, with her fifty or sixty
+thousand inhabitants, _before she has achieved it_, and before it is
+recognized by any other government, proves that these same
+slaveholders do _not oppose_ the recognition of Hayti, with her
+million of inhabitants, whose independence was achieved nearly half a
+century ago, and which is recognized by the most powerful governments
+on earth!
+
+But, seriously, no man is so slightly versed in human nature as not to
+know that men habitually exercise the most opposite feelings, and
+indulge in the most opposite practices toward different persons or
+different classes of persons around them. No man has ever lived who
+was more celebrated for his scrupulous observance of the most exact
+justice, and for the illustration furnished in his life of the noblest
+natural virtues, than the Roman Cato. His strict adherence to the
+nicest rules of equity--his integrity, honor, and incorruptible
+faith--his jealous watchfulness over the rights of his fellow
+citizens, and his generous devotion to their interest, procured for
+him the sublime appellation of "The Just." Towards _freemen_ his life
+was a model of every thing just and noble: but to his slaves he was a
+monster. At his meals, when the dishes were not done to his liking, or
+when his slaves were careless or inattentive in serving, he would
+seize a thong and violently beat them, in presence of his
+guests.--When they grew old or diseased, and were no longer
+serviceable, however long and faithfully they might have served him,
+he either turned them adrift and left them to perish, or starved them
+to death in his own family. No facts in his history are better
+authenticated than these.
+
+No people were ever more hospitable and munificent than the Romans,
+and none more touched with the sufferings of others. Their public
+theatres often rung with loud weeping, thousands sobbing convulsively
+at once over fictitious woes and imaginary sufferers: and yet these
+same multitudes would shout amidst the groans of a thousand dying
+gladiators, forced by their conquerors to kill each other in the
+amphitheatre for the _amusement_ of the public.[22]
+
+[Footnote 22: Dr. Leland, in his "Necessity of a Divine Revelation,"
+thus describes the prevalence of these shows among the Romans:--"They
+were exhibited at the funerals of great and rich men, and on many
+other occasions, by the Roman consuls, praetors, aediles, senators,
+knights, priests, and almost all that bore great offices in the state,
+as well as by the emperors; and in general, by all that had a mind to
+make an interest with the people, who were extravagantly fond of those
+kinds of shows. Not only the men, but the women, ran eagerly after
+them; who were, by the prevalence of custom, so far divested of that
+compassion and softness which is natural to the sex, that they took a
+pleasure in seeing them kill one another, and only desired that they
+should fall genteelly, and in an agreeable attitude. Such was the
+frequency of those shows, and so great the number of men that were
+killed on those occasions, that Lipsius says, no war caused such
+slaughter of mankind, as did these sports of pleasure, throughout the
+several provinces of the vast Roman empire."--_Leland's Neces. of Div.
+Rev._ vol. ii. p. 51.]
+
+
+Alexander, the tyrant of Phaeres, sobbed like a child over the
+misfortunes of the Trojan queens, when the tragedy of Andromache and
+Hecuba was played before him; yet he used to murder his subjects every
+day for no crime, and without even setting up the pretence of any, but
+merely _to make himself sport_.
+
+
+The fact that slaveholders may be full of benevolence and kindness
+toward their equals and toward whites generally, even so much so as to
+attract the esteem and admiration of all, while they treat with the
+most inhuman neglect their own slaves, is well illustrated by a
+circumstance mentioned by the Rev. Dr. CHANNING, of Boston, (who once
+lived in Virginia,) is his work on slavery, p. 162, 1st edition:--
+
+"I cannot," says the doctor, "forget my feelings on visiting a
+hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed
+for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much
+_benevolence_ and _conscientiousness_. When I entered with him the
+hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman very
+ill, probably approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her
+head rested on something like a pillow, but her body and limbs were
+extended on the hard boards. The owner, I doubt not, had, at least, as
+much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living
+without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present
+instance did not enter his mind."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y. who resided some years in Virginia, says:--
+
+"On one occasion I was crossing the plantation and approaching the
+house of a friend, when I met him, _rifle in hand_, in pursuit of one
+of his negroes, declaring he would shoot him in a moment if he got his
+eye upon him. It appeared that the slave had refused to be flogged,
+and ran off to avoid the consequences; _and yet the generous
+hospitality of this man to myself, and white friends generally,
+scarcely knew any bounds._
+
+"There were amongst my slaveholding friends and acquaintances, persons
+who were as _humane_ and _conscientious_ as men can be, and persist in
+the impious claim of _property_ in a fellow being. Still I can
+recollect but _one instance_ of corporal punishment, whether the
+subject were male or female, in which the infliction was not on the
+_bare back_ with the _raw hide_, or a similar instrument, the subject
+being _tied_ during the operation to a post or tree. The _exception_
+was under the following circumstances. I had taken a walk with a
+friend on his plantation, and approaching his gang of slaves, I sat
+down whilst he proceeded to the spot where they were at work; and
+addressing himself somewhat earnestly to a female who was wielding the
+hoe, in a moment caught up what I supposed a _tobacco stick_, (a stick
+some three feet in length on which the tobacco, when out, is suspended
+to dry.) about the size of a _man's wrist_, and laid on a number of
+blows furiously over her head. The woman crouched, and seemed stunned
+with the blows, but presently recommenced the motion of her hoe."
+
+
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, a native of Tennessee, and late president of Marion
+College, Missouri, in a lecture at Northampton, Mass. in January,
+1839, made the following statement:--
+
+"I remember a young lady who played well on the piano, and was very
+ready to weep over any fictitious tale of suffering. I was present
+when one of her slaves lay on the floor in a high fever, and we feared
+she might not recover. I saw that young lady _stamp upon her with her
+feet;_ and the only remark her mother made was, 'I am afraid Evelina
+is too _much_ prejudiced against poor Mary.'"
+
+
+General WILLIAM EATON, for some years U.S. Consul at Tunis, and
+commander of the expedition against Tripoli, in 1895, thus gives vent
+to his feelings at the sight of many hundreds of Sardinians who had
+been enslaved by the Tunisians:
+
+"Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less
+tolerable than death. Alas! remorse seizes my whole soul when I
+reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which
+_my eyes have seen_ in my own native country. _How frequently_, in the
+southern states of my own country, have I seen _weeping mothers_
+leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as _deep anguish_ as if
+they led them to the slaughter; and _yet felt my bosom tranquil_ in
+the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. But when I see
+the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood
+claim kindred with my own, _I curse the perpetrators, and weep over
+the wretched victims of their rapacity._ Indeed, truth and justice
+demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the
+barbarians of Africa are treated with more humanity than the African
+slaves among professing Christians of civilized America; and yet
+_here_ [in Tunis] sensibility _bleeds at every pore_ for the wretches
+whom fate has doomed to slavery."
+
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the free Presbyterian Church, Buffalo,
+N.Y. who spent the winter of 1832-3 at the south, says:--
+
+"In the interior of Mississippi I was invited to the house of a
+planter, where I was received with great cordiality, and entertained
+with marked hospitality.
+
+"There I saw a master in the midst of his household slaves. The
+evening passed most pleasantly, as indeed it must, where assiduous
+hospitalities are exercised towards the guest.
+
+"Late in the morning, when I had gained the tardy consent of my host
+to go on my way, as a final act of kindness, he called a slave to show
+me across the fields by a nearer route to the main road. 'David,' said
+he, 'go and show this gentleman as far as the post-office. Do you know
+the big bay tree?' 'Yes, sir.' 'Do you know where the cotton mill is?'
+'Yes, sir.' 'Where Squire Malcolm's old field is?' 'Y--e--s, sir,'
+said David, (beginning to be bewildered). 'Do you know where Squire
+Malcolm's cotton field is?' 'No, sir.' 'No, sir,' said the enraged
+master, _levelling his gun at him_. 'What do you stand here, saying,
+Yes, yes, yes, for, when you don't know?' All this was accompanied
+with _threats_ and _imprecations_, and a manner that contrasted
+strangely with the _religious conversation and gentle manners_ of the
+previous evening."
+
+
+The Rev. JAMES H. DICKEY, formerly a slaveholder in South Carolina,
+now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Hennepin, Ill. in his "Review
+of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities," after asserting that slaveholding
+tends to beget "a spirit of cruelty and tyranny, and to destroy every
+generous and noble feeling," (page 33,) he adds the following as a
+note:--
+
+"It may be that this will be considered censorious, and the proverbial
+generosity and hospitality of the south will be appealed to as a full
+confutation of it. The writer thinks he can appreciate southern
+kindness and hospitality. Having been born in Virginia, raised and
+educated in South Carolina and Kentucky, he is altogether southern in
+his feelings, and habits, and modes of familiar conversation. He can
+say of the south as Cowper said of England, 'With all thy faults I
+love thee still, my country.' And nothing but the abominations of
+slavery could have induced him willingly to forsake a land endeared to
+him by all the associations of childhood and youth.
+
+"Yet it is candid to admit that it is not all gold that glitters.
+There is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. The famous Robin Hood
+was kind and generous--no man more hospitable--he robbed the rich to
+supply the necessities of the poor. Others rob the poor to bestow
+gifts and lavish kindness and hospitality on their rich friends and
+neighbors. It is an easy matter for a man to appear kind and generous,
+when he bestows that which others have earned.
+
+"I said, there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. I once knew a
+man who left his wife and children three days, without fire-wood,
+without bread-stuff and without shoes, while the ground was covered
+with snow--that he might indulge in his cups. And when I attempted to
+expostulate with him, he took the subject out of my hands, and
+expatiating on the evils of intemperance more eloquently than I could,
+concluded by warning me, _with tears_, to avoid the snares of the
+latter. He had tender feelings, yet a hard heart. I once knew a young
+lady of polished manners and accomplished education, who would weep
+with sympathy over the fictitious woes exhibited in a novel. And
+waking from her reverie of grief, while her eye was yet wet with
+tears, would call her little waiter, and if she did not appear at the
+first call, would rap her head with her thimble till my head ached.
+
+"I knew a man who was famed for kindly sympathies. He once took off
+his shirt and gave it to a poor white man. The same man hired a black
+man, and gave him for his _daily task_, through the winter, to feed
+the beasts, keep fires, and make one hundred rails: and in case of
+failure the lash was applied so freely, that, in the spring, his back
+was _one continued sore, from his shoulders to his waist_. Yet this
+man was a professor of religion, and famous for his tender sympathies
+to white men!"
+
+
+
+
+OBJECTION IV.--'NORTHERN VISITORS AT THE SOUTH TESTIFY THAT THE SLAVES
+ARE NOT CRUELLY TREATED.'
+
+
+ANSWER:--Their knowledge on this point must have been derived, either
+from the slaveholders and overseers themselves, or from the slaves, or
+from their own observation. If from the slaveholders, _their_
+testimony has already been weighed and found wanting; if they derived
+it from the slaves, they can hardly be so simple as to suppose that
+the _guest, associate and friend of the master_, would be likely to
+draw from his _slaves_ any other testimony respecting his treatment of
+them, than such as would please _him_. The great shrewdness and tact
+exhibited by slaves in _keeping themselves out of difficulty_, when
+close questioned by strangers as to their treatment, cannot fail to
+strike every accurate observer. The following remarks of CHIEF JUSTICE
+HENDERSON, a North Carolina slaveholder, in his decision (in 1830,) in
+the case of the State _versus_ Charity, 2 Devereaux's North Carolina
+Reports, 513, illustrate the folly of arguing the good treatment of
+slaves from their own declarations, _while in the power of their
+masters_. In the case above cited, the Chief Justice, in refusing to
+permit a master to give in evidence, declarations made to him by his
+slave, says of masters and slaves generally--
+
+"The master has an almost _absolute control_ over the body and _mind_
+of his slave. The master's _will_ is the slave's _will_. All his acts,
+_all his sayings_, are made with a view to propitiate his master. His
+confessions are made, not from a love of truth, not from a sense of
+duty, not to speak a falsehood, but to _please his master_--and it is
+in vain that his master tells him to speak the truth and conceals from
+him how he wishes the question answered. The slave _will_ ascertain,
+or, which is the same thing, think that he has ascertained _the wishes
+of his master,_ and MOULD HIS ANSWER ACCORDINGLY. We therefore more
+often get the wishes of the master, or the slave's belief of his
+wishes, than the truth."
+
+
+The following extract of a letter from the Hon. SETH M. GATES, member
+elect of the next Congress, furnishes a clue by which to interpret the
+looks, actions, and protestations of slaves, when in the presence of
+their masters' guests, and the pains sometimes taken by slaveholders,
+in teaching their slaves the art of _pretending_ that they are treated
+well, love their masters, are happy, &c. The letter is dated Leroy,
+Jan. 4, 1839.
+
+"I have sent your letter to Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Castile, Genesee
+county, who resided five years in a slave state, and left, disgusted
+with slavery. I trust he will give you some facts. I remember one
+fact, which his wife witnessed. A relative, where she boarded,
+returning to his plantation after a temporary absence, was not met by
+his servants with such demonstrations of joy as was their wont. He
+ordered his horse put out, took down his whip, ordered his servants to
+the barn, and gave them a most cruel beating, because they did not run
+out to meet him, and pretend great attachment to him. Mrs. Sadd had
+overheard the servants agreeing not to go out, before his return, as
+they said _they did not love him_--and this led her to watch his
+conduct to them. This man was a professor of religion!"
+
+If these northern visitors derived their information that the slaves
+are _not_ cruelly treated from _their own observation_, it amounts to
+this, _they did not see_ cruelties inflicted on the slaves. To which
+we reply, that the preceding pages contain testimony from hundreds of
+witnesses, who testify that they _did see_ the cruelties whereof they
+affirm. Besides this, they contain the solemn declarations of scores
+of slaveholders themselves, in all parts of the slave states, that the
+slaves are cruelly treated. These declarations are moreover fully
+corroborated, by the laws of slave states, by a multitude of
+advertisements in their newspapers, describing runaway slaves, by
+their scars, brands, gashes, maimings, cropped ears, iron collars,
+chains, &c. &c.
+
+Truly, after the foregoing array of facts and testimony, and after the
+objectors' forces have one after another filed off before them, now to
+march up a phalanx of northern _visitors_, is to beat a retreat.
+'Visitors!' What insight do casual visitors get into the tempers and
+daily practices of those whom they visit, or of the treatment that
+their slaves receive at their hands, especially if these visitors are
+strangers, and from a region where there are no slaves, and which
+claims to be opposed to slavery? What opportunity has a stranger, and
+a temporary guest, to learn the every-day habits and caprices of his
+host? Oh, these northern visitors tell us they have visited scores of
+families at the south and never saw a master or mistress whip their
+slaves. Indeed! They have, doubtless, visited hundreds of families at
+the north--did they ever see, on such occasions, the father or mother
+whip their children? If so, they must associate with very ill-bred
+persons. Because well-bred parents do not whip their children in the
+presence, or within the hearing of their guests are we to infer that
+they never do it _out_ of their sight and hearing? But perhaps the
+fact that these visitors do not _remember_ seeing slaveholders strike
+their slaves, merely proves, that they had so little feeling for them,
+that though they might be struck every day in their presence, yet as
+they were only slaves and 'niggers,' it produced no effect upon them;
+consequently they have no impressions to recall. These visitors have
+also doubtless _rode_ with scores of slaveholders. Are they quite
+certain they ever saw them whip their _horses_? and can they recall
+the persons, times, places, and circumstances? But even if these
+visitors regarded the slaves with some kind feelings, when they first
+went to the south, yet being constantly with their oppressors, seeing
+them used as articles of property, accustomed to hear them charged
+with all kinds of misdemeanors, their ears filled with complaints of
+their laziness, carelessness, insolence, obstinacy, stupidity, thefts,
+elopements, &c. and at the same time, receiving themselves the most
+gratifying attentions and caresses from the same persons, who, while
+they make to them these representations of their slaves, are giving
+them airings in their coaches, making parties for them, taking them on
+excursions of pleasure, lavishing upon them their choicest
+hospitalities, and urging them to protract indefinitely their
+stay--what more natural than for the flattered guest to admire such
+hospitable people, catch their spirit, and fully sympathize with their
+feelings toward their slaves, regarding with increased disgust and
+aversion those who can habitually tease and worry such loveliness and
+generosity[23]. After the visitor had been in contact with the
+slave-holding spirit long enough to have imbibed it, (no very tedious
+process,) a cuff, or even a kick administered to a slave, would not be
+likely to give him such a shock that his memory would long retain the
+traces of it. But lest we do these visitors injustice, we will suppose
+that they carried with them to the south humane feelings for the
+slave, and that those feelings remained unblunted; still, what
+opportunity could they have to witness the actual condition of the
+slaves? They come in contact with the house-servants only, and as a
+general thing, with none but the select ones of these, the
+_parlor_-servants; who generally differ as widely in their appearance
+and treatment from the cooks and scullions in the kitchen, as parlor
+furniture does from the kitchen utensils. Certain servants are
+assigned to the parlor, just as certain articles of furniture are
+selected for it, _to be seen_--and it is no less ridiculous to infer
+that the kitchen scullions are clothed and treated like those servants
+who wait at the table, and are in the presence of guests, than to
+infer that the kitchen is set out with sofas, ottomans, piano-fortes,
+and full-length mirrors, because the parlor is. But the house-slaves
+are only a fraction of the whole number. The _field-hands_ constitute
+the great mass of the slaves, and these the visitors rarely get a
+glimpse at. They are away at their work by day-break, and do not
+return to their huts till dark. Their huts are commonly at some
+distance from the master's mansion, and the fields in which they
+labor, generally much farther, and out of sight. If the visitor
+traverses the plantation, care is taken that he does not go alone; if
+he expresses a wish to see it, the horses are saddled, and the master
+or his son gallops the rounds with him; if he expresses a desire to
+see the slaves at work, his conductor will know _where_ to take him,
+and _when_, and _which_ of them to show; the overseer, too, knows
+quite too well the part he has to act on such occasions, to shock the
+uninitiated ears of the visitors with the shrieks of his victims. It
+is manifest that visitors can see only the least repulsive parts of
+slavery, inasmuch as it is wholly at the option of the master, what
+parts to show them; as a matter of necessity, he can see only the
+_outside_--and that, like the outside of doorknobs and andirons is
+furbished up to be _looked at_. So long as it is human nature to wear
+_the best side out_, so long the northern guests of southern
+slaveholders will see next to nothing of the reality of slavery. Those
+visitors may still keep up their autumnal migrations to the slave
+states, and, after a hasty survey of the tinsel hung before the
+curtain of slavery, without a single glance behind it, and at the
+paint and varnish that _cover up_ dead men's bones, and while those
+who have hoaxed them with their smooth stories and white-washed
+specimens of slavery, are tittering at their gullibility, they return
+in the spring on the same fool's-errand with their predecessors,
+retailing their lesson, and mouthing the praises of the masters, and
+the comforts of the slaves. They now become village umpires in all
+disputes about the condition of the slaves, and each thence forward
+ends all controversies with his oracular, "I've _seen_, and sure I
+ought to know."
+
+[Footnote 23: Well saith the Scripture, "A gift blindeth the eyes." The
+slaves understand this, though the guest may not; they know very well
+that they have no sympathy to expect from their master's guests; that
+the good cheer of the "big house," and the attentions shown them, will
+generally commit them in their master's favor, and against themselves.
+Messrs. Thome and Kimball, in their late work, state the following
+fact, in illustration of this feeling among the negro apprentices in
+Jamaica.
+
+"The governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined
+with one of the wealthiest proprietors. The next day one of the
+negroes of the estate said to another, "De new gubner been
+_poison'd_." "What dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment,
+"De gubner been _poison'd_! Dah, now!--How him poisoned?" "_Him eat
+massa's turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. The other
+took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was
+turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the
+poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his
+excellency."--_Emancipation in the West Indies_, p. 334.]
+
+
+
+But all northern visitors at the south are not thus easily gulled.
+Many of them, as the preceding pages show, have too much sense to be
+caught with chaff.
+
+We may add here, that those classes of visitors whose representations
+of the treatment of slaves are most influential in moulding the
+opinions of the free states, are ministers of the gospel, agents of
+benevolent societies, and teachers who have traveled and temporarily
+resided in the slave states--classes of persons less likely than any
+others to witness cruelties, because slaveholders generally take more
+pains to keep such visitors in ignorance than others, because their
+vocations would furnish them fewer opportunities for witnessing them,
+and because they come in contact with a class of society in which
+fewer atrocities are committed than in any other, and that too, under
+circumstances which make it almost impossible for them to witness
+those which are actually committed.
+
+Of the numerous classes of persons from the north who temporarily
+reside in the slave states, the mechanics who find employment on the
+_plantations_, are the only persons who are in circumstances to look
+"behind the scenes." Merchants, pedlars, venders of patents, drovers,
+speculators, and almost all descriptions of persons who go from the
+free states to the south to make money see little of slavery, except
+_upon the road_, at public inns, and in villages and cities.
+
+Let not the reader infer from what has been said, that the
+_parlor_-slaves, chamber-maids, &c. in the slave states are not
+treated with cruelty--far from it. They often experience terrible
+inflictions; not generally so terrible or so frequent as the
+field-hands, and very rarely in the presence of guests[24]
+House-slaves are for the most part treated far better than
+plantation-slaves, and those under the immediate direction of the
+master and mistress, than those under overseers and drivers. It is
+quite worthy of remark, that of the thousands of northern men who have
+visited the south, and are always lauding the kindness of slaveholders
+and the comfort of the slaves, protesting that they have never seen
+cruelties inflicted on them, &c. each perhaps, without exception, has
+some story to tell which reveals, better perhaps than the most
+barbarous butchery could do, a public sentiment toward slaves, showing
+that the most cruel inflictions must of necessity be the constant
+portion of the slaves.
+
+[Footnote 24: Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, a Presbyterian clergyman, in
+Castile, Genesee county, N.Y. recently from Missouri, where he has
+preached five years, in the midst of slaveholders, says, in a letter
+just received, speaking of the pains taken by slaveholders to conceal
+from the eyes of strangers and visitors, the cruelties which they
+inflict upon their slaves--
+
+"It is difficult to be an eye-witness of these things; the master and
+mistress, almost invariably punish their slaves only in the presence
+of themselves and other slaves."]
+
+Though facts of this kind lie thick in every corner, the reader will,
+we are sure, tolerate even a needless illustration, if told that it is
+from the pen of N.P. Rogers, Esq. of Concord, N.H. who, whatever he
+writes, though it be, as in this case, a mere hasty letter, always
+finds readers to the end.
+
+"At a court session at Guilford, Stafford county, N.H. in August,
+1837, the Hon. Daniel M. Durell, of Dover, formerly Chief Justice
+of the Common Pleas for that state, and a member of Congress,
+was charging the abolitionists, in presence of several gentlemen
+of the bar, at their boarding house, with exaggerations and
+misrepresentations of slave treatment at the south. 'One instance
+in particular,' he witnessed, he said, where he 'knew they
+misrepresented. It was in the Congregational meeting house at Dover.
+He was passing by, and saw a crowd entering and about the door; and on
+inquiry, found that _abolition was going on in there_. He stood in the
+entry for a moment, and found the Englishman, Thompson, was holding
+forth. The fellow was speaking of the treatment of slaves; and he said
+it was no uncommon thing for masters, when exasperated with the slave,
+to hang him up by the two thumbs, and flog him. I knew the fellow lied
+there,' said the judge, 'for I had traveled through the south, from
+Georgia north, and I never saw a single instance of the kind. The
+fellow said it was a common thing.' 'Did you see any _exasperated
+masters_, Judge,' said I, 'in your journey?' 'No sir,' said he, 'not
+an individual instance.' 'You hardly are able to convict Mr. Thompson
+of falsehood, then, Judge,' said I, 'if I understood you right. He
+spoke, as I understood you, of _exasperated masters_--and you say you
+did not see any. Mr. Thompson did not say it was common for masters in
+good humor to hang up their slaves.' The Judge did not perceive the
+materiality of the distinction. 'Oh, they misrepresent and lie about
+this treatment of the niggers,' he continued. 'In going through all
+the states I visited, I do not now remember a single instance of cruel
+treatment. Indeed, I remember of seeing but one nigger struck, during
+my whole journey. There was one instance. We were riding in the stage,
+pretty early one morning, and we met a black fellow, driving a span of
+horses, and a load (I think he said) of hay. The fellow turned out
+before we got to him, clean down into the ditch, as far as he could
+get. He knew, you see, what to depend on, if he did not give the road.
+Our driver, as we passed the fellow, fetched him a smart crack with
+his whip across the chops. He did not make any noise, though I guess
+it hurt him some--he grinned.--Oh, no! these fellows exaggerate. The
+niggers, as a general thing, are kindly treated. There may be
+exceptions, but I saw nothing of it.' (By the way, the Judge did not
+know there were any abolitionists present.) 'What did you _do_ to the
+driver, Judge,' said I, 'for striking that man?' 'Do,' said he, 'I did
+nothing to him, to be sure.' 'What did you _say_ to him, sir?' said I.
+'Nothing,' he replied: 'I said nothing to him.' 'What did the other
+passengers do?' said I. 'Nothing, sir,' said the Judge. 'The fellow
+turned out the white of his eye, but he did not make any noise.' 'Did
+the driver say any thing, Judge, when he struck the man?' 'Nothing,'
+said the Judge, 'only he _damned him_, and told him he'd learn him to
+keep out of the reach of his whip.' 'Sir,' said I, 'if George Thompson
+had told this story, in the warmth of an anti-slavery speech, I should
+scarcely have credited it. I have attended many anti-slavery meetings,
+and I never heard an instance of such _cold-blooded, wanton,
+insolent_, DIABOLICAL cruelty as this; and, sir, if I live to attend
+another meeting, I shall relate this, and give Judge Durell's name as
+the witness of it.' An infliction of the most insolent character,
+entirely unprovoked, on a perfect stranger, who had showed the utmost
+civility, in giving all the road, and only could not get beyond the
+long reach of the driver's whip--and he a stage driver, a class
+_generous_ next to the sailor, in the sober hour of morning--and
+_borne in silence_--and _told to show that the colored man of the
+south was kindly treated_--all evincing, to an unutterable extent,
+that the temper of the south toward the slave is merciless, even to
+_diabolism_--and that the north regards him with, if possible, a more
+fiendish indifference still!"
+
+
+It seems but an act of simple justice to say, in conclusion, that many
+of the slaveholders from whom our northern visitors derive their
+information of the "good treatment" of the slave, may not design to
+deceive them. Such visitors are often, perhaps generally brought in
+contact with the better class of slaveholders, whose slaves are really
+better fed, clothed, lodged, and housed; more moderately worked; more
+seldom whipped, and with less severity, than the slaves generally.
+Those masters in speaking of the good condition of their slaves, and
+asserting that they are treated _well_, use terms that are not
+_absolute_ but _comparative_: and it may be, and doubtless often is
+true that their stares are treated well _as slaves_, in comparison
+with the treatment received by slaves generally. So the overseers of
+such slaves, and the slaves themselves, may, without lying or
+designing to mislead, honestly give the same testimony. As the great
+body of slaves within their knowledge _fare worse_, it is not strange
+that, when speaking of the treatment on their own plantation, they
+should call it _good_.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION V.--'IT IS FOR THE INTEREST OF THE MASTERS TO TREAT THEIR
+SLAVES WELL.'
+
+So it is for the interest of the drunkard to quit his cups; for the
+glutton to curb his appetite; for the debauchee to bridle his lust;
+for the sluggard to be up betimes; for the spendthrift to be
+economical, and for all sinners to stop sinning. Even if it were for
+the interest of masters to treat their slaves well, he must be a
+novice who thinks _that_ a proof that the slaves _are_ well treated.
+The whole history of man is a record of real interests sacrificed to
+present gratification. If all men's actions were consistent with their
+best interests, folly and sin would be words without meaning.
+
+If the objector means that it is for the pecuniary interests of
+masters to treat their slaves well, and thence infers their good
+treatment, we reply, that though the love of money is strong, yet
+appetite and lust, pride, anger and revenge, the love of power and
+honor, are each an overmatch for it; and when either of them is roused
+by a sudden stimulant, the love of money worsted in the grapple with
+it. Look at the hourly lavish outlays of money to procure a momentary
+gratification for those passions and appetites. As the desire for
+money is, in the main, merely a desire for the means of gratifying
+_other_ desires, or rather for one of the means, it must be the
+_servant_ not the sovereign of those desires, to whose gratification
+its only use is to minister. But even if the love of money were the
+strongest human passion, who is simple enough to believe that it is
+all the time so powerfully excited, that no other passion or appetite
+can get the mastery over it?  Who does not know that gusts of rage,
+revenge, jealousy and lust drive it before them as a tempest tosses a
+feather?
+
+The objector has forgotten his first lessons; they taught him that it
+is human nature to gratify the _uppermost_ passion: and is _prudence_
+the uppermost passion with slaveholders, and self-restraint their
+great characteristic? The strongest feeling of any moment is the
+sovereign of that moment, and rules. Is a propensity to practice
+_economy_ the predominant feeling with slaveholders? Ridiculous!
+Every northerner knows that slaveholders are proverbial for lavish
+expenditures, never higgling about the _price_ of a gratification.
+Human passions have not, like the tides, regular ebbs and flows, with
+their stationary, high and low water marks. They are a dominion
+convulsed with revolutions; coronations and dethronements in ceasless
+succession--each ruler a usurper and a despot. Love of money gets a
+snatch at the sceptre as well as the rest, not by hereditary right,
+but because, in the fluctuations of human feelings, a chance wave
+washes him up to the throne, and the next perhaps washes him off
+without time to nominate his successor. Since, then, as a matter of
+fact, a host of appetites and passions do hourly get the better of
+love of money, what protection does the slave find in his master's
+_interest_, against the sweep of his passions and appetites? Besides,
+a master can inflict upon his slave horrible cruelties without
+perceptibly injuring his health, or taking time from his labor, or
+lessening his value as property. Blows with a small stick give more
+acute pain, than with a large one. A club bruises, and benumbs the
+nerves, while a switch, neither breaking nor bruising the flesh,
+instead of blunting the sense of feeling, wakes up and stings to
+torture all the susceptibilities of pain. By this kind of infliction,
+more actual cruelty can be perpetrated in the giving of pain at the
+instant, than by the most horrible bruisings and lacerations; and
+that, too, with little comparative hazard to the slave's health, or to
+his value as property, and without loss of time from labor. Even
+giving to the objection all the force claimed for it, what protection
+is it to the slave? It _professes_ to shield the slave from such
+treatment alone, as would either lay him aside from labor, or injure
+his health, and thus lessen his value as a working animal, making him
+a _damaged article_ in the market. Now, is nothing _bad treatment_ of
+a human being except that which produces these effects? Does the fact
+that a man's constitution is not actually shattered, and his life
+shortened by his treatment, prove that he is treated well? Is no
+treatment cruel except what sprains muscles, or cuts sinews, or bursts
+blood vessels, or breaks bones, and thus lessens a man's value as a
+working animal?
+
+A slave may get blows and kicks every hour in the day, without having
+his constitution broken, or without suffering sensibly in his health,
+or flesh, or appetite, or power to labor. Therefore, beaten and kicked
+as he is, he must be treated _well_, according to the objector, since
+the master's _interest_ does not suffer thereby.
+
+Finally, the objector virtually maintains that all possible privations
+and inflictions suffered by slaves, that do not actually cripple their
+power to labor, and make them 'damaged merchandize,' are to be set
+down as 'good treatment,' and that nothing is _bad_ treatment except
+what produces these effects.
+
+Thus we see that even if the slave were effectually shielded from all
+those inflictions, which, by lessening his value as property, would
+injure the interests of his master, he would still nave no protection
+against numberless and terrible cruelties. But we go further, and
+maintain that in respect to large classes of slaves, it is for the
+_interest_ of their masters to treat them with barbarous inhumanity.
+
+1. _Old slaves._ It would be for the interest of the masters to
+shorten their days.
+
+2. _Worn out slaves._ Multitudes of slaves by being overworked, have
+their constitutions broken in middle life. It would be _economical_
+for masters to starve or flog such to death.
+
+3. _The incurably diseased and maimed._ In all such cases it would be
+_cheaper_ for masters to buy poison than medicine.
+
+4. _The blind, lunatics, and idiots_. As all such would be a tax on
+him, it would be for his interest to shorten their days.
+
+5. _The deaf and dumb, and persons greatly deformed._ Such might or
+might not be serviceable to him; many of them at least would be a
+burden, and few men carry burdens when they can throw them off.
+
+6. _Feeble infants._ As such would require much nursing, the time,
+trouble and expense necessary to raise them, would generally be more
+than they would be worth as _working animals_. How many such infants
+would be likely to be 'raised,' from _disinterested_ benevolence? To
+this it may be added that in the far south and south west, it is
+notoriously for the interest of the master not to 'raise' slaves at
+all. To buy slaves when nearly grown, from the northern slave states,
+would be _cheaper_ than to raise them. This is shown in the fact, that
+mothers with infants sell for less in those states than those without
+them. And when slave-traders purchase such in the upper country, it is
+notorious that they not unfrequently either sell their infants, or
+give them away. Therefore it would be for the _interest_ of the
+masters, throughout that region, to have all the new-born children
+left to perish. It would also be for their interest to make such
+arrangements as effectually to separate the sexes, or if that were not
+done, so to overwork the females as to prevent childbearing.
+
+7. _Incorrigible slaves_. On most of the large plantations, there are,
+more or less, incorrigible slaves,--that is, slaves who _will not_ be
+profitable to their masters--and from whom torture can extort little
+but defiance.[25] These are frequently slaves of uncommon minds, who
+feel so keenly the wrongs of slavery that their proud spirits spurn
+their chains and defy their tormentors.
+
+[Footnote 25: Advertisements like the following are not unfrequent in
+the southern papers.
+
+_From the Elizabeth (N.C.) Phenix, Jan. 5, 1839._ "The subscriber
+offers for sale his blacksmith NAT, 28 years of age, and _remarkably
+large and likely_. The only cause of my selling him is I CANNOT
+CONTROL HIM. _Hertford, Dec.5, 1838._ J. GORDON."]
+
+
+They have commonly great sway over the other slaves, their example is
+contagious, and their influence subversive of 'plantation discipline.'
+Consequently they must be made a warning to others. It is for the
+_interest_ of the masters (at least they believe it to be) to put upon
+such slaves iron collars and chains, to brand and crop them; to
+disfigure, lacerate, starve and torture them--in a word, to inflict
+upon them such vengeance as shall strike terror into the other slaves.
+To this class may be added the incorrigibly thievish and indolent; it
+would be for the interest of the masters to treat them with such
+severity as would deter others from following their example.
+
+7. _Runaways._ When a slave has once runaway from his master and is
+caught, he is thenceforward treated with severity. It is for the
+interest of the master to make an example of him, by the greatest
+privations and inflictions.
+
+8. _Hired slaves._ It is for the interest of those who hire slaves to
+get as much out of them as they can; the temptation to overwork them
+is powerful. If it be said that the master could, in that case,
+recover damages, the answer is, that damages would not be recoverable
+in law unless actual injury--enough to impair the power of the slave
+to labor, be _proved._ And this ordinarily would be impossible, unless
+the slave has been worked so greatly beyond his strength as to produce
+some fatal derangement of the vital functions. Indeed, as all who are
+familiar with such cases in southern courts well know, the proof of
+actual injury to the slave, so as to lessen his value, is exceedingly
+difficult to make out, and every hirer of slaves can overwork them,
+give them insufficient food, clothing, and shelter, and inflict upon
+them nameless cruelties with entire impunity. We repeat then that it
+is for the _interest_ of the hirer to push his slaves to their utmost
+strength, provided he does not drive them to such an extreme, that
+their constitutions actually give way under it, while in his hands.
+The supreme court of Maryland has decided that, 'There must be _at
+least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor_ to
+warrant an action by the master.'--_1 Harris and Johnson's Reports,
+4._
+
+9. _Slaves under overseers whose wages are proportioned to the crop
+which they raise._ This is an arrangement common in the slave states,
+and in its practical operation is equivalent to a bounty on _hard
+driving_--a virtual premium offered to overseers to keep the slaves
+whipped up to the top of their strength. Even where the overseer has a
+fixed salary, irrespective of the value of the crop which he takes
+off, he is strongly tempted to overwork the slaves, as those overseers
+get the highest wages who can draw the largest income from a
+plantation with a given number of slaves; so that we may include in
+this last class of slaves, the majority of all those who are under
+overseers, whatever the terms on which those overseers are employed.
+
+Another class of slaves may be mentioned; we refer to the slaves of
+masters who _bet_ upon their crops. In the cotton and sugar region
+there is a fearful amount of this desperate gambling, in which, though
+money is the ostensible stake and forfeit, human life is the real one.
+The length to which this rivalry is carried at the south and south
+west, the multitude of planters who engage in it, and the recklessness
+of human life exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue,
+cannot well be imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it.
+Desire of gain is only one of the motives that stimulates them;--the
+_eclat_ of having made the largest crop with a given number of hands,
+is also a powerful stimulant; the southern newspapers, at the crop
+season, chronicle carefully the "cotton brag," and the "crack cotton
+picking," and "unparalleled driving," &c. Even the editors of
+professedly religious papers, cheer on the méleé and sing the triumphs
+of the victor. Among these we recollect the celebrated Rev. J.N.
+Maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at Natchez, Miss. in
+which he took care to assign a prominent place, and capitals to "THE
+COTTON BRAG." The testimony of Mr. Bliss, page 38, details some of the
+particulars of this _betting_ upon crops. All the preceding classes of
+slaves are in circumstances which make it "for the _interest_ of their
+masters," or those who have the management of them, to treat them
+cruelly.
+
+Besides the operation of the causes already specified, which make it
+for the interest of masters and overseers to treat cruelly _certain
+classes_ of their slaves, a variety of others exist, which make it for
+their interest to treat cruelly _the great body_ of their slaves.
+These causes are, the nature of certain kinds of products, the kind of
+labor required in cultivating and preparing them for market, the best
+times for such labor, the state of the market, fluctuations in prices,
+facilities for transportation, the weather, seasons, &c. &c. Some of
+the causes which operate to produce this are--
+
+1. _The early market_. If the planter can get his crop into market
+early, he may save thousands which might be lost if it arrived later.
+
+2. _Changes in the market_. A sudden rise in the market with the
+probability that it will be short, or a gradual fall with a
+probability that it will be long, is a strong temptation to the master
+to push his slaves to the utmost, that he may in the one case make all
+he can, by taking the tide at the flood, and in the other lose as
+little as may be, by taking it as early as possible in the ebb.
+
+3. _High prices_. Whenever the slave-grown staples bring a high price,
+as is now the case with cotton, every slaveholder is tempted to
+overwork his slaves. By forcing them to do double work for a few weeks
+or months, while the price is up, he can _afford_ to lose a number of
+them and to lessen the value of all by over-driving. A cotton planter
+with a hundred vigorous slaves, would have made a profitable
+speculation, if, during the years '34, 5, and 6, when the average
+price of cotton was 17 cents a pound, he had so overworked his slaves
+that half of them died upon his hands in '37, when cotton had fallen
+to six and eight cents. No wonder that the poor slaves pray that cotton
+and sugar may be cheap. The writer has frequently heard it declared by
+planters in the lower country, that, it is more profitable to drive
+the slaves to such over exertion as to _use them up_, in seven or
+eight years, than to give them only ordinary tasks and protract their
+lives to the ordinary period.[26]
+
+[Footnote 26: The reader is referred to a variety of facts and
+testimony on this point on the 39th page of this work.]
+
+
+4. _Untimely seasons_. When the winter encroaches on the spring, and
+makes late seed time, the first favorable weather is a temptation to
+overwork the slaves, too strong to be resisted by those who hold men
+as mere working animals. So when frosts set in early, and a great
+amount of work is to be done in a little time, or great loss suffered.
+So also after a long storm either in seed or crop time, when the
+weather becomes favorable, the same temptation presses, and in all
+these cases the master would _save money_ by overdriving his slaves.
+
+5. _Periodical pressure of certain kinds of labor._ The manufacture of
+sugar is an illustration. In a work entitled "Travels in Louisiana in
+1802," translated from the French, by John Davis, is the following
+testimony under this head:--
+
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they (the slaves in Louisiana,) work _both night and day_. Abridged of
+their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period" See
+page 81.
+
+In an article on the agriculture of Louisiana, published in the second
+number of the "Western Review," is the following:--"The work is
+admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the
+process of making sugar is commenced, TO BE PRESSED NIGHT AND DAY."
+
+It would be for the interest of the sugar planter greatly to overwork
+his slaves, during the annual process of sugar-making.
+
+The severity of this periodical pressure, in preparing for market
+other staples of the slave states besides sugar, may be inferred from
+the following. Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, in his speech in
+Congress, Feb. 1. 1836, (See National Intelligencer) said, "In the
+heat of the crop, the loss of one or two days, would inevitably ruin
+it."
+
+6. _Times of scarcity_. Drought, long rain, frost, &c. are liable to
+cut off the corn crop, upon which the slaves are fed. If this happens
+when the staple which they raise is at a low price, it is for the
+interest of the master to put the slave on short rations, thus forcing
+him to suffer from hunger.
+
+7. _The raising of crops for exportation_. In all those states where
+cotton and sugar are raised for exportation, it is, for the most part,
+more profitable to buy provisions for the slaves than to raise them.
+Where this is the case the slaveholders believe it to be for their
+interest to give their slaves less food, than their hunger craves, and
+they do generally give them insufficient sustenance.[27]
+
+[Footnote 27: Hear the testimony of a slaveholder, on this subject, a
+member of Congress from Virginia, from 1817 to 1830, Hon. Alexander
+Smyth.
+
+In the debate on the Missouri question in the U.S. Congress, 1819-20,
+the admission of Missouri to the Union, as a slave state, was urged,
+among other grounds, as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the
+south. Mr. Smyth, of Virginia said, "The plan of our opponents seems
+to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the
+countries where _sugar, cotton, and tobacco_ are cultivated. But, sir,
+by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are
+raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are _purchased, you
+doom them to scarcity and hunger_. Is it not obvious that the way to
+render their situation more comfortable, is to allow them to be taken
+where there is not the same motive to force the slave to INCESSANT
+TOIL, that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco,
+are raised for exportation. It is proposed to hem in the blacks _where
+they are_ HARD WORKED and ILL FED, that they may be rendered
+unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. . . . The
+proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the blacks. . . . You
+would . . . doom them to SCARCITY and HARD LABOR."--[Speech of Mr.
+Smyth, Jan. 28, 1820]--See National Intelligencer.
+
+Those states where the crops are raised for exportation, and a large
+part of the provisions purchased, are, Louisiana, Mississippi,
+Alabama, Arkansas, Western Tennessee, Georgia, Florida, and, to a
+considerable extent, South Carolina. That this is the case in
+Louisiana, is shown by the following. "Corn, flour, and bread stuffs,
+generally are obtained from Kentucky, Ohio;" &c. See "Emigrants Guide
+through the Valley of the Mississippi," Page 275. That it is the case
+with Alabama, appears from the testimony of W. Jefferson Jones, Esq. a
+lawyer of high standing in Mobile. In a series of articles published
+by him in the Mobile Morning Chronicle, he says; (See that paper for
+Aug. 26, 1837.)
+
+"The people of Alabama _export_ what they raise, and _import_ nearly
+all they consume." But it seems quite unnecessary to prove, what all
+persons of much intelligence well know, that the states mentioned
+export the larger part of what they raise, and import the larger part
+of what they consume. Now more than _one million of slaves_ are held
+in those states, and parts of states, where provisions are mainly
+imported, and consequently they are "_doomed to scarcity and hunger_."]
+
+
+Now let us make some estimate of the proportion which the slaves,
+included in the foregoing _nine classes_, sustain to the whole number,
+and then of the proportion affected by the operation of the _seven_
+causes just enumerated.
+
+It would be nearly impossible to form an estimate of the proportion of
+the slaves included in a number of these classes, such as the old, the
+worn out, the incurably diseased, maimed and deformed, idiots, feeble
+infants, incorrigible slaves, &c. More or less of this description are
+to be found on all the considerable plantations, and often, many on
+the same plantation; though we have no accurate data for an estimate,
+the proportion cannot be less than one in twenty-five of the whole
+number of slaves, which would give a total of more than _one hundred
+thousand_. Of some of the remaining classes we have data for a pretty
+accurate estimate.
+
+1st. _Lunatics_.--Various estimates have been made, founded upon the
+data procured by actual investigation, prosecuted under the direction
+of the Legislatures of different States; but the returns have been so
+imperfect and erroneous, that little reliance can be placed upon them.
+The Legislature of New Hampshire recently ordered investigations to be
+made in every town in the state, and the number of insane persons to
+be reported. A committee of the legislature, who had the subject in
+charge say, in their report--"From many towns no returns have been
+received, from others the accounts are erroneous, there being cases
+_known to the committee_ which escaped the notice of the 'selectmen.'
+The actual number of insane persons is therefore much larger than
+appears by the documents submitted to the committee." The Medical
+Society of Connecticut appointed a committee of their number, composed
+of some of the most eminent physicians in the state, to ascertain and
+report the whole number of insane persons in that state. The committee
+say, in their report, "The number of towns from which returns have
+been received is seventy, and the cases of insanity which have been
+noticed in them are five hundred and ten." The committee add, "fifty
+more towns remain to be heard from, and if insanity should be found
+equally prevalent in them, the entire number will scarcely fall short
+of _one thousand_ in the state." This investigation was made in 1821,
+when the population of the state was less than two hundred and eighty
+thousand. If the estimate of the Medical Society be correct, the
+proportion of the insane to the whole population would be about one in
+two hundred and eighty. This strikes us as a large estimate, and yet a
+committee of the legislature of that state in 1837, reported seven
+hundred and seven insane persons in the state, who were either wholly
+or in part supported as _town paupers, or by charity_. It can hardly
+be supposed that more than _two-thirds_ of the insane in Connecticut
+belong to families _unable to support them_. On this supposition, the
+whole number would be greater than the estimate of the Medical Society
+sixteen years previous, when the population was perhaps thirty
+thousand less. But to avoid the possibility of an over estimate, let
+us suppose the present number of insane persons in Connecticut to be
+only seven hundred.
+
+The population of the state is now probably about three hundred and
+twenty thousand; according to this estimate, the proportion of the
+insane to the whole population, would be one to about four hundred and
+sixty. Making this the basis of our calculation, and estimating the
+slaves in the United States at two millions, seven hundred thousand,
+their present probable number, and we come to this result, that there
+are about six thousand insane persons among the slaves of the United
+States. We have no adequate data by which to judge whether the
+proportion of lunatics among slaves is greater or less than among the
+whites; some considerations favor the supposition that it is less. But
+the dreadful physical violence to which the slaves are subjected, and
+the constant sunderings of their tenderest ties, might lead us to
+suppose that it would be more. The only data in our possession is the
+official census of Chatham county, Georgia, for 1838, containing the
+number of lunatics among the whites and the slaves.--(See the Savannah
+Georgian, July 24, 1838.) According to this census, the number of
+lunatics among eight thousand three hundred and seventy three whites
+in the country, is only _two,_ whereas, the number among ten thousand
+eight hundred and ninety-one slaves, is _fourteen_.
+
+2d. _The Deaf and Dumb._--The proportion of deaf and dumb persons to
+the other classes of the community, is about one in two thousand. This
+is the testimony of the directors of the 'American Asylum for the Deaf
+and Dumb,' located at Hartford, Connecticut. Making this the basis of
+our estimate, there would be one thousand six hundred deaf and dumb
+persons among the slaves of the United States.
+
+3d. _The Blind._--We have before us the last United States census,
+from which it appears, that in 1830, the number of blind persons in
+New Hampshire was one hundred and seventeen, out of a population of
+two hundred and sixty-nine thousand five hundred and thirty-three.
+Adopting this as our basis, the number of blind slaves in the United
+States would be nearly one thousand three hundred.
+
+4th. _Runaways._--Of the proportion of the slaves that run away, to
+those that do not, and of the proportion of the runaways that are
+_taken_ to those that escape entirely, it would be difficult to make a
+probable estimate. Something, however, can be done towards such an
+estimate. We have before us, in the Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser, for
+August 2, 1838, a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the
+two counties of Adams and Warren, in that State; the names, ages, &c.
+of each one given; and their owners are called upon to take them away.
+The number of runaways thus taken up and committed in these _two_
+counties is FORTY-SIX. The whole number of _counties_ in Mississippi
+is _fifty-six._ Many of them, however, are thinly populated. Now,
+without making this the basis of our estimate for the whole slave
+population in all the state--which would doubtless make the number
+much too large--we are sure no one who has any knowledge of facts as
+they are in the south, will charge upon us an over-statement when we
+say, that of the present generation of slaves, probably _one in
+thirty_ is of that class--i.e., has at some time, perhaps often,
+runaway and been retaken; on that supposition the whole number would
+be not far from NINETY THOUSAND.
+
+5th. _Hired Slaves._--It is impossible to estimate with accuracy the
+proportion which the hired slaves bear to the whole number. That it is
+very large all who have resided at the south, or traveled there, with
+their eyes open, well know. Some of the largest slaveholders in the
+country, instead of purchasing plantations and working their slaves
+themselves, hire them out to others. This practice is very common.
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who lived some years in Georgia, says: "A _large
+proportion_ of the slave are owned by masters who keep them on purpose
+to hire out."
+
+Large numbers of slaves, especially in Mississippi, Louisiana,
+Arkansas, Alabama, and Florida, are owned by _non-residents_;
+thousands of them by northern capitalists, who _hire them out_. These
+capitalists in many cases own large plantations, which are often
+leased for a term of years with a 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work
+them.
+
+Multitudes of slaves 'belonging' to _heirs_, are hired out by their
+guardians till such heirs become of age, or by the executors or
+trustees of persons deceased.
+
+That the reader may form some idea of the large number of slaves that
+are hired out, we insert below a few advertisements, as a specimen of
+hundreds in the newspapers of the slave states.
+
+From the "Pensacola Gazette," May 27.
+
+"NOTICE TO SLAVEHOLDERS. Wanted upon my contract, on the Alabama,
+Florida, and Georgia Rail Road, FOUR HUNDRED BLACK LABORERS, _for
+which_ a liberal price will be paid.
+
+R. LORING, _Contractor_."
+
+
+The same paper has the following, signed by an officer of the United
+States.
+
+"WANTED AT THE NAVY YARD, PENSACOLA, SIXTY LABORERS. The OWNERS to
+subsist and quarter them beyond the limits of the yard. Persons having
+Laborers to hire, will apply to the Commanding Officer.
+
+W.K. LATIMER."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," April 10, 1838.
+
+"LABORERS WANTED.--The James River, and Kenawha Company, are in
+immediate want of SEVERAL HUNDRED good laborers. Gentlemen wishing to
+send negroes from the country, are assured that the very best care
+shall be taken of them.
+
+RICHARD REINS, _Agent of the James River, and Kenawha Co_."
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg (Mis.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+
+"60 NEGROES, males and females, _for hire for the year_ 1839. Apply to
+H. HENDREN."
+
+
+From the "Georgia Messenger," Dec. 27, 1838. "NEGROES To HIRE. On the
+first Tuesday next, Including CARPENTERS, BLACKSMITHS, SHOEMAKERS,
+SEAMSTRESSES, COOKS, &c. &c. For information; Apply to OSSIAN
+GREGORY."
+
+
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette," Dec. 30, 1837.
+
+"THE subscriber wishes to _employ_ by the month or year, ONE HUNDRED
+ABLE BODIED MEN, AND THIRTY BOYS. Persons having servants, will do
+well to give him a call. PHILIP ROACH, near Alexandria."
+
+
+From the "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," May 19, 1838.
+
+"WANTED TO HIRE, twelve or fifteen NEGRO GIRLS, from ten to fourteen
+years of age. They are wanted for the term of two or three years.
+
+E.H. & J. FISHER."
+
+
+"NEGROES WANTED. The Subscriber is desirous of hiring 50 of 60 _first
+rate Negro Men_. WILSON NESBITT."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 21, 1838.
+
+"LABORERS WANTED. One hundred able bodied men are wanted. The hands
+will be required to be delivered in Halifax by the _owners_. Apply to
+SHIELD & WALKE."
+
+
+From the "Lynchburg Virginian," Dec. 13, 1838.
+
+"40 NEGRO MEN. The subscribers wish to hire for the next year 40 NEGRO
+MEN. LANGHORNE, SCRUGGS & COOK."
+
+
+"HIRING of NEGROES. On Saturday, the 29th day of December, 1838, at
+Mrs. Tayloe's tavern, in Amherst county, there will be _hired_ thirty
+or forty valuable Negroes.
+
+In addition to the above, I have for _hire_, 20 men, women, boys, and
+girls--several of them excellent house servants. MAURICE H. GARLAND."
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Feb. 5, 1838.
+
+"WANTED TO HIRE, ONE HUNDRED prime negroes, by the year. J.V.
+REDDEN."
+
+
+From the "North Carolina Standard," Feb. 31, 1838.
+
+"NEGROES WANTED.--W. & A. STITH, will give twelve dollars per month
+for FIFTY strong Negro fellows, to commence work immediately; and for
+FIFTY more on the first day of February, and for FIFTY on the first
+day of March."
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Reporter," Dec. 26, 1838.
+
+"WILL BE HIRED, for one year; on the first day of January, 1839, on
+the farm of the late Mrs. Meredith, a number of valuable NEGROES.
+R.S. TODD, Sheriff of Fayette Co. And Curator for James and Elizabeth
+Breckenridge."
+
+"NEGROES TO HIRE. On Wednesday, the 26th inst. I will hire to the
+highest bidder, the NEGROES belonging to Charles and Robert Innes.
+GEO. W. WILLIAMS. _Guardian_."
+
+The following _nine_ advertisements were published in one column of
+the "Winchester Virginian," Dec. 20, 1838.
+
+
+"NEGRO HIRINGS.
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, at Captain Long's Hotel, a number of
+SLAVES--men, women, boys and girls--belonging to the orphans of George
+Ash, deceased. RICHARD W. BARTON." _Guardian_.
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, at my Hotel, a number of SLAVES, consisting
+of men, women, boys and girls. JOSEPH LONG. _Exr. of Edmund
+Shackleford, dec'd_."
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, for the ensuing year, at Capt. Long's
+Hotel, a number of SLAVES. MOSES R. RICHARDS."
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, the slaves belonging to the estate of James
+Bowen, deceased, consisting of men, and women, boys and girls. GILES
+COOK. _One of the Exrs. of James Bowen dec'd_."
+
+"THE _hiring_ at Millwood will take place on Friday, the 28th day of
+December, 1838. BURWELL."
+
+"N.B. We are desired to say that other valuable NEGROES will also be
+_hired_ at Millwood on the same day, besides those offered by Mr. B."
+
+"The SLAVES of the late John Jolliffe, about twenty in number, and of
+all ages and both sexes, will be offered for hire at Cain's Depot.
+DAVID W. BARTON. _Administrator_."
+
+"I WILL hire at public hiring before the tavern door of Dr. Lacy,
+about 30 NEGROES, consisting of men, and women. JAMES R. RICHARDS."
+
+"WILL be hired, at Carter's Tavern, on 31st of December, a number of
+NEGROES. JOHN J.H. GUNNELL."
+
+"NEGROES FOR HIRE, (PRIVATELY.) About twelve servants, consisting of
+men, women, boys, and girls, for hire privately. Apply to the
+subscriber at Col. Smith's in Battletown. JOHN W. OWEN."
+
+A volume might easily be filled with advertisements like the
+preceding, showing conclusively that _hired_ slaves must be a large
+proportion of the whole number. The actual proportion has been
+variously estimated, at 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/2, &c. if we adopt the last
+as our basis, it will make the number of hired slaves, in the United
+States, FIVE HUNDRED AND FORTY THOUSAND!
+
+6th. _Slaves under overseers whose wages are a part of the
+crop_.--That this is a common usage; appears from the following
+testimony. The late Hon. John Taylor, of Caroline Co. Virginia, one of
+the largest slaveholders in the state, President of the State
+Agricultural Society, and three times elected to the Senate of the
+United States, says, in his "Agricultural Essays," No. 15. P. 57,
+
+"This necessary class of men, (overseers,) are bribed by
+agriculturalists, not to improve, but to impoverish their land, _by a
+share of the crop for one year_.... The _greatest_ annual crop, and
+not the most judicious culture, advances his interest, and establishes
+his character; and the fees of these land-doctors, are much higher for
+killing than for curing.... The most which the land can yield, and
+seldom or never improvement with a view to future profit, is a point
+of common consent, and mutual need between the agriculturist and his
+overseer.... Must the practice of hiring a man for one year, by a
+share of the crop, to lay out all his skill and industry in killing
+land, and as little as possible in improving it, be kept up to
+commemorate the pious leaning of man to his primitive state of
+ignorance and barbarity? _Unless this is abolished_, the attempt to
+fertilize our lands is needless."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq, of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1834-5,
+says,
+
+"It is common for owners of plantations and slaves, to hire overseers
+to take charge of them, while they themselves reside at a distance.
+_Their wages depend principally upon the amount of labor which they
+can exact from the slave_. The term "good overseer," signifies one who
+can make the greatest amount of the staple, cotton for instance, from
+a given number of hands, besides raising sufficient provisions for
+their consumption. He has no interest in the life of the slave. Hence
+the fact, so notorious at the south, that negroes are driven harder
+and fare worse under overseers than under their owners."
+
+
+William Ladd, Esq. of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida,
+speaking, in a recent letter of the system of labor adopted there,
+says; "The compensation of the overseers _was a certain portion of the
+crop_."
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, of Centreville, Allegany Co. N.Y. who has
+recently returned from a four years' residence, in the Southern slave
+states and Texas, says,
+
+"The mode in which _many_ plantations are managed, is calculated and
+_designed_, as an inducement to the slave driver, to lay upon the
+slave the _greatest possible burden, the overseer being entitled by
+contract, to a certain share of the crop_."
+
+We leave the reader to form his own opinion, as to the proportion of
+slaves under overseers, whose wages are in proportion to the crop,
+raised by them. We have little doubt that we shall escape the charge
+of wishing to make out a "strong case" when we put the proportion at
+_one-eighth_ of the whole number of slaves, which would be _three
+hundred and fifty thousand_.
+
+Without drawing out upon the page a sum in addition for the reader to
+"run up," it is easily seen that the slaves in the preceding classes
+amount to more than ELEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND, exclusive of the deaf and
+dumb, and the blind, some of whom, especially the former, might be
+profitable to their "owners";
+
+Now it is plainly for the interest of the "owners" of these slaves, or
+of those who have the charge of them, to _treat than cruelly_, to
+overwork, under-feed, half-clothe, half-shelter, poison, or kill
+outright, the aged, the broken down, the incurably diseased, idiots,
+feeble infants, most of the blind, some deaf and dumb, &c. It is
+besides a part of the slave-holder's creed, that it is _for his
+interest_ to treat with terrible severity, all runaways and the
+incorrigibly stubborn, thievish, lazy, &c.; also for those who hire
+slaves, to overwork them; also for overseers to overwork the slaves
+under them, when their own wages are increased by it.
+
+We have thus shown that it would be "_for the interest_," of masters
+and overseers to treat with _habitual_ cruelty _more than one million_
+of the slaves in the United States. But this is not all; as we have
+said already, it is for the interest of overseers generally, whether
+their wages are proportioned to the crop or not, to overwork the
+slaves; we need not repeat the reasons.
+
+Neither is it necessary to re-state the arguments, going to show that
+it is for the interest of slaveholders, who cultivate the great
+southern staples, especially cotton, and the sugarcane, to overwork
+periodically _all_ their slaves, and _habitually_ the majority of
+them, when the demand for those staples creates high prices, as has
+been the case with cotton for many years, with little exception.
+Instead of entering into a labored estimate to get at the proportion
+of the slaves, affected by the operation of these and the other causes
+enumerated, we may say, that they operate _directly_ on the "field
+hands," employed in raising the southern staples, and indirectly upon
+all classes of the slaves.
+
+Finally, the conclude this head by turning the objector's negative
+proposition into an affirmative one, and state formally what has been
+already proved.
+
+_It is for the interest of shareholders, upon their own principles,
+and by their own showing, TO TREAT CRUELLY the great body of their
+slaves._
+
+
+
+Objection VI.--THE FACT THAT THE SLAVES MULTIPLY SO RAPIDLY PROVES
+THAT THEY ARE NOT INHUMANELY TREATED, BUT ARE IN A COMFORTABLE
+CONDITION
+
+To this we reply in brief, 1st. It has been already shown under a
+previous head, that, in considerable sections of the slave states,
+especially in the South West, the births among slaves are fewer than
+the deaths, which would exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave
+population in those sections, if the deficiency were not made up by
+the slave trade from the upper country.
+
+2d. The fact that all children born of slave _mothers_, whether their
+fathers are whites or free colored persons, are included in the census
+with the slaves, and further that all children born of white mothers,
+whose fathers are mulattos or blacks, are also included in the census
+with colored persons and almost invariably with _slaves_, shows that
+it is impossible to ascertain with any accuracy, _what is the actual
+increase of the slaves alone._
+
+3d. The fact that thousands of slaves, generally in the prime of life,
+are annually smuggled into the United States from Africa, Cuba, and
+elsewhere, makes it manifest that all inferences drawn from the
+increase of the slave population, which do not make large deductions,
+for constant importations, must be fallacious. Mr. Middleton of South
+Carolina, in a speech in Congress in 1819, declared that "THIRTEEN
+THOUSAND AFRICANS ARE ANNUALLY SMUGGLED INTO THE SOUTHERN STATES." Mr.
+Mercer of Virginia, in a speech in Congress about the same time
+declared that "_Cargoes_," of African slaves were smuggled into the
+South to a deplorable extent.
+
+Mr. Wright, of Maryland, in a speech in Congress, estimated the number
+annually at FIFTEEN THOUSAND. Miss Martineau, in her recent work,
+(Society in America,) informs us that a large slaveholder in
+Louisiana, assured her in 1835, that the annual importation of native
+Africans was from thirteen to fifteen thousand.
+
+The President of the United States, in his message to Congress,
+December, 1837, says, "The large force under Commodore Dallas, (on the
+West India station,) has been most actively and efficiently employed
+in protecting our commerce, IN PREVENTING THE IMPORTATION OF SLAVES,"
+&c. &c.
+
+The New Orleans Courier of 15th February, 1839, has these remarks:
+
+"It is believed that African negroes have been _repeatedly_ introduced
+into the United States. The number and the proximity of the Florida
+ports to the island of Cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our
+extended frontier on the Sabine and Red rivers, at all unfavorable to
+the smuggler. Human laws have, in all countries and ages, been
+violated whenever the inducements to do so afforded hopes of great
+profit.
+
+"The United States' law against the importation of Africans, _could it
+be strictly enforced_, might in a few years give the sugar and cotton
+planters of Texas advantage over those of this state; as it would, we
+apprehend, enable the former, under a stable government, to furnish
+cotton and sugar at a lower price than we can do. When giving
+publicity to such reflections as the subject seems to suggest, we
+protest against being considered advocates for any violation of the
+laws of our country. Every good citizen must respect those laws,
+notwithstanding we may deem them likely to be evaded by men less
+scrupulous."
+
+That both the south and north swarm with men 'less scrupulous,' every
+one knows.
+
+The Norfolk (Va.) Beacon, of June 8, 1837, has the following:
+
+"_Slave Trade.--Eight African negroes_ have been taken into custody,
+at Apalachicola, by the U.S. Deputy Marshal, alleged to have been
+imported from Cuba, on board the schooner Emperor, Captain Cox.
+Indictments for piracy, under the acts for the suppression of the
+slave trade, have been found against Captain Cox, and other parties
+implicated. The negroes were bought in Cuba by a Frenchman named
+Malherbe, formerly a resident of Tallahassee, who was drowned soon
+after the arrival of the schooner."
+
+The following testimony of Rev. Horace Moulton, now a minister of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, in Marlborough, Mass., who resided some
+years in Georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave-smugglers,
+and the connivance of the Georgia authorities at their doings. It is
+contained in a letter dated February 24, 1839.
+
+"The foreign slave-trade was carried on to some considerable extent
+when I was at the south, notwithstanding a law had been made some ten
+years previous to this, making this traffic piracy on the high seas. I
+was somewhat acquainted with the secrets of this traffic, and, I
+suppose, I might have engaged in it, had I so desired. Were you to
+visit all the plantations in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, I think you would be convinced that the horrors of the
+traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. I was _surprised to find
+so many that could not speak English among the slaves,_ until the
+mystery was explained. This was done, when I learned that
+slave-cargoes were landed on the coast of Florida, not a thousand
+miles from St. Augustine. They could, and can still, in my opinion, be
+landed as safely on this coast as in any port of this continent. You
+can imagine for yourself how easy it was to carry on the traffic
+between this place and the West Indies. When landed on the coast of
+Florida, it is an easy matter to distribute them throughout the more
+southern states. The law which makes it piracy to traffic in the
+foreign slave trade is a dead letter; and I doubt not it has been so
+in the more southern states ever since it was enacted. For you can
+perceive at once, that interested men, who believe the colored man is so
+much better off here than he possibly can be in Africa, will not
+hesitate to kidnap the blacks whenever an opportunity presents itself.
+I will notice one fact that came under my own observation, which will
+convince you that the horrors of the foreign slave-trade have not yet
+ceased among our southern gentry. It is as follows. A slave ship,
+which I have reason to believe was employed by southern men, came near
+the port of Savannah with about FIVE HUNDRED SLAVES, from Guinea and
+Congo. It was said that the ship was driven there by contrary winds;
+and the crew, pretending to be short of provisions, run the ship into
+a by place, near the shore, between Tybee Light and Darien, to recruit
+their stores. Well, as Providence would have it, the revenue cutter,
+at that time taking a trip along the coast, fell in with this slave
+ship, took her as a prize, and brought her up into the port of
+Savannah. The cargo of human chattels was unloaded, and the captives
+were placed in an old barracks, in the fort of Savannah, under the
+protection of the city authorities, they pretending that they should
+return them all to their native country again, as soon as a convenient
+opportunity presented itself. The ship's crew of course were arrested,
+and confined in jail. Now for the sequel of this history. About one
+third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they were landed,
+in seasoning, so called, or in becoming acclimated--or, as I should
+think, a distemper broke out among them, and they died like the
+Israelites when smitten with the plague. Those who did not die in
+seasoning, must be hired out a little while, to be sure, as the city
+authorities could not afford to keep them on expense doing nothing. As
+it happened, the man in whose employ I was when the cargo of human
+beings arrived, hired some twenty or thirty of them, and put them
+under my care. They continued with me until the sickly season drove me
+off to the north. I soon returned, but could not hear a word about the
+crew of pirates. They had something like a mock trial, as I should
+think, for no one, as I ever learned, was condemned, fined, or
+censured. But where were the poor captives, who were going to be
+returned to Africa by the city authorities, as soon as they could make
+it convenient? Oh, forsooth, those of whom I spoke, being under my
+care, were tugging away for the same man; the remainder were scattered
+about among different planters. When I returned to the north again,
+the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that time; made
+it convenient to return these poor victims. The fact is, they belonged
+there; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed near by the
+place where the revenue cutter seized them. Probably those very
+planters for whom they were originally designed received them; and
+still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to
+Africa. This must have been done, that the consciences of those might
+be quieted, who were looking for justice to be administered to these
+poor captives. It is easy for a company of slaveholders, who desire to
+traffic in human flesh, to fit out a vessel, under Spanish colors, and
+then go prowling about the African coast for the victims of their
+lusts. If all the facts with relation to the African slave-trade, now
+secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of
+the free states would be filled with amazement."
+
+It is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances
+under which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would
+be likely to be estimated far _below_ the truth. There can be little
+doubt that the estimate of Mr. Wright, of Maryland, (fifteen thousand
+annually,) is some thousands too small. But even according to his
+estimate, the African slave-trade adds ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY THOUSAND
+SLAVES TO EACH UNITED STATES' CENSUS. These are in the prime of life,
+and their children would swell the slave population many thousands
+annually--thus making a great addition to each census.
+
+4. It is a notorious fact, that large numbers of free colored persons
+are kidnapped every year in the free states, taken to the south, and
+sold as slaves.
+
+Hon. GEORGE M. STROUD, Judge of the Criminal Court of Philadelphia, in
+his sketch of the slave laws, speaking of the kidnapping of free
+colored persons in the northern states, says--
+
+"Remote as is the city of Philadelphia from those slaveholding states
+in which the introduction of slaves from places within the territory
+of the United States is freely permitted, and where also the market is
+tempting, _it has been ascertained,_ that MORE THAN THIRTY FREE
+COLORED PERSONS, MOSTLY CHILDREN, HAVE BEEN KIDNAPPED HERE, AND
+CARRIED AWAY, WITHIN THE LAST TWO YEARS. Five of these, through the
+kind interposition of several humane gentlemen, have been restored to
+their friends, though not without _great expense and difficulty_; the
+others _are still retained in bondage_, and if rescued at all, it must
+be by sending white witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles.
+The costs attendant upon lawsuits, under such circumstances, will
+probably fall but little short of the estimated value, as slaves, of
+the individuals kidnapped."
+
+The following is an extract from Mrs. CHILD's Appeal, pp. 64-6.
+
+"I know the names of four colored citizens of Massachusetts, who went
+to Georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that
+state, and sold as slaves. They have sent the most earnest
+exhortations to their families and friends, to do something for their
+relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends
+of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows, as yet, remain
+unassisted.
+
+"A New York paper, of November, 1829, contains the following caution.
+
+_"Beware of Kidnappers!_--It is well understood, that there is at
+present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their
+vocation, of stealing colored children for the southern market. It is
+believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days.
+There are suspicions of a foul nature connected with some who serve
+the police in subordinate capacities. It is hinted that there may be
+those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical
+practices. Let the public be on their guard! It is still fresh in the
+memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove of negroes, was made up
+from this city and Philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation
+of all the negroes in this state took place, under our present
+constitution, and were taken through Virginia, the Carolinas, and
+Tennessee, and disposed of in the state of Mississippi. Some of those
+who were taken from Philadelphia were persons of intelligence; and
+after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed
+of by sale on the Mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were
+rescued from bondage. The persons who were guilty of this abominable
+transaction are known, and now reside in North Carolina. They may very
+probably be engaged in similar enterprizes at the present time--at
+least there is reason to believe, that the system of kidnapping free
+persons of color from the northern cities, has been carried on more
+extensively than the public arc generally aware of."
+
+GEORGE BRADBURN, Esq. of Nantucket, Mass. a member of the Legislature
+of that state, at its last session, made a report to that body, March
+6, 1839, 'On the deliverance of citizens liable to be sold as slaves.'
+That report contains the following facts and testimony.
+
+"The following facts are a few out of a VAST MULTITUDE, to which the
+attention of the undersigned has been directed.
+
+"On the 27th of February last, the undersigned had an interview with
+the Rev. Samuel Snowden, a respectable and intelligent clergyman of
+the city of Boston. This gentleman stated, and he is now ready to make
+oath, that during the last six years, he has himself, by the aid of
+various benevolent individuals, procured the deliverance from jail of
+six citizens of Massachusetts, who had been, arrested and imprisoned
+as runaway slaves, and who, but for his timely interposition, would
+have been sold into perpetual bondage. The names and the places of
+imprisonment of those persons, as stated by Mr. S. were as follows:
+
+"James Hight, imprisoned at Mobile; William Adams, at Norfolk; William
+Holmes, also at Norfolk; James Oxford, at Wilmington; James Smith, at
+Baton Rouge; John Tidd, at New Orleans.
+
+"In 1836, Mary Smith, a native of this state, returning from New
+Orleans, whither she had been in the capacity of a servant, was cast
+upon the shores of North Carolina. She was there seized and sold as a
+slave. Information of the fact reached her friends at Boston. Those
+friends made an effort to obtain her liberation. They invoked the
+assistance of the Governor of this Commonwealth. A correspondence
+ensued between His Excellency and the Governor of North Carolina:
+copies of which were offered for the inspection of your committee.
+Soon afterwards, by permission of the authorities of North Carolina,
+'Mary Smith' returned to Boston. But it turned out, that this was not
+_the_ Mary Smith, whom our worthy Governor, and other excellent
+individuals of Boston, had taken so unwearied pains to redeem from
+slavery. It was another woman, of the same name, who was also a native
+of Massachusetts, and had been seized in North Carolina as a runaway
+slave. The Mary Smith has not yet been heard of. If alive, she is now,
+in all probability, wearing the chains of slavery.
+
+"About a year and a half since, several citizens of different free
+states were rescued from slavery, at New Orleans, by the direct
+personal efforts of an acquaintance of the undersigned. The benevolent
+individual alluded to is Jacob Barker, Esq. a name not unknown to the
+commercial world. Mr. Barker is a resident of New Orleans. A statement
+of the cases in reference is contained in a letter addressed by him to
+the Hon. Samuel H. Jenks, of Nantucket."
+
+The letter of Mr. Barker, referred to in this report to the
+Legislature of Massachusetts, bears date August 19, 1837. The
+following are extracts from it.
+
+"A free man, belonging to Baltimore, by the name of Ephraim Larkin,
+who came here cook of the William Tell, was arrested and thrown into
+prison a few weeks since, and sent in chains to work on the road. I
+heard of it, and with difficulty found him; and after the most
+diligent and active exertions, got him released--in effecting which, I
+traveled in the heat of the day, thermometer ranging in the shade from
+94 to 100, more than twenty times to and from prison, the place of his
+labor, and the different courts, a distance of near three miles from
+my residence; and after I had established his freedom, had to pay for
+his arrest, maintenance, and the advertising him as a runaway slave,
+$29.89, as per copy of bill herewith--the allowance for work not
+equalling the expenses, the amount augments with every day of
+confinement.
+
+"In pursuing the cook of the William Tell, I found three other free
+men, confined in the same prison; one belonged also to Baltimore, by
+the name of Leaven Dogerty: he was also released, on my paying $28
+expenses; one was a descendant of the Indians who once inhabited
+Nantucket--his name is Eral Lonnon. Lonnon had been six weeks in
+prison; he was released without difficulty, on my paying $20.38
+expenses--and no one seemed to know why he had been confined or
+arrested, as the law does not presume persons of mixed blood to be
+slaves. But for the others, I had great difficulty in procuring what
+was considered competent witnesses to prove them free. No complaint of
+improper conduct had been made against either of them. At one time,
+the Recorder said the witness must be white; at another, that one
+respectable witness was insufficient; at another, that a person who
+had been (improperly) confined and released, was not a competent
+witness, &c. &c. Lonnon has been employed in the South Sea fishery
+from Nantucket and New Bedford, nearly all his life; has sailed on
+those voyages in the ships Eagle, Maryland, Gideon, Triton, and
+Samuel. He was born at Marshpee, Plymouth (Barnstable) county, Mass.
+and prefers to encounter the leviathan of the deep, rather than the
+turnkeys of New Orleans.
+
+"The other was born in St. Johns, Nova Scotia, and bears the name of
+William Smith, a seaman by profession.
+
+"Immediately after these men were released, two others were arrested.
+They attempted to escape, and being pursued, ran for the river, in the
+vain hope of being able to swim across the Mississippi, a distance of
+a mile, with a current of four knots. One soon gave out, and made for
+a boat which had been despatched for their recovery, and was saved;
+the other being a better swimmer, continued on until much exhausted,
+then also made for the boat--it was too late; he sank before the boat
+could reach him, and was drowned. They claimed to be freemen.
+
+"On Sunday last I was called to the prison of the Municipality in
+which I reside, to serve on an inquest on the body of a drowned man.
+There I saw one other free man confined, by the name of Henry Tier, a
+yellow man, born in New York, and formerly in my employ. He had been
+confined as a supposed runaway, near six months, without a particle of
+testimony; although from his color, the laws of Louisiana presume him
+to be free. I applied immediately for his release, which was promptly
+granted. At first, expenses similar to those exacted in the third
+Municipality were required; but on my demonstrating to the recorder
+that the law imposed no such burden on free men, he was released
+without any charge whatever. How free men can obtain satisfaction for
+having been thus wrongfully imprisoned, and made to work in chains on
+the highway, is not for me to decide. I apprehend no satisfaction can
+be had without more active friends, willing to espouse their cause,
+than can be found in this quarter. Therefore I repeat, that no person
+of color should come here without a certificate of freedom from the
+governor of the state to which he belongs.
+
+"Very respectfully, your assured friend, Jacob Barker."
+
+
+"N.B.--Since writing the preceding, I have procured the release of
+another free man from the prison of the third Municipality, on the
+payment of $39.65, as per bill, copy herewith. His name is William
+Lockman--he was born in New Jersey, of free parents, and resides at
+Philadelphia. A greater sum was required which was reduced by the
+allowance of his maintenance (written _labor_,) while at work on the
+road, which the law requires the Municipality to pay; but it had not
+before been so expounded in the third Municipality. I hope to get it
+back in the case of the other three. The allowance for labor, in
+addition to their maintenance, is twenty-five cents per day; but they
+require those illiterate men to advance the whole before they can
+leave the prison, and then to take a certificate for their labor, and
+go for it to another department--to collect which, is ten times more
+trouble than the money when received is worth. While these free men,
+without having committed any fault, were compelled to work in chains,
+on the roads, in the burning sun, for 25 cents per day, and pay in
+advance 18 3-4 cents per day for maintenance, doctor's, and other
+bills, and not able to work half their time, I paid others, working on
+ship-board, in sight, two dollars per day. J.B."
+
+The preceding letter of Mr. Barker, furnishes grounds for the belief,
+that _hundreds_, if not _thousands_ of free colored persons, from the
+different states of this Union, both slave and free from the West
+Indies, South America, Mexico, and the British possessions in North
+America, and from other parts of the world, are reduced to slavery
+_every year_ in our slave states. If a single individual, in the
+course of a few days, _accidentally_ discovered _six_ colored free
+men, working in irons, and soon to be sold as slaves, in a _single_
+southern city, is it not fair to infer, that in all the slave states,
+there must be _multitudes_ of such persons, now in slavery, and that
+this number is rapidly increasing, by ceaseless accessions?
+
+The letter of Mr. Barker is valuable, also, as a graphic delineation
+of the 'public opinion' of the south. The great difficulty with which
+the release of these free men was procured, notwithstanding the
+personal efforts of Mr. Jacob Barker, who is a gentleman of influence,
+and has, we believe, been an alderman of New Orleans, reveals a
+'public opinion,' insensible as adamant to the liberty of colored men.
+
+It would be easy to fill scores of pages with details similar to the
+preceding. We have furnished enough, however, to show, that, in all
+probability, _each_ United States' census of the _slave_ population,
+is increased by the addition to it of _thousands_ of free colored
+persons, kidnapped and sold as slaves.
+
+5th. To argue that the rapid multiplication of any class in the
+community, is proof that such a class is well-clothed, well-housed,
+abundantly fed, and very _comfortable_, is as absurd as to argue that
+those who have _few children_, must of course, be ill-clothed,
+ill-housed, badly lodged, overworked, ill-fed, &c. &c. True,
+privations and inflictions may be carried to such an extent as to
+occasion a fearful diminishment of population. That was the case
+generally with the slave population in the West Indies, and, as has
+been shown, is true of certain portions of the southern states. But
+the fact that such an effect is _not_ produced, does not prove that
+the slaves do not experience great privations and severe inflictions.
+They may suffer much hardship, and great cruelties, without
+experiencing so great a derangement of the vital functions as to
+prevent child-bearing. The Israelites multiplied with astonishing
+rapidity, under the task-masters and burdens of Egypt. Does this
+falsify the declarations of Scripture, that 'they sighed by reason of
+their bondage,' and that the Egyptians 'made them serve _with rigor_,'
+and made 'their lives bitter with _hard bondage_.' 'I have seen,' said
+God, 'their _afflictions_. I have beard their _groanings_,' &c. The
+history of the human race shows, that great _privations and much
+suffering_ may be experienced, without materially checking the rapid
+increase of population.
+
+Besides, if we should give to the objection all it claims, it would
+merely prove, that the female slaves, or rather a portion of them, are
+in a comfortable condition; and that, so far as the absolute
+necessities of life are concerned, the females of _child-bearing_ age,
+in Delaware, Maryland, northern, western, and middle Virginia, the
+upper parts of Kentucky and Missouri, and among the mountains of east
+Tennessee and western North Carolina, are in general tolerably well
+supplied. The same remark, with some qualifications, may be made of
+the slaves generally, in those parts of the country where the people
+are slaveholders, mainly, that they may enjoy the privilege and profit
+of being _slave-breeders_.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION VIII.--'PUBLIC OPINION IS A PROTECTION TO THE SLAVE.'
+
+ANSWER. It was public opinion that _made him a slave_. In a republican
+government the people make the laws, and those laws are merely public
+opinion _in legal forms_. We repeat it,--public opinion made them
+slaves, and keeps them slaves; in other words, it sunk them from men
+to chattels, and now, forsooth, this same public opinion will see to
+it, that these _chattels_ are treated like _men!_
+
+By looking a little into this matter, and finding out how this 'public
+opinion' (law) protects the slaves in some particulars, we can judge
+of the amount of its protection in others. 1. It protects the slaves
+from _robbery_, by declaring that those who robbed their mothers may
+rob them and their children. "All negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who
+now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their
+offspring, are hereby declared to be, and shall remain, forever,
+hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the
+mother."--Law of South Carolina, 2 Brevard's Digest, 229. Others of
+the slave states have similar laws.
+
+2. It protects their _persons_, by giving their master a right to
+flog, wound, and beat them when he pleases. See Devereaux's North
+Carolina Reports, 263.--Case of the State vs. Mann, 1829; in which the
+Supreme Court decided, that a master who _shot_ at a female slave and
+wounded her, because she got loose from him when he was flogging her,
+and started to run from him, had violated _no law_, AND COULD NOT BE
+INDICTED. It has been decided by the highest courts of the slave
+states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave is not
+indictable as a criminal offence.
+
+The following decision on this point was made by the Supreme Court of
+South Carolina in the case of the State vs. Cheetwood, 2 Hill's
+Reports, 459.
+
+_Protection of slaves_.--"The criminal offence of assault and battery
+_cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave_. For,
+notwithstanding for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a
+person, yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of
+personal protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action
+of trespass for the battery of his slave.
+
+"There can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere
+beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or
+an attempt to kill and murder. The peace of the state is not thereby
+broken; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of
+being within the peace of the state. He is not a citizen, and _is not
+in that character entitled to her protection_."
+
+This 'public opinion' protects the _persons_ of the slaves by
+depriving them of Jury trial;[28] their _consciences_, by forbidding
+them to assemble for worship, unless their oppressors are present;[29]
+their _characters_, by branding them as liars, in denying them their
+oath in law;[30] their _modesty_, by leaving their master to clothe,
+or let them go naked, as he pleases;[31] and their _health_, by
+leaving him to feed or starve them, to work them, wet or dry, with or
+without sleep, to lodge them, with or without covering, as the whim
+takes him;[32] and their _liberty_, marriage relations, parental
+authority, and filial obligations, by _annihilating_ the whole.[33]
+This is the protection which 'PUBLIC OPINION,' in the form of _law_,
+affords to the slaves; this is the chivalrous knight, always in
+stirrups, with lance in rest, to champion the cause of the slaves.
+
+[Footnote 28: Law of South Carolina. James' Digest, 392-3. Law of
+Louisiana. Martin's Digest, 42. Law of Virginia. Rev. Code, 429.]
+
+
+[Footnote 29: Miss. Rev. Code, 390. Similar laws exist in the slave
+states generally.]
+
+
+[Footnote 30: "A slave cannot be a witness against a white person,
+either in a civil or criminal cause." Stroud's Sketch of the Laws of
+Slavery, 65.]
+
+
+[Footnote 31: Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, 132.]
+
+
+[Footnote 32: Stroud's Sketch, 26-32.]
+
+
+[Footnote 33: Stroud's Sketch, 22-24.]
+
+
+Public opinion, protection to the slave! Brazen effrontery, hypocrisy,
+and falsehood! We have, in the laws cited and referred to above, the
+formal testimony of the Legislatures of the slave states, that,
+'public opinion' does pertinaciously _refuse_ to protect the slaves;
+not only so, but that it does itself persecute and plunder them all:
+that it originally planned, and now presides over, sanctions, executes
+and perpetuates the whole system of robbery, torture, and outrage
+under which they groan.
+
+In all the slave states, this 'public opinion' has taken away from the
+slave his _liberty_; it has robbed him of his right to his own body,
+of his right to improve his mind, of his right to read the Bible, of
+his right to worship God according to his conscience, of his right to
+receive and enjoy what he earns, of his right to live with his wife
+and children, of his right to better his condition, of his right to
+eat when he is hungry, to rest when he is tired, to sleep when be
+needs it, and to cover his nakedness with clothing: this 'public
+opinion' makes the slave a prisoner for life on the plantation, except
+when his jailor pleases to let him out with a 'pass,' or sells him,
+and transfers him in irons to another jail-yard: this 'public opinion'
+traverses the country, buying up men, women, children--chaining them
+in coffles, and driving them forever from their nearest friends; it
+sets them on the auction table, to be handled, scrutinized, knocked
+off to the highest bidder; it proclaims that they shall not have their
+liberty; and, if their masters give it them, 'public opinion' seizes
+and throws them back into slavery. This same 'public opinion' has
+formally attached the following legal penalties to the following acts
+of slaves.
+
+If more than seven slaves are found together in any road, without a
+white person, _twenty lashes a piece_; for visiting a plantation
+without a written pass, ten lashes; for letting loose a boat from
+where it is made fast, _thirty-nine lashes for the first offence_; and
+for the second, '_shall have cut off from his head one ear_;' for
+keeping or carrying a _club, thirty-nine lashes_; for having any
+article for sale, without a ticket from his master, _ten lashes_; for
+traveling in any other than 'the most usual and accustomed road,' when
+going alone to any place, _forty lashes_; for traveling in the night,
+without a pass, _forty lashes_; for being found in another person's
+negro-quarters, _forty lashes_; for hunting with dogs in the woods,
+_thirty lashes_; for being on _horseback_ without the written
+permission of his master, _twenty-five lashes_; for riding or going
+abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day time, without leave,
+a slave may be whipped, _cropped_, or _branded in the cheek_ with the
+letter R, or otherwise punished, _not extending to life_, or so as to
+render him _unfit for labor_. The laws referred to may be found by
+consulting 2 Brevard's Digest, 228, 213, 216; Haywood's Manual, 78,
+chap. 13, pp. 518, 529; 1 Virginia Revised Code, 722-3; Prince's
+Digest, 454; 2 Missouri Laws, 741; Mississippi Revised Code, 571. Laws
+similar to these exist throughout the southern slave code. Extracts
+enough to fill a volume might be made from these laws, showing that
+the protection which 'public opinion' grants to the slaves, is hunger,
+nakedness, terror, bereavements, robbery, imprisonment, the stocks,
+iron collars, hunting and worrying them with dogs and guns, mutilating
+their bodies, and murdering them.
+
+A few specimens of the laws and the judicial decisions on them, will
+show what is the state of 'public opinion' among slaveholders towards
+their slaves. Let the following suffice.--'Any person may lawfully
+kill a slave, who has been outlawed for running away and lurking in
+swamps, &c.'--Law of North Carolina; Judge Stroud's Sketch of the
+Slave Laws, 103; Haywood's Manual, 524. 'A slave _endeavoring_ to
+entice another slave to runaway, if provisions, &c. be prepared for
+the purpose of aiding in such running away, shall be punished with
+DEATH. And a slave who shall aid the slave so endeavoring to entice
+another slave to run away, shall also suffer DEATH.'--Law of South
+Carolina; Stroud's Sketch of Slave Laws, 103-4; 2 Brevard's Digest,
+233, 244. Another law of South Carolina provides that if a slave
+shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be examined by '_any
+white_ person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) 'such white person may
+seize and chastise him; and if the slave shall _strike_ such white
+person, such slave may be lawfully killed.'--2 Brevard's Digest, 231.
+
+The following is a law of Georgia.--'If any slave shall presume to
+strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction
+before the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first
+offence as they shall think fit, not extending to life or limb; and
+for the second offence, DEATH.'--Prince's Digest, 450. The same law
+exists in South Carolina, with this difference, that death is made the
+punishment for the _third_ offence. In both states, the law contains
+this remarkable proviso: 'Provided always, that such striking be not
+done by the command and in the defence of the person or property of
+the owner, or other person having the government of such slave, in
+which case the slave shall be wholly excused!' According to this law,
+if a slave, by the direction of his OVERSEER, strike a white man who
+is beating said overseer's _dog_, 'the slave shall be wholly excused;'
+but if the white man has rushed upon the slave himself, instead of the
+_dog_, and is furiously beating him, if the slave strike back but a
+single blow, the legal penalty is 'ANY _punishment_ not extending to
+life or limb;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset made upon
+him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in
+self-defence, the law KILLS him for it. So, if a female slave, in
+obedience to her mistress, and in defence of 'her property,' strike a
+white man who is kicking her mistress' pet kitten, she 'shall be
+wholly excused,' saith the considerate law: but if the unprotected
+girl, when beaten and kicked _herself_, raise her hand against her
+brutal assailant, the law condemns her to 'any punishment, not
+extending to life or limb; and if a wretch assail her again, and
+attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling girl, in her
+anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him in
+self-defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer DEATH.'
+
+Reader, this diabolical law is the 'public opinion' of Georgia and
+South Carolina toward the slaves. This is the vaunted 'protection'
+afforded them by their 'high-souled chivalry.' To show that the
+'public opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the
+_property_ of the master than the _person_ of the slave, the reader is
+referred to two laws of Louisiana, passed in 1819. The one attaches a
+penalty 'not exceeding one thousand dollars,' and 'imprisonment not
+exceeding two years,' to the crime of 'cutting or breaking any iron
+chain or collar,' which any master of slaves has used to prevent their
+running away; the other, a penalty 'not exceeding five hundred
+dollars,' to 'wilfully cutting out the tongue, putting out the eye,
+_cruelly_ burning, or depriving any slave of _any limb_.' Look at
+it--the most horrible dismemberment conceivable cannot be punished by
+a fine of _more_ than five hundred dollars. The law expressly fixes
+that, as the utmost limit, and it _may_ not be half that sum; not a
+single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and the
+next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his hand off.
+But let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep him from
+running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that could be
+exacted from him for cutting off a slave's leg, the law imprisons him
+not exceeding two years!
+
+This law reveals the _heart_ of slaveholders towards their slaves,
+their diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted
+torments inflicted on them by '_any_ person;' it reveals, too, the
+_relative_ protection afforded by 'public opinion' to the _person_ of
+the slave, in appalling contrast with the vastly surer protection
+which it affords to the master's _property_ in the slave. The wretch
+who cuts out the tongue, tears out the eyes, shoots off the arms, or
+burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, _cannot_ legally be
+fined more than five hundred dollars; but if he should in pity loose a
+chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to keep him
+from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he may be
+fined _one thousand dollars_, and thrust into a dungeon for two years!
+and this, be it remembered, not for _stealing_ the slave from the
+master, nor for _enticing_, or even advising him to run away, or
+giving him any information how he can effect his escape; but merely,
+because, touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the
+rough iron chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it;--and, as
+escape without this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the
+master's property in the slave is put at some risk. For having caused
+this slight risk, the law provides a punishment--fine not exceeding
+one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding _two years_. We
+say 'slight risk,' because the slave may not be disposed to encounter
+the dangers, and hunger, and other sufferings of the woods, and the
+certainty of terrible inflictions if caught; and if he should attempt
+it, the risk of losing him is small. An advertisement of five lines
+will set the whole community howling on his track; and the trembling
+and famished fugitive is soon scented out in his retreat, and dragged
+back and delivered over to his tormentors.
+
+The preceding law is another illustration of the 'protection' afforded
+to the limbs and members of slaves, by 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+
+Here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of
+'public opinion' to the _torments_ of the slave, while it is full of
+zeal to compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to
+lessen his market value. The first is a law of South Carolina. It
+provides, that if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked
+by a person 'not having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the
+slave shall be '_maimed or disabled_' by him, so that the owner
+suffers a loss from his inability to labor, the person maiming him
+shall pay for his 'lost time,' and 'also the charges for the cure of
+the slave!' This Vandal law does not deign to take the least notice of
+the anguish of the '_maimed' slave_, made, perhaps, a groaning cripple
+for life; the horrible wrong and injury done to _him_, is passed over
+in utter silence. It is thus declared to be _not a criminal act_. But
+the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by
+'public opinion'. Oh no! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at
+the master's injury in the 'lost _time_' of his slave, and it
+carefully provides that he shall have pay for the whole of it.--See 2
+_Brevard's Digest_, 231, 2.
+
+A law similar to the above has been passed in Louisiana, which
+contains an additional provision for the benefit of the
+_master_--ordaining, that 'if the slave' (thus _maimed and disabled_,)
+'be forever rendered unable to work,' the person maiming, shall pay
+the master the appraised value of the slave before the injury, and
+shall, in addition, _take_ the slave, and maintain him during life.'
+Thus 'public opinion' transfers the helpless cripple from the hand of
+his master, who, as he has always had the benefit of his services,
+might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and puts him in the sole
+power of the wretch who has disabled him for life--protecting the
+victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him into his hands!
+What but butchery by piecemeal can, under such circumstances, be
+expected from a man brutal enough at first to 'maim' and 'disable'
+him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value to the
+master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his
+maintenance. Since writing the above, we have seen the following
+judicial decision, in the case of Jourdan, vs. Patton--5 Martin's
+Louisiana Reports, 615. A slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of
+his _only eye_, and thus rendered _useless_, on which account the
+court adjudged that the defendant should pay the plaintiff his full
+value. The case went up, by appeal, to the Supreme court. Judge
+Mathews, in his decision said, that 'when the defendant had paid the
+sum decreed, the slave ought to be placed in his possession,'--adding,
+that 'the judgment making full compensation to the owner _operates a
+change of property_. He adds, 'The principle of humanity which would
+lead us to suppose, that the mistress whom he had long served, would
+treat her miserable blind slave with more kindness than the defendant
+to whom the judgment ought to transfer him, CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO
+CONSIDERATION!' The full compensation of the mistress for the loss of
+the services of the slave, is worthy of all 'consideration,' even to
+the uttermost farthing; 'public opinion' is omnipotent for _her_
+protection; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and lodging,
+medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treatment of
+her poor blind slave throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the
+question--ah! that, says the mouthpiece of the law, and the
+representative of 'public opinion,' 'CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO
+CONSIDERATION.' Protection of slaves by 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders!!
+
+The foregoing illustrations of southern 'public opinion,' from the
+laws made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far
+from being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their
+deadliest foe, persecutor and tormentor.
+
+But here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some 'Justice
+Shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected
+by law, however unprotected he may be in other respects. This
+assertion we meet with a point blank denial. The law does not, in
+reality, protect the life of the slave. But even if the letter of the
+law would fully protect the life of the slave, 'public opinion' in the
+slave states would make it a dead letter. The letter of the law would
+have been all-sufficient for the protection of the lives of the
+miserable gamblers in Vicksburg, and other places in Mississippi, from
+the rage of those whose money they had won; but 'gentlemen of property
+and standing 'laughed the law to scorn, rushed to the gamblers' house,
+put ropes round their necks, dragged them through the streets, hanged
+them in the public square, and thus saved the sum they had not yet
+paid. Thousands witnessed this wholesale murder, yet of the scores of
+legal officers present, not a soul raised a finger to prevent it, the
+whole city consented to it, and thus aided and abetted it. How many
+hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, _with their own hands_,
+does not appear, but not one of them has been indicted for it, and no
+one made the least effort to bring them to trial. Thus, up to the
+present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on that whole
+city, and it will continue to be a CITY OF MURDERERS, so long as its
+citizens, agree together to shield those felons from punishment; and
+they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in
+refusing to bring them to justice. Now, the _laws_ of Mississippi were
+not in fault that those men were murdered; nor are they now in fault,
+that their murderers are not punished; the laws demand it, but the
+people of Mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and
+legislature of the state, with one consent agree, that the law _shall
+be a dead letter_, and thus the whole state assumes the guilt of those
+murders, and in bravado, flourishes her reeking hands in the face of
+the world.[34]
+
+[Footnote 34: We have just learned from Mississippi papers, that the
+citizens of Vicksburg are erecting a public monument in honor of Dr.
+H.S. Bodley, who was the ring-leader of the Lynchers in their attack
+upon the miserable victims. To give the crime the cold encouragement
+of impunity alone, or such slight tokens of favor as a home and a
+sanctuary, is beneath the chivalry and hospitality of Mississippians;
+so they tender it incense, an altar, and a crown of glory. Let the
+marble rise till it be seen from afar, a beacon marking the spot where
+law lies lifeless by the hand of felons; and murderers, with chaplets
+on their heads, dance and shout upon its grave, while 'all the people
+say, amen.']
+
+
+The letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice
+of the community under that law often a totally different thing. Each
+of the slave states has laws providing that the life of no _white_ man
+shall be taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury,
+allowed an impartial trial by a petit jury, with the right of counsel,
+cross-examination of witnesses, &c.; but who does not know that if
+ARTHUR TAPPAN were pointed out in the streets of New Orleans, Mobile,
+Savannah, Charleston, Natchez, or St. Louis, he would be torn in
+pieces by the citizens with one accord, and that if any one should
+attempt to bring his murderers to punishment, he would be torn in
+pieces also. The editors of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that
+every abolitionist who sets foot in their soil, shall, if he be
+discovered, be hung at once, without judge or jury. What mockery to
+quote the _letter of the law_ in those states, to show that
+abolitionists would have secured to them the legal protection of an
+impartial trial!
+
+Before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave
+is protected by the law, he must not only show that the _words of the
+law_ grant him such protection, but that such a state of public
+sentiment exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their
+true spirit. Any thing short of this will be set down as mere prating
+by every man of common sense. It has been already abundantly shown in
+the preceding pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding
+states toward the slaves is diabolical. Now, if there were laws in
+those states, the _words_ of which granted to the life of the slave
+the same protection granted to that of the master, what would they
+avail? ACTS constitute protection; and is that public sentiment which
+makes the slave 'property,' and perpetrates hourly robbery and
+batteries upon him, so penetrated with a sense of the sacredness of
+his right to life, that it will protect it at all hazards, and drag to
+the gallows his OWNER, if he take the life of his own _property_? If
+it be asked, why the penalty for killing a slave is not a mere _fine_
+then, if his life is not really regarded as sacred by public
+sentiment--we answer, that formerly in most, if not in all the slave
+states, the murder of a slave _was_ punished by a mere fine. This was
+the case in South Carolina till a few years since. Yes, as late as
+1821, in the state of South Carolina, which boasts of its chivalry and
+honor, at least as loudly as any state in the Union, a slaveholder
+might butcher his slave in the most deliberate manner--with the most
+barbarous and protracted torments, and yet not be subjected to a
+single hour's imprisonment--pay his fine, stride out of the court and
+kill another--pay his fine again and butcher another, and so long as
+he paid to the state, cash down, its own assessment of damages,
+without putting it to the trouble of prosecuting for it, he might
+strut 'a gentleman.'--See 2 _Brevard's Digest_, 241.
+
+The reason assigned by the legislature for enacting a law which
+punished the wilful murder of a human being by a _fine_, was that
+'CRUELTY _is_ HIGHLY UNBECOMING,' and 'ODIOUS.' It was doubtless the
+same reason that induced the legislature in 1821, to make a show of
+giving _more_ protection to the life of the slave. Their fathers, when
+they gave _some_ protection, did it because the time had come when,
+not to do it would make them 'ODIOUS,' So the legislature of 1821 made
+a show of giving still greater protection, because, not to do it would
+make them '_odious_.' Fitly did they wear the mantles of their
+ascending fathers! In giving to the life of a slave the miserable
+protection of a fine, their fathers did not even pretend to do it out
+of any regard to the sacredness of his life as a human being, but
+merely because cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious.' The legislature
+of 1821 _nominally_ increased this protection; not that they cared
+more for the slave's rights, or for the inviolabity of his life as a
+human being, but the civilized world had advanced since the date of
+the first law. The slave-trade which was then honorable merchandise,
+and plied by lords, governors, judges, and doctors of divinity,
+raising them to immense wealth, had grown 'unbecoming,' and only
+raised its votaries by a rope to the yard arm; besides this, the
+barbarity of the slave codes throughout the world was fast becoming
+'odious' to civilized nations, and slaveholders found that the only
+conditions on which they could prevent themselves from being thrust
+out of the pale of civilization, was to meliorate the iron rigor of
+their slave code, and thus _seem_ to secure to their slaves some
+protection. Further, the northern states had passed laws for the
+abolition of slavery--all the South American states were acting in the
+matter; and Colombia and Chili passed acts of abolition that very
+year. In addition to all this the Missouri question had been for two
+years previous under discussion in Congress, in State legislatures,
+and in every village and stage coach; and this law of South Carolina
+had been held up to execration by northern members of Congress, and in
+newspapers throughout the free states--in a word, the legislature of
+South Carolina found that they were becoming 'odious;' and while in
+their sense of justice and humanity they did not surpass their
+fathers, they winced with equal sensitiveness under the sting of the
+world's scorn, and with equal promptitude sued for a truce by
+modifying the law.
+
+The legislature of South Carolina modified another law at the same
+session. Previously, the killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or
+passion, or by undue correction,' was punished by a fine of three
+hundred and fifty pounds. In 1821 an act was passed diminishing the
+fine to five hundred dollars, but authorizing an imprisonment 'not
+exceeding six months.' Just before the American Revolution, the
+Legislature of North Carolina passed a law making _imprisonment_ the
+penalty for the wilful and malicious murder of a slave. About twenty
+years after the revolution, the state found itself becoming 'odious,'
+as the spirit of abolition was pervading the nations. The legislature,
+perceiving that Christendom would before long rank them with
+barbarians if they so cheapened human life, repealed the law, candidly
+assigning in the preamble of the new one the reason for repealing the
+old--that it was 'DISGRACEFUL' and 'DEGRADING! As this preamble
+expressly recognizes the slave as 'a human creature,' and as it is
+couched in a phraseology which indicates some sense of justice, we
+would gladly give the legislature credit for sincerity, and believe
+them really touched with humane movings towards the slave, were it not
+for a proviso in the law clearly revealing that the show of humanity
+and regard for their rights, indicated by the words, is nothing more
+than a hollow pretence--hypocritical flourish to produce an impression
+favorable to their justice and magnanimity. After declaring that he
+who is 'guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, shall
+suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a freeman;' the act
+concludes thus: 'Provided, always, this act shall not extend to the
+person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of Assembly of
+this state; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful
+overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under _moderate
+correction_.' Reader, look at this proviso. 1. It gives free license
+to all persons to kill _outlawed slaves_. Well, what is an outlawed
+slave? A slave who runs away, lurks in swamps, &c., and kills a _hog_
+or any other domestic animal to keep himself from starving, is subject
+to a proclamation of _outlawry_; (Haywood's Manual, 521,) and then
+whoever finds him may shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn
+him to death over a slow fire, or kill him by any other tortures. 2.
+The proviso grants full license to a master to kill his slave, if the
+slave _resist_ him. The North Carolina Bench has decided that this law
+contemplates not only actual resistance to punishment, &c., but also
+_offering_ to resist. (Stroud's Sketch, 37.) If, for example, a slave
+undergoing the process of branding should resist by pushing aside the
+burning stamp; or if wrought up to frenzy by the torture of the lash,
+he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose from his master
+and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he _refuse_ to be
+flogged; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master is trying
+to strip him; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other ways he
+_resist_, or offer, or _threaten_ to resist the infliction; or, if the
+master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband
+resist his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely
+to shield his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit,
+but it _authorizes_ the master to murder the slave on the spot.
+
+The brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians.
+But the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the
+legislation of fiends. 'DYING under MODERATE _correction_!' MODERATE
+_correction_ and DEATH--cause and effect! 'Provided ALWAYS,' says the
+law, 'this act shall not extend to any slave dying under _moderate
+correction_!' Here is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder--an
+express pledge of _acquittal_ to all slaveholders who wish to murder
+their slaves, a legal absolution--an indulgence granted before the
+commission of the crime! Look at the phraseology. Nothing is said of
+maimings, dismemberments, skull fractures, of severe bruisings, or
+lacerations, or even of floggings; but a word is used the
+common-parlance import of which is, _slight chastisement_; it is not
+even _whipping_, but '_correction_' And as if hypocrisy and malignity
+were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word must be
+still farther diluted; so '_moderate_' is added: and, to crown the
+climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder,
+the _legal definition_ of 'moderate correction' is covertly given;
+which is, _any punishment_ that KILLS the victim. All inflictions are
+either _moderate_ or _immoderate_; and the design of this law was
+manifestly to shield the murderer from conviction, _by carrying on its
+face the rule for its own interpretation_; thus advertising,
+beforehand, courts and juries, that the fact of any infliction
+_producing death_, was no evidence that it was _immoderate_, and that
+beating a man to death came within the legal meaning of 'moderate
+correction!' The _design_ of the legislature of North Carolina in
+framing this law is manifest; it was to produce the impression upon
+the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to
+grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. This is
+ostentatiously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law.
+That this was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had
+predetermined to grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains
+taken to get the _credit_ of it, is fully revealed by the _proviso_,
+which was framed in such a way as to nullify the law, for the express
+accommodation of slaveholding gentlemen murdering their slaves. All
+such find in this proviso a convenient accomplice before the fact, and
+a packed jury, with a ready-made verdict of 'not guilty,' both
+gratuitously furnished by the government! The preceding law and
+proviso are to be found in Haywood's Manual, 530; also in Laws of
+Tennessee, Act of October 23, 1791; and in Stroud's Sketch, 37.
+
+Enough has been said already to show, that though the laws of the
+slave states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the
+slave, such professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection
+being in reality afforded by them. But there is still another fact,
+showing that all laws which profess to protect the slaves from injury
+by the whites are a mockery. It is this--that the testimony, neither
+of a slave nor of a free colored person, is _legal_ testimony against
+a white. To this rule there is _no exception_ in any of the slave
+states: and this, were there no other evidence, would be sufficient to
+stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions of the codes which
+_profess_ to protect the slaves. Professing to grant _protection_,
+while, at the same time, it strips them of the only _means_ by which
+they can make that protection available! Injuries must be legally
+_proved_ before they can be legally _redressed_: to deprive men of the
+power of _proving_ their injuries, is itself the greatest of all
+injuries; for it not only exposes to all, but invites them, by a
+virtual guarantee of impunity, and is thus the _author_ of all
+injuries. It matters not what other laws exist, professing to throw
+safeguards round the slave--_this_ makes them blank paper. How can a
+slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by his master or overseer,
+when his own testimony and that of all his fellow-slaves, his kindred,
+associates, and acquaintances, is ruled out of court? and when he is
+entirely in the _power_ of those who injure him, and when the only
+care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no _white_ witness is
+looking on. Ordinarily, but _one_ white man, the overseer, is with the
+slaves while they are at labor; indeed, on most plantations, to commit
+an outrage in the _presence_ of a white witness would be more
+difficult than in their absence. He who wished to commit an illegal
+act upon a slave, instead of being obliged to _take pains_ and watch
+for an opportunity to do it unobserved by a white, would find it
+difficult to do it in the presence of a white if he wished to do so.
+The supreme court of Louisiana, in their decision, in the case of
+Crawford vs. Cherry,(15, _Martin's La. Rep._ 112; also "_Law of
+Slavery,_" 249,) where the defendant was sued for the value of a slave
+whom he had shot and killed, say, "The act charged here, is one
+_rarely_ committed in the presence of _witnesses_," (whites). So in
+the case of the State vs. Mann, (_Devereux, N.C. Rep._ 263; and _"Law
+of Slavery," _247;) in which the defendant was charged with shooting a
+slave girl 'belonging' to the plaintiff; the Supreme Court of North
+Carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the
+master by the slave, and 'the consequent wrath of the master'
+prompting him to _bloody vengeance_, add, _'a vengeance generally
+practised with impunity, by reason of its privacy.'_
+
+Laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, where
+a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. One or two
+of them have no legal enactment on the subject; but, in those,
+_'public opinion'_ acts with the force of law, and the courts
+_invariably reject it_. This brings us back to the potency of that
+oft-quoted 'public opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to
+do battle for the _protection_ of the slave!
+
+Another proof that 'public opinion,' in the slave states, plunders,
+tortures, and murders the slaves, instead of _protecting_ them, is
+found in the fact, that the laws of slave states inflict _capital_
+punishment on slaves for a variety of crimes, for which, if their
+masters commit them, the legal penalty is merely _imprisonment_. Judge
+Stroud in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, says, that by the laws of
+Virginia, there are 'seventy-one crimes for which slaves are capitally
+punished though in none of these are whites punished in manner more
+severe than by imprisonment in the penitentiary.' (P. 107, where the
+reader will find all the crimes enumerated.) It should be added,
+however, that though the penalty for each of these seventy-one crimes
+is 'death,' yet a majority of them are, in the words of the law,
+'death within clergy;' and in Virginia, _clergyable_ offences, though
+_technically_ capital, are not so in fact. In Mississippi, slaves are
+punished capitally for more than _thirty_ crimes, for which whites are
+punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both. Eight of these are not
+_recognized as crimes_, either by common law or by statute, when
+committed by whites. In South Carolina slaves are punished capitally
+for _nine_ more crimes than the whites--in Georgia, for _six_--and in
+Kentucky, for _seven_ more than whites, &c. We surely need not detain
+the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with which the
+penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. When we
+consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that these
+masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, as
+they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon
+them for a variety of acts regarded as praise worthy in whites;
+killing them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned--to
+call such a 'public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical,
+would be to use tame words, if the English vocabulary could supply
+others of more horrible import.
+
+But slaveholding brutality does not stop here. While punishing the
+slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their
+masters for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts _crimes_ in
+law, which are right, and often _duties_, it persists in refusing to
+make known to the slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code
+which loads them with such fearful liabilities. The slave is left to
+get a knowledge of these laws as he can, and cases must be of constant
+occurrence at the south, in which slaves get their first knowledge of
+the existence of a law by suffering its penalty. Indeed, this is
+probably the way in which they commonly learn what the laws are; for
+how else can the slave get a knowledge of the laws? He cannot
+_read_--he cannot _learn_ to read; if he try to master the alphabet,
+so that he may spell out the words of the law, and thus avoid its
+penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him; while, at the same time,
+those who made the laws refuse to make them known to those for whom
+they are designed. The memory of Caligula will blacken with execration
+while time lasts, because be hung up his laws so high that people
+could not read them, and then punished them because they did not keep
+them. Our slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy. Caligula was content
+with hanging up his laws where his subjects could _see_ them; and if
+they could not read them, they knew where they were, and might get at
+them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had used the same
+means to get up to them that those did who hung them there. Even
+Caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cutting their legs
+off, to prevent their climbing to them; or, if they had got there, at
+boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. Our slaveholders
+virtually do both; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring that
+knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws; and if,
+by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books and
+papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. Further--Caligula
+merely hung his laws so high that they could not be _read_--our
+slaveholders have hung theirs so high above the slave that they cannot
+be _seen_--they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they
+are there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.[35] Thus
+the "public opinion" of slave states protects the defenceless slave by
+arming a host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every
+thicket along his path, to spring upon him unawares.
+
+[Footnote 35: The following extract from the Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette
+is all illustration. "CRIMINALS CONDEMNED.--On Monday last the Court
+of the borough of Norfolk, Va. sat on the trial of four negro boys
+arraigned for burglary. The first indictment charged them with
+breaking into the hardware store of Mr. E.P. Tabb, upon which two of
+them were found guilty by the Court, and condemned to suffer the
+penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, is death. The
+second Friday in April is appointed for the execution of their awful
+sentence. _Their ages do not exceed sixteen_. The first, a fine active
+boy, belongs to a widow lady in Alexandria; the latter, a house
+servant, is owned by a gentleman in the borough. The value of one was
+fixed at $1000, and the other at $800; which sums are to be
+re-imbursed to their respective owners out of the state treasury." In
+all probability these poor boys, who are to be hung for stealing,
+never dreamed that death was the legal penalty of the crime.
+
+Here is another, from the "New Orleans Bee" of ---- 14, 1837--"The
+slave who STRUCK some citizens in Canal street, some weeks since, has
+been tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be HUNG on the 24th."]
+
+
+Stroud, in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, page 100, thus comments
+on this monstrous barbarity.
+
+"The hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the
+laws before he is expected to obey them;[36] yet the guiltless slave
+is subjected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of
+which, probably, has he ever heard."
+
+[Footnote 36: "It shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary]
+on the receipt of each prisoner, to _read_ to him or her such parts of
+the penal laws of this state as impose penalties for escape, and to
+make all the prisoners in the penitentiary acquainted with the same.
+It shall also be his duty, on the discharge of such prisoner, to read
+to him or her such parts of the laws as impose additional punishments
+for the repetition of offences."--_Rule 12th_, for the internal
+government of the Penitentiary of Georgia. Sec. 26 of the Penitentiary
+Act of 1816.--Prince's Digest, 386.]
+
+
+Having already drawn so largely on the reader's patience, in
+illustrating southern 'public opinion' by the slave laws, instead of
+additional illustrations of the same point from another class of those
+laws, as was our design, we will group together a few particulars,
+which the reader can take in at a glance, showing that the "public
+opinion" of slaveholders towards their slaves, which exists at the
+south, in the form of law, tramples on all those fundamental
+principles of right, justice, and equity, which are recognized as
+sacred by all civilized nations, and receive the homage even of
+barbarians.
+
+1. One of these principles is, that the _benefits_ of law to the
+subject should overbalance its burdens--its protection more than
+compensate for its restraints and exactions--and its blessings
+altogether outweigh its inconveniences and evils--the former being
+numerous, positive, and permanent, the latter few, negative, and
+incidental. Totally the reverse of all this is true in the case of the
+slave. Law is to him all exaction and no protection: instead of
+lightening his _natural_ burdens, it crushes him under a multitude of
+artificial ones; instead of a friend to succor him, it is his
+deadliest foe, transfixing him at every step from the cradle to the
+grave. Law has been beautifully defined to be "benevolence acting by
+rule;" to the American slave it is malevolence torturing by system. It
+is an old truth, that _responsibility_ increases with _capacity_; but
+those same laws which make the slave a "_chattel_," require of him
+_more_ than of _men_. The same law which makes him a _thing_ incapable
+of obligation, loads him with obligations superhuman--while sinking
+him below the level of a brute in dispensing its _benefits_, he lays
+upon him burdens which would break down an angel.
+
+2. _Innocence is entitled to the protection of law._ Slaveholders make
+innocence free plunder; this is their daily employment; their laws
+assail it, make it their victim, inflict upon it all, and, in some
+respects, more than all the penalties of the greatest guilt. To other
+innocent persons, law is a blessing, to the slave it is a curse, only
+a curse and that continually.
+
+3. _Deprivation of liberty is one of the highest punishments of
+crime_; and in proportion to its justice when inflicted on the guilty,
+is its injustice when inflicted on the innocent; this terrible penalty
+is inflicted on two million seven hundred thousand, innocent persons
+in the Southern states.
+
+4. _Self-preservation and self-defence_, are universally regarded as
+the most sacred of human rights, yet the laws of slave states punish
+the slave with _death_ for exercising these rights in that way, which
+in others is pronounced worthy of the highest praise.
+
+5. _The safeguards of law are most needed where natural safe-guards
+are weakest._ Every principle of justice and equity requires, that,
+those who are totally unprotected by birth, station, wealth, friends,
+influence, and popular favor, and especially those who are the
+innocent objects of public contempt and prejudice, should be more
+vigilantly protected by law, than those who are so fortified by
+defence, that they have far less need of _legal_ protection; yet the
+poor slave who is fortified by _none_ of these _personal_ bulwarks, is
+denied the protection of law, while the master, surrounded by them
+all, is panoplied in the mail of legal protection, even to the hair of
+his head; yea, his very shoe-tie and coat-button are legal protegees.
+
+6. The grand object of law is to _protect men's natural rights_, but
+instead of protecting the natural rights of the slaves, it gives
+slaveholders license to wrest them from the weak by violence, protects
+them in holding their plunder, and _kills_ the rightful owner if he
+attempt to recover it.
+
+This is the _protection_ thrown around the rights of American slaves
+by the 'public opinion,' of slaveholders; these the restraints that
+hold back their masters, overseers, and drivers, from inflicting
+injuries upon them!
+
+In a Republican government, _law_ is the pulse of its _heart_--as the
+heart beats the pulse beats, except that it often beats _weaker_ than
+the heart, never stronger--or to drop the figure, laws are never
+_worse_ than those who make them, very often better. If human history
+proves anything, cruelty of practice will always go beyond cruelty of
+law.
+
+Law-making is a formal, deliberate act, performed by persons of mature
+age, embodying the intelligence, wisdom, justice and humanity, of the
+community; performed, too, at leisure, after full opportunity had for
+a comprehensive survey of all the relations to be affected, after
+careful investigation and protracted discussion. Consequently laws
+must, in the main, be a true index of the permanent feelings, the
+settled _frame of mind_, cherished by the community upon those
+subjects, and towards those persons and classes whose condition the
+laws are designed to establish. If the laws are in a high degree cruel
+and inhuman, towards any class of persons, it proves that the feelings
+habitually exercised towards that class of persons, by those who make
+and perpetuate those laws, are at least _equally_ cruel and inhuman.
+We say _at least equally_ so; for if the _habitual_ state of feeling
+towards that class be unmerciful, it must be unspeakably cruel,
+relentless and malignant when _provoked_; if its _ordinary_ action is
+inhuman, its contortions and spasms must be tragedies; if the waves
+run high when there has been no wind, where will they not break when
+the tempest heaves them!
+
+Further, when cruelty is the _spirit_ of the law towards a proscribed
+class, when it _legalizes great outrages_ upon them, it connives at,
+and abets _greater_ outrages, and is virtually an accomplice of all
+who perpetrate them. Hence, in such cases, though the _degree_ of the
+outrage is illegal, the perpetrator will rarely be convicted, and,
+even if convicted, will be almost sure to escape punishment. This is
+not _theory_ but _history_. Every judge and lawyer in the slave states
+_knows_, that the legal conviction and _punishment_ of masters and
+mistresses, for illegal outrages upon their slaves, is an event which
+has rarely, if ever, occurred in the slave states; they know, also,
+that although _hundreds_ of slaves have been _murdered_ by their
+masters and mistresses in the slave states, within the last
+twenty-five years, and though the fact of their having committed those
+murders has been established beyond a _doubt_ in the minds of the
+surrounding community, yet that the murderers have not, in a single
+instance, suffered the penalty of the law.
+
+Finally, since slaveholders have deliberately legalized the
+perpetration of the most cold-blooded atrocities upon their slaves,
+and do pertinaciously refuse to make these atrocities _illegal_, and
+to punish those who perpetrate them, they stand convicted before the
+world, upon their own testimony, of the most barbarous, brutal, and
+habitual inhumanity. If this be slander and falsehood, their own lips
+have uttered it, their own fingers have written it, their own acts
+have proclaimed it; and however it may be with their _morality_, they
+have too much human nature to perjure themselves for the sake of
+publishing their own infamy.
+
+Having dwelt at such length on the legal code of the slave states,
+that unerring index of the public opinion of slaveholders towards
+their slaves; and having shown that it does not protect the slaves
+from cruelty, and that even in the few instances in which the letter
+of the law, if _executed_, would afford some protection, it is
+virtually nullified by the connivance of courts and juries, or by
+popular clamor; we might safely rest the case here, assured that every
+honest reader would spurn the absurd falsehood, that the 'public
+opinion' of the slave states protects the slaves and restrains the
+master. But, as the assertion is made so often by slaveholders, and
+with so much confidence, notwithstanding its absurdity is fully
+revealed by their own legal code, we propose to show its falsehood by
+applying other tests.
+
+We lay it down as a truth that can be made no plainer by reasoning,
+that the same 'public opinion,' which restrains men from _committing_
+outrages, will restrain them from _publishing_ such outrages, if they
+do commit them;--in other words, if a man is restrained from certain
+acts through fear of losing his character, should they become known,
+he will not voluntarily destroy his character by _making them known_,
+should he be guilty of them. Let us look at this. It is assumed by
+slaveholders, that 'public opinion' at the south so frowns on cruelty
+to the slaves, that _fear of disgrace_ would restrain from the
+infliction of it, were there no other consideration.
+
+Now, that this is sheer fiction is shown by the fact, that the
+newspapers in the slaveholding states, teem with advertisements for
+runaway slaves, in which the masters and _mistresses_ describe their
+men and women, as having been 'branded with a hot iron,' on their
+'cheeks,' 'jaws,' 'breasts,' 'arms,' 'legs,' and 'thighs;' also as
+'scarred,' 'very much scarred,' 'cut up,' 'marked,' &c. 'with the
+whip,' also with 'iron collars on,' 'chains,' 'bars of iron,'
+'fetters,' 'bells,' 'horns,' 'shackles,' &c. They, also, describe them
+as having been wounded by 'buck-shot,' 'rifle-balls,' &c. fired at
+them by their 'owners,' and others when in pursuit; also, as having
+'notches,' cut in their ears, the tops or bottoms of their ears 'cut
+off,' or 'slit,' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both ears cut off' &c. &c.
+The masters and mistresses who thus advertise their runaway slaves,
+coolly sign their names to their advertisements, giving the street and
+number of their residences, if in cities, their post office address,
+&c. if in the country; thus making public proclamation as widely as
+possible that _they_ 'brand,' 'scar,' 'gash,' 'cut up,' &c. the flesh
+of their slaves; load them with irons, cut off their ears, &c.; they
+speak of these things with the utmost _sang froid_, not seeming to
+think it possible, that any one will esteem them at all the less
+because of these outrages upon their slaves; further, these
+advertisements swarm in many of the largest and most widely circulated
+political and commercial papers that are published in the slave
+states. The editors of those papers constitute the main body of the
+literati of the slave states; they move in the highest circle of
+society, are among the 'popular' men in the community, and _as a
+class_, are more influential than any other; yet these editors publish
+these advertisements with iron indifference. So far from proclaiming
+to such felons, homicides, and murderers, that they will not be their
+blood-hounds, to hunt down the innocent and mutilated victims who have
+escaped from their torture, they freely furnish them with every
+facility, become their accomplices and share their spoils; and instead
+of outraging 'public opinion,' by doing it, they are the men after its
+own heart, its organs, its representatives, its _self_.
+
+To show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states, towards the
+slaves, is absolutely _diabolical_, we will insert a few, out of a
+multitude, of similar advertisements from a variety of southern papers
+now before us.
+
+The North Carolina Standard, of July 18, 1838, contains the
+following:--
+
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman and
+two children; the woman is tall and black, and _a few days before she
+went off_, I BURNT HER WITH A HOT IRON ON THE LEFT SIDE OF HER FACE; I
+TRIED TO MAKE THE LETTER M, _and she kept a cloth over her head and
+face, and a fly bonnet on her head so as to cover the burn;_ her
+children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh year; he is a
+_mulatto_ and has blue eyes; the youngest is black and is in his fifth
+year. The woman's name is Betty, commonly called Bet."
+
+MICAJAH RICKS.
+
+_Nash County, July 7_, 1838.
+
+Hear the wretch tell his story, with as much indifference as if he
+were describing the cutting of his initials in the bark of a tree.
+
+_"I burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face,"--"I tried
+to make the letter M_," and this he says in a newspaper, and puts his
+name to it, and the editor of the paper who is, also, its proprietor,
+publishes it for him and pockets his fee. Perhaps the reader will say,
+'Oh, it must have been published in an insignificant sheet printed in
+some obscure corner of the state; perhaps by a gang of 'squatters,' in
+the Dismal Swamp, universally regarded as a pest, and edited by some
+scape-gallows, who is detested by the whole community.' To this I reply
+that the "North Carolina Standard," the paper which contains it, is a
+large six columned weekly paper, handsomely printed and ably edited;
+it is the leading Democratic paper in that state, and is published at
+Raleigh, the Capital of the state, Thomas Loring, Esq. Editor and
+Proprietor. The motto in capitals under the head of the paper is, "THE
+CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE STATES--THEY MUST BE PRESERVED." The
+same Editor and Proprietor, who exhibits such brutality of feeling
+towards the slaves, by giving the preceding advertisement a
+conspicuous place in his columns, and taking his pay for it, has
+apparently a keen sense of the proprieties of life, where _whites_ are
+concerned, and a high regard for the rights, character and feelings of
+those whose skin is colored like his own. As proof of this, we copy
+from the number of the paper containing the foregoing advertisement,
+the following _Editorial_ on the pending political canvass.
+
+"We cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the Gubernatorial
+canvass will be conducted with a _due regard to the character_, and
+_feelings_ of the distinguished individuals who are candidates for
+that office; and that the press of North Carolina will _set an
+example_ in this respect, worthy of _imitation and of praise_."
+
+What is this but chivalrous and honorable feeling? The good name of
+North Carolina is dear to him--on the comfort, 'character and
+feelings,' of her _white_ citizens he sets a high value; he feels too,
+most deeply for the _character of the Press_ of North Carolina, sees
+that it is a city set on a hill, and implores his brethren of the
+editorial corps to 'set an example' of courtesy and magnanimity worthy
+of imitation and praise. Now, reader, put all these things together
+and con them over, and then read again the preceding advertisement
+contained in the same number of the paper, and you have the true
+"North Carolina STANDARD," by which to measure the protection extended
+to slaves by the 'public opinion' of that state.
+
+J.P. Ashford advertises as follows in the "Natchez Courier," August
+24, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+_good many teeth missing_, the letter A. _is branded on her cheek and
+forehead_."
+
+A.B. Metcalf thus advertises a woman in the same paper, June 15,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball_."
+
+John Henderson, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838,
+advertises Betsey.
+
+"Ranaway, a black woman Betsey, has an _iron bar on her right leg_."
+
+Robert Nicoll, whose residence is in Mobile, in Dauphin street,
+between Emmanuel and Conception streets, thus advertises a woman in
+the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD will be given for my negro woman Liby. The said
+Liby is about 30 years old and VERY MUCH SCARRED ABOUT THE NECK AND
+EARS, occasioned by whipping, had on a handkerchief tied round her
+ears, as she COMMONLY wears it to HIDE THE SCARS."
+
+To show that slaveholding brutality now is the same that it was the
+eighth of a century ago, we publish the following advertisement from
+the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," of 1825.
+
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, on the 14th
+instant, a negro girl named Molly.
+
+"The said girl was sold by Messrs. Wm. Payne & Sons, as the property
+of an estate of a Mr. Gearrall, and purchased by a Mr. Moses, and sold
+by him to a Thomas Prisley, of Edgefield District, of whom I bought
+her on the 17th of April, 1819. She is 16 or 17 years of age, slim
+made, LATELY BRANDED ON THE LEFT CHEEK, THUS, R, AND A PIECE TAKEN OFF
+OF HER EAR ON THE SAME SIDE; THE SAME LETTER ON THE INSIDE OF BOTH HER
+LEGS.
+
+"ABNER ROSS, Fairfield District."
+
+But instead of filling pages with similar advertisements, illustrating
+the horrible brutality of slaveholders towards their slaves, the
+reader is referred to the preceding pages of this work, to the scores
+of advertisements written by slaveholders, printed by slaveholders,
+published by slaveholders, in newspapers edited by slaveholders and
+patronized by slaveholders; advertisement describing not only men and
+boys, but women aged and middle-aged, matrons and girls of tender
+years, their necks chafed with iron collars with prongs, their limbs
+galled with iron rings and chains, and bars of iron, iron hobbles and
+shackles, all parts of their persons scarred with the lash, and
+branded with hot irons, and torn with rifle bullets, pistol balls and
+buck shot, and gashed with knives, their eyes out, their ears cut off,
+their teeth drawn out, and their bones broken. He is referred also to
+the cool and shocking indifference with which these slaveholders,
+'gentlemen' and 'ladies,' Reverends, and Honorables, and Excellencies,
+write and print, and publish and pay, and take money for, and read and
+circulate, and sanction, such infernal barbarity. Let the reader
+ponder all this, and then lay it to heart, that this is that 'public
+opinion' of the slaveholders which protects their slaves from all
+injury, and is an effectual guarantee of personal security.
+
+However far gone a community may be in brutality, something of
+protection may yet be hoped for from its 'public opinion,' if _respect
+for woman_ survive the general wreck; that gone, protection perishes;
+public opinion becomes universal rapine; outrages, once occasional,
+become habitual; the torture, which was before inflicted only by
+passion, becomes the constant product of a _system_, and, instead of
+being the index of sudden and fierce impulses, is coolly plied as the
+permanent means to an end. When _women_ are branded with hot irons on
+their faces; when iron collars, with prongs, are riveted about their
+necks; when iron rings are fastened upon their limbs, and they are
+forced to drag after them chains and fetters; when their flesh is torn
+with whips, and mangled with bullets and shot, and lacerated with
+knives; and when those who do such things, are regarded in the
+community, and associated with as 'gentlemen' and 'ladies;' to say
+that the 'public opinion' of _such_ a community is a protection to its
+victims, is to blaspheme God, whose creatures they are, cast in his
+own sacred image, and dear to him as the apple of his eye.
+
+But we are not yet quite ready to dismiss this protector, 'Public
+Opinion.' To illustrate the hardened brutality with which slaveholders
+regard their slaves, the shameless and apparently unconscious
+indecency with which they speak of their female slaves, examine their
+persons, and describe them, under their own signatures, in newspapers,
+hand-bills, &c. just as they would describe the marks of cattle and
+swine, on all parts of their bodies; we will make a few extracts from
+southern papers. Reader, as we proceed to these extracts, remember our
+motto--'True humanity consists _not_ in a squeamish ear.'
+
+Mr. P. ABDIE, of New Orleans, advertises in the New Orleans Bee, of
+January 29, 1838, for one of his female slaves, as follows;
+
+"Ranaway, the negro wench named Betsey, aged about 22 years,
+handsome-faced, and good countenance; having the marks of the whip
+behind her neck, and SEVERAL OTHERS ON HER RUMP. The above reward,
+($10,) will be given to whoever will bring that wench to P. ABDIE."
+
+The New Orleans Bee, in which the advertisement of this Vandal
+appears, is the 'Official Gazette of the State--of the General
+Council--and of the first and third Municipalities of New Orleans.' It
+is the largest, and the most influential paper in the south-western
+states, and perhaps the most ably edited--and has undoubtedly a larger
+circulation than any other. It is a daily paper, of $12 a year, and
+its circulation being mainly among the larger merchants, planters, and
+professional men, it is a fair index of the 'public opinion' of
+Louisiana, so far as represented by those classes of persons.
+Advertisements equally gross, indecent, and abominable, or nearly so,
+can be found in almost every number of that paper.
+
+Mr. WILLIAM ROBINSON, Georgetown, District of Columbia, advertised for
+his slave in the National Intelligencer, of Washington City, Oct. 2,
+1837, as follows:
+
+"Eloped from my residence a young negress, 22 years old, of a
+chestnut, or brown color. She has a very singular mark--this mark, to
+the best of my RECOLLECTION, covers a part of her _breasts_, _body_,
+and _limbs_; and when her neck and arms are uncovered, is very
+perceptible; she has been frequently seen east and south of the
+Capitol Square, and is harbored by ill-disposed persons, of every
+complexion, for her services."
+
+Mr. JOHN C. BEASLEY, near Huntsville, Alabama, thus advertises a young
+girl of eighteen, in the Huntsville Democrat, of August 1st, 1837.
+"Ranaway Maria, about 18 years old, _very far advanced with child._"
+He then offers a reward to any one who will commit this young girl, in
+this condition, _to jail_.
+
+Mr. JAMES T. DE JARNETT, Vernon, Autauga co. Alabama, thus advertises
+a woman in the Pensacola Gazette, July 14, 1838. "Celia is a _bright_
+copper-colored negress, _fine figure_ and _very smart_. On EXAMINING
+HER BACK, you will find marks caused by the whip." He closes the
+advertisement, by offering a reward of _five hundred dollars_ to any
+person who will lodge her in _jail_, so that he can get her.
+
+A person who lives at 124 Chartres street, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bee,' of May 31, for "the negress Patience, about 28 years old,
+has _large hips_, and is _bow-legged_." A Mr. T. CUGGY, in the same
+paper, thus describes "the negress Caroline." "_She has awkward feet,
+clumsy ankles, turns out her toes greatly in walking, and has a sore
+on her left shin_."
+
+In another, of June 22, Mr. P. BAHI advertises "Maria, with a clear
+white complexion, and _double nipple on her right breast_."
+
+Mr. CHARLES CRAIGE, of Federal Point, New Hanover co. North Carolina,
+in the Wilmington Advertiser, August 11, 1837, offers a reward for his
+slave Jane, and says "_she is far advanced in pregnancy_."
+
+The New Orleans Bulletin, August 18, 1838, advertises "the negress
+Mary, aged nineteen, has a scar on her face, walks parrot-toed, and is
+_pregnant_."
+
+Mr. J.G. MUIR, of Grand Gulf, Mississippi, thus advertises a woman in
+the Vicksburg Register, December 5, 1838. "Ranaway a negro girl--has a
+number of _black lumps on her breasts, and is in a state of
+pregnancy_."
+
+Mr. JACOB BESSON, Donaldsonville, Louisiana, advertises in the New
+Orleans Bee, August 7, 1838, "the negro woman Victorine--she is
+_advanced in pregnancy_."
+
+Mr. J.H. LEVERICH & Co. No. 10, Old Levee, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bulletin,' January 22, 1839, as follows.
+
+"$50 REWARD.--Ranaway a negro girl named Caroline about 18 years of
+age, is _far advanced in child-bearing_. The above reward will be paid
+for her delivery at either of the _jails_ of the city."
+
+Mr. JOHN DUGGAN, thus advertises a woman in the New Orleans Bee, of
+Sept. 7.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto woman, named Esther, about
+thirty years of age, _large stomach_, wants her upper front teeth, and
+walks pigeon-toed--supposed to be about the lower fauxbourg."
+
+Mr. FRANCIS FOSTER, of Troop co. Georgia, advertises in the Columbus
+(Ga.) Enquirer of June 22, 1837--"My negro woman Patsey, has a stoop
+in her walking, occasioned by a _severe burn on her abdomen_."
+
+The above are a few specimens of the gross details, in describing the
+persons of females, of all ages, and the marks upon all parts of their
+bodies; proving incontestably, that slaveholders are in the habit not
+only of stripping their female slaves of their clothing, and
+inflicting punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh,' but of subjecting
+their naked persons to the most minute and revolting inspection, and
+then of publishing to the world the results of their examination, as
+well as the scars left by their own inflictions upon them, their
+length, size, and exact position on the body; and all this without
+impairing in the least, the standing in the community of the shameless
+wretches who thus proclaim their own abominations. That such things
+should not at all affect the standing of such persons in society, is
+certainly no marvel: how could they affect it, when the same
+communities enact laws _requiring_ their own legal officers to inspect
+minutely the persons and bodily marks of all slaves taken up as
+runaways, and to publish in the newspapers a particular description of
+all such marks and peculiarities of their persons, their size,
+appearance position on the body, &c. Yea, verily, when the 'public
+opinion' of the community, in the solemn form of law, commands
+jailors, sheriffs, captains of police, &c. to divest of their clothing
+aged matrons and young girls, minutely examine their naked persons,
+and publish the results of their examination--who can marvel, that the
+same 'public opinion' should tolerate the slaveholders themselves, in
+doing the same things to their own property, which they have appointed
+legal officers to do as their proxies.[37]
+
+[Footnote 37: 'As a sample of these laws, we give the following extract
+from one of the laws of Maryland, where slaveholding 'public opinion'
+exists in its mildest form.'
+
+"It shall be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties of this
+state, upon any runaway servant or slave being committed to his
+custody, to cause the same to be advertised, &c. and to make
+particular and minute descriptions of _the person and bodily marks_,
+of such runaway."--_Laws of Maryland of 1802_, Chap. 96, Sec. 1 and 2.
+
+That the sheriffs, jailors, &c. do not neglect this part of their
+official 'duty,' is plain from the minute description which they give
+in the advertisements of marks upon all parts of the persons of
+females, as well as males; and also from the occasional declaration,
+'no scars discoverable on any part,' or 'no marks discoverable _about_
+her;' which last is taken from an advertisement in the Milledgeville
+(Geo.) Journal, June 26, 1838, signed 'T.S. Denster, Jailor.']
+
+
+The zeal with which slaveholding '_public opinion_' protects the lives
+of the slaves, may be illustrated by the following advertisements,
+taken from a multitude of similar ones in southern papers. To show
+that slaveholding 'public opinion' is the same _now_, that it was half
+a century ago, we will insert, in the first place, an advertisement
+published in a North Carolina newspaper, Oct. 29, 1785, by W. SKINNER,
+the Clerk of the County of Perquimons, North Carolina.
+
+"Ten silver dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and
+delivering to me my man Moses, who ran away this morning; or I will
+give five times the sum to any person who will make due proof of his
+_being killed_, and never ask a question to know by whom it was done."
+
+W. SKINNER.
+
+_Perquimons County, N.C. Oct. 29, 1785._
+
+
+The late JOHN PARRISH, of Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the
+religious society of Friends, who traveled through the slave states
+about _thirty-five years_ since, on a religious mission, published on
+his return a pamphlet of forty pages, entitled 'Remarks on the Slavery
+of the Black People.' From this work we extract the following
+illustrations of 'public opinion' in North and South Carolina and
+Virginia at that period.
+
+"When I was traveling through North Carolina, a black man, who was
+outlawed, being shot by one of his pursuers, and left wounded in the
+woods, they came to an ordinary where I had stopped to feed my horse,
+in order to procure a cart to bring the poor wretched object in.
+Another, I was credibly informed, was shot, his head cut off, and
+carried in a bag by the perpetrators of the murder, who received the
+reward, which was said to be $200, continental currency, and that his
+head was stuck on a coal house at an iron works in Virginia--and this
+for going to visit his wife at a distance. Crawford gives an account
+of a man being gibbetted alive in South Carolina, and the buzzards
+came and picked out his eyes. Another was burnt to death at a stake in
+Charleston, surrounded by a multitude of spectators, some of whom were
+people of the _first rank_; ... the poor object was heard to cry, as
+long as he could breathe, 'not guilty--not guilty.'"
+
+The following is an illustration of the 'public opinion' of South
+Carolina about fifty years ago. It is taken from Judge Stroud's Sketch
+of the Slave Laws, page 39.
+
+"I find in the case of 'the State vs. M'Gee,' I Bay's Reports, 164, it
+is said incidentally by Messrs. Pinckney and Ford, counsel for the
+state (of S.C.), 'that the _frequency_ of the offence (_wilful_ murder
+of a slave) was owing to the _nature of the punishment_', &c.... This
+remark was made in 1791, when the above trial took place. It was made
+in a public place--a courthouse--and by men of great personal
+respectability. There can be, therefore, no question as to its
+_truth_, and as little of its _notoriety_."
+
+In 1791 the Grand Jury for the district of Cheraw, S.C. made a
+_presentment_, from which the following is an extract.
+
+"We, the Grand Jurors of and for the district of Cheraw, do present
+the INEFFICACY of the present punishment for killing negroes, as a
+great defect in the legal system of this state: and we do earnestly
+recommend to the attention of the legislature, that clause of the
+negro act, which confines the penalty for killing slaves to fine and
+imprisonment only: in full confidence, that they will provide some
+other _more effectual_ measures to prevent the FREQUENCY of crimes of
+this nature."--_Matthew Carey's American Museum, for Feb.
+1791_.--Appendix, p. 10.
+
+The following is a specimen of the 'public opinion' of Georgia twelve
+years since. We give it in the strong words of COLONEL STONE, Editor
+of the New York Commercial Advertiser. We take it from that paper of
+June 8, 1827.
+
+"HUNTING MEN WITH DOGS.-A negro who had absconded from his master, and
+for whom a reward of $100 was offered, has been apprehended and
+committed to prison in Savannah. The editor, who states the fact,
+adds, with as much coolness as though there were no barbarity in the
+matter, that he did not surrender till _he was considerably_ MAIMED BY
+THE DOGS that had been set on him--desperately fighting them--one of
+which he badly cut with a sword."
+
+Twelve days after the publication of the preceding fact, the following
+horrible transaction took place in Perry county, Alabama. We extract
+it from the African Observer, a monthly periodical, published in
+Philadelphia, by the society of Friends. See No. for August, 1827.
+
+"Tuscaloosa, Ala. June 20, 1827.
+
+"Some time during the last week a Mr. M'Neilly having lost some
+clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a
+neighboring planter was charged with the theft. M'Neilly, in company
+with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon; they
+seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the
+negro stabbed M'Neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. The
+negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who _waved his
+authority_, perhaps through fear, as a crowd of persons had collected
+to the number of seventy or eighty, near Mr. People's (the justice)
+house. _He acted as president of the mob,_ and put the vote, when it
+was decided he should be immediately executed by _being burnt to
+death_. The sable culprit was led to a tree, and tied to it, and a
+large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him, and the
+fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of
+several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a
+short time burned to ashes.
+
+"This is the SECOND negro who has been THUS put to death, without
+judge or jury, in this county."
+
+
+The following advertisements, testimony, &c. will show that the
+slaveholders of _to-day_ are the _children_ of those who shot, and
+hunted with bloodhounds, and burned over slow fires, the slaves of
+half a century ago; the worthy inheritors of their civilization,
+chivalry, and tender mercies.
+
+The "Wilmington (North Carolina) Advertiser" of July 13, 1838,
+contains the following advertisement.
+
+"$100 will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely confine
+in any jail in this state, a certain negro man, named ALFRED. And the
+same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given of _having
+been_ KILLED. He has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by
+his having been shot.
+
+"THE CITIZENS OF ONSLOW.
+
+"Richlands, Onslow co. May 16th, 1838."
+
+
+In the same column with the above and directly under it is the
+following:--
+
+"RANAWAY my negro man RICHARD. A reward of $25 will be paid for his
+apprehension DEAD or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be required
+of his being KILLED. He has with him, in all probability, his wife
+ELIZA, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of Alabama,
+about the time he commenced his journey to that state. DURANT H.
+RHODES."
+
+
+In the "Mason (Georgia) Telegraph," May 28, is the following:
+
+"About the 1st of March last the negro man RANSOM left me without the
+least provocation whatever; I will give a reward of twenty dollars for
+said negro, if taken DEAD OR ALIVE,--and if killed in any attempt, an
+advance of five dollars will be paid. BRYANT JOHNSON.
+
+"_Crawford co. Georgia_"
+
+
+See the "Newbern (N.C.) Spectator," Jan. 5, 1838, for the
+following:--
+
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber, a negro man named SAMPSON. Fifty
+dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his
+confinement in any jail so that I get him, and should he resist in
+being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, I will not
+hold any person liable for damages should the slave be KILLED. ENOCH
+FOY.
+
+"Jones County, N.C."
+
+
+From the "Macon (Ga.) Messenger," June 14, 1838.
+
+"TO THE OWNERS OF RUNAWAY NEGROES. A large mulatto Negro man, between
+thirty-five and forty years old, about six feet in height, having a
+high forehead, and hair slightly grey, was KILLED, near my plantation,
+on the 9th inst. _He would not surrender_ but assaulted Mr. Bowen, who
+killed him in self-defence. If the owner desires further information
+relative to the death of his negro, he can obtain it by letter, or by
+calling on the subscriber ten miles south of Perry, Houston county.
+EDM'D. JAS. McGEHEE."
+
+From the 'Charleston (S.C.) Courier,' Feb. 20, 1836.
+
+"$300 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, in November last, his two
+negro men, named Billy and Pompey.
+
+"Billy is 25 years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for
+many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event 50 dollars
+will be paid for his HEAD."
+
+From the 'Newbern (N.C.) Spectator,' Dec 2. 1836.
+
+"$200 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, about three years ago, a
+certain negro man named Ben, commonly known by the name of Ben Fox. He
+had but one eye. Also, one other negro, by the name of Rigdon, who
+ranaway on the 8th of this month.
+
+"I will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above
+negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of Lenoir or
+Jones county, or FOR THE KILLING OF THEM, SO THAT I CAN SEE THEM. W.D.
+COBB."
+
+In the same number of the Spectator two Justices of the Peace
+advertise the same runaways, and give notice that if they do not
+immediately return to W.D. Cobb, their master, they will be considered
+as outlaws, and any body may kill them. The following is an extract
+from the proclamation of the JUSTICES.
+
+"And we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state,
+concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare, if the said
+slaves do not surrender themselves and return home to their master
+immediately after the publication of these presents, _that any person
+may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think
+fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so
+doing, or without incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby._
+
+"Given under our hands and seals, this 12th November, 1836.
+
+"B. COLEMAN, J.P. [Seal.]
+
+"JAS. JONES, J.P. [Seal.]"
+
+On the 28th, of April 1836, in the city of St Louis, Missouri, a black
+man, named McIntosh who had stabbed an officer, that had arrested him,
+was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree _in the midst of the
+city_, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence of
+an immense throng of citizens, he was burned to death. The Alton
+(Ill.) Telegraph, in its account of the scene says;
+
+"All was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood
+around their victim. He said not a word, until feeling that the flames
+had seized upon him. He then uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing
+and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the
+following instance:--After the flames had surrounded their prey, his
+eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a
+cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest,
+proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was
+replied, 'that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain.'
+'No, no,' said the wretch, 'I am not, I am suffering as much as ever;
+shoot me, shoot me.' 'No, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing
+about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot. _I
+would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery_;'
+and the man who said this was, as we understand, an OFFICER OF
+JUSTICE!"
+
+
+The St. Louis correspondent of a New York paper adds,
+
+"The shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and to
+observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. He
+was about fifteen minutes in dying. I visited the place this morning,
+and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. He
+was burnt to a crump. His legs and arms were gone, and only a part of
+his head and body were left."
+
+Lest this demonstration of 'public opinion' should be regarded as a
+sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in
+that community, it is important to add, that the Hon. Luke E. Lawless,
+Judge of the Circuit Court of Missouri, at a session of that Court in
+the city of St. Louis, some months after the burning of this man,
+decided officially that since the burning of McIntosh was the act,
+either directly or by countenance of a _majority_ of the citizens, it
+is 'a case which transcends the jurisdiction,' of the Grand Jury! Thus
+the state of Missouri has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches
+who perpetrated that unspeakably diabolical murder, and the thousands
+that stood by consenting to it, were _her representatives_, and the
+Bench sanctifies it with the solemnity of a judicial decision.
+
+The 'New Orleans Post,' of June 7, 1836, publishes the following;
+
+"We understand, that a negro man was lately condemned, by the mob, to
+be BURNED OVER A SLOW FIRE, which was put into execution at Grand
+Gulf, Mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her master."
+
+Mr. HENRY BRADLEY, of Pennyan, N.Y., has furnished us with an extract
+of a letter written by a gentleman in Mississippi to his brother in
+that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction.
+The letter is dated Grand Gulf, Miss. August 15, 1836. The extract is
+as follows:
+
+"I left Vicksburg and came to Grand Gulf. This is a fine place
+immediately on the banks of the Mississippi, of something like fifteen
+hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, I suppose, there
+are not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its
+vicinity there are negroes by thousands. The day I arrived at this
+place there was a man by the name of G---- murdered by a negro man
+that belonged to him. G---- was born and brought up in A----, state of
+New York. His father and mother now live south of A----. He has left a
+property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no
+family.
+
+"They took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under a
+tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope
+over a limb; they then got into a quarrel among themselves; some swore
+that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped
+to the ground. He immediately jumped to his feet; they then made him
+walk a short distance to a tree; he was then tied fast and a fire
+kindled, when another quarrel took place; the fire was pulled away
+from him when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to
+say in what manner he should be disposed of. They brought in that he
+should then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his
+head stuck on a pole at the corner of the road in the edge of the
+town. That was done and all parties satisfied!
+
+"G---- _owned the negro's wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with
+her!_ The negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be
+rewarded in heaven for it.
+
+"This is but one instance among many of a similar nature.
+
+S.S."
+
+We have received a more detailed account of this transaction from Mr.
+William Armstrong, of Putnam, Ohio, through Maj. Horace Nye, of that
+place. Mr. A. who has been for some years employed as captain and
+supercargo of boats descending the river, was at Grand Gulf at the
+time of the tragedy, and _witnessed_ it. It was on the Sabbath.
+From Mr. Armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was
+a man of uncommon intelligence; had the over-sight of a large
+business--superintended the purchase of supplies for his master,
+&c.--that exasperated by the intercourse of his master with his wife,
+he was upbraiding her one evening, when his master overhearing him,
+went out to quell him, was attacked by the infuriated man and killed
+on the spot. The name of the master was Green; he was a native of
+Auburn, New York, and had been at the south but a few years.
+
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, of Cornwall, Conn., a gentleman well known and
+highly respected in Litchfield county, who resided a number of years
+in South Carolina, gives the following testimony:--
+
+"A man by the name of Waters was killed by his slaves, in Newberry
+District. Three of them were tried before the court, and ordered to be
+burnt. I was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed with
+those who saw the execution. The slaves were tied to a stake, and
+pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated.
+Thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. _Other
+executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state,
+during my residence in it, from 1818 to 1824_. About three or four
+years ago, a young negro was burnt in Abbeville District, for an
+attempt at rape."
+
+In the fall of 1837, there was a rumor of a projected insurrection on
+the Red River, in Louisiana. The citizens forthwith seized and hanged
+NINE SLAVES, AND THREE FREE COLORED MEN, WITHOUT TRIAL. A few months
+previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a similar manner
+and publicly burned to death, in Arkansas. In July, 1835, the citizens
+of Madison county, Mississippi, were alarmed by rumors of an
+insurrection arrested five slaves and publicly executed them without
+trial.
+
+The Missouri Republican, April 30, 1838, gives the particulars of the
+deliberate murder of a negro man named Tom, a cook on board the
+steamboat Pawnee, on her passage up from New Orleans to St. Louis.
+Some of the facts stated by the Republican are the following:
+
+"On Friday night, about 10 o'clock, a deaf and dumb German girl was
+found in the storeroom with Tom. The door was locked, and at first Tom
+denied she was there. The girl's father came. Tom unlocked the door,
+and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. The next
+morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the captain
+about it. This was about breakfast time. Immediately after he left the
+deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound his
+arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. A
+voice cried out 'throw him overboard,' and was responded to from every
+quarter of the deck--and in an instant he was plunged into the river.
+The whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard scarcely
+occupied _ten minutes_, and was so precipitate that the officers were
+unable to interfere in time to save him.
+
+"There were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred passengers
+on board."
+
+The whole process of seizing Tom, dragging him upon deck, binding his
+arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and throwing
+him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about TEN MINUTES, and
+of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck passengers, with
+perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that _a single
+individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder_; and the
+cry "throw him overboard," was it seems, "responded to from every
+quarter of the deck!"
+
+Rev. JAMES A. THOME, of Augusta, Ky., son of Arthur Thome, Esq., till
+recently a slaveholder, published five years since the following
+description of a scene witnessed by him in New Orleans:
+
+"In December of 1833, I landed at New Orleans, in the steamer W----.
+It was after night, dark and rainy. The passengers were called out of
+the cabin, from the enjoyment of a fire, which the cold, damp
+atmosphere rendered very comfortable, by a sudden shout of, 'catch
+him--catch him--catch the negro.' The cry was answered by a hundred
+voices--'Catch him--_kill_ him,' and a rush from every direction
+toward our boat, indicated that the object of pursuit was near. The
+next moment we heard a man plunge into the river, a few paces above
+us. A crowd gathered upon the shore, with lamps and stones, and clubs,
+still crying, 'catch him--kill him--catch him--shoot him.'
+
+"I soon discovered the poor man. He had taken refuge under the prow of
+another boat, and was standing in the water up to his waist. The
+angry vociferation of his pursuers, did not intimidate him. He defied
+them all. 'Don't you _dare_ to come near me, or I will sink you in the
+river.' He was armed with despair. For a moment the mob was palsied by
+the energy of his threatenings. They were afraid to go to him with a
+skiff, but a number of them went on to the boat and tried to seize
+him. They threw a noose rope down repeatedly, _that they might pull
+him up by the neck_! but he planted his hand firmly against the boat
+and dashed the rope away with his arms. One of them took a long bar of
+wood, and leaning over the prow, endeavored to strike him on the head,
+The blow must have shattered the skull, but it did not reach low
+enough. The monster raised up the heavy club again and said, 'Come out
+now, you old rascal, or die.' 'Strike,' said the negro;
+'strike--shiver my brains _now_; I want to die;' and down went the
+club again, without striking. This was repeated several times. The
+mob, seeing their efforts fruitless, became more enraged and
+threatened to stone him, if he did not surrender himself into their
+hands. He again defied them, and declared that he would drown himself
+in the river, before they should have him. They then resorted to
+persuasion, and promised they would not hurt him. 'I'll die first;'
+was his only reply. Even the furious mob was awed, and for a while
+stood dumb.
+
+"After standing in the cold water for an hour, the miserable being
+began to fail. We observed him gradually sinking--his voice grew weak
+and tremulous--yet he continued to _curse_! In the midst of his oaths
+he uttered broken sentences--'I did'nt steal the meat--I did'nt
+steal--my master lives--master--master lives up the river--(his voice
+began to gurgle in his throat, and he was so chilled that his teeth
+chattered audibly)--I did'nt--steal--I did'nt steal--my--my
+master--my--I want to see my master--I didn't--no--my mas--you
+want--you want to kill me--I didn't steal the'--His last words could
+just be heard as be sunk under the water.
+
+"During this indescribable scene, _not one of the hundred that stood
+around made any effort to save the man until he was apparently
+drowned_. He was then dragged out and stretched on the bow of the
+boat, and soon sufficient means were used for his recovery. The brutal
+captain ordered him to be taken off his boat--declaring, with an oath,
+that he would throw him into the river again, if he was not
+immediately removed. I withdrew, sick and horrified with this
+appalling exhibition of wickedness.
+
+"Upon inquiry, I learned that the colored man lived some fifty miles
+up the Mississippi; that he had been charged with stealing some
+article from the wharf; was fired upon with a pistol, and pursued by
+the mob.
+
+"In reflecting upon this unmingled cruelty--this insensibility to
+suffering and disregard of life--I exclaimed,
+
+
+'Is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart?'
+
+
+"One poor man, chased like a wolf by a hundred blood hounds, yelling,
+howling, and gnashing their teeth upon him--plunges into the cold
+river to seek protection! A crowd of spectators witness the scene,
+with all the composure with which a Roman populace would look upon a
+gladiatorial show. Not a voice heard in the sufferer's behalf. At
+length the powers of nature give way; the blood flows back to the
+heart--the teeth chatter--the voice trembles and dies, while the
+victim drops down into his grave.
+
+"What an atrocious system is that which leaves two millions of souls,
+friendless and powerless--hunted and chased--afflicted and tortured
+and driven to death, without the means of redress.--Yet such is the
+system of slavery."
+
+The 'public opinion' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of
+announcements in southern papers, like the following, from the
+Raleigh, (N.C.) Register, August 20, 1838. Joseph Gale and Son,
+editors and proprietors--the father and brother of the editor of the
+National Intelligence, Washington city, D.C.
+
+"On Saturday night, Mr. George Holmes, of this county, and some of his
+friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of Mr.
+Holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. Mr. H.
+discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him; but
+unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the
+small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. The slave
+continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by
+one of the party. We are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound."
+
+Oh! the _gentleman_, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to
+'disable'--and it must be expected that every _gentleman_ will amuse
+himself in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him,
+and if he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the
+small of the back instead of the legs, why every body says it is
+'unfortunate,' and the whole of the editorial corps, instead of
+branding him as a barbarous wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever
+part be aimed at, join with the oldest editor in North Carolina, in
+complacently exonerating Mr. Holmes by saying, "We are satisfied that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." And so 'public
+opinion' wraps it up!
+
+The Franklin (La.) Republican, August 19, 1837, has the following:
+
+"NEGROES TAKEN.--Four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yesterday
+for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, supposed
+to be near this place; the camp was discovered about 11 o'clock, the
+negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they were
+discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane; two of them
+were fired on, one of which made his escape; the other one fell after
+running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dangerous;
+the other man was taken without any hurt; the woman also made her
+escape."
+
+Thus terminated the mornings amusement of the '_four gentlemen_,'
+whose exploits are so complacently chronicled by the editor of the
+Franklin Republican. The three men and one woman were all fired upon,
+it seems, though only one of them was shot down. The half famished
+runaways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic
+among the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets
+whistled after them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was
+carried back by his captors as a trophy of the 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+
+In the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, Nov. 27, 1838, we find the following
+account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a 'Mr. Adams,' in
+running down one of them 'with his excellent dogs:'
+
+"A runaway's den was discovered on Sunday near the Washington Spring,
+in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months, so
+artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by
+accident, though in sight of two or three houses, and near the road
+and fields where there has been constant daily passing. The entrance
+was concealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed--which
+being removed, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room
+about six feet square, comfortably ceiled with plank, containing a
+small fire-place the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above
+ground and concealed by the straw. The inmates took the alarm and made
+their escape; but Mr. Adams and his excellent dogs being put upon the
+trail, soon run down and secured one of them, which proved to be a
+negro fellow who had been out about a year. He stated that the other
+occupant was a woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. In
+the den was found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &c., and
+various cooking utensils and wearing apparel."
+
+Yes, Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS' did the work! They were well trained,
+swift, fresh, keen-scented, 'excellent' men-hunters, and though the
+poor fugitive in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle,
+yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds,
+and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the
+blood-hounds are upon him. What blood-vessels the poor struggler burst
+in his desperate push for life--how much he was bruised and lacerated
+in his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the
+Macon editor has not chronicled--they are matters of no moment--but
+his heart is touched with the merits of Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS,'
+that 'soon _run down_ and _secured_' a guiltless and trembling human
+creature!
+
+The Georgia Constitutionalist, of Jan. 1837, contains the following
+letter from the coroner of Barnwell District, South Carolina, dated
+Aiken, S.C. Dec. 20, 1836.
+
+"_To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:_
+
+"I have just returned from an inquest I held over the body of a negro
+man, a runaway, that was shot near the South Edisto, in this District,
+(Barnwell,) on Saturday last. He came to his death by his own
+recklessness. He refused to be taken alive--and said that other
+attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he
+would not be taken. He was at first, (when those in pursuit of him
+found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the
+intention of merely crippling him. He was shot at several times, and
+at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. He kept in
+the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the
+neighbors were in pursuit of him. As soon as the negro was taken, the
+best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. One of
+the witnesses at the Inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he
+was from Mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, that he did not
+know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was
+Brown. He said his name was Sam, and when asked by another witness,
+who his master was, he muttered something like Augusta or Augustine.
+The boy was apparently above thirty-five or forty years of age, about
+six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or
+whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared
+to have been a runaway for a long time.
+
+WILLIAM H. PRITCHARD,
+_Coroner (Ex-officio,) Barnwell Dist. S.C._"
+
+
+The Norfolk (Va.) Herald, of Feb. 1837, has the following:
+
+"Three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near
+New Point Comfort, and were soon after apprehended and lodged in jail.
+Their story is, that they belonged to a brig from New York bound to
+Havana, which was cast away to the southward of Cape Henry, some day
+last week; that the brig was called the Maria, Captain Whittemore. I
+have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in the bay, as their
+statements are very confused and inconsistent. One of these fellows is
+a mulatto, and calls himself Isaac Turner; the other two are quite
+black, the one passing by the name of James Jones and the other John
+Murray. They have all their clothing with them, and are dressed in
+sea-faring apparel. They attempted to make their escape, and _it was
+not till a musket was fired at them, and one of them slightly
+wounded_, that they surrendered. They will be kept in jail till
+something further is discovered respecting them."
+
+The 'St. Francisville (La.) Chronicle,' of Feb. 1, 1839. Gives the
+following account of a 'negro hunt,' in that Parish.
+
+"Two or three days since a gentleman of this parish, in _hunting
+runaway negroes_, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on Cat Island.
+He succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight; and
+upon _being shot in the shoulder_, fled to a sluice, where the _dogs
+succeeded_ in drowning him before assistance could arrive."
+
+"'The dogs _succeeded_ in drowning him'! Poor fellow! He tried hard for
+his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoulder,
+and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a moment
+with feeble stroke as best he might, but 'public opinion,'
+'_succeeded_ in drowning him,' and the same 'public opinion,' calls
+the man who fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a
+gentleman,' and the editor who celebrates the exploit is a 'gentleman'
+also!"
+
+A large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be
+inserted from Southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing
+are more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the
+testimony on this point, with the following. Extract of a letter, from
+the Rev. Samuel J. May, of South Scituate, Mass. dated Dec. 20, 1838.
+
+"You doubtless recollect the narrative given in the Oasis, of a slave
+in Georgia, who having ranaway from his master, (accounted a very
+hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and
+his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles, and having been driven
+into a tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers.
+All the facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected
+with the same case, were first communicated to me in 1833, by Mr. W.
+Russell, a highly respectable teacher of youth in Boston. He is
+doubtless ready to vouch for them. The same gentleman informed me that
+he was keeping school on or near the plantation of the monster who
+perpetrated the above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited
+by him to join in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the
+thought, the planter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand
+said with an oath, 'damn that rascal, this is the third time he has
+runaway, and he shall never run again. I'd rather put a ball into his
+side, than into the best buck in the land.'"
+
+Mr. Russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the
+'Oasis,' page 267, thus describes the slaveholder who made the above
+expression, and was the leader of the 'hunt,' and in whose family he
+resided at the time as an instructor he says of him--he was "an
+opulent planter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were
+palliated by every expedient that a humane and generous disposition
+could suggest. He was a man of noble and elevated character, and
+distinguished for his generosity, and kindness of heart."
+
+In a letter to Mr. May, dated Feb. 3, 1839, Mr. Russell, speaking of
+the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says: "Occurrences of a
+nature similar to the one related in the 'Oasis,' were not unfrequent
+in the interior of Georgia and South Carolina twenty years ago.
+_Several_ such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen
+months. In two such 'hunts,' I was solicited to join."
+
+The following was written by a sister-in-law of Gerrit Smith, Esq.,
+Peterboro. She is married to the son of a North Carolinian.
+
+"In North Carolina, some years ago, several slaves were arrested for
+committing serious crimes and depredations, in the neighborhood of
+Wilmington, among other things, burning houses, and, in one or more
+instances, murder.
+
+"It happened that the wife of one of these slaves resided in one of
+the most respectable families in W. in the capacity of nurse. Mr. J.
+_the first lawyer in the place_, came into the room, where the lady of
+the house, was sitting, with the nurse, who held a child in her arms,
+and, addressing the nurse, said, Hannah! would you know your husband
+if you should see him?--Oh, yes, sir, she replied--When HE DREW FROM
+BENEATH HIS CLOAK THE HEAD OF THE SLAVE, at the sight of which the
+poor woman immediately fainted. The heads of the others were placed
+upon poles, in some part of the town, afterwards known as 'Negro Head
+Point.'"
+
+We have just received the above testimony, enclosed in a letter from
+Mr. Smith, in which he says, "that the fact stated by my
+sister-in-law, actually occurred, there can be no doubt."
+
+The following extract from the Diary of the Rev. ELIAS CORNELIUS, we
+insert here, having neglected to do it under a preceding head, to
+which it more appropriately belongs.
+
+"New Orleans, Sabbath, February 15, 1818. Early this morning
+accompanied A.H. Esq. to the _hospital_, with the view of making
+arrangements to preach to such of the sick as could understand
+English. The first room we entered presented a scene of human misery,
+such as I had never before witnessed. A poor negro man was lying upon
+a couch, apparently in great distress; a more miserable object can
+hardly be conceived. His face was much _disfigured_, an IRON COLLAR,
+TWO INCHES WIDE AND HALF AN INCH THICK, WAS CLASPED ABOUT HIS NECK,
+while one of his feet and part of the leg were in a state of
+putrefaction. We inquired the cause of his being in this distressing
+condition, and he answered us in a faltering voice, that he was
+willing to tell us all the truth.
+
+"He belonged to Mr. ---- a Frenchman, ran-away, was caught, and
+punished with one hundred lashes! This happened about Christmas; and
+during the cold weather at that time, he was confined in the
+_Cane-house, with a scanty portion of clothing, and without fire_. In
+this situation his foot had frozen, and mortified, and having been
+removed from place to place, he was yesterday brought here by order of
+his new master, who was an American. I had no time to protract my
+conversation with him then, but resolved to return in a few hours and
+pray with him.
+
+"Having returned home, I again visited the hospital at half past
+eleven o'clock, and concluded first of all [he was to preach at 12,]
+to pray with the poor lacerated negro. I entered the apartment in
+which he lay, and observed an old man sitting upon a couch; but,
+without saying anything went up to the bed-side of the negro, who
+appeared to be asleep. I spoke to him, but he gave no answer. I spoke
+again, and moved his head, still he said nothing. My apprehensions
+were immediately excited, and I felt for his pulse, but it was gone.
+Said I to the old man, 'surely this negro is dead.' 'No,' he answered,
+'he has fallen asleep, for he had a very restless season last night.'
+I again examined and called the old gentleman to the bed, and alas, it
+was found true, that he was dead. Not an eye had witnessed his last
+struggle, and I was the first, as it should happen, to discover the
+fact. I called several men into the room, and without ceremony they
+wrapped him in a sheet, and carried him to the _dead-house_ as it is
+called."--Edwards' Life of Rev. Elias Cornelius, pp. 101, 2, 3.
+
+
+THE PROTECTION EXTENDED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO THE HEALTH[38] OF THE
+SLAVES.
+
+This may be judged of from the fact that it is perfectly notorious
+among slaveholders, both North and South, that of the tens of
+thousands of slaves sold annually in the northern slave states to be
+transported to the south, large numbers of them die under the severe,
+process of acclimation, _all_ suffer more or less, and multitudes
+_much_, in their health and strength, during their first years in the
+far south and south west. That such is the case is sufficiently proved
+by the care taken by all who advertise for sale or hire in Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, &c. to inform the reader, that their
+slaves are 'Creoles,' 'southern born,' 'country born,' &c. or if they
+are from the north, that they are 'acclimated,' and the importance
+attached to their _acclimation_, is shown in the fact, that it is
+generally distinguished from the rest of the advertisements either by
+_italics_ or CAPITALS. Almost every newspaper published in the states
+far south contains advertisements like the following.
+
+[Footnote 38: See pp. 37-39.]
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg (Mi.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+
+"I OFFER my plantation for sale. Also seventy-five _acclimated
+Negroes_. O.B. COBB."
+
+From the "Southerner," June 7, 1837.
+
+"I WILL sell my Old-River plantation near Columbia in Arkansas;--also
+ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY ACCLIMATED SLAVES.
+
+BENJ. HUGHES."
+_Port Gibson, Jan. 14, 1837._
+
+
+From the "Planters' (La.) Intelligencer," March 22.
+
+"Probate sale--Will be offered for sale at Public Auction, to the
+highest bidder, ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY _acclimated_ slaves."
+
+G.W. KEETON.
+Judge of the Parish of Concordia"
+
+
+From the "Arkansas Advocate," May 22, 1837.
+
+"By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to me, I will sell at public
+auction at Fisher's Prairie, Arkansas, sixty LIKELY NEGROES,
+consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, the most of whom are WELL
+ACCLIMATED.
+
+GRANDISON D. ROYSTON, _Trustee_."
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 9, 1838.
+
+"VALUABLE ACCLIMATED NEGROES"
+
+"Will be sold on Saturday, 10th inst. at 12 o'clock, at the city
+exchange, St. Louis street."
+
+Then follows a description of the slaves, closing with the same
+assertion, which forms the caption of the advertisement "ALL
+ACCLIMATED."
+
+General Felix Houston, of Natchez, advertises in the "Natchez
+Courier," April 6, 1838, "Thirty five very fine _acclimated_ Negroes."
+
+Without inserting more advertisements, suffice it to say, that when
+slaves are advertised for sale or hire, in the lower southern country,
+if they are _natives_, or have lived in that region long enough to
+become acclimated, it is _invariably_ stated.
+
+But we are not left to _conjecture_ the amount of suffering
+experienced by slaves from the north in undergoing the severe process
+of 'seasoning' to the climate, or '_acclimation_' A writer in the New
+Orleans Argus, September, 1830, in an article on the culture of the
+sugar cane, says; 'The loss by _death_ in bringing slaves from a
+northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing,
+is not less than TWENTY-FIVE PER CENT.'
+
+Nothwithstanding the immense amount of suffering endured in the
+process of acclimation, and the fearful waste of life, and the
+_notoriety_ of this fact, still the 'public opinion' of Virginia,
+Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, &c. annually DRIVES to the far
+south, thousands of their slaves to undergo these sufferings, and the
+'public opinion,' of the far south buys them, and forces the helpless
+victims to endure them.
+
+
+THE 'PROTECTION' VOUCHSAFED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO LIBERTY.
+
+This is shown by hundreds of advertisements in southern papers, like
+the following:
+
+From the "Mobile Register," July 21. 1837. "WILL BE SOLD CHEAP FOR
+CASH, in front of the Court House of Mobile County, on the 22d day of
+July next, one mulatto man named HENRY HALL, WHO SAYS HE IS FREE; his
+owner or owners, _if any_, having failed to demand him, he is to be
+sold according to the statute in such cases made and provided, _to pay
+Jail fees._
+
+WM. MAGEE, Sh'ff M.C."
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Chickasaw Co. Edmund, Martha, John and
+Louisa; the man 50, the woman 35, John 3 years old, and Louisa 14
+months. They say they are FREE and were decoyed to this state."
+
+
+The "Southern Argus," of July 25, 1837, contains the following.
+
+"RANAWAY from my plantation, a negro boy named William. Said boy was
+taken up by Thomas Walton, and says _he was free_, and that his
+parents live near Shawneetown, Illinois, and that he was _taken_ from
+that place in July 1836; says his father's name is William, and his
+mother's Sally Brown, and that they moved from Fredericksburg,
+Virginia. I will give twenty dollars to any person who will deliver
+said boy to me or Col. Byrn, Columbus. SAMUEL H. BYRN"
+
+
+The first of the following advertisements was a standing one, in the
+"Vicksburg Register," from Dec. 1835 till Aug. 1836. The second
+advertises the same FREE man for sale.
+
+"SHERIFF'S SALE" "COMMITTED, to the jail of Warren county, as a
+Runaway, on the 23d inst. a Negro man, who calls himself John J.
+Robinson; _says that he is free_, says that he kept a baker's shop in
+Columbus, Miss. and that he peddled through the Chickasaw nation to
+Pontotoc, and came to Memphis, where he sold his horse, took water,
+and came to this place. The owner of said boy is requested to come
+forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be
+dealt with as the law directs.
+
+WM. EVERETT, Jailer.
+Dec. 24, 1835"
+
+"NOTICE is hereby given, that the above described boy, who calls
+himself John J. Robinson, having been confined in the Jail of Warren
+county as a Runaway, for six months--and having been regularly
+advertised during this period, I shall proceed to sell said Negro boy
+at public auction, to the highest bidder for cash, at the door of the
+Court House in Vicksburg, on Monday, 1st day of August, 1836, in
+pursuance of the statute in such cases made and provided.
+
+E. W. MORRIS, Sheriff.
+_Vicksburg, July 2, 1836._"
+
+
+
+See "Newborn (N.C.) Spectator," of Jan. 5, 1838, for the following
+advertisement.
+
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber a negro man known as Frank Pilot. He is
+five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, and about 50 years old,
+_HAS BEEN FREE SINCE_ 1829--is now my property, as heir at law of his
+last owner, _Samuel Ralston_, dec. I will give the above reward if he
+is taken and confined in any jail so that I can get him.
+
+SAMUEL RALSTON. Pactolus, Pitt County."
+
+From the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) "Flag of the Union," June 7.
+
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Tuscaloosa county, a negro man, who says his
+name is Robert Winfield, and _says he is free_.
+
+R.W. BARBER, _Jailer_."
+
+That "public opinion," in the slave states affords no protection to
+the liberty of colored persons, even after those persons become
+legally free, by the operation of their own laws, is declared by
+Governor Comegys, of Delaware, in his recent address to the
+Legislature of that state, Jan. 1839. The Governor, commenting upon
+the law of the state which provides that persons convicted of certain
+crimes shall be sold as servants for a limited time, says,
+
+"_The case is widely different with the negro(!)_ Although ordered to
+be disposed of as a servant for a term of years, _perpetual slavery in
+the south is his inevitable doom_; unless, peradventure, age or
+disease may have rendered him worthless, or some resident of the
+State, from motives of _benevolence_, will pay for him three or four
+times his intrinsic _value_. It matters not for how short a time he is
+ordered to be sold, so that he can be carried from the State. Once
+beyond its limits, _all chance of restored freedom is gone_--for he is
+removed far from the reach of any testimony to aid him in an effort to
+be released from bondage, when his _legal_ term of servitude has
+expired. _Of the many colored convicts sold out of the State, it is
+believed none ever return_. Of course they are purchased _with the
+express view to their transportation for life_, and bring such
+enormous prices as to prevent all _competition_ on the part of those
+of our citizens who _require_ their services, and _would keep them in
+the State_."
+
+From the "Memphis (Ten.) Enquirer," Dec. 28, 1838.
+
+"$50 REWARD. Ranaway, from the subscriber, on Thursday last, a negro
+man named Isaac, 22 years old, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, dark
+complexion, well made, full face, speaks quick, and very correctly for
+a negro. _He was originally from New-York_, and no doubt will attempt
+to pass himself as free. I will give the above reward for his
+apprehension and delivery, or confinement, so that I obtain him, if
+taken out of the state, or $30 if taken within the state.
+
+JNO. SIMPSON. _Memphis, Dec. 28._"
+
+Mark, with what shameless hardihood this JNO. SIMPSON, tells the
+public that _he knew_ Isaac Wright was a free man! 'HE WAS ORIGINALLY
+FROM NEW YORK,' he tells us. And yet he adds with brazen effrontery,
+'_he will attempt to pass himself as free._' This Isaac Wright, was
+shipped by a man named Lewis, of New Bedford, Massachusetts, and sold
+as a slave in New Orleans. After passing through several hands, and
+being flogged nearly to death, he made his escape, and five days ago,
+(March 5,) returned to his friends in Philadelphia.
+
+From the "Baltimore Sun," Dec. 23, 1838.
+
+"FREE NEGROES--Merry Ewall, a FREE NEGRO, from Virginia, was committed
+to jail, at Snow Hill, Md. last week, for remaining in the State
+longer than is allowed by the law of 1831. The fine in his case
+amounts to $225. Capril Purnell, a negro from Delaware, is now in jail
+in the same place, for a violation of the same act. His fine amounts
+to FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS, and he WILL BE SOLD IN A SHORT TIME."
+
+The following is the decision of the Supreme Court, of Louisiana, in
+the case of Gomez _vs_. Bonneval, Martin's La. Reports, 656, and
+Wheeler's "Law of Slavery," p. 380-1.
+
+_Marginal remark of the Compiler.--"A slave does not become free on
+his being illegally imported into the state."_
+
+"_Per Cur. Derbigny_, J. The petitioner is a negro in actual state of
+slavery; he claims his freedom, and is bound to prove it. In his
+attempt, however, to show that he was free before he was introduced
+into this country, he has failed, so that his claim rests entirely on
+the laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves in the United States.
+That the plaintiff was imported since that prohibition does exist is a
+fact sufficiently established by the evidence. What right he has
+acquired under the laws forbidding such importation is the only
+question which we have to examine. Formerly, while the act dividing
+Louisiana into two territories was in force in this country, slaves
+introduced here in contravention to it, were freed by operation of
+law; but that act was merged in the legislative provisions which were
+subsequently enacted on the subject of importation of slaves into the
+United States generally. Under the now existing laws, the individuals
+thus imported acquire _no personal right_, they are mere passive
+beings, who are disposed of _according to the will_ of the different
+state legislatures. In this country they are to _remain slaves_, and
+TO BE SOLD FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE STATE. The plaintiff, therefore, has
+nothing to claim as a freeman; and as to a mere change of master,
+should such be his wish, _he cannot be listened to in a court of
+justice_."
+
+Extract from a speech of Mr. Thomson of Penn. in Congress, March 1,
+1826, on the prisons in the District of Columbia.
+
+"I visited the prisons twice that I might myself ascertain the truth.
+* * In one of these cells (but eight feet square,) were confined at
+that time, seven persons, three women and four children. The children
+were confined under a strange system of law in this District, by which
+a colored person who _alleges_ HE IS FREE, and appeals to the
+tribunals of the country, to have the matter tried, is COMMITTED TO
+PRISON, till the decision takes place. They were almost naked--one of
+them was sick, lying on the damp brick floor, _without bed, pillow, or
+covering_. In this abominable cell, seven human beings were confined
+day by day, and night after night, without a bed, chair, or stool, or
+any other of the most common necessaries of life."--_Gales'
+Congressional Debates_, v.2, p. 1480.
+
+The following facts serve to show, that the present generation of
+slaveholders do but follow in the footsteps of their fathers, in their
+zeal for LIBERTY.
+
+Extract from a document submitted by the Committee of the yearly
+meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, to the Committee of Congress, to
+whom was referred the memorial of the people called Quakers, in 1797.
+
+"In the latter part of the year 1776, several of the people called
+Quakers, residing in the counties of Perquimans and Pasquotank, in the
+state of North Carolina, liberated their negroes, as it was then clear
+there was no existing law to prevent their so doing; for the law of
+1741 could not at that time be carried into effect; and they were
+suffered to remain free, until a law passed, in the spring of 1777,
+under which they were taken up and sold, contrary to the Bill of
+Rights, recognized in the constitution of that state, as a part
+thereof, and to which it was annexed.
+
+"In the spring of 1777, when the General Assembly met for the first
+time, a law was enacted to prevent slaves from being emancipated,
+except for meritorious services, &c. to be judged of by the county
+courts or the general assembly; and ordering, that if any should be
+manumitted in any other way, they be taken up, and the county courts
+within whose jurisdictions they are apprehended should order them to
+be sold. Under this law the county courts of Perquimans and
+Pasquotank, in the year 1777, ordered A LARGE NUMBER OF PERSONS TO BE
+SOLD, WHO WERE FREE AT THE TIME THE LAW WAS MADE. In the year 1778
+several of those cases were, by certiorari, brought before the
+superior court for the district of Edentorn, where the decisions of
+the county courts were reversed, the superior court declaring, that
+said county courts, in such their proceedings, have exceeded their
+jurisdiction, violated the rights of the subject, and acted in direct
+opposition to the Bill of Rights of this state, considered justly as
+part of the constitution thereof; by giving to a law, not intended to
+affect this case, a retrospective operation, thereby to deprive free
+men of this state of their liberty, contrary to the laws of the land.
+In consequence of this decree several of the negroes were again set at
+liberty; but the next General Assembly, early in 1779, passed a law,
+wherein they mention, that doubts have arisen, whether the purchasers
+of such slaves have a good and legal title thereto, and CONFIRM the
+same; under which they were again taken up by the purchasers and
+reduced to slavery."
+
+[The number of persons thus re-enslaved was 134.]
+
+The following are the decrees of the Courts, ordering the sale of
+those freemen:--
+
+"Perquimans County, July term, at Hartford, A.D. 1777.
+
+"These may certify, that it was then and there ordered, that the
+sheriff of the county, to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, expose to
+sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the court-house door,
+the several negroes taken up as free, and in his custody, agreeable to
+law.
+
+"Test. WM. SKINNER, Clerk. "A true copy, 25th August, 1791. "Test. J.
+HARVEY, Clerk."
+
+"Pasquotank County, September Court, &c. &c. 1777.
+
+"Present, the Worshipful Thomas Boyd, Timothy Hickson, John Paelin,
+Edmund Clancey, Joseph Reading, and Thomas Rees, Esqrs. Justices.
+
+"It was then and there ordered, that Thomas Reading, Esq. take the
+FREE negroes taken up under an act to prevent domestic insurrections
+and other purposes, and expose the same to _the best bidder_, at
+public vendue, for ready money, and be accountable for the same,
+agreeable to the aforesaid act; and make return to this or the next
+succeeding court of his proceedings.
+
+"A copy. ENOCH REESE, C.C."
+
+
+THE PROTECTION OF "PUBLIC OPINION" TO DOMESTICS TIES.
+
+The barbarous indifference with which slaveholders regard the forcible
+sundering of husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and
+sisters, and the unfeeling brutality indicated by the language in
+which they describe the efforts made by the slaves, in their yearnings
+after those from whom they have been torn away, reveals a 'public
+opinion' towards them as dead to their agony as if they were cattle.
+It is well nigh impossible to open a southern paper without finding
+evidence of this. Though the truth of this assertion can hardly be
+called in question, we subjoin a few illustrations, and could easily
+give hundreds.
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Jan. 17, 1839. "$100 reward will be
+given for my two fellows, Abram and Frank. Abram has a _wife_ at
+Colonel Stewart's, in Liberty county, and a _sister_ in Savannah, at
+Capt. Grovenstine's. Frank has a _wife_ at Mr. Le Cont's, Liberty
+county; a _mother_ at Thunderbolt, and a _sister_ in Savannah.
+
+WM. ROBARTS. Wallhourville, 5th Jan. 1839"
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Intelligencer." July 7, 1838.
+
+"$160 Reward.--Ranaway from the subscribers living in this city, on
+Saturday 16th inst. a negro man, named Dick, about 37 years of age. It
+is highly probable said boy will make for New Orleans as _he has a
+wife_ living in that city, and he has been heard to say frequently
+that _he was determined to go to New Orleans_.
+
+"DRAKE C. THOMPSON. "Lexington, June 17, 1838"
+
+
+From the "Southern Argus," Oct. 31, 1837.
+
+"Runaway--my negro man, Frederick, about 20 years of age. He is no
+doubt near the plantation of G.W. Corprew, Esq of Noxubbee County,
+Mississippi, as _his wife belongs to that gentleman, and he followed
+her from my residence_. The above reward will be paid to any one who
+will confine him in jail and inform me of it at Athens, Ala. "Athens,
+Alabama. KERKMAN LEWIS."
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Ran away from the subscriber, his man Joe. He visits the city
+occasionally, where he has been harbored by his _mother_ and _sister_.
+I will give one hundred dollars for proof sufficient to _convict his
+harborers_. R.P.T. MONGIN."
+
+
+The "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Nov. 23, 1837, has the following:--
+
+"$25 Reward.--Ran away, a negro man, named Cain. He was brought from
+Florida, and _has a wife near Mariana_, and probably will attempt to
+make his way there. H.L. COOK."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," July 25, 1837.
+
+"Absconded from the subscriber, a negro man, by the name of Wilson. He
+was born in the county of New Kent, and raised by a gentleman named
+Ratliffe, and by him sold to a gentleman named Taylor, on whose farm
+he had a _wife_ and _several children_. Mr. Taylor sold him to a Mr.
+Slater, who, in consequence of removing to Alabama, Wilson left; and
+when retaken was sold, and afterwards purchased, by his present owner,
+from T. McCargo and Co. of Richmond."
+
+
+From the "Savannah (Ga. ) Republican," Sept. 3, 1838.
+
+"$20 Reward for my negro man Jim.--Jim is about 50 or 55 years of age.
+It is probable he will aim for Savannah, as he said _he had children_
+in that vicinity.
+
+J.G. OWENS.
+Barnwell District, S.C."
+
+
+From the "Staunton (Va.) Spectator," Jan. 3, 1839.
+
+"Runaway, Jesse.--He has a _wife_, who belongs to Mr. John Ruff, of
+Lexington, Rockbridge county, and he may probably be lurking in that
+neighborhood. MOSES McCUE."
+
+
+From the "Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle," July 10, 1837.
+
+"$120 Reward for my negro Charlotte. She is about 20 years old. She
+was purchased some months past from Mr. Thomas. J. Walton, of Augusta,
+by Thomas W. Oliver; and, as her _mother_ and acquaintances live in
+that city, it is very likely she is _harbored_ by some of them. MARTHA
+OLIVER."
+
+
+From the "Raleigh (N.C.) Register," July 18, 1837.
+
+Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Jim, the property of
+Mrs. Elizabeth Whitfield. He _has a wife_ at the late Hardy Jones',
+and may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. JOHN O'RORKE."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Compiler," Sept. 8, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, Ben. He ran off without any known cause,
+and _I suppose he is aiming to go to his wife, who was carried from
+the neighborhood last winter_. JOHN HUNT."
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury," Aug. 1, 1837.
+
+"Absconded from Mr. E.D. Bailey, on Wadmalaw, his negro man, named
+Saby. Said fellow was purchased in January, from Francis Dickinson, of
+St. Paul's parish, and is probably now in that neighborhood, _where he
+has a wife_. THOMAS N. GADSDEN."
+
+
+From the "Portsmouth (Va.) Times," August 3, 1838.
+
+"$50 dollars Reward will be given for the apprehension of my negro man
+Isaac. He _has a wife_ at James M. Riddick's, of Gates county, N.C.
+where he may probably be lurking. C. MILLER."
+
+
+From the "Savannah (Georgia) Republican." May 24, 1838.
+
+"$40 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber in Savannah, his negro girl
+Patsey. She was purchased among the gang of negroes, known as the
+Hargreave's estate. She is no doubt lurking about Liberty county, at
+which place _she has relatives_. EDWARD HOUSTOUN, of Florida"
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 29, 1837.
+
+"$20 Reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery, at the
+workhouse in Charleston, of a mulatto woman, named Ida. It is probable
+she may have made her way into Georgia, where she has _connections_.
+MATTHEW MUGGRIDGE."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 31, 1838.
+
+"The subscriber will give $20 for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Maria, who ran away about twelve months since. She is known to be
+lurking in or about Chuckatuch, in the county of Nansemond, where _she
+has a husband_, and _formerly belonged_. PETER ONEILL."
+
+
+From the "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Jan. 16, 1839.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, two negroes, Davis, a man about 45 years
+old; also Peggy, his wife, near the same age. Said negroes will
+probably make their way to Columbia county, as _they have children_
+living in that county. I will liberally reward any person who may
+deliver them to me. NEHEMIAH KING."
+
+
+From the "Petersburg (Va.) Constellation," June 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man, named Peter. _He has a wife_ at the plantation
+of Mr. C. Haws, near Suffolk, where it is supposed he is still
+lurking. JOHN L. DUNN."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," Dec. 7, 1739.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man, named John Lewis. It is
+supposed that he is lurking about in New Kent county, where he
+professes to have a _wife_. HILL JONES, Agent for R.F. & P. Railroad Co."
+
+
+From the "Red River (La.) Whig," June 2d, 1838.
+
+"Ran away from the subscriber, a mulatto woman, named Maria. It is
+probable she may be found in the neighborhood of Mr. Jesse Bynum's
+plantation, where _she has relations_, &c. THOMAS J. WELLS."
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Observer and Reporter," Sept. 28, 1838.
+
+"$50 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl, named Maria.
+She is of a copper color, between 13 and 14 years of age--_bare
+headed_ and _bare footed_. She is small of her age--very sprightly and
+very likely. She stated she was _going to see her mother_ at
+Maysville. SANFORD THOMSON."
+
+
+From the "Jackson (Tenn.) Telegraph," Sept. 14, 1838.
+
+"Committed to the jail of Madison county, a negro woman, who calls her
+name Fanny, and says she belongs to William Miller, of Mobile. She
+formerly belonged to John Givins, of this county, who now owns
+_several of her children_. DAVID SHROPSHIRE, Jailor."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," July 3d, 1838.
+
+"Runaway from my plantation below Edenton, my negro man, Nelson. _He
+has a mother living_ at Mr. James Goodwin's, in Ballahack, Perquimans
+county; and _two brothers_, one belonging to Job Parker, and the other
+to Josiah Coffield. WM. D. RASCOE."
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," Jan. 12, 1838.
+
+"$100 Reward.--Run away from the subscriber, his negro fellow, John.
+He is well known about the city as one of my bread carriers: _has a
+wife_ living at Mrs. Weston's, on Hempstead. John formerly belonged to
+Mrs. Moor, near St. Paul's church, where his _mother_ still lives, and
+_has been harbored by her_ before.
+
+JOHN T. MARSHALL.
+60, Tradd street."
+
+
+From the "Newbern (N.C.) Sentinel," March 17, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Moses, a black fellow, about 40 years of age--has a _wife_
+in Washington.
+
+THOMAS BRAGG, Sen.
+Warrenton, N.C."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," June 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Peter.--He has a _sister_ and _mother_ in New Kent,
+and a _wife_ about fifteen or eighteen miles above Richmond, at or
+about Taylorsville. THEO. A. LACY."
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," Feb. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro Philip, aged about 40 years.--He may have gone to
+St. Louis, as _he has a wife there_. W.G. CLARK, 70 New Levee."
+
+
+From the "Georgian," Jan. 29, 1838.
+
+"A Reward of $5 will be paid for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Diana. Diana is from 45 to 50 age. She formerly belonged to Mr. Nath.
+Law, of Liberty county, _where her husband still lives_. She will
+endeavor to go there perhaps. D. O'BYRNE."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," Feb. 20, 1838.
+
+"$10 Reward for a negro woman, named Sally, 40 years old. We have just
+reason to believe the said negro to be now lurking on the James River
+Canal, or in the Green Spring neighborhood, where, we are informed,
+_her husband resides_. The above reward will be given to any person
+_securing_ her.
+
+POLLY C. SHIELDS.
+Mount Elba, Feb. 19, 1838."
+
+
+"$50 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, his negro man Pauladore,
+commonly called Paul. I understand GEN. R.Y. HAYNE _has purchased his
+wife and children_ from H.L. PINCKNEY, Esq. and has them now on his
+plantation at Goosecreek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently
+_lurking_. T. DAVIS."
+
+
+"$25 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, a negro woman, named
+Matilda. It is thought she may be somewhere up James River, as she was
+claimed as _a wife_ by some boatman in Goochland. J. ALVIS."
+
+
+"Stop the Runaway!!!--$25 Reward. Ranaway from the Eagle Tavern, a
+negro fellow, named Nat. He is no doubt attempting to _follow his
+wife, who was lately sold to a speculator_ named Redmond. The above
+reward will be paid by Mrs. Lucy M. Downman, of Sussex county, Va."
+
+
+Multitudes of advertisements like the above appear annually in the
+southern papers. Reader, look at the preceding list--mark the
+unfeeling barbarity with which their masters and _mistresses_ describe
+the struggles and perils of sundered husbands and wives, parents and
+children, in their weary midnight travels through forests and rivers,
+with torn limbs and breaking hearts, seeking the embraces of each
+other's love. In one instance, a mother torn from all her children and
+taken to a remote part of another state, presses her way back through
+the wilderness, hundreds of miles, to clasp once more her children to
+her heart: but, when she has arrived within a few miles of them, in
+the same county, is discovered, seized, dragged to jail, and her
+purchaser told, through an advertisement, that she awaits his order.
+But we need not trace out the harrowing details already before the
+reader.
+
+Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who resided some time in
+Kentucky, says;--
+
+"I was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a
+slaveholder in Boone county, Kentucky, who lived within half a mile of
+Mr. Hughes' farm. Hughes and Neil traded in slaves down the river:
+they had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of
+Kentucky, and brought them down to Louisville, where the remainder of
+their drove was in jail, waiting their arrival. Just before the
+steamboat put off for the lower country, two negro women were offered
+for sale, each of them having a young child at the breast. The traders
+bought them, took their babes from their arms, and offered them to the
+highest bidder; and they were sold for one dollar apiece, whilst the
+stricken parents were driven on board the boat; and in an hour were on
+their way to the New Orleans market. You are aware that a young babe
+_decreases_ the value of a field hand in the lower country, whilst it
+increases her value in the 'breeding states.'"
+
+The following is an extract from an address, published by the
+Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky, to the churches under their care, in
+1835:--
+
+"Brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are
+_torn asunder_, and permitted to see each other no more. These acts
+are DAILY occurring in the midst of us. The _shrieks_ and the _agony,
+often_ witnessed on such occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet tongue,
+the iniquity of our system. _There is not a neighborhood_ where these
+heart-rending scenes are not displayed. _There is not a village or
+road_ that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts,
+whose mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by _force_ from
+ALL THAT THEIR HEARTS HOLD DEAR."--_Address_, p. 12.
+
+Professor ANDREWS, late of the University of North Carolina, in his
+recent work on Slavery and the Slave Trade, page 147, in relating a
+conversation with a slave-trader, whom he met near Washington City,
+says, he inquired,
+
+"'Do you _often_ buy the wife without the husband?' 'Yes, VERY OFTEN;
+and FREQUENTLY, too, they _sell me the mother while they keep her
+children. I have often known them take away the infant from its
+mother's breast, and keep it, while they sold her_.'"
+
+The following sale is advertised in the "Georgia Journal," Jan, 2,
+1838.
+
+"Will be sold, the following PROPERTY, to wit: One ---- CHILD, by the
+name of James, _about eight months old_, levied on as the property of
+Gabriel Gunn."
+
+The following is a standing advertisement in the Charleston (S.C.)
+papers:--
+
+"120 Negroes for Sale--The subscriber has _just arrived from
+Petersburg, Virginia_, with one hundred and twenty _likely young_
+negroes of both sexes and every description, which he offers for sale
+on the most reasonable terms.
+
+"The lot now on hand consists of plough boys several likely and
+well-qualified house servants of both sexes, several _women with
+children, small girls_ suitable for nurses, and several SMALL BOYS
+WITHOUT THEIR MOTHERS. Planters and traders are earnestly requested to
+give the subscriber a call previously to making purchases elsewhere,
+as he is enabled and will sell as cheap, or cheaper, than can be sold
+by any other person in the trade. BENJAMIN DAVIS. Hamburg, S.C. Sept.
+28, 1838."
+
+Extract Of a letter to a member of Congress from a friend in
+Mississippi, published in the "Washington Globe," June, 1837.
+
+"The times are truly alarming here. Many plantations _are entirely
+stripped of negroes_ (protection!) and horses, by the marshal or
+sheriff.--Suits are multiplying--two thousand five hundred in the
+United States Circuit Court, and three thousand in Hinds County
+Court."
+
+Testimony of MR. SILAS STONE, of Hudson, New York. Mr. Stone is a
+member of the Episcopal Church, has several times been elected an
+Assessor of the city of Hudson, and for three years has filled the
+office of Treasurer of the County. In the fall of 1807, Mr. Stone
+witnessed a sale of slaves, in Charleston, South Carolina, which he
+thus describes in a communication recently received from him.
+
+"I saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in
+different parts of the city, one of which I visited. The arrangements
+of this place appeared something like our northern horse-markets,
+having sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol
+was a handy ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. As the
+traders appeared, lots of negroes were brought from the stables into
+the bar room, and by a flourish of the whip were made to assume an
+active appearance. 'What will you give for these fellows?' 'How old
+are they? 'Are they healthy?' 'Are they quick?' &c. at the same time
+the owner would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance
+and jump, cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. In
+fact all the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of
+jockey-ship, as much as buying and selling horses. There was as little
+regard paid to the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter.
+
+"From these scenes I turn to another, which took place in front of the
+noble 'Exchange Buildings,' in the heart of the city. On the left side
+of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the
+windows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother
+with eight children were placed, and sold at auction. I watched their
+emotions closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human
+nature. The sale began with the eldest child, who, being struck off to
+the highest bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the
+purchaser, and led to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into
+the country; the second, and third were also sold, and so until seven
+of the children were torn from their mother, while her discernment
+told her they were to be separated probably forever, causing in that
+mother the most agonizing sobs and cries, in which the children seemed
+to share. The scene beggars description; suffice it to say, it was
+sufficient to cause tears from one at least 'whose skin was not
+colored like their own,' and I was not ashamed to give vent to them."
+
+
+THE "PROTECTION" AFFORDED BY "PUBLIC OPINION"
+TO CHILDHOOD AND OLD AGE.
+
+In the "New Orleans Bee," May 31, 1837, MR. P. BAHI, gives notice that
+he has _committed to_ JAIL as a runaway 'a _little_ negro AGED ABOUT
+SEVEN YEARS.'
+
+In the "Mobile Advertiser," Sept. 13, 1838, WILLIAM MAGEE, Sheriff,
+gives notice that George Walton, Esq. Mayor of the city has
+_committed_ to JAIL as a runaway slave, Jordan, ABOUT TWELVE YEARS
+OLD, and the Sheriff proceeds to give notice that if no one claims him
+the boy will be _sold as a slave_ to pay jail fees.
+
+In the "Memphis (Tenn.) Gazette," May 2, 1837, W.H. MONTGOMERY
+advertises that he will sell at auction a BOY AGED 14, ANOTHER AGED
+12, AND A GIRL 10, to pay the debts of their deceased master.
+
+B.F. CHAPMAN, Sheriff, Natchitoches (La.) advertises in the
+'Herald,' of May 17, 1837, that he has "_committed to_ JAIL, as a
+runaway a negro boy BETWEEN 11 AND 12 YEARS OF AGE."
+
+In the "Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle," Feb. 13, 1838. R.H. JONES, jailor,
+says, "Brought to _jail_ a negro _woman_ Sarah, she is about 60 or 65
+_years old_."
+
+In the "Winchester Virginian," August 8, 1837, Mr. R.H. MENIFEE,
+offers ten dollars reward to any one who will catch and lodge in jail,
+Abram and Nelly, _about_ 60 _years old_, so that he can get them
+again.
+
+J. SNOWDEN, Jailor, Columbia, S.C. gives notice in the "Telescope,"
+Nov, 18, 1837, that he has committed to jail as a runaway slave,
+"_Caroline fifty years of age_."
+
+Y.S. PICKARD, Jailor, Savannah, Georgia, gives notice in the
+"Georgian," June 22, 1837, that he has taken up for a runaway and
+lodged in jail Charles, 60 _years of age_.
+
+In the Savannah "Georgian," April 12, 1837, Mr. J. CUYLER, says he
+will give five dollars, to anyone who will catch and bring back to him
+"Saman, _an old negro man, and grey, and has only one eye_."
+
+In the "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph," Jan. 15, 1839, MESSRS. T. AND L.
+NAPIER, advertise for sale Nancy, a woman 65 _years of age_, and
+Peggy, a woman 65 _years of age_.
+
+The following is from the "Columbian (Ga.) Enquirer," March 8, 1838.
+
+"$25 REWARD.--Ranaway, a Negro Woman named MATILDA, aged about 30 or
+35 years. Also, on the same night, a Negro Fellow of small size, VERY
+AGED, _stoop-shouldered_, who walks VERY DECREPIDLY, is supposed to
+have gone off. His name is DAVE, and he has claimed Matilda for wife.
+It may be they have gone off together.
+
+"I will give twenty-five dollars for the woman, delivered to me in
+Muscogee county, or confined in any jail so that I can get her. MOSES
+BUTT."
+
+J.B. RANDALL, Jailor, Cobb (Co.) Georgia, advertises an old negro man,
+in the "Milledgeville Recorder," Nov. 6, 1838.
+
+"A NEGRO MAN, has been lodged in the common jail of this county, who
+says his name is JUPITER. He _has lost all his front teeth above and
+below--speaks very indistinctly, is very lame, so that he can hardly
+walk_."
+
+Rev. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who spent some time
+in slave states, speaking of his residence in Kentucky, says:--
+
+"One Sabbath morning, whilst riding to meeting near Burlington, Boone
+Co. Kentucky, in company with Mr. Willis, a teacher of sacred music
+and a member of the Presbyterian Church, I was startled at mingled
+shouts and screams, proceeding from an old log house, some distance
+from the road side. As we passed it, some five or six boys from 12 to
+15 years of age, came out, some of them cracking whips, followed by
+two colored boys crying. I asked Mr. W. what the scene meant. 'Oh,' he
+replied, 'those boys have been whipping the niggers; that is the way
+we bring slaves into subjection in Kentucky--we let the children beat
+them.' The boys returned again into the house, and again their
+shouting and stamping was heard, but ever and anon a scream of agony
+that would not be drowned, rose above the uproar; thus they continued
+till the sounds were lost in the distance."
+
+Well did Jefferson say, that the children of slaveholders are 'NURSED,
+EDUCATED, AND DAILY EXERCISED IN TYRANNY.'
+
+The 'protection' thrown around a mother's yearnings, and the
+helplessness of childhood by the 'public opinion' of slaveholders, is
+shown by _thousands_ of advertisements of which the following are
+samples.
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," June 2.
+
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.--A negro woman 21 years of age, and has two
+children, one eight and the other three years. Said negroes will be
+sold SEPARATELY or together _as desired_. The woman is a good
+seamstress. She will be sold low for cash, or _exchanged_ for
+GROCERIES. For terms apply to MAYHEW BLISS, & CO. 1 Front Levee."
+
+
+From the "Georgia Journal," Nov. 7.
+
+"TO BE SOLD--One negro girl about 18 _months old_, belonging to the
+estate of William Chambers, dec'd. Sold for the purpose of
+_distribution!!_ JETHRO DEAN, SAMUEL BEALL, Ex'ors."
+
+
+From the "Natchez Courier," April 2, 1838.
+
+"NOTICE--Is hereby given that the undersigned pursuant to a certain
+Deed of Trust will on Thursday the 12th day of April next, expose to
+sale at the Court House, to the highest bidder for cash, the following
+Negro slaves, to wit; Fanny, aged about 28 years; Mary, aged about 7
+years; Amanda, aged about 3 months; Wilson, aged about 9 months.
+
+Said slaves, to be sold for the satisfaction of the debt secured in
+said Deed of Trust. W.J. MINOR."
+
+
+From the "Milledgeville Journal," Dec. 26, 1837.
+
+"EXECUTOR'S SALE.
+
+"Agreeable to an order of the court of Wilkinson county, will be sold
+on the first Tuesday in April next, before the Court-house door in the
+town of Irwington, ONE NEGRO GIRL _about two years old_, named Rachel,
+belonging to the estate of William Chambers dec'd. Sold _for the
+benefit_ of the heirs and creditors of said estate.
+
+SAMUEL BELL, JESSE PEACOCK, Ex'ors."
+
+
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette" Dec. 19.
+
+"I will give the highest cash price for likely negroes, _from 10 to 25
+years of age_.
+
+GEO. KEPHART."
+
+
+From the "Southern Whig," March 2, 1838.--
+
+"WILL be sold in La Grange, Troup county, one negro girl, by the name
+of Charity, aged about 10 or 12 years; as the property of Littleton L.
+Burk, to satisfy a mortgage fi. fa. from Troup Inferior Court, in
+favor of Daniel S. Robertson vs. said Burk."
+
+
+From the "Petersburgh (Va.) Constellation," March 18, 1837.
+
+"50 _Negroes wanted immediately_.--The subscriber will give a good
+market price for fifty likely negroes, _from 10 to 30 years of age_.
+
+HENRY DAVIS."
+
+
+The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman, a native and
+still a resident of one of the slave states, and _still a
+slaveholder_. He is an elder in the Presbyterian Church, his letter is
+now before us, and his name is with the Executive Committee of the Am.
+Anti-slavery Society.
+
+"Permit me to say, that around this very place where I reside, slaves
+are brought almost constantly, and sold to Miss. and Orleans; that _it
+is usual_ to part families forever by such sales--the parents from the
+children and the children from the parents, of every size and age. A
+mother was taken not long since, in this town, from a _sucking child_,
+and sold to the lower country. Three young men I saw some time ago
+taken from this place in chains--while the mother of one of them, old
+and decrepid, _followed with tears and prayers her son, 18 or 20
+miles, and bid him a final farewell_! O, thou Great Eternal, is this
+justice! is this equity!!--Equal Rights!!"
+
+We subjoin a few miscellaneous facts illustrating the INHUMANITY of
+slaveholding 'public opinion.'
+
+The shocking indifference manifested at the death of slaves as _human
+beings_, contrasted with the grief at their loss _as property_, is a
+true index to the public opinion of slaveholders.
+
+Colonel Oliver of Louisville, lost a valuable race-horse by the
+explosion of the steamer Oronoko, a few months since on the
+Mississippi river. Eight human beings whom he held as slaves were also
+killed by the explosion. They were the riders and grooms of his
+race-horses. A Louisville paper thus speaks of the occurrence:
+
+"Colonel Oliver suffered severely by the explosion of the Oronoko. He
+lost _eight_ of his rubbers and riders, and his horse, Joe Kearney,
+which he had sold the night before for $3,000."
+
+Mr. King, of the New York American, makes the following just comment
+on the barbarity of the above paragraph:
+
+"Would any one, in reading this paragraph from an evening paper,
+conjecture that these '_eight_ rubbers and riders,' that together with
+a horse, are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to their owner, were human
+beings--immortal as the writer who thus brutalizes them, and perhaps
+cherishing life as much? In this view, perhaps, the 'eight' lost as
+much as Colonel Oliver."
+
+
+The following is from the "Charleston (S.C.) Patriot," Oct. 18.
+
+"_Loss of Property_!--Since I have been here, (Rice Hope, N. Santee,)
+I have seen much misery, and much of human suffering. The loss of
+PROPERTY has been immense, not only on South Santee, but also on this
+river. Mr. Shoolbred has lost, (according to the statement of the
+physician,) forty-six negroes--the majority lost being the _primest
+hands_ he had--bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths and Coopers. Mr.
+Wm. Mazyck has lost 35 negroes. Col. Thomas Pinkney, in the
+neighborhood of 40, and many other planters, 10 to 20 on each
+plantation. Mrs. Elias Harry, adjoining the plantation of Mr. Lucas,
+has lost up to date, 32 negroes--the _best part of her primest_
+negroes on her plantation."
+
+
+From the "Natchez (Miss.) Daily Free Trader," Feb. 12, 1838.
+
+"_Found_.--A NEGRO'S HEAD WAS PICKED UP ON THE RAIL-ROAD YESTERDAY,
+WHICH THE OWNER CAN HAVE BY CALLING AT THIS OFFICE AND PAYING FOR THE
+ADVERTISEMENT."
+
+
+The way in which slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a poor female
+lunatic is illustrated in the following advertisement in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 27, 1838:
+
+"Taken and committed to jail, a negro girl named Nancy, who is
+supposed to belong to Spencer P. Wright, of the State of Georgia. She
+is about 30 years of age, and is a LUNATIC. The owner is requested to
+come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or SHE
+WILL BE SOLD TO PAY HER JAIL FEES.
+
+FRED'K HOME, Jailor."
+
+A late PROSPECTUS Of the South Carolina Medical College, located in
+Charleston, contains the following passage:--
+
+"Some advantages of a _peculiar_ character are connected with this
+Institution, which it may be proper to point out. No place in the
+United States offers as great opportunities for the acquisition of
+anatomical knowledge, SUBJECTS BEING OBTAINED FROM AMONG THE COLORED
+POPULATION IN SUFFICIENT NUMBER FOR EVERY PURPOSE, AND PROPER
+DISSECTIONS CARRIED ON WITHOUT OFFENDING ANY INDIVIDUALS IN THE
+COMMUNITY!!"
+
+_Without offending any individuals in the community_! More than half
+the population of Charleston, we believe, is 'colored;' _their_ graves
+may be ravaged, their dead may be dug up, dragged into the dissecting
+room, exposed to the gaze, heartless gibes, and experimenting knives,
+of a crowd of inexperienced operators, who are given to understand in
+the prospectus, that, if they do not acquire manual dexterity in
+dissection, it will be wholly their own fault, in neglecting to
+improve the unrivalled advantages afforded by the institution--since
+each can have as many human bodies as he pleases to experiment
+upon--and as to the fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, and
+sisters, of those whom they cut to pieces from day to day, why, they
+are not 'individuals in the community,' but 'property,' and however
+_their_ feelings may be tortured, the 'public opinion' of slaveholders
+is entirely too 'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring for them!
+
+The following which has been for some time a standing advertisement of
+the South Carolina Medical College, in the Charleston papers, is
+another index of the same 'public opinion' toward slaves. We give an
+extract:--
+
+"_Surgery of the Medical College of South Carolina, Queen st_.--The
+Faculty inform their professional brethren, and the public that they
+have established a _Surgery_, at the Old College, Queen street, FOR
+THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES, which will continue in operation, during the
+session of the College, say from first November, to the fifteenth of
+March ensuing.
+
+"The _object_ of the Faculty, in opening this Surgery, is to collect
+as _many interesting cases_, as possible, for the _benefit_ and
+_instruction_ of their pupils--at the same time, they indulge the
+hope, that it may not only prove an _accommodation_, but also a matter
+of economy to the public. They would respectfully call the attention
+of planters, living in the vicinity of the city, to this subject;
+particularly such as may have servants laboring under Surgical
+diseases. Such _persons of color_ as may not be able to pay for
+Medical advice, will be attended to gratis, at stated hours, as often
+as may be necessary.
+
+"The Faculty take this opportunity of soliciting the co-operation of
+such of their professional brethren, as are favorable to their
+objects."
+
+"The first thing that strikes the reader of the advertisement is, that
+this _Surgery_ is established exclusively 'for the treatment of
+_negroes_; and, if he knows little of the hearts of slaveholders
+towards their slaves, he charitably supposes, that they 'feel the dint
+of pity,' for the poor sufferers and have founded this institution as
+a special charity for their relief. But the delusion vanishes as he
+reads on; the professors take special care that no such derogatory
+inference shall be drawn from their advertisement. They give us the
+three reasons which have induced them to open this 'Surgery for the
+treatment of negroes.' The first and main one is, 'to collect as many
+_interesting cases_ as possible for the benefit and instruction of
+their _pupils_--another is, 'the hope that it may prove an
+_accommodation_,'--and the third, that it may be 'a matter of economy
+to the _public_' Another reason, doubtless, and controlling one,
+though the professors are silent about it, is that a large collection
+of 'interesting surgical cases,' always on hand, would prove a
+powerful attraction to students, and greatly increase the popularity
+of the institution. In brief, then, the motives of its founders, the
+professors, were these, the accommodation of their _students_--the
+accommodation of the _public_ (which means, _the whites_)--and the
+accommodation of slaveholders who have on their hands disabled slaves,
+that would make 'interesting cases,' for surgical operation in the
+presence of the pupils--to these reasons we may add the accommodation
+of the Medical Institution and the accommodation of _themselves_! Not
+a syllable about the _accommodation_ of the hopeless sufferers,
+writhing with the agony of those gun shot wounds, fractured sculls,
+broken limbs and ulcerated backs which constitute the 'interesting
+cases' for the professors to 'show off' before their pupils, and, as
+practice makes perfect, for the students themselves to try their hands
+at by way of experiment.
+
+Why, we ask, was this surgery established 'for the treatment of
+_negroes'_ alone? Why were these 'interesting cases' selected from
+that class exclusively? No man who knows the feeling of slave holders
+towards slaves will be at a loss for the reason. 'Public opinion'
+would tolerate surgical experiments, operations, processes, performed
+upon them, which it would execrate if performed upon their master or
+other whites. As the great object in collecting the disabled negroes
+is to have 'interesting cases' for the students, the professors who
+perform the operations will of course endeavor to make them as
+'interesting' as possible. The _instruction of the student_ is the
+immediate object, and if the professors can accomplish it best by
+_protracting_ the operation, pausing to explain the different
+processes, &c. the subject is only a negro, and what is his protracted
+agony, that it should restrain the professor from making the case as
+'interesting' as possible to the students by so using his knife as
+will give them the best knowledge of the parts, and the process,
+however it may protract or augment the pain of the subject. The _end_
+to be accomplished is the _instruction_ of the student, operations
+upon the negroes are the _means_ to the end; _that_ tells the whole
+story--and he who knows the hearts of slaveholders and has common
+sense, however short the allowance, can find the way to his
+conclusions without a lantern.
+
+By an advertisement of the same Medical Institution, dated November
+12, 1838, and published in the Charleston papers, it appears that an
+'infirmary has been opened in connection with the college.' The
+professors manifest a great desire that the masters of servants should
+send in their disabled slaves, and as an inducement to the furnishing
+of such _interesting cases_ say, all medical and surgical aid will be
+offered _without making them liable to any professional charges_.
+Disinterested bounty, pity, sympathy, philanthropy. However difficult
+or numerous the surgical cases of slaves thus put into their hands by
+the masters, they charge not a cent for their _professional services_.
+Their yearnings over human distress are so intense, that they beg the
+privilege of performing all operations, and furnishing all the medical
+attention needed, _gratis_, feeling that the relief of misery is its
+own reward!!! But we have put down our exclamation points too
+soon--upon reading the whole of the advertisement we find the
+professors conclude it with the following paragraph:--
+
+"The SOLE OBJECT Of the faculty in the establishment of such an
+institution being to promote the interest of Medical Education within
+their native State and City."
+
+In the "Charleston (South Carolina) Mercury" of October 12, 1838, we
+find an advertisement of half a column, by a Dr. T. Stillman, setting
+forth the merits of another 'Medical Infirmary,' under his own special
+supervision, at No. 110 Church street, Charleston. The doctor, after
+inveighing loudly against 'men totally ignorant of medical science,'
+who flood the country with quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated
+proofs of miraculous cures,' proceeds to enumerate the diseases to
+which his 'Infirmary' is open, and to which his practice will be
+mainly confined. Appreciating the importance of 'interesting cases,'
+as a stock in trade, on which to commence his experiments, he copies
+the example of the medical professors, and advertises for them. But,
+either from a keener sense of justice, or more generosity, or greater
+confidence in his skill, or for some other reason, he proposes to _buy
+up_ an assortment of _damaged_ negroes, given over, as incurable, by
+others, and to make such his 'interesting cases,' instead of
+experimenting on those who are the 'property' of others.
+
+Dr. Stillman closes his advertisement with the following notice:--
+
+"To PLANTERS AND OTHERS.--Wanted _fifty negroes_. Any person having
+sick negroes, considered incurable by their respective physicians, and
+wishing to dispose of them, Dr. S. will pay cash for negroes affected
+with scrofula or king's evil, confirmed hypocondriasm, apoplexy,
+diseases of the liver, kidneys, spleen, stomach and intestines,
+bladder and its appendages, diarrhea, dysentery, &c. The highest cash
+price will be paid on application as above."
+
+The absolute barbarism of a 'public opinion' which not only tolerates,
+but _produces_ such advertisements as this, was outdone by nothing in
+the dark ages. If the reader has a heart of flesh, he can feel it
+without help, and if he has not, comment will not create it. The total
+indifference of slaveholders to such a cold blooded proposition, their
+utter unconsciousness of the paralysis of heart, and death of
+sympathy, and every feeling of common humanity for the slave, which it
+reveals, is enough, of itself to show that the tendency of the spirit
+of slaveholding is, to kill in the soul whatever it touches. It has no
+eyes to see, nor ears to hear, nor mind to understand, nor heart to
+feel for its victims as _human beings_. To show that the above
+indication of the savage state is not an index of individual feeling,
+but of 'public opinion,' it is sufficient to say, that it appears to
+be a standing advertisement in the Charleston Mercury, the leading
+political paper of South Carolina, the organ of the Honorables John C.
+Calhoun, Robert Barnwell Rhett, Hugh S. Legare, and others regarded as
+the elite of her statesmen and literati. Besides, candidates for
+popular favor, like the doctor who advertises for the fifty
+'incurables,' take special care to conciliate, rather than outrage,
+'public opinion.' Is the doctor so ignorant of 'public opinion' in his
+own city, that he has unwittingly committed violence upon it in his
+advertisement? We trow not. The same 'public opinion' which gave birth
+to the advertisement of doctor Stillman, and to those of the
+professors in both the medical institutions, founded the Charleston
+'Work House'--a soft name for a Moloch temple dedicated to torture,
+and reeking with blood, in the midst of the city; to which masters and
+mistresses send their slaves of both sexes to be stripped, tied up,
+and cut with the lash till the blood and mangled flesh flow to their
+feet, or to be beaten and bruised with the terrible paddle, or forced
+to climb the tread-mill till nature sinks, or to experience other
+nameless torments.
+
+The "Vicksburg (Miss.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838, contains the
+following item of information: "ARDOR IN BETTING.--Two gentlemen, at a
+tavern, having summoned the waiter, the poor fellow had scarcely
+entered, when he fell down in a fit of apoplexy. 'He's dead!'
+exclaimed one. 'He'll come to!' replied the other. 'Dead, for five
+hundred!' 'Done!' retorted the second. The noise of the fall, and the
+confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to
+fetch a doctor. 'No! no! we must have no interference--there's a bet
+depending!' 'But, sir, I shall lose a valuable servant!' 'Never mind!
+you can put him down in the bill!'"
+
+About the time the Vicksburg paper containing the above came to hand,
+we received a letter from N.P. ROGERS, Esq. of Concord, N.H. the
+editor of the 'Herald of Freedom,' from which the following is an
+extract:
+
+"Some thirty years ago, I think it was, Col. Thatcher, of Maine, a
+lawyer, was in Virginia, on business, and was there invited to dine at
+a public house, with a company of the gentry of the south. _The place_
+I forget--the fact was told me by George Kimball, Esq. now of Alton,
+Illinois who had the story from Col. Thatcher himself. Among the
+servants waiting was a young negro man, whose beautiful person,
+obliging and assiduous temper, and his activity and grace in serving,
+made him a favorite with the company. The dinner lasted into the
+evening, and the wine passed freely about the table. At length, one of
+the gentlemen, who was pretty highly excited with wine, became
+unfortunately incensed, either at some trip of the young slave, in
+waiting, or at some other cause happening when the slave was within
+his reach. He seized the long-necked wine bottle, and struck the young
+man suddenly in the temple, and felled him dead upon the floor. The
+fall arrested, for a moment, the festivities of the table. 'Devilish
+unlucky,' exclaimed one. 'The gentleman is very unfortunate,' cried
+another. 'Really a loss,' said a third, &c, &c. The body was dragged
+from the dining hall, and the feast went on; and at the close, one of
+the gentlemen, and the very one, I believe, whose hand had done the
+homicide, shouted, in bacchanalian bravery, and _southern generosity_,
+amid the broken glasses and fragments of chairs, 'LANDLORD! PUT THE
+NIGGER INTO THE BILL!' This was that murdered young man's _requiem and
+funeral service_."
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, a merchant in Rochester, New York, and an elder
+in the Fourth Presbyterian Church in that city, who resided four years
+in Virginia, gives the following testimony:
+
+"I knew a young man who had been out hunting, and returning with some
+of his friends, seeing a negro man in the road, at a little distance,
+deliberately drew up his rifle, and shot him dead. This was done
+without the slightest provocation, or a word passing. This young man
+passed through the _form_ of a trial, and, although it was not even
+_pretended_ by his counsel that he was not guilty of the act,
+deliberately and wantonly perpetrated, _he was acquitted_. It was
+urged by his counsel, that he was a _young_ man, (about 20 years of
+age,) had no _malicious_ intention, his mother was a widow, &c, &c"
+
+Mr. BENJAMIN CLENDENON, of Colerain, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, a
+member of the Society of Friends, gives the following testimony:
+
+"Three years ago the coming month, I took a journey of about
+seventy-five miles from home, through the eastern shore of Maryland,
+and a small part of Delaware. Calling one day, near noon, at
+Georgetown Cross-Roads, I found myself surrounded in the tavern by
+slaveholders. Among other subjects of conversation, their human cattle
+came in for a share. One of the company, a middle-aged man, then
+living with a second wife, acknowledged, that after the death of his
+first wife, he lived in a state of concubinage with a female slave;
+but when the time drew near for the taking of a second wife, he found
+it expedient to remove the slave from the premises. The same person
+gave an account of a female slave he formerly held, who had a
+propensity for some one pursuit, I think the attendance of religious
+meetings. On a certain occasion, she presented her petition to him,
+asking for this indulgence; he refused--she importuned--and he, with
+sovereign indignation, seized a chair, and with a blow upon the head,
+knocked her senseless upon the floor. The same person, for some act of
+disobedience, on the part, I think, of the same slave, when employed
+in stacking straw, felled her to the earth with the handle of a pitch
+fork. All these transactions were related with the _utmost composure_,
+in a bar-room within thirty miles of the Pennsylvania line."
+
+The two following advertisements are illustrations of the regard paid
+to the marriage relations by slaveholding judges, governors, senators
+in Congress, and mayors of cities.
+
+From the "Montgomery, (Ala.) Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+
+"$20 REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses. He
+is of common size, about 28 years old. He formerly belonged to Judge
+Benson, of Montgomery, and it is said, has a wife in that county. John
+Gayle"
+
+The John Gayle who signs this advertisement, is an Ex-Governor of
+Alabama.
+
+From the "Charleston Courier," Nov. 28.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, about twelve months since, his negro man
+Paulladore. His complexion is dark--about 50 years old. I understand
+Gen. R.Y. Hayne has purchased his wife and children from H.L.
+Pinckney, Esq. and has them now on his plantation, at Goose Creek,
+where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently lurking. Thomas Davis."
+
+It is hardly necessary to say, that the GENERAL R.Y. HAYNE, and H.L.
+PINCKNEY, Esq. named in the advertisement, are Ex-Governor Hayne,
+formerly U.S. Senator from South Carolina, and Hon. Henry L.
+Pinckney, late member of Congress from Charleston District, and now
+Intendant (mayor) of that city.
+
+It is no difficult matter to get at the 'public opinion' of a
+community, when _ladies_ 'of property and standing' publish, under
+their own names, such advertisements as the following.
+
+Mrs. ELIZABETH L. CARTER, of Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, thus advertises her negro man Moses:
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses, aged about 40
+years, about six feet high, well made, and possessing a good address,
+and HAS LOST A PART ON ONE OF HIS EARS."
+
+Mrs. B. NEWMAN, of the same place, and in the same paper, advertises--
+
+"Penny, the wife of Moses, aged about 30 years, brown complexion, tall
+and likely, _no particular marks of person recollected._"
+
+Both of the above advertisements appear in the National Intelligencer,
+(Washington city,) June 10, 1837.
+
+In the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, of Feb. 13, 1838, is an
+advertisement Signed SARAH WALSH, of which the following is an
+extract:
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward will be paid to any one who may apprehend
+and deliver to me, or confine in any jail, so that, I can get him, my
+man Isaac, who ranaway sometime in September last. He is 26 years of
+age, 5 feet 10 inches high, has a _scar on his forehead, caused by a
+blow_, and one on his back, MADE BY A SHOT FROM A PISTOL."
+
+In the "New Orleans Bee," Dec. 21, 1838, Mrs. BURVANT, whose residence
+is at the corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, advertises a woman
+as follows:
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Rachel--_has lost all her toes except
+the large one_."
+
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat," June 16, 1838:
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman named
+Sally, about 21 years of age, taking along her two children--one three
+years, and the other seven months old. These negroes were PURCHASED BY
+ME at the sale of George Mason's negroes, on the first Monday in May,
+and left _a few days_ thereafter. Any person delivering them to the
+jailor in Huntsville, or to me, at my plantation, five miles above
+Triana, on the Tennessee river, shall receive the above reward.
+CHARITY COOPER"
+
+From the "Mississippian," May 13, 1838:
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a man named Aaron,
+yellow complexion, blue eyes, &c. I have no doubt he is lurking about
+Jackson and its vicinity, probably harbored by some of the negroes
+sold as the property of _my late husband_, Harry Long, deceased. Some
+of them are about Richland, in Madison co. I will give the above
+reward when brought to me, about six miles north-west of Jackson, or
+put IN JAIL, _so that I can get him_. LUCY LONG."
+
+If the reader, after perusing the preceding facts, testimony, and
+arguments, still insists that the 'public opinion' of the slave states
+protects the slave from outrages, and alleges, as proof of it, that
+_cruel_ masters are frowned upon and shunned by the community
+generally, and regarded as monsters, we reply by presenting the
+following facts and testimony.
+
+"Col. MEANS, of Manchester, Ohio, says, that when he resided in South
+Carolina, _his neighbor_, a physician, became enraged with his slave,
+and sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes. After having received
+one hundred and forty, he fainted. After inflicting the full number of
+lashes, the cords with which he was bound were loosed. When he
+revived, he staggered to the house, and sat down in the sun. Being
+faint and thirsty, he _begged_ for some water to drink. The master
+went to the well, and procured some water but instead of giving him to
+drink, he threw the whole bucket-full in his face. Nature could not
+stand the shock--he sunk to rise no more. For this crime, the
+physician was bound over to Court, and tried, and _acquitted_--and THE
+NEXT YEAR HE WAS ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATURE!"
+
+Testimony of Hon. JOHN RANDOLPH, of Virginia
+
+"In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post horses, _whipped to death_ in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+The hand cuff, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! WHAT MAN IS
+WORSE RECEIVED IN SOCIETY FOR BEING A HARD MASTER? WHO DENIES THE HAND
+OF A SISTER OR DAUGHTER TO SUCH MONSTERS?"
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, of Rochester, New York, who resided four years in
+Virginia, testifies as follows:
+
+"I know a local Methodist minister, a man of talents, and popular as a
+preacher, who took his negro girl into his barn, in order to whip
+her--and _she was brought out a corpse_! His friends seemed to think
+this of _so little importance to his ministerial standing_, that
+although I lived near him about three years, I do not recollect to
+have heard them apologize for the deed, though I recollect having
+heard ONE of his neighbors allege this fact as a reason why he did not
+wish to hear him preach."
+
+Notwithstanding the mass of testimony which has been presented
+establishing the fact that in the 'public opinion' of the South the
+slaves find no protection, some may still claim that the 'public
+opinion' exhibited by the preceding facts is not that of the _highest
+class of society at the South_, and in proof of this assertion, refer
+to the fact, that 'Negro Brokers,' Negro Speculators, Negro
+Auctioneers, and Negro Breeders, &c., are by that class universally
+despised and avoided, as are all who treat their slaves with cruelty.
+
+To this we reply, that, if all claimed by the objector were true, it
+could avail him nothing for 'public opinion' is neither made nor
+unmade by 'the first class of society.' That class produces in it, at
+most, but slight modifications; those who belong to it have generally
+a 'public opinion,' within their own circle which has rarely more,
+either of morality or mercy than the public opinion of the mass, and
+is, at least, equally heartless and more intolerant. As to the
+estimation in which 'speculators,' 'soul drivers,' &c. are held, we
+remark, that, they are not despised because they _trade in slaves_ but
+because they are _working_ men, all such are despised by slaveholders.
+White drovers who go with droves of swine and cattle from the free
+states to the slave states, and Yankee pedlars, who traverse the
+south, and white day-laborers are, in the main, equally despised, or,
+if negro-traders excite more contempt than drovers, pedlars, and
+day-laborers, it is because, they are, as a class more ignorant and
+vulgar, men from low families and boors in their manners. Ridiculous
+to suppose, that a people, who have, _by law_, made men articles of
+trade equally with swine, should despise men-drovers and traders, more
+than hog-drovers and traders. That they are not despised because it is
+their business to trade in _human beings_ and bring them to market, is
+plain from the fact that when some 'gentleman of property and
+standing' and of a 'good family' embarks in a negro speculation, and
+employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to traverse the upper country, and
+drive to the south coffles of slaves, expending hundreds of thousands
+in his wholesale purchases, he does not lose caste. It is known in
+Alabama, that Mr. Erwin, son-in-law of the Hon. Henry Clay, and
+brother of J.P. Erwin, formerly postmaster, and late mayor of the
+city of Nashville, laid the foundation of a princely fortune in the
+slave-trade, carried on from the Northern Slave States to the Planting
+South; that the Hon. H. Hitchcock, brother-in-law of Mr. E., and since
+one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Alabama, was interested with
+him in the traffic; and that a late member of the Kentucky Senate
+(Col. Wall) not only carried on the same business, a few years ago,
+but accompanied his droves in person down the Mississippi. Not as the
+_driver_, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentleman, but
+as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers.
+
+It is also well known that President Jackson was a 'soul driver,' and
+that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war,
+he bought up a coffle of slaves and drove them down to Louisiana for
+sale.
+
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the principal slave auctioneer in Charleston,
+S.C. is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the
+very highest class of society there. He is a descendant of the
+distinguished General Gadsden of revolutionary memory, the most
+prominent southern member in the Continental Congress of 1765, and
+afterwards elected lieutenant governor and then governor of the state.
+The Rev. Dr. Gadsden, rector of St. Phillip's Church, Charleston, and
+the Rev. Phillip Gadsden, both prominent Episcopal clergymen in South
+Carolina, and Colonel James Gadsden of the United States army, after
+whom a county in Florida was recently named, are all brothers of this
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the largest slave auctioneer in the state,
+under whose hammer, men, women and children go off by thousands; its
+stroke probably sunders _daily_, husbands and wives, parents and
+children, brothers and sisters, perhaps to see each other's faces no
+more. Now who supply the auction table of this Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq.
+with its loads of human merchandize? These same detested 'soul
+drivers' forsooth! They prowl through the country, buy, catch, and
+fetter them, and drive their chained coffles up to his stand, where
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. knocks them off to the highest bidder, to
+Ex-Governor Butler perhaps, or to Ex-Governor Hayne, or to Hon. Robert
+Barnwell Rhett, or to his own reverend brother, Dr. Gadsden. Now this
+high born, wholesale _soul-seller_ doubtless despises the retail
+'soul-drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the wholesale
+grocer, the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for a keg
+of whiskey to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and both
+for the same reason.
+
+The plea that the 'public opinion' among the highest classes of
+society at the south is mild and considerate towards the slaves, that
+_they_ do not overwork, underfeed, neglect when old and sick, scantily
+clothe, badly lodge, and half shelter their slaves; that _they_ do not
+barbarously flog, load with irons, imprison in the stocks, brand and
+maim them; hunt them when runaway with dogs and guns, and sunder by
+force and forever the nearest kindred--is shown, by almost every page
+of this work, to be an assumption, not only utterly groundless, but
+directly opposed to masses of irrefragable evidence. If the reader
+will be at the pains to review the testimony recorded on the foregoing
+pages he will find that a very large proportion of the atrocities
+detailed were committed, not by the most ignorant and lowest classes
+of society, but by persons 'of property and standing,' by masters and
+mistresses belonging to the 'upper classes,' by persons in the learned
+professions, by civil, judicial, and military officers, by the
+_literati_, by the fashionable elite and persons of more than ordinary
+'respectability' and external morality--large numbers of whom are
+professors of religion.
+
+It will be recollected that the testimony of Sarah M. Grimké, and
+Angelina G. Weld, was confined exclusively to the details of slavery
+as exhibited in the _highest classes of society_, mainly in
+Charleston, S.C. See their testimony pp. 22-24 and 52-57. The former
+has furnished us with the following testimony in addition to that
+already given.
+
+"Nathaniel Heyward of Combahee, S.C., one of the wealthiest planters
+in the state, stated, in conversation with some other planters who
+were complaining of the idle and lazy habits of their slaves, and the
+difficulty of ascertaining whether their sickness was real or
+pretended, and the loss they suffered from their frequent absence on
+this account from their work, said, 'I never lose a day's work: it is
+an _established_ rule on my plantations that the tasks of all the sick
+negroes _shall be done by those who are well in addition to their
+own_. By this means a vigilant supervision is kept up by the slaves
+over each other, and they take care that nothing but real sickness
+keeps any one out of the field.' I spent several winters in the
+neighborhood of Nathaniel Heyward's plantations, and well remember his
+character as a severe task master. _I was present when the above
+statement was made_."
+
+The cool barbarity of such a regulation is hardly surpassed by the
+worst edicts of the Roman Caligula--especially when we consider that
+the plantations of this man were in the neighborhood of the Combahee
+river, one of the most unhealthy districts in the low country of South
+Carolina; further, that large numbers of his slaves worked in the
+_rice marshes_, or 'swamps' as they are called in that state--and that
+during six months of the year, so fatal to health is the malaria of
+the swamps in that region that the planters and their families
+invariably abandon their plantations, regarding it as downright
+presumption to spend a single day upon them 'between the frosts' of
+the early spring and the last of November.
+
+The reader may infer the high standing of Mr. Heyward in South
+Carolina, from the fact that he was selected with four other
+freeholders to constitute a Court for the trial of the conspirators in
+the insurrection plot at Charleston, in 1822. Another of the
+individuals chosen to constitute that court was Colonel Henry Deas,
+now president of the Board of Trustees of Charleston College, and a
+few years since a member of the Senate of South Carolina. From a late
+correspondence in the "Greenvile (S.C.) Mountaineer," between Rev.
+William M. Wightman, a professor in Randolph, Macon, College, and a
+number of the citizens of Lodi, South Carolina, it appears that the
+cruelty of this Colonel Deas to his slaves, is proverbial in South
+Carolina, so much that Professor Wightman, in the sermon which
+occasioned the correspondence, spoke of the Colonel's inhumanity to
+his slaves as a matter of perfect notoriety.
+
+Another South Carolina slaveholder, Hon. Whitmarsh B. Seabrook,
+recently, we believe, Lieut. Governor of the state, gives the
+following testimony to his own inhumanity, and his certificate of the
+'public opinion' among South Carolina slaveholders 'of high degree.'
+
+In an essay on the management of slaves, read before the Agricultural
+Society of St. Johns, S.C. and published by the Society, Charleston,
+1834, Mr. S. remarks:
+
+"I consider _imprisonment in the stocks at night_, with or without
+hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_
+government. To the correctness of this opinion _many_ can bear
+testimony. EXPERIENCE has convinced ME that there is no punishment to
+which the slave looks with more _horror_."
+
+The advertisements of the Professors in the Medical Colleges of South
+Carolina, published with comments--on pp. 169, 170, are additional
+illustrations of the 'public opinion' of the _literati_.
+
+That the 'public opinion' of _the highest class of society_ in South
+Carolina, regards slaves a mere _cattle_, is shown by the following
+advertisement, which we copy from the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury" of
+May 16:
+
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.--A girl about twenty years of age, (raised in
+Virginia,) and her two female children, one four and the other two
+year old--is remarkably strong and healthy--never having had a day's
+sickness, with the exception of the small pox, in her life. The
+children are fine and healthy. She is VERY PROLIFIC IN HER GENERATING
+QUALITIES, _and affords a rare opportunity to any person who wishes to
+raise a family of strong and healthy servants for their own use._
+
+"Any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the
+Mercury office."
+
+The Charleston Mercury, in which this advertisement appears, _is the
+leading political paper in South Carolina_, and is well known to be
+the political organ of Messrs. Calhoun, Rhett, Pickens, and others of
+the most prominent politicians in the state. Its editor, John Stewart,
+Esq., is a lawyer of Charleston, and of a highly respectable family.
+He is a brother-in-law of Hon. Robert Barnwell Rhett, the late
+Attorney-General, now a Member of Congress, and Hon. James Rhett, a
+leading member of the Senate of South Carolina; his wife is a niece of
+the late Governor Smith, of North Carolina, and of the late Hon. Peter
+Smith, Intendant (Mayor) of the city of Charleston; and a cousin of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké.
+
+The circulation of the 'Mercury' among the wealthy, the literary, and
+the fashionable, is probably much larger than that of any other paper
+in the state.
+
+These facts in connection with the preceding advertisement, are a
+sufficient exposition of the 'public opinion' towards slaves,
+prevalent in these classes of society.
+
+The following scrap of 'public opinion' in Florida, is instructive. We
+take it from the Florida Herald, June 23, 1838:
+
+Ranaway from my plantation, on Monday night, the 13th instant, a negro
+fellow named Ben; eighteen years of age, polite when spoken to, and
+speaks very good English for a negro. As I have traced him out in
+several places in town, I am certain he is harbored. This notice is
+given that I am determined, that whenever he is taken, _to punish him
+till he informs me_ who has given him food and protection, and _I
+shall apply the law of Judge Lynch to my own satisfaction_, on those
+concerned in his concealment.
+
+A. WATSON.
+June 16, 1838."
+
+
+Now, who is this A. Watson, who proclaims through a newspaper, his
+determination to _put to the torture_ this youth of eighteen, and to
+Lynch to his 'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup of cold water to
+the panting fugitive. Is he some low miscreant beneath public
+contempt? Nay, verily, he is a 'gentleman of property and standing,'
+one of the wealthiest planters and largest slaveholders in Florida. He
+resides in the vicinity of St. Augustine, and married the daughter of
+the late Thomas C. Morton, Esq. one of the first merchants in New
+York.
+
+We may mention in this connection the well known fact, that many
+wealthy planters make it a _rule never to employ a physician among
+their slaves_. Hon. William Smith, Senator in Congress, from South
+Carolina, from 1816 to 1823, and afterwards from 1826 to 1831, is one
+of this number. He owns a number of large plantations in the south
+western states. One of these, borders upon the village of Huntsville,
+Alabama. The people of that village can testify that it is a part of
+Judge Smith's _system_ never to employ a physician _even in the most
+extreme cases_. If the medical skill of the overseer, or of the slaves
+themselves, can contend successfully with the disease, they live, if
+not, _they die_. At all events, a physician is _not to be called_.
+Judge Smith was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of the United
+States three years since.
+
+The reader will recall a similar fact in the testimony of Rev. W.T.
+Allan, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, of Huntsville, (see p. 47,) who says
+that Colonel Robert H. Watkins, a wealthy planter, in Alabama, and a
+PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR in 1836, who works on his plantations three
+hundred slaves, 'After employing a physician for some time among his
+negroes, he ceased to do so, alledging as the reason, that it was
+_cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician_.'
+
+It is a fact perfectly notorious, that the late General Wade Hampton,
+of South Carolina, who was the largest slaveholder in the United
+States, and probably the wealthiest man south of the Potomac, was
+_excessively cruel_ in the treatment of his slaves. The anecdote of
+him related by a clergyman, on page 29, is perfectly characteristic.
+
+For instances of barbarous inhumanity of various kinds, and manifested
+by persons BELONGING TO THE MOST RESPECTABLE CIRCLES OF SOCIETY, the
+reader can consult the following references:--Testimony of Rev. John
+Graham, p. 25, near the bottom; of Mr. Poe, p. 26, middle; of Rev. J.
+O. Choules, p. 39, middle; of Rev. Dr. Channing, p. 41, top; of Mr.
+George A. Avery, p. 44, bottom; of Rev. W.T. Allan, p. 47; of Mr. John
+M. Nelson, p. 51, bottom; of Dr. J.C. Finley, p. 61, top; of Mr.
+Dustin, p. 66, bottom; of Mr. John Clarke, p. 87; of Mr. Nathan Cole,
+p. 89, middle; Rev. William Dickey, p. 93; Rev. Francis Hawley, p. 97;
+of Mr. Powell, p. 100, middle; of Rev. P. Smith p. 102.
+
+The preceding are but a few of a large number of similar cases
+contained in the foregoing testimonies. The slaveholder mentioned by
+Mr. Ladd, p. 86, who knocked down a slave and afterwards piled brush
+upon his body, and consumed it, held the hand of a female slave in the
+fire till it was burned so as to be useless for life, and confessed to
+Mr. Ladd, that he had killed _four_ slaves, had been a _member of the
+Senate of Georgia_ and a _clergyman_. The slaveholder who whipped a
+female slave to death in St. Louis, in 1837, as stated by Mr. Cole,
+p. 69, was a _Major in the United States Army_. One of the physicians
+who was an abettor of the tragedy on the Brassos, in which a slave was
+tortured to death, and another so that he barely lived, (see Rev. Mr.
+Smith's testimony, p. 102.) was Dr. Anson Jones, a native of
+Connecticut, who was soon after appointed minister plenipotentiary
+from Texas to this government, and now resides at Washington city. The
+slave mistress at Lexington, Ky., who, as her husband testifies, has
+killed six of his slaves, (see testimony of Mr. Clarke, p. 87,) is the
+wife of Hon. Fielding S. Turner, late judge of the criminal court of
+New Orleans, and one of the wealthiest slaveholders in Kentucky.
+Lilburn Lewis, who deliberately chopped in pieces his slave George,
+with a broad-axe, (see testimony of Rev. Mr. Dickey, p. 93) was a
+wealthy slaveholder, and a nephew of President Jefferson. Rev. Francis
+Hawley, who was a general agent of the Baptist State Convention of
+North Carolina, confesses (see p. 47,) that while residing in that
+state he once went out with his hounds and rifle, to hunt fugitive
+slaves. But instead of making further reference to testimony already
+before the reader, we will furnish additional instances of the
+barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and sanctioned by the 'upper
+classes' of society at the south; we begin with clergymen, and other
+officers and members of churches.
+
+That the reader may judge of the degree of 'protection' which slaves
+receive from 'public opinion,' and among the members and ministers of
+professed christian churches, we insert the following illustrations.
+
+Extract from an editorial article in the "Lowell (Mass.) Observer" a
+religious paper edited at the time (1833) by the Rev. DANIEL S.
+SOUTHMAYD, who recently died in Texas.
+
+"We have been among the slaves at the south. We took pains to make
+discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. We formed our
+sentiments on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the
+slaves from having witnessed them. We now affirm that we never saw a
+man, who had never been at the south, who thought as much of the
+cruelties practiced on the slaves, as we _know_ to be a fact.
+
+"A slave whom I loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his
+disposition, and who belonged to the family where I resided, happened
+to stay out _fifteen minutes longer_ than he had permission to stay.
+It was a mistake--it was _unintentional_. But what was the penalty? He
+was sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have
+_thirty lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope!!!_ He was
+brought home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in
+_the sun, upon the floor_. And there he lay, with more the appearance
+of a rotten carcass than a living man, for four days before he could
+do more than move. And who was this inhuman being calling God's
+property his own, and ruing it as he would not have dared to use a
+beast? You may say he was a tiger--one of the more wicked sort, and
+that we must not judge others by him. _He was a professor of that
+religion which will pour upon the willing slaveholder the retribution
+due to his sin_.
+
+"We wish to mention another fact, which our own eyes saw and our own
+ears heard. We were called to evening prayers. The family assembled
+around the altar of their accustomed devotions. There was one female
+_slave_ present, who belonged to another master, but who had been
+hired for the day and tarried to attend family worship. The precious
+Bible was opened, and nearly half a chapter had been read, when the
+eye of the master, who was reading, observed that the new female
+servant, instead of being seated like his own slaves, _flat upon the
+floor_, was standing in a stooping posture upon her feet. He told her
+to sit down on the floor. She said it was not her custom at home. He
+ordered her again to do it. She replied that her master did not
+require it. Irritated by this answer, he repeatedly _struck her upon
+the head with the very Bible he held in his hand_. And not content
+with this, he seized his cane and _caned her down stairs most
+unmercifully_. He then returned to resume his profane work, but we
+need not say that _all_ the family were not there. Do you ask again,
+who was this wicked man? _He was a professor of religion!!_"
+
+
+Rev. HUNTINGTON LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Church in Buffalo, New
+York, says:--
+
+"Walking one day in New Orleans with a professional gentleman, who was
+educated in Connecticut, we were met by a black man; the gentleman was
+greatly incensed with the black man for passing so _near_ him, and
+turning upon him _he pushed him with violence off walk into the
+street_. This man was a professor of religion."
+
+(And _we_ add, a member, and if we mistake not an officer of the
+Presbyterian Church which was established there by Rev. Joel Parker,
+and which was then under his teachings-ED.)
+
+
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a gentleman of known probity, in Cornwall,
+Litchfield county, Conn. gives the testimony which follows:--
+
+"A BAPTIST CLERGYMAN in Laurens District, S.C. WHIPPED HIS SLAVE TO
+DEATH, whom he _suspected_ of having stolen about sixty dollars. The
+slave was in the prime of life and was purchased a few weeks before
+for $800 of a slave trader from Virginia or Maryland. The coroner, Wm.
+Irby, at whose house I was then boarding, _told me_, that on reviewing
+the dead body, he found it _beat to a jelly from head to foot_. The
+master's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the
+slave. She had herself removed it from where it was placed, not
+knowing what it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. I happened
+to be present when the trial of this man took place, at Laurens Court
+House. His daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when
+he appeared to be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which
+he took freely. His counsel pleaded that his death _might_ have been
+caused by drinking cold water in a state of excitement. The Judge
+charged the jury, that it would be their duty to find the defendant
+guilty, if they believed the death was caused by the whipping; but if
+they were of opinion that drinking cold water caused the death, they
+would find him not guilty! The jury found him--NOT GUILTY!"
+
+
+Dr. JEREMIAH S. WAUGH, a physician in Somerville, Butler county, Ohio,
+testifies as follows:--
+
+"In the year 1825, I boarded with the Rev. John Mushat, a Seceder
+minister, and principal of an academy in Iredel county, N.C. He had
+slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the Sabbath. One
+of his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. The
+offence was he went away on Sabbath evening, and did not return till
+Monday morning. About the time we were called to breakfast, the Rev.
+gentleman was engaged in chastising him for _breaking the Sabbath_. He
+determined not to submit--attempted to escape by flight. The master
+immediately took down his gun and pursued him--levelled his instrument
+of death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly _he would blow
+him through_. The poor slave returned to the house and submitted
+himself to the lash; and the good master, while YET PALE WITH RAGE,
+_sat down to the table, and with a trembling voice_ ASKED GOD'S
+BLESSING!"
+
+
+The following letter was sent by Capt. JACOB DUNHAM, of New York city,
+to a slaveholder in Georgetown, D.C. more than twenty years since:
+
+"Georgetown, June 13, 1815.
+
+"Dear sir--Passing your house yesterday, I beheld a scene of cruelty
+seldom witnessed--that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl,
+_lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to
+describe_. My blood chills while I contemplate the subject. This has
+led me to investigate your character from your neighbors; who inform
+me that you have _caused the death_ of one negro man, whom you struck
+with a sledge for some trivial fault--that you have beaten another
+black girl with such severity that the _splinters_ remained in her
+back for some weeks after you sold her--and many other acts of
+barbarity, too lengthy to enumerate. And to my great surprise, I find
+you are a _professor of the Christian religion!_
+
+"You will naturally inquire, why I meddle with your family affairs. My
+answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires
+it.--these hasty remarks I leave you to reflect on the subject; but
+wish you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all
+our faults and will reward us according to our deeds.
+
+I remain, sir, yours, &c
+
+JACOB DUNHAM.
+Master of the brig Cyrus, of N.Y."
+
+
+Rev. SYLVESTER COWLES, pastor of the Presbyterian church in Fredonia,
+N.Y. says:--
+
+"A young man, a member of the church in Conewango, went to Alabama
+last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. When he had been
+there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must return home.
+To see members of the same church sit at the communion table of our
+Lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and knock the
+other down, _as he had seen_, he _could not_ live there. His good
+father forthwith gave him permission to return home."
+
+The following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which a
+professed minister of the Gospel, and editor of a religious paper,
+assumes the right to hold God's image as a chattel. It is from the
+Southern Christian Herald:--
+
+"It is stated in the Georgetown Union, that a negro, supposed to have
+died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in Charleston, was
+carried to the public burying ground to be interred; but before
+interment signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he
+was restored to health. And now the man who first perceived the signs
+of life in the slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the
+property as his own, and is about bringing suit for its recovery. As
+well might a man who rescued his neighbor's slave, or his _horse_,
+from drowning, or who extinguished the flames that would otherwise
+soon have burnt down his neighbor's house, claim the _property_ as his
+own."
+
+Rev. GEORGE BOURNE, of New York city, late Editor of the "Protestant
+Vindicator," who was a preacher seven years in Virginia, gives the
+following testimony.[39]
+
+"Benjamin Lewis, who was an elder in the Presbyterian church, engaged
+a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. After some time had
+elapsed, Kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning by
+a most piteous moaning and shrieking. He arose, and following the
+sound, discovered a colored woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while
+Lewis was lacerating her. Kyle instantly commanded the slave driver to
+desist. Lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and
+threatened Kyle that he would punish him for his interference.
+Finally Kyle obtained the release of the victim.
+
+"A second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the
+third occasion the altercation almost produced a battle between the
+elder and the carpenter.
+
+"Kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools and
+prepared to depart. 'Where are you going?' demanded Lewis. 'I am
+going home;' said Kyle. 'Then I will pay you nothing for what you
+have done,' retorted the slave driver, 'unless you complete your
+contract.'  The carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, 'I
+will not stay here a day longer; for I expect the fire of God will
+come down and burn you up altogether, and I do not choose to go to
+hell with you.'  Through hush-money and promises not to whip the women
+any more, I believe Kyle returned and completed his engagement.
+
+"James Kyle of Harrisonburg, Virginia, frequently narrated that
+circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the
+minute particulars combined with his temporary residence on the
+Shenandoah river.
+
+"John M'Cue of Augusta county, Virginia, a _Presbyterian preacher_,
+frequently on the Lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped
+them; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting house and
+preached--and after his return home repeated his scourging. That
+fact, with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his
+congregation and around the vicinity; and so far from being censured
+for it, he and his brethren justified it as essential to preserve
+their 'domestic institutions.'
+
+"Mrs. Pence, of Rockingham county, Virginia, used to boast,--'I am the
+best hand to whip a _wench_ in the whole county.'  She used to pinion
+the girls to a post in the yard on the Lord's day morning, scourge
+them, put on the '_negro plaster_,' salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave
+them tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after
+service repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. I once expostulated
+with her upon her cruelly. 'Mrs. Pence, how can you whip your girls
+so publicly and disturb your neighbors so on the Lord's day morning.'
+Her answer was memorable. 'If I were to whip them on any other day I
+should lose a day's work; but by whipping them on Sunday, their backs
+get well enough by Monday morning.'  That woman, if alive, is
+doubtless a member of the church now, as then.
+
+"Rev. Dr. Staughton, formerly of Philadelphia, often stated, that when
+he lived at Georgetown, S.C. he could tell the doings of one of the
+slaveholders of the Baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer
+meeting. 'If,' said he, 'that man was upon good terms with his
+slaves, his words were cold and heartless as frost; if he had been
+whipping a man, he would pray with life; but if he had left a woman
+whom he had been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a
+determination to go back and torture her again, O! how he would pray!'
+ The Rev. Cyrus P. Grosvenor of Massachusetts can confirm the above
+statement by Dr. Staughton.
+
+"William Wilson, a Presbyterian preacher of Augusta county, Virginia,
+had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. As no
+means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his
+congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted
+her 'sound,' &c. The fraud was instantly discovered; but he would not
+refund the amount. A suit was commenced, and was long continued, and
+finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been
+swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. No Presbytery
+censured him, although Judge Brown, the chancellor, severely condemned
+the imposition.
+
+"In the year 1811, Johab Graham, a preacher, lived with Alexander
+Nelson a Presbyterian elder, near Stanton, Virginia, and he informed
+me that a man had appeared before Nelson, who was a magistrate, and
+swore falsely against his slave,--that the elder ordered him
+thirty-nine lashes. All that wickedness was done as an excuse for his
+dissipated owner to obtain money. A negro trader had offered him a
+considerable sum for the 'boy,' and under the pretence of saving him
+from the punishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman
+and children to another state. The magistrate was aware of the
+perjury, and the whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every
+colored person in the southern states would not be of any avail
+against the notorious false swearing of the greatest white villain who
+ever cursed the world. 'How,' said Johab Graham, can I preach
+to-morrow?' I replied, 'Very well; go and thunder the doctrine of
+retribution in their ears, Obadiah 15, till by the divine blessing you
+kill or cure them. My friends, John M. Nelson of Hillsborough, Ohio,
+Samuel Linn, and Robert Herron, and others of the same vicinity, could
+'make both the ears of every one who heareth them tingle' with the
+accounts which they can give of slave-driving by professors of
+religion in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia.
+
+"In 1815, near Frederick, in Maryland, a most barbarous planter was
+killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves _in
+self-defence_. It was declared by those slaves while in prison that,
+besides his atrocities among their female associates, he had
+deliberately butchered a number of his slaves. The four men were
+murdered by law, to appease the popular clamor. I saw them executed on
+the twenty-eighth day of Jan'y, 1816. The facts I received from the
+Rev. Patrick Davidson of Frederick, who constantly visited them during
+their imprisonment--and who became an abolitionist in consequence of
+the disclosures which he heard from those men in the jail. The name of
+the planter is not distinctly recollected, but it can be known by a
+inspection of the record of the trial in the clerk's office,
+Frederick.
+
+"A minister of Virginia, still living, and whose name must not be
+mentioned for fear of Nero Preston and his confederate-hanging
+myrmidons, informed me of this fact in 1815, in his own house. 'A
+member of my church, said he, lately whipped a colored youth to death.
+What shall I do?' I answered, 'I hope you do not mean to continue him
+in your church.' That minister replied, 'How can we help it'
+We dare not call him to an account. We have no legal testimony.'
+Their communion season was then approaching. I addressed his
+wife,--'Mrs. ---- do you mean to sit at the Lord's table with that
+murderer?'--,'Not I,' she answered: 'I would as soon commune with the
+devil himself.' The slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil
+and ecclesiastical authority.
+
+"John Baxter, a Presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding
+doctor in divinity, George A. Baxter, held as a slave the wife of a
+Baptist colored preacher, familiarly called 'Uncle Jack.' In a late
+period of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and
+her unborn child were considered in jeopardy. Uncle Jack was advised
+to obtain the liberation of his wife. Baxter finally agreed, I think,
+to sell the woman and her children, three of them, I believe for six
+hundred dollars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child
+survived a certain period after its birth. Uncle Jack was to pay one
+hundred dollars per annum for his wife and children for seven years,
+and Baxter held a sort of mortgage upon them for the payment. Uncle
+Jack showed me his back in furrows like a ploughed field. His master
+used to whip up the flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the
+'negro plaster,' salt, pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all Jack's
+back was almost as hard and unimpressible as the bones. There is
+slaveholding religion! A Presbyterian elder receiving from a Baptist
+preacher seven hundred dollars for his wife and children. James Kyle
+and uncle Jack used to tell that story with great Christian
+sensibility; and uncle Jack would weep tears of anguish over his
+wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the same moment that he
+was free, and that soon, by the grace of God, his wife and children,
+as he said, 'would be all free together.'"
+
+Rev. JAMES NOURSE, a Presbyterian clergyman of Mifflia co. Penn.,
+whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in Washington City, says,--
+
+"The Rev. Mr. M----, now of the Huntingdon Presbytery, after an absence
+of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is commonly
+called the 'Eastern Shore.' Late in the afternoon, on his journey, he
+called at the house of Rev. A.C. of P----town, Md. With this brother
+he had been long acquainted. Just at that juncture Mr. C. was about
+proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. She was firmly
+tied to a post in FRONT of his dwelling-house. The arrival of a
+clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the
+execution of Mr. C's purpose. But the delay was only temporary; for
+not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design.
+The guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a
+brother and new visitor. But all in vain, 'the woman had been saucy
+and must be punished.' The cowhide was accordingly produced, and the
+_Rev. Mr. C_., a large and very stout man, applied it 'manfully' on
+'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh.' I say bare, because you know
+that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the
+arm near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed.
+As the cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the
+head, neck and arms, at every few strokes the sympathizing guest would
+exclaim, 'O, brother C. desist' But brother C. pursued his brutal
+work, till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found
+to be suffused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under
+her frock between the shoulders. Yet this Rev. gentleman is well
+esteemed in the church--was, three or four years since, moderator of
+the synod of Philadelphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself
+unrebuked by law or gospel. Ah, sir does not this narration give
+fearful force to the query--_What has the church to do with slavery_?'
+Comment on the facts is unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by
+saying, that it is my opinion such occurrences _are not rare in the
+south_.
+
+J.N."
+
+
+REV. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, in a recent letter,
+speaking of his residence, for a period, in Kentucky, says--
+
+"In a conversation with Mr. Robert Willis, he told me that his negro
+girl had run away from him some time previous. He was convinced that
+she was lurking round, and he watched for her. He soon found the place
+of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied her hands
+across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kitchen, and
+hoisted her up by the wrists; 'and,' said he, 'I whipped her there
+till I made the lint fly, I tell you.' I asked him the meaning of
+making 'the lint fly,' and he replied, '_till the blood flew_.' I spoke
+of the iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate
+abandonment. He confessed it an evil, but said, 'I am a
+_colonizationist_--I believe in that scheme.' Mr. Willis is a teacher
+of sacred music, and a member of the Presbyterian Church in Lexington,
+Kentucky."
+
+Mr. R. speaking of the PRESBYTERIAN MINISTER and church where he
+resided, says:
+
+"The minister and all the church members held slaves. Some were
+treated kindly, others harshly. _There was not a shade of difference_
+between their slaves and those of their _infidel_ neighbors, either in
+their physical, intellectual, or moral state: in some cases they would
+_suffer_ in the comparison.
+
+"In the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living
+in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church,
+with an 'assured hope' of heaven--whilst the man's wife was on the
+minister's farm in Fayette county. The minister had to bring a cook
+down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. The choice
+was between the wife of the man and this church member. He _left the
+wife_, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed.
+
+"A METHODIST PREACHER last fall took a load of produce down the river.
+Amongst other _things_ he took down five slaves. He sold them at New
+Orleans--he came up to Natchez--bought seven there--and took them down
+and sold them also. Last March he came up to preach the Gospel again.
+A number of persons on board the steamboat (the Tuscarora.) who had
+seen him in the slave-shambles in Natchez and New Orleans, and now,
+for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport at the
+expense of 'the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.'
+
+A non-professor of religion, in Campbell county, Ky. sold a female and
+two children to a Methodist professor, with the proviso that they
+should not leave that region of country. The slave-driver came, and
+offered $5 more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. She
+is now in the lower country, and _her orphan babes are in Kentucky_.
+
+"I was much shocked once, to see a Presbyterian elder's wife call a
+little slave to her to kiss her feet. At first the boy hesitated--but
+the command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, be
+approached timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot."
+
+Rev. W.T. ALLAN, of Chatham, Illinois, gives the following in a letter
+dated Feb. 4, 1839:
+
+"Mr. Peter Vanarsdale, an elder of the Presbyterian church in
+Carrollton, formerly from Kentucky, told me, the other day, that a
+Mrs. Burford, in the neighborhood of Harrodsburg, Kentucky, had
+_separated a woman and her children_ from their husband and father,
+taking them into another state. Mrs. B. was a member of the
+_Presbyterian Church_. The bereaved husband and father was also a
+professor of religion.
+
+"Mr. V. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated from
+her by public sale. In the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to her
+indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. Sometime after, she wished to
+become a member of the church. Before they received her, she had to
+make humble confession for speaking as she had done. _Some of the
+elders that received her, and required the confession, were engaged is
+selling the son from his mother_."
+
+
+The following communication from the Rev. WILLIAM BARDWELL, of
+Sandwich, Massachusetts, has just been published in Zion's Watchman,
+New York city:
+
+_Mr. Editor_:--The following fact was given me last evening, from the
+pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports
+in the south. He is a man of unblemished character, a member of the
+M.E. Church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. The
+facts were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with
+a request that she would cause them to be published. I give verbatim,
+as they were written from the letter by brother Perry's own hand while
+I was in his house.
+
+"A Methodist preacher, Wm. Whitby by name, who married in Bucksville,
+S.C., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, in July,
+1838, was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, also,
+to move his family and slaves to Tennessee, much against the will of
+the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods
+after swimming a brook. The parson took after him with his gun, which,
+however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbor for
+another gun, with the intention, as he said, of killing him: he did
+not, however, catch or kill him; he chained another for fear of his
+running away also. The above particulars were related to me by William
+Whitby himself. THOMAS C. PERRY. March 3, 1839."
+
+"I find by examining the minutes of the S.C. Conference, that there is
+such a preacher in the Conference, and brother Perry further stated to
+me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was
+published, and if it could be known where he was since the last
+Conference, he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole
+affair. He also stated to me, verbally, that the young man he
+attempted to shoot was about nineteen years of age, and had been shut
+up in a corn-house, and in the attempt of Mr. Whitby to chain him, he
+broke down the door and made his escape as above mentioned, and that
+Mr. W. was under the necessity of hiring him out for one year, with
+the risk of his employer's getting him. Brother Perry conversed with
+one of the slaves, who was so old that he thought it not profitable to
+remove so far, and had been sold; _he_ informed him of all the above
+circumstances, and said, with tears, that he thought he had been so
+faithful as to be entitled to liberty, but instead of making him free,
+he had sold him to another master, besides parting one husband and
+wife from those ties rendered a thousand times dearer by an infant
+child which was torn for ever from the husband.
+
+WILLIAM BARDWELL.
+_Sandwich, Mass._, March 4, 1839."
+
+
+Mr. WILLIAM POE, till recently a slaveholder in Virginia, now an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church at Delhi, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:--
+
+"An elder in the Presbyterian Church in Lynchburg had a most faithful
+servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and had him
+confined as a felon a number of days, for being _saucy_. Another elder
+of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his
+stand--very frequently _parted families_--would often go into the
+country to sell slaves on execution and otherwise; when remonstrated
+with, he justified himself, saying, 'it was his business;' the church
+also justified him on the same ground.
+
+"A Doctor Duval, of Lynchburg, Va. got offended with a very faithful,
+worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to be
+taken to New Orleans; Duval still keeping the wife of the man as his
+slave. This Duval was a professor of religion."
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, says, in a
+recent letter:--
+
+"A student in Marietta College, from Mississippi, a professor of
+religion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the
+following statement. [If his name were published it would probably
+cost him his life.]
+
+"When I was in the family of the Rev. James Martin, of Louisville,
+Winston county, Mississippi, in the spring of 1838, Mrs. Martin became
+offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. She
+commanded her to do so; the girl quickened her pace; again she was
+ordered to move faster, or, Mrs. M. declared, she would break the
+broomstick over her head. Again the slave quickened her pace; but not
+coming up to the _maximum_ desired by Mrs. M. the latter declared she
+would _see_ whether she (the slave) could move or not: and, going into
+another apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of
+her husband for its application. In this instance I know not what was
+the final result, but I have heard the sound of the raw-hide in at
+least _two_ other instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman
+to the back of his _female_ servant."
+
+Mr. Hall adds--"The name of my informant must be suppressed, as" he
+says, "there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the
+information I give were to be coupled with my name." Suffice it to say
+that he is a professor of religion, a native of Virginia, and a
+student of Marietta College, whose character will bear the strictest
+scrutiny. He says:--
+
+"In 1838, at Charlestown, Va. I conversed with several members of the
+church under the care of the Rev. Mr. Brown, of the same place. Taking
+occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one
+of them who was a lady, she replied, "I am a slaveholder, and I
+_glory_ in it." I had a conversation, a few days after, with the
+pastor himself, concerning the state of religion in his church, and
+who were the most exemplary members in it. The pastor mentioned
+several of those who were of that description; the _first_ of whom,
+however, was the identical lady who _gloried_ in being a slaveholder!
+That church numbers nearly two hundred members.
+
+"Another lady, who was considered as devoted a Christian as any in the
+same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog some
+of her female domestics with a raw-hide till she was exhausted, and
+then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and
+resuming the flagellation. This she considered as not at all
+derogatory to her Christian character."
+
+Mr. JOEL S. BINGHAM, of Cornwall, Vermont, lately a student in
+Middlebury College, and a member of the Congregational Church, spent a
+few weeks in Kentucky, in the summer of 1838. He relates the following
+occurrence which took place in the neighborhood where he resided, and
+was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity.
+
+"Rev. Mr. Lewis, a Baptist minister in the vicinity of Frankfort, Ky.
+had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his
+master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to
+escape. Though terrified the slave immediately attempted to run away
+again. Mr. L. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. _Mr. L. then
+took a gun, loaded with small shot and fired at the slave, who fell_;
+but was not killed, and afterward recovered. Mr. L. did not probably
+intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and
+received the contents of the gun. The master asserted that he was
+driven to this necessity to maintain his authority. This took place
+about the first of July, 1838."
+
+The following is given upon the authority of Rev. ORANGE SCOTT, of
+Lowell, Mass. for many years a presiding elder in the Methodist
+Episcopal Church.
+
+"Rev. Joseph Hough, a Baptist minister, formerly of Springfield, Mass.
+now of Plainfield, N.H. while traveling in the south, a few years ago,
+put up one night with a Methodist family, and spent the Sabbath with
+them. While there, one of the female slaves did something which
+displeased her mistress. She took a chisel and mallet, and very
+deliberately cut off one of her toes!"
+
+
+SLAVE BREEDING AN INDEX OF PUBLIC 'OPINION' AMONG THE 'HIGHEST CLASS
+OF SOCIETY' IN VIRGINIA AND OTHER NORTHERN SLAVE STATES.
+
+But we shall be told, that 'slave-breeders' are regarded with
+contempt, and the business of slave breeding is looked upon as
+despicable; and the hot disclaimer of Mr. Stevenson, our Minister
+Plenipotentiary at the Court of St. James, in reply to Mr. O'Connell,
+who had intimated that he might be a 'slave breeder,' will doubtless
+be quoted.[40] In reply, we need not say what every body knows, that
+if Mr. Stevenson is not a 'slave breeder,' he is a solitary exception
+among the large slaveholders of Virginia. What! Virginia slaveholders
+not 'slave-breeders?' the pretence is ridiculous and contemptible; it
+is meanness, hypocrisy, and falsehood, as is abundantly proved by the
+testimony which follows:--
+
+Mr. GHOLSON, of Virginia, in his speech in the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 18, 1832, (see Richmond Whig,) says:--
+
+"It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and
+old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to
+its annual profits; the owner of orchards, to their annual fruits; the
+owner of _brood mares_, to their product; and the owner of _female
+slaves, to their increase_. We have not the fine-spun intelligence,
+nor legal acumen, to discover the technical distinctions drawn by
+gentlemen. The legal maxim of '_Partus sequitur ventrem_' is coeval
+with the existence of the rights of property itself, and is founded in
+wisdom and justice. It is on the justice and inviolability of this
+maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave; has
+her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises
+the helpless and infant offspring. The value of the property justifies
+the expense; and I do not hesitate to say, that in its _increase
+consists much of our wealth_."
+
+Hon. THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, of Virginia. formerly Governor of that
+state, in his speech before the legislature in 1832, while speaking of
+the number of slaves annually sold from Virginia to the more southern
+slave states, said:--
+
+"The exportation has _averaged_ EIGHT THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED for the
+last twenty years. Forty years ago, the whites exceeded the colored
+25,000, the colored now exceed the whites 81,000; and these results
+too during an exportation of near 260,000 slaves since the year 1790,
+now perhaps the fruitful progenitors of half a million in other
+states. It is a practice and an increasing practice, in parts of
+Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a
+patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion
+converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for
+market, like oxen for the shambles."
+
+Professor DEW, now President of the University of William and Mary,
+Virginia, in his Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature,
+1831-2, says, p 49.
+
+"From all the information we can obtain, we have no hesitation in
+saying that upwards of six thousand [slaves] are yearly exported [from
+Virginia] to other states.' Again, p. 61: 'The 6000 slaves which
+Virginia annually sends off to the south, are a source of wealth to
+Virginia'--Again, p. 120: 'A full equivalent being thus left in the
+place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state,
+and does not check the black population as much as, at first view, we
+might imagine--because it furnishes every inducement to the master to
+attend to the negroes, to ENCOURAGE BREEDING, and to cause the
+_greatest number possible to be raised._ &c."
+
+_"Virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for other states."_
+
+Extract from the speech of MR. FAULKNER, in the Va. House of
+Delegates, 1832. [See Richmond Whig.]
+
+"But he [Mr. Gholson,] has labored to show that the Abolition of
+Slavery, were it practicable, would be _impolitic_, because as the
+drift of this portion of his argument runs, your slaves constitute the
+entire wealth of the state, all the _productive capacity_ Virginia
+possesses. And, sir, as things are, _I believe he is correct_. He
+says, and in this he is sustained by the gentleman from Halifax, Mr.
+Bruce, that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth at
+present, of Eastern Virginia. Is it true that for 200 years the only
+increase in the wealth and resources of Virginia, has been a remnant
+of the natural _increase_ of this miserable race?--Can it be, that on
+this _increase_, she places her solo dependence? I had always
+understood that indolence and extravagance were the necessary
+concomitants of slavery; but, until I heard these declarations, I had
+not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. These gentlemen
+state the fact, which the history and _present aspect of the
+Commowealth but too well sustain_. The gentlemen's facts and argument
+in support of his plea of impolicy, to me, seem rather unhappy. To me,
+such a state of things would itself be conclusive at least, that
+something, even as a measure of policy, should be done. What, sir,
+have you lived for two hundred years, without personal effort or
+productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone
+_by the return from sales of the increase of slaves_, and retaining
+merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain, AS
+STOCK, _depending, too, upon a most uncertain market_? When that
+market is closed, as in the nature of things it must be, what then
+will become of this gentleman's hundred millions worth of slaves, AND
+THE ANNUAL PRODUCT?"
+
+In the debates in the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upsher
+said--"The value of slaves as an article of property [and it is in
+that view only that they are legitimate subjects of taxation] _depends
+much on the state of the market abroad_. In this view, it is the value
+of land _abroad_, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. It
+is well known to us all, that nothing is more fluctuating than the
+value of slaves. A late law of Louisiana reduced their value 25 per
+cent, in two hours after its passage was known. IF IT SHOULD BE OUR
+LOT, AS I TRUST IT WILL BE, TO ACQUIRE THE COUNTRY OF TEXAS, THEIR
+PRICE WILL RISE AGAIN."--p. 77.
+
+Mr. Goode, Of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia Legislature,
+in Jan. 1832, [See Richmond Whig, of that date,] said:--
+
+"The superior usefulness of the slaves in the south, will constitute
+an _effectual demand_, which will remove them from our limits. We
+shall send them from our state, because _it will be our interest to do
+so_. Our planters are already becoming farmers. Many who grew tobacco
+as their only staple, have already introduced, and commingled the
+wheat crop. They are already semi-farmers; and in the natural course
+of events, they must become more and more so.--As the greater quantity
+of rich western lands are appropriated to the production of the staple
+of our planters, that staple will become less profitable.--We shall
+gradually divert our lands from its production, until we shall become
+actual farmers.--Then will the necessity for slave labor diminish;
+then will the effectual demand diminish, and then will the quantity of
+slaves diminish, until they shall be adapted to the effectual demand.
+
+"But gentlemen are alarmed _lest the markets of other states be closed
+against the introduction of our slaves_. Sir, the demand for slave
+labor MUST INCREASE through the South and West. It has been heretofore
+limited by the want of capital; but when emigrants shall be relieved
+from their embarrassments, contracted by the purchase of their lands,
+the annual profits of their estates, will constitute an accumulating
+capital, which they will _seek to invest in labor_. That the demand
+for labor must increase in proportion to the increase of capital, is
+one of the demonstrations of political economists; and I confess, that
+for the removal of slavery from Virginia, I look to the efficacy of
+that principle; together with the circumstance that our southern
+brethren are constrained to continue planters, by their position, soil
+and climate."
+
+The following is from Niles' Weekly Register, published at Baltimore,
+Md. vol. 35, p. 4.
+
+_"Dealing in slaves has become a large business_; establishments are
+made in several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle; these places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins and
+other whips oftentimes bloody."
+
+
+R.S. FINLEY, Esq., late General Agent of the American Colonization
+Society, at a meeting in New York, 27th Feb. 1833, said:
+
+"In Virginia and other grain-growing slave states, the blacks do not
+support themselves, and the only profit their masters derive from them
+is, repulsive as the idea may justly seem, in breeding them, like
+other live stock for the more southern states."
+
+
+Rev. Dr. GRAHAM, of Fayetteville, N.C. at a Colonization Meeting,
+held in that place in the fall of 1837 said:
+
+"He had resided for 15 years in one of the largest slaveholding
+counties in the state, had long and anxiously considered the subject,
+and still it was dark. There were nearly 7000 slaves offered in New
+Orleans market last winter. From Virginia alone 6000 were annually
+sent to the south; and from Virginia and N.C. there had gone, in the
+same direction, in the last twenty years, 300,000 slaves. While not
+4000 had gone to Africa. What it portended, he could not predict, but
+he felt deeply, that _we must awake in these states and consider the
+subject_."
+
+
+Hon. PHILIP DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, in his speech in the Virginia
+Convention, in 1829, [Debates p. 89.] said:--
+
+"The acquisition of Texas will greatly _enhance the value of the
+property_, in question, [Virginia slaves.]"
+
+
+Hon C.F. MERCER, in a speech before the same Convention, in 1829,
+says:
+
+"The tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate,
+when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for
+twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million
+and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of
+this population." (Debates, p. 199.)
+
+
+Hon. HENRY CLAY, of Ky., in his speech before the Colonization
+Society, in 1829, says:
+
+"It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United
+States, would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor
+were not tempted to RAISE SLAVES BY THE HIGH PRICE OF THE SOUTHERN
+MARKET WHICH KEEPS IT UP IN HIS OWN."
+
+The New Orleans Courier, Feb. 15, 1839, speaking of the prohibition of
+the African Slave-trade, while the internal slave-trade is plied,
+says:
+
+"The United States law may, and probably does, put MILLIONS _into the
+pockets of the people living between the Roanoke, and Mason and
+Dixon's line_; still we think it would require some casuistry to show
+that _the present slave-trade from that quarter_ is a whit better than
+the one from Africa. One thing is certain--that its results are more
+menacing to the tranquillity of the people in this quarter, as there
+can be no comparison between the ability and inclination to do
+mischief, possessed by the Virginia negro, and that of the rude and
+ignorant African."
+
+That the New Orleans Editor does not exaggerate in saying that the
+internal slave-trade puts 'millions' into the pockets of the
+slaveholders in Maryland and Virginia, is very clear from the
+following statement, made by the editor of the Virginia Times, an
+influential political paper, published at Wheeling, Virginia. Of the
+exact date of the paper we are not quite certain, it was, however,
+sometime in 1836, probably near the middle of the year--the file will
+show. The editor says:--
+
+"We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported
+from Virginia within the last twelve months, at 120,000--each slave
+averaging at least $600, making an aggregate at $72,000,000. Of the
+number of slaves exported, not more than _one-third_ have been sold,
+(the others having been carried by their owners, who have removed,)
+_which would leave in the state the_ SUM OF $24,000,000 ARISING FROM
+THE SALE OF SLAVES."
+
+According to this estimate about FORTY THOUSAND SLAVES WERE SOLD OUT
+OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA IN A SINGLE YEAR, and the 'slave-breeders'
+who hold them, put into their pockets TWENTY-FOUR MILLION OF DOLLARS,
+the price of the 'souls of men.'
+
+The New York Journal of Commerce of Oct. 12, 1835, contained a letter
+from a Virginian, whom the editor calls 'a very good and sensible
+man,' asserting that TWENTY THOUSAND SLAVES had been driven to the
+south from Virginia _during that year_, nearly one-fourth of which was
+then remaining.
+
+The Maryville (Tenn.) Intelligencer, some time in the early part of
+1836, (we have not the date,) says, in an article reviewing a
+communication of Rev. J.W. Douglass, of Fayetteville, North Carolina:
+"Sixty thousand slaves passed through a little western town for the
+southern market, during the year 1835."
+
+The Natchez (Miss.) Courier, says "that the states of Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, imported TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY
+THOUSAND SLAVES from the more northern slave states in the year 1836."
+
+The Baltimore American gives the following from a Mississippi paper,
+of 1837:
+
+"The report made by the committee of the citizens Of Mobile, appointed
+at their meeting held on the 1st instant, on the subject of the
+existing pecuniary pressure, states, among other things: that so large
+has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama of that
+species of property from other states since 1833, have amounted to
+about TEN MILLION DOLLARS ANNUALLY."
+
+FURTHER the _inhumanity_ of a slaveholding 'public opinion' toward
+slaves, follows legitimately from the downright ruffianism of the
+slaveholding _spirit_ in the 'highest class of society,' When roused,
+it tramples upon all the proprieties and courtesies, and even common
+decencies of life, and is held in check by none of those
+considerations of time, and place, and relations of station,
+character, law, and national honor, which are usually sufficient, even
+in the absence of conscientious principles, to restrain other men from
+outrages. Our National Legislature is a fit illustration of this.
+Slaveholders have converted the Congress of the United States into a
+very bear garden. Within the last three years some of the most
+prominent slaveholding members of the House, and among them the late
+speaker, have struck and kicked, and throttled, and seized each other
+by the hair, and with their fists pummelled each other's faces, on the
+floor of Congress. We need not publish an account of what every body
+knows, that during the session of the last Congress, Mr. Wise of
+Virginia and Mr. Bynum of North Carolina, after having called each
+other "liars, villains" and "damned rascals" sprung from their seats
+"both sufficiently armed for any desperate purpose," cursing each
+other as they rushed together, and would doubtless have butchered each
+other on the floor of Congress, if both had not been seized and held
+by their friends.
+
+The New York Gazette relates the following which occurred at the close
+of the session of 1838.
+
+"The House could not adjourn without another brutal and bloody row. It
+occurred on Sunday morning immediately at the moment of adjournment,
+between Messrs. Campbell and Maury, both of Tennessee. He took offence
+at some remarks made to him by his colleague, Mr. Campbell, and the
+fight followed."
+
+The Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat of June 16, 1838, gives the particulars
+which follow:
+
+"Mr. Maury is said to be badly hurt. He was near losing his life by
+being knocked through the window; but his adversary, it is said, saved
+him by clutching the hair of his head with his left hand, while he
+struck him with his right."
+
+The same number of the Huntsville Democrat, contains the particulars
+of a fist-fight on the floor of the House of Representatives, between
+Mr. Bell, the late Speaker, and his colleague Mr. Turney of Tennessee.
+The following is an extract:
+
+"Mr. Turney concluded his remarks in reply to Mr. Bell, in the course
+of which he commented upon that gentleman's course at different
+periods of his political career with great severity.
+
+"He did not think his colleague [Mr. Turney,] was actuated by private
+malice, but was the willing voluntary instrument of others, the tool
+of tools.
+
+Mr. Turney. It is false! it is false!
+
+Mr. Stanley called Mr. TURNEY to order.
+
+At the same moment both gentlemen were perceived in personal conflict,
+and blows with the fist were aimed by each at the other. Several
+members interfered, and suppressed the personal violence; others
+called order, order, and some called for the interference of the
+Speaker.
+
+The Speaker hastily took the chair, and insisted upon order; but both
+gentlemen continued struggling, and endeavoring, notwithstanding the
+constraint of their friends, to strike each other."
+
+The correspondent of the New York Gazette gives the following, which
+took place about the time of the preceding affrays:
+
+"The House was much agitated last night, by the passage between Mr.
+Biddle, of Pittsburgh, and Mr. Downing, of Florida. Mr. D. exclaimed
+"do you impute falsehood to me!" at the same time catching up some
+missile and making a demonstration to advance upon Mr. Biddle. Mr.
+Biddle repeated his accusation, and meanwhile, Mr. Downing was
+arrested by many members."
+
+The last three fights all occurred, if we mistake not, in the short
+space of one month. The fisticuffs between Messrs. Bynum and Wise
+occurred at the previous session of Congress. At the same session
+Messrs. Peyton of Tenn. and Wise of Virginia, went armed with pistols
+and dirks to the meeting of a committee of Congress, and threatened to
+shoot a witness while giving his testimony.
+
+We begin with the first on the list. Who are Messrs. Wise and Bynum?
+Both slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Campbell and Maury? Both
+slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Bell and Turney? Both slaveholders. Who
+is Mr. Downing, who seized a weapon and rushed upon Mr. Biddle? A
+slaveholder. Who is Mr. Peyton who drew his pistol on a witness before
+a committee of Congress? A slaveholder of course. All these bullies
+were slaveholders, and they magnified their office, and slaveholding
+was justified of her children. We might fill a volume with similar
+chronicles of slaveholding brutality. But time would fail us. Suffice
+it to say, that since the organization of the government, a majority
+of the most distinguished men in the slaveholding states have gloried
+in strutting over the stage in the character of murderers. Look at the
+men whom the people delight to honor. President Jackson, Senator
+Benton, the late Gen. Coffee,--it is but a few years since these
+slaveholders shot at, and stabbed, and stamped upon each other in a
+tavern broil. General Jackson had previously killed Mr. Dickenson.
+Senator Clay of Kentucky has immortalized himself by shooting at a
+near relative of Chief Justice Marshall, and being wounded by him; and
+not long after by shooting at John Randolph of Virginia. Governor
+M'Duffie of South Carolina has signalized himself also, both by
+shooting and being shot,--so has Governor Poindexter, and Governor
+Rowan, and Judge M'Kinley of the U.S. Supreme Court, late senator in
+Congress from Alabama,--but we desist; a full catalogue would fill
+pages. We will only add, that a few months since, in the city of
+London, Governor Hamilton, of South Carolina, went armed with pistols,
+to the lodgings of Daniel O'Connell, 'to stop his wind' in the
+bullying slang of his own published boast. During the last session of
+Congress Messrs. Dromgoole and Wise[41] of Virginia, W. Cost Johnson
+and Jenifer of Maryland, Pickens and Campbell of South Carolina, and
+we know not how many more slaveholding members of Congress have been
+engaged, either as principals or seconds, in that species of murder
+dignified with the name of duelling. But enough; we are heart-sick.
+What meaneth all this? Are slaveholders worse than other men? No! but
+arbitrary power has wrought in them its mystery of iniquity, and
+poisoned their better nature with its infuriating sorcery.
+
+Their savage ferocity toward each other when their passions are up, is
+the natural result of their habit of daily plundering and oppressing
+the slave.
+
+The North Carolina Standard of August 30, 1837, contains the following
+illustration of this ferocity exhibited by two southern lawyers in
+settling the preliminaries of a duel.
+
+"The following conditions were proposed by Alexander K. McClung, of
+Raymond, in the State of Mississippi, to H.C. Stewart, as the laws to
+govern a duel they were to fight near Vicksburg:
+
+"Article 1st. The parties shall meet opposite Vicksburg, in the State
+of Louisiana, on Thursday the 29th inst. precisely at 4 o'clock, P.M.
+Agreed to.
+
+"2d. The weapons to be used by each shall weigh one pound two and a
+half ounces, measuring sixteen inches and a half in length, including
+the handle, and one inch and three-eighths in breadth. Agreed to.
+
+"3d. Both knives shall be sharp on one edge, and on the back shall be
+sharp only one inch at the point. Agreed to.
+
+"4th. Each party shall stand at the distance of eight feet from the
+other, until the word is given. Agreed to.
+
+"5th. The second of each party shall throw up, with a silver dollar, on
+the ground, for the word, and two best out of three shall win the
+word. Agreed to.
+
+"6th. After the word is given, either party may take what advantage he
+can with his knife, but on throwing his knife at the other, shall be
+shot down by the second of his opponent. Agreed to.
+
+"7th. Each party shall be stripped entirely naked, except one pair of
+linen pantaloons; one pair of socks, and boots or pumps as the party
+please. Acceded to.
+
+"8th. The wrist of the left arm of each party shall be tied tight to
+his left thigh, and a strong cord shall be fastened around his left
+arm at the elbow, and then around his body. Rejected.
+
+"9th. After the word is given, each party shall be allowed to advance
+or recede as he pleases, over the space of twenty acres of ground,
+until death ensues to one of the parties. Agreed to--the parties to be
+placed in the centre of the space.
+
+"10th. The word shall be given by the winner of the same, in the
+following manner, viz: "Gentlemen are you ready?" Each party shall
+then answer, "I am!" The second giving the word shall then distinctly
+command--_strike_. Agreed to.
+
+"If either party shall violate these rules, upon being notified by the
+second of either party, he may be liable to be shot down instantly. As
+established usage points out the duty of both parties, therefore
+notification is considered unnecessary."
+
+The FAVORITE AMUSEMENTS of slaveholders, like the gladiatorial shows
+of Rome and the Bull Fights of Spain, reveal a public feeling
+insensible to suffering, and a depth of brutality in the highest
+degree revolting to every truly noble mind. One of their most common
+amusements is cock fighting. Mains of cocks, with twenty, thirty, and
+fifty cocks on each side, are fought for hundreds of dollars aside.
+The fowls are armed with steel spurs or '_gafts_,' about two inches
+long. These 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by sawing off the
+_natural_ 'spur,' leaving only enough of it to answer the purpose of a
+_stock_ for the tube of the "gafts," which are so sharp that at a
+stroke the fowls thrust them through each other's necks and heads, and
+tear each other's bodies till one or both dies, then two others are
+brought forward for the amusement of the multitude assembled, and this
+barbarous pastime is often kept up for days in succession, hundreds
+and thousands gathering from a distance to witness it. The following
+advertisements from the Raleigh Register, June 18, 1838, edited by
+Messrs. Gales and Son, the father and brother of Mr. Gales, editor of
+the National Intelligencer, and late Mayor of Washington City, reveal
+the public sentiment of North Carolina.
+
+"CHATHAM AGAINST NASH, or any other county in the State. I am
+authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to FIGHT A
+MAIN OF COCKS, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties--to
+be fought the ensuing spring. GIDEON ALSTON. Chatham county, June 7,
+1838."
+
+Two weeks after, this challenge was answered as follows:
+
+"TO MR. GIDEON ALSTON, of Chatham county, N.C.
+
+"SIR: In looking over the North Carolina Standard of the 20th inst. I
+discover a challenge over your signature, headed 'Chatham against
+Nash,' in which you state: that you are 'authorized to take a bet of
+any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place
+that may be agreed upon by the parties, to be fought the ensuing
+spring' which challenge I ACCEPT: and do propose to meet you at
+Rolesville, in Wake county, N.C. on the last Wednesday in May next,
+the parties to show thirty-one cocks each--fight four days, and be
+governed by the rules as laid down in Turner's Cock Laws--which, if
+you think proper to accede to, you will signify through this or any
+other medium you may select, and then I will name the sum for which we
+shall fight, as that privilege was surrendered by you in your
+challenge.
+
+"I am, sir, very respectfully, &c. NICHOLAS W. ARRINGTON, near
+Hilliardston, Nash co. North Carolina June 22nd, 1838"
+
+The following advertisement in the Richmond Whig, of July 12, 1837,
+exhibits the public sentiment of Virginia.
+
+"MAIN OF COCKS.--A large 'MAIN OF COCKS,' 21 a side, for $25 'the
+fight', and $500 'the odd,' will be fought between the County of
+Dinwiddie on one part, and the Counties of Hanover and Henrico on the
+other.
+
+"The 'regular' fighting will be continued _three days_, and from the
+large number of 'game uns' on both sides and in the adjacent country,
+will be prolonged no doubt a _fourth_. To prevent confusion and
+promote 'sport,' the Pit will be enclosed and furnished with _seats_;
+so that those having a curiosity to witness a species of diversion
+originating in a better day (for they had no rag money then,) can have
+_that_ very _natural_ feeling gratified.
+
+"The Petersburg Constellation is requested to copy."
+
+_Horse-racing_ too, as every body knows, is a favorite amusement of
+slaveholders. Every slave state has its race course, and in the older
+states almost every county has one on a small scale. There is hardly a
+day in the year, the weather permitting, in which crowds do not
+assemble at the south to witness this barbarous sport. Horrible
+cruelty is absolutely inseparable from it. Hardly a race occurs of any
+celebrity in which some one of the coursers is not lamed, 'broken
+down,' or in some way seriously injured, often for life, and not
+unfrequently they are killed by the rupture of some vital part in the
+struggle. When the heats are closely contested, the blood of the
+tortured animal drips from the lash and flies at every leap from the
+stroke of the rowel. From the breaking of girths and other accidents,
+their riders (mostly slaves) are often thrown and maimed or killed.
+Yet these amusements are attended by thousands in every part of the
+slave states. The wealth and fashion, the gentlemen and _ladies_ of
+the 'highest circles' at the south, throng the race course.
+
+That those who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs of dunghill fowls,
+and goad the poor birds to worry and tear each other to death--and
+those who can crowd by thousands to _witness_ such barbarity--that
+those who can throng the race-course and with keen relish witness the
+hot pantings of the life-struggle, the lacerations and fitful spasms
+of the muscles, swelling through the crimsoned foam, as the tortured
+steeds rush in blood-welterings to the goal--that such, should look
+upon the sufferings of their slaves with, indifference is certainly
+small wonder.
+
+Perhaps we shall be told that there are thronged race-courses at the
+North. True, there are a few, and they are thronged chiefly by
+_Southerners_, and 'Northern men with _Southern_ principles,' and
+supported mainly by the patronage of slaveholders who summer at the
+North. Cock-fighting and horse-racing are "_Southern_ institutions."
+The idleness, contempt of labor, dissipation, sensuality, brutality,
+cruelty, and meanness, engendered by the habit of making men and women
+work without pay, and flogging them if they demur at it, constitutes a
+congenial soil out of which cock-fighting and horse-racing are the
+spontaneous growth.
+
+Again,--The kind treatment of the slaves is often argued from the
+liberal education and enlarged views of slaveholders. The facts and
+reasonings of the preceding pages have shown, that 'liberal
+education,' despotic habits and ungoverned passions work together with
+slight friction. And every day's observation shows that the former is
+often a stimulant to the latter.
+
+But the notion so common at the north that the majority of the
+slaveholders are persons of education, is entirely erroneous. A _very
+few_ slaveholders in each of the slave states have been men of _ripe_
+education, to whom our national literature is much indebted. A larger
+number may be called _well_ educated--these reside mostly in the
+cities and large villages, but a majority of the slaveholders are
+ignorant men, thousands of them notoriously so, _mere boors_ unable to
+write their names or to read the alphabet.
+
+No one of the slave states has probably so much general education as
+Virginia. It is the oldest of them--has furnished one half of the
+presidents of the United States--has expended more upon her university
+than any state in the Union has done during the same time upon its
+colleges--sent to Europe nearly twenty years since for her most
+learned professors, and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave
+state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens, and
+yet, the Governor of Virginia in his message to the legislature (Jan.
+7, 1839) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult
+males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage
+licenses in the year 1837, 'ONE THOUSAND AND FORTY SEVEN _were unable
+to write their names_.' The governor adds, 'These statements, it will
+be remembered, are confined to one sex: the education of females it is
+to be feared, is in a condition of _much greater neglect_.'
+
+The Editor of the Virginia Times, published at Wheeling, in his paper
+of Jan. 23, 1839, says,--
+
+"We have every reason to suppose that one-fourth of the people of the
+state cannot write their names, and they have not, of course, any
+other species of education."
+
+Kentucky is the child of Virginia; her first settlers were some of the
+most distinguished citizens of the mother state; in the general
+diffusion of intelligence amongst her citizens Kentucky is probably in
+advance of all the slave states except Virginia and South Carolina;
+and yet Governor Clark, in his last message to the Kentucky
+Legislature, (Dec 5, 1838) makes the following declaration: "From the
+computation of those most familiar with the subject, it appears that
+AT LEAST ONE THIRD OF THE ADULT POPULATION OF THE STATE ARE UNABLE TO
+WRITE THEIR NAMES."
+
+The following advertisement in the "Milledgeville (Geo.) Journal,"
+Dec. 26, 1837, is another specimen from one of the 'old thirteen.'
+
+"NOTICE.--I, Pleasant Webb, of the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe
+county, being an _illiterate man, and not able to write my own name_,
+and whereas it hath been represented to me that there is a certain
+promissory note or notes out against me that I know nothing of, and
+further that some man in this State holds a bill of sale for _a
+certain negro woman named Ailsey and her increase, a part of which is
+now in my possession_, which I also know nothing of. Now do hereby
+certify and declare, that I have no knowledge whatsoever of any such
+papers existing in my name as above stated and I hereby require all or
+any person or persons whatsoever holding or pretending to hold any
+such papers, to produce them to me within thirty days from the date
+hereof, shewing their authority for holding the same, or they will be
+considered fictitious and fraudulently obtained or raised, by some
+person or persons for base purposes after my death.
+
+"Given under my hand this 2nd day of December, 1837. PLEASANT WEBB.
+his mark X."
+
+FINALLY, THAT SLAVES MUST HABITUALLY SUFFER GREAT CRUELTIES, FOLLOWS
+INEVITABLY FROM THE BRUTAL OUTRAGES WHICH THEIR MASTERS INFLICT ON
+EACH OTHER.
+
+Slaveholders, exercising from childhood irresponsible power over human
+beings, and in the language of President Jefferson, "giving loose to
+the worst of passions" in the treatment of their slaves, become in a
+great measure unfitted for self control in their intercourse with each
+other. Tempers accustomed to riot with loose reins, spurn restraints,
+and passions inflamed by indulgence, take fire on the least friction.
+We repeat it, the state of society in the slave states, the duels, and
+daily deadly affrays of slaveholders with each other--the fact that
+the most deliberate and cold-blooded murders are committed at noon
+day, in the presence of thousands, and the perpetrators eulogized by
+the community as "honorable men," reveals such a prostration of law,
+as gives impunity to crime--a state of society, an omnipresent public
+sentiment reckless of human life, taking bloody vengeance on the spot
+for every imaginary affront, glorying in such assassinations as the
+only true honor and chivalry, successfully defying the civil arm, and
+laughing its impotency to scorn.
+
+When such things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the
+dry? When slaveholders are in the habit of caning, stabbing, and
+shooting _each other_ at every supposed insult, the unspeakable
+enormities perpetrated by such men, with such passions, upon their
+defenceless slaves, _must_ be beyond computation. To furnish the
+reader with an illustration of slaveholding civilization and morality,
+as exhibited in the unbridled fury, rage, malignant hate, jealousy,
+diabolical revenge, and all those infernal passions that shoot up rank
+in the hot-bed of arbitrary power, we will insert here a mass of
+testimony, detailing a large number of affrays, lynchings,
+assassinations, &c., &c., which have taken place in various parts of
+the slave states within a brief period--and to leave no room for cavil
+on the subject, these extracts will be made exclusively from
+newspapers published in the slave states, and generally in the
+immediate vicinity of the tragedies described. They will not be made
+second hand from _northern_ papers, but from the original _southern_
+papers, which now lie on our table.
+
+Before proceeding to furnish details of certain classes of crimes in
+the slave states, we advertise the reader--1st. That _we shall not_
+include in the list those crimes which are ordinarily committed in the
+free, as well as in the slave states. 2d. We shall not include any of
+the crimes perpetrated by whites upon slaves and free colored persons,
+who constitute a majority of the population in Mississippi and
+Louisiana, a large majority in South Carolina, and, on an average,
+two-fifths in the other slave states. 3d. Fist fights, canings,
+beatings, biting off noses and ears, gougings, knockings down, &c.,
+unless they result in _death_, will not be included in the list, nor
+will _ordinary_ murders, unless connected with circumstances that
+serve as a special index of public sentiment. 4th. Neither will
+_ordinary, formal duels_ be included, except in such cases as just
+specified. 5th. The only crimes which, as the general rule, will be
+specified, will be deadly affrays with bowie knives, dirks, pistols.
+rifles, guns, or other death weapons, and _lynchings_. 6th. The crimes
+enumerated will, for the most part, be only those perpetrated
+_openly_, without _attempt at concealment_. 7th. We shall not attempt
+to give a full list of the affrays, &c., that took place in the
+respective states during the period selected, as the only files of
+southern papers to which we have access are very imperfect.
+
+The reader will perceive, from these preliminaries, that only a
+_small_ proportion of the crimes actually perpetrated in the
+respective slave states during the period selected, will be entered
+upon this list. He will also perceive, that the crimes which will be
+presented are of a class rarely perpetrated in the free states; and if
+perpetrated there at all, they are, with scarcely an exception,
+committed either by slaveholders, temporarily resident in them, or by
+persons whose passions have been inflamed by the poison of a southern
+contact--whose habits and characters have become perverted by living
+among slaveholders, and adopting the code of slaveholding morality.
+
+We now proceed to the details, commencing with the new state of
+Arkansas.
+
+
+
+ARKANSAS.
+
+At the last session of the legislature of that state, Col. John
+Wilson, President of the Bank at Little Rock, the capital of the
+state, was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had
+been elected to that office for a number of years successively, and
+was one of the most influential citizens of the state. While presiding
+over the deliberations of the House, he took umbrage at words spoken
+in debate by Major Anthony, a conspicuous member, came down from the
+Speaker's chair, drew a large bowie knife from his bosom, and attacked
+Major A., who defended himself for some time, but was at last stabbed
+through the heart, and fell dead on the floor. Wilson deliberately
+wiped the blood from his knife, and returned to his seat. The
+following statement of the circumstances of the murder, and the trial
+of the murderer, is abridged from the account published in the
+Arkansas Gazette, a few months since--it is here taken from the
+Knoxville (Tennessee) Register, July 4, 1838.
+
+"On the 14th of December last, Maj. Joseph J. Anthony, a member of the
+Legislature of Arkansas, was murdered, while performing his duty as a
+member of the House of Representatives, by John Wilson, Speaker of
+that House.
+
+"The facts were these: A bill came from the Senate, commonly called the
+_Wolf Bill_. Among the amendments proposed, was one by Maj. Anthony,
+that the signature of the President of the Real Estate Bank should be
+attached to the certificate of the wolf scalp. Col. Wilson, the
+Speaker, asked Maj. Anthony whether he intended the remark as
+personal. Maj. Anthony promptly said, "_No, I do not_." And at that
+instant of time, a message was delivered from the Senate, which
+suspended the proceedings of the House for a few minutes. Immediately
+after the messenger from the Senate had retired, Maj. Anthony rose
+from his seat, and said he wished to explain, that he did not intend
+to insult the Speaker or the House; when Wilson, interrupting,
+peremptorily ordered him to take his seat. Maj. Anthony said, as a
+member, he had a right to the floor, to explain himself. Wilson said,
+in an angry tone, 'Sit down, or you had better;' and thrust his hand
+into his bosom, and drew out a large bowie knife, 10 or 11 inches in
+length, and descended from the Speaker's chair to the floor, with the
+knife drawn in a menacing manner. Maj. Anthony, seeing the danger he
+was placed in, by Wilson's advance on him with a drawn knife, rose
+from his chair, set it out of his way, stepped back a pace or two, and
+drew his knife. Wilson caught up a chair, and struck Anthony with it.
+Anthony, recovering from the blow, caught the chair in his left hand,
+and a fight ensued over the chair. Wilson received two wounds, one on
+each arm, and Anthony lost his knife, either by throwing it at Wilson,
+or it escaped by accident. After Anthony had lost his knife, Wilson
+advanced on Anthony, who was then retreating, looking over his
+shoulder. Seeing Wilson pursuing him, he threw a chair. Wilson still
+pursued, and Anthony raised another chair as high as his breast, with
+a view, it is supposed, of keeping Wilson off. Wilson then caught hold
+of the chair with his left hand, raised it up, and with his right hand
+deliberately thrust the knife, up to the hilt, into Anthony's heart,
+and as deliberately drew it out, and wiping off the blood with his
+thumb and finger, retired near to the Speaker's chair.
+
+"As the knife was withdrawn from Anthony's heart, he fell a lifeless
+corpse on the floor, without uttering a word, or scarcely making a
+struggle; so true did the knife, as deliberately directed, pierce his
+heart.
+
+"Three days elapsed before the constituted authorities took any notice
+of this horrible deed; and not then, until a relation of the murdered
+Anthony had demanded a warrant for the apprehension of Wilson. Several
+days then elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. He
+then, in a carriage and four, came to the place appointed for his
+trial. Four or five days were employed in the examination of
+witnesses, and never was a clearer case of murder proved than on that
+occasion. Notwithstanding, the court (Justice Brown dissenting)
+admitted Wilson to bail, and positively refused that the prosecuting
+attorney for the state should introduce the law, to show that it was
+not a bailable case, or even to hear an argument from him.
+
+"At the time appointed for the session of the Circuit Court, Wilson
+appeared agreeably to his recognizance. A motion was made by Wilson's
+counsel for _change of venue_, founded on the affidavits of Wilson,
+and two other men. The court thereupon removed the case to Saline
+county, and ordered the Sheriff to take Wilson into custody, and
+deliver him over to the Sheriff of Saline county.
+
+"The Sheriff of Pulaski never confined Wilson one minute, but
+permitted him to go where he pleased, without a guard, or any
+restraint imposed on him whatever. On his way to Saline, he
+entertained him freely at his own house, and the next day delivered
+him over to the Sheriff of that county, who conducted the prisoner to
+the debtor's room in the jail, and gave him the key, so that he and
+every body else had free egress and ingress at all times. Wilson
+invited every body to call on him, as he wished to see his friends,
+and his room was crowded with visitors, who called to drink grog, and
+laugh and talk with him. But this theatre was not sufficiently large
+for his purpose. He afterwards visited the dram-shops, where he freely
+treated all that would partake with him, and went fishing and hunting
+with others at pleasure, and entirely with out restraint. He also ate
+at the same table with the Judge, while on trial.
+
+"When the court met at Saline, Wilson was put on his trial. Several
+days were occupied in examining the witnesses in the case. After the
+examination was closed, while Col. Taylor was engaged in a very able,
+lucid, and argumentative speech, on the part of the prosecution, some
+man collected a parcel of the rabble, and came within a few yards of
+the court-house door, and bawled in a loud voice, 'part them--part
+them!' Every body supposed there was an affray, and ran to the doors
+and windows to see; behold, there was nothing more than the man, and
+the rabble he had collected around him, for the purpose of annoying
+Col. Taylor while speaking. A few minutes afterwards, this same person
+brought a horse near the court-house door, and commenced crying the
+horse, as though he was for sale, and continued for ten or fifteen
+minutes to ride before the court-house door, crying the horse, in a
+loud and boisterous tone of voice. The Judge sat as a silent listener
+to the indignity thus offered the court and counsel by this man,
+without interposing his authority.
+
+"To show the depravity of the times, and the people, after the verdict
+had been delivered by the jury, and the court informed Wilson that he
+was discharged, there was a rush toward him: some seized him by the
+hand, some by the arm, and there was great and loud rejoicing and
+exultation, directly in the presence of the court: and Wilson told the
+Sheriff to take the jury to a grocery, that he might treat them, and
+invited every body that chose to go. The house was soon filled to
+overflowing. The rejoicing was kept up till near supper time: but to
+cap the climax, soon after supper was over, a majority of the jury,
+together with many others, went to the rooms that had been occupied
+several days by the friend and relation of the murdered Anthony, and
+commenced a scene of the most ridiculous dancing, (as it is believed,)
+in triumph for Wilson, and as a triumph over the feelings of the
+relations of the departed Anthony. The scene did not close here. The
+party retired to a dram-shop, and continued their rejoicing until
+about half after 10 o'clock. They then collected a parcel of horns,
+trumpets, &c., and marched through the streets, blowing them, till
+near day, when one of the company rode his horse in the porch
+adjoining the room which was occupied by the relations of the
+deceased."
+
+This case is given to the reader at length, in order fully to show,
+that in a community where the law sanctions the commission of every
+species of outrage upon one class of citizens, it fosters passions
+which will paralyze its power to protect the other classes. Look at
+the facts developed in this case, as exhibiting the state of society
+among slaveholders. 1st. That the members of the legislature are _in
+the habit_ of wearing bowie knives. Wilson's knife was 10 or 11 inches
+long.[42] 2d. The murderer, Wilson, was a man of wealth, president of
+the bank at the capital of the state, a high military officer, and
+had, for many years, been Speaker of the House of Representatives, as
+appears from a previous statement in the Arkansas Gazette. 3d. The
+murder was committed in open day, before all the members of the House,
+and many spectators, not one of whom seems to have made the least
+attempt to intercept Wilson, as he advanced upon Anthony with his
+knife drawn, but "made way for him," as is stated in another account.
+4th. Though the murder was committed in the state-house, at the
+capital of the state, days passed before the civil authorities moved
+in the matter; and they did not finally do it, until the relations of
+the murdered man demanded a warrant for the apprehension of the
+murderer. Even then, several days elapsed before he was brought before
+an examining court. When his trial came on, he drove to it in state,
+drew up before the door with "his coach and four," alighted, and
+strided into court like a lord among his vassals; and there, though a
+clearer case of deliberate murder never reeked in the face of the sun,
+yet he was admitted to bail, the court absolutely refusing to hear an
+argument from the prosecuting attorney, showing that it was not a
+bailable case. 5th. The sheriff of Pulaski county, who had Wilson in
+custody, "never confined him a moment, but permitted him to go at
+large wholly unrestrained." When transferred to Saline co. for trial,
+the sheriff of that county gave Wilson the same liberty, and he spent
+his time in parties of pleasure, fishing, hunting, and at houses of
+entertainment. 6th. Finally, to demonstrate to the world, that justice
+among slaveholders is consistent with itself; that authorizing
+man-stealing and patronising robbery, it will, of course, be the
+patron and associate of murder also, the judge who sat upon the case,
+and the murderer who was on trial for his life before him, were
+boon-companions together, eating and drinking at the same table
+throughout the trial. Then came the conclusion of the farce--the
+uproar round the court-house during the trial, drowning the voice of
+the prosecutor while pleading, without the least attempt by the court
+to put it down--then the charge of the judge to the jury, and their
+unanimous verdict of acquittal--then the rush from all quarters around
+the murderer with congratulations--the whole crowd in the court room
+shouting and cheering--then Wilson leading the way to a tavern,
+inviting the sheriff, and jury, and all present to "a treat"--then the
+bacchanalian revelry kept up all night, a majority of the jurors
+participating--the dancing, the triumphal procession through the
+streets with the blowing of horns and trumpets, and the prancing of
+horses through the porch of the house occupied by the relations of the
+murdered Anthony, adding insult and mockery to their agony.
+
+A few months before this murder on the floor of the legislature,
+George Scott, Esq., formerly marshall of the state was shot in an
+affray at Van Buren, Crawford co., Arkansas, by a man named Walker;
+and Robert Carothers, in an affray in St. Francis co., shot William
+Rachel, just as Rachel was shooting at Carothers' father. (_National
+Intelligencer, May 8, 1837, and Little Rock Gazette, August 30,
+1837._)
+
+While Wilson's trial was in progress, Mr. Gabriel Sibley was stabbed
+to the heart at a public dinner, in St. Francis co., Arkansas, by
+James W. Grant. (_Arkansas Gazette, May 30, 1838._)
+
+Hardly a week before this, the following occurred:
+
+"On the 16th ult., an encounter took place at Little Rock, Ark.,
+between David F. Douglass, a young man of 18 or 19, and Dr. Wm. C.
+Howell. A shot was exchanged between them at the distance of 8 or 10
+feet with double-barrelled guns. The load of Douglass entered the left
+hip of Dr. Howell, and a buckshot from the gun of the latter struck a
+negro girl, 13 or 14 years of age, just below the pit of the stomach.
+Douglass then fired a second time and hit Howell in the left groin,
+penetrating the abdomen and bladder, and causing his death in four
+hours. The negro girl, at the last dates, was not dead, but no hopes
+were entertained of her recovery. Douglass was committed to await his
+trial at the April term of the Circuit Court."--_Louisville Journal_.
+
+The Little Rock Gazette of Oct. 24, says, "We are again called upon
+to record the cold blooded murder of a valuable citizen. On the 10th
+instant, Col. John Lasater, of Franklin co., was murdered by John W.
+Whitson, who deliberately shot him with a shot gun, loaded with a
+handful of rifle balls, six of which entered his body. He lived twelve
+hours after he was shot.
+
+"Whitson is the son of William Whitson, who was unfortunately killed,
+about a year since, in a rencontre with Col. Lasater, (who was fully
+exonerated from all blame by a jury,) and, in revenge of his father's
+death, committed this bloody deed."
+
+These atrocities were all perpetrated within a few months of the time
+of the deliberate assassination, on the floor of the legislature by
+the speaker, already described, and are probably but a small portion
+of the outrages committed in that state during the same period. The
+state of Arkansas contains about forty-five thousand white
+inhabitants, which is, if we mistake not, the present population of
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. And we venture the assertion, that a
+public affray, with deadly weapons, has not taken place in that county
+for fifty years, if indeed ever since its settlement a century and a
+half ago.
+
+
+MISSOURI.
+
+Missouri became one of the United States in 1821. Its present white
+population is about two hundred and fifty thousand. The following are
+a few of the affrays that have occurred there during the years 1837
+and '38.
+
+The "Salt River Journal" March 8, 1838, has the following.
+
+"_Fatal Affray_.--An affray took place during last week, in the town
+of New London, between Dr. Peake and Dr. Bosley, both of that village,
+growing out of some trivial matter at a card party. After some words,
+Bosley threw a glass at Peake, which was followed up by other acts of
+violence, and in the quarrel Peake stabbed Bosley, several times with
+a dirk, in consequence of which, Bosley died the following morning.
+The court of inquiry considered Peake justifiable, and discharged him
+from arrest."
+
+From the "St. Louis Republican," of September 29, 1837.
+
+"We learn that a fight occurred at Bowling-Green, in this state, a few
+days since, between Dr. Michael Reynolds and Henry Lalor. Lalor
+procured a gun, and Mr. Dickerson wrested the gun from him; this
+produced a fight between Lalor and Dickerson, in which the former
+stabbed the latter in the abdomen. Mr. Dickerson died of the wound."
+
+The following was in the same paper about a month previous, August 21,
+1837.
+
+"_A Horse Thief Shot_.--A thief was caught in the act of stealing a
+horse on Friday last, on the opposite side of the river, by a company
+of persons out sporting. Mr. Kremer, who was in the company, levelled
+his rifle and ordered him to stop; which he refused; he then fired and
+lodged the contents in the thief's body, of which he died soon
+afterwards. Mr. K. went before a magistrate, who after hearing the
+case, REFUSED TO HOLD HIM FOR FURTHER TRIAL!"
+
+On the 5th of July, 1838, Alpha P. Buckley murdered William Yaochum in
+an affray in Jackson county, Missouri. (Missouri Republican, July 24,
+1838.)
+
+General Atkinson of the United States Army was waylaid on the 4th of
+September, 1838, by a number of persons, and attacked in his carriage
+near St. Louis, on the road to Jefferson Barracks, but escaped after
+shooting one of the assailants. The New Orleans True American of
+October 29, '38, speaking of this says: "It will be recollected that a
+few weeks ago, Judge Dougherty, one of the most respectable citizens
+of St. Louis, was murdered upon the same road."
+
+The same paper contains the following letter from the murderer of
+Judge Dougherty.
+
+"_Murder of Judge Dougherty_.--The St. Louis Republican received the
+following mysterious letter, unsealed, regarding this brutal
+murder:"--
+
+"NATCHEZ, Miss., Sept. 24.
+
+"Messrs. Editors:--Revenge is sweet. On the night of the 11th, 12th,
+and 13th, I made preparations, and did, on the 14th July kill a
+rascal, and only regret that I have not the privilege of telling the
+circumstance. I have so placed it that I can never be identified; and
+further, I have no compunctions of conscience for the death of Thomas
+M. Dougherty."
+
+But instead of presenting individual affrays and single atrocities,
+however numerous, (and the Missouri papers abound with them,) in order
+to exhibit the true state of society there, we refer to the fact now
+universally notorious, that for months during the last fall and
+winter, some hundreds of inoffensive Mormons, occupying a considerable
+tract of land; and a flourishing village in the interior of the state,
+have suffered every species of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants of
+the surrounding counties--that for weeks together, mobs consisting of
+hundreds and thousands, kept them in a state of constant siege, laying
+waste their lands, destroying their cattle and provisions, tearing
+down their houses, ravishing the females, seizing and dragging off and
+killing the men. Not one of the thousands engaged in these horrible
+outrages and butcheries has, so far as we can learn, been indicted.
+The following extract of a letter from a military officer of one of
+the brigades ordered out by the Governor of Missouri, to terminate the
+matter, is taken from the North Alabamian of December 22, 1838.
+
+Correspondence of the Nashville Whig.
+
+
+THE MORMON WAR.
+
+"MILLERSBURG, Mo. November 8.
+
+"Dear Sir--A lawless mob had organized themselves for the express
+purpose of driving the Mormons from the country, or exterminating
+them, for no other reason, that I can perceive, than that these poor
+deluded creatures owned a large and fertile body of land in their
+neighborhood, and would not let them (the Mobocrats) have it for their
+own price. I have just returned from the seat of difficulty, and am
+perfectly conversant with all the facts in relation to it. The mob
+meeting with resistance altogether unanticipated, called loudly upon
+the kindred spirits of adjacent counties for help. The Mormons
+determined to die in defence of their rights, set about fortifying
+their town "Far West," with a resolution and energy that kept the mob
+(who all the time were extending their cries of help to all parts of
+Missouri) at bay. The Governor, from exaggerated accounts of the
+Mormon depredations, issued orders for the raising of several thousand
+mounted riflemen, of which this division raised five hundred, and the
+writer of this was _honored_ with the appointment of ---- to the
+Brigade.
+
+"On the first day of this month, we marched for the "seat of war," but
+General Clark, Commander-in-chief, having reached Far West on the day
+previous with a large force, the difficulty was settled when we
+arrived, so we escaped the infamy and disgrace of a bloody victory.
+Before General Clark's arrival, the mob had increased to about four
+thousand, and determined to attack the town. The Mormons upon the
+approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by
+the mob, Jo Smith and Rigdon, and a few other Mormons of less
+influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far
+appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from
+violence. Vain hope! The prisoners being secured, the mob entered the
+town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and
+outrage--forcing fifteen or twenty Mormon girls to yield to their
+brutal passions!!! Of these things I was assured by many persons while
+I was at Far West, in whose veracity I have the utmost confidence. I
+conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about eight
+hundred, among whom there were many young and interesting girls, and I
+assure you, a more distracted set of creatures I never saw. I assure
+you, my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old gray
+headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at
+this inclement season, with the thermometer at 8 degrees below zero,
+to abandon their warm houses, and many of them the luxuries and
+elegances of a high degree of civilization and intelligence and take
+up their march for the uncultivated wilds of the Missouri frontier.
+
+"The better informed here have but one opinion of the result of this
+Mormon persecution, and that is, it is a most fearful extension of
+Judge Lynch's jurisdiction."
+
+The present white population of Missouri is but thirty thousand less
+than that of New Hampshire, and yet the insecurity of human life in
+the former state to that in the latter, is probably at least twenty to
+one.
+
+
+
+ALABAMA.
+
+This state was admitted to the Union in 1819. Its present white
+population is not far from three hundred thousand. The security of
+human life to Alabama, may be inferred from the facts and testimony
+which follow:
+
+The Mobile Register of Nov. 15, 1837, contains the annual message of
+Mr. McVay, the acting Governor of the state, at the opening of the
+Legislature. The message has the following on the frequency of
+homicides:
+
+"We hear of homicides in different parts of the state _continually_,
+and yet how few convictions for murder, and still fewer executions?
+How is this to be accounted for? In regard to 'assault and battery
+with intent to commit murder,' why is it that this offence continues
+so common--why do we hear of stabbings and shootings _almost daily_ in
+some part or other of our state?"
+
+The "Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser" of April 22, 1837, has the
+following from the Mobile Register:
+
+"Within a few days a man was shot in an affray in the upper part of
+the town, and has since died. The perpetrator of the violence is at
+large. We need hardly speak of another scene which occurred in Royal
+street, when a fray occurred between two individuals, a third standing
+by with a cocked pistol to prevent interference. On Saturday night a
+still more exciting scene of outrage took place in the theatre.
+
+"An altercation commenced at the porquett entrance between the
+check-taker and a young man, which ended in the first being
+desperately wounded by a stab with a knife. The other also drew a
+pistol. If some strange manifestations of public opinion, do not
+coerce a spirit of deference to law, and the abandonment of the habit
+of carrying secret arms, we shall deserve every reproach we may
+receive, and have our punishment in the unchecked growth of a spirit
+of lawlessness, reckless deeds, and exasperated feeling, which will
+destroy our social comfort at home, and respectability abroad."
+
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," of Nov. 7, 1837.
+
+"A trifling dispute arose between Silas Randal and Pharaoh Massingale,
+both of Marshall county. They exchanged but a few words, when the
+former drew a Bowie knife and stabbed the latter in the abdomen
+fronting the left hip to the depth of several inches; also inflicted
+several other dangerous wounds, of which Massengale died
+immediately.--Randal is yet at large, not having been apprehended."
+
+From the "Free Press" of August 16, 1838.
+
+"The streets of Gainesville, Alabama, have recently been the scene of
+a most tragic affair. Some five weeks since, at a meeting of the
+citizens, Col. Christopher Scott, a lawyer of good standing, and one
+of the most influential citizens of the place, made a violent attack
+on the Tombeckbee Rail Road Company. A Mr. Smith, agent for the T.R.R.
+Company, took Col. C's remarks as a personal insult, and demanded an
+explanation. A day or two after, as Mr. Smith was passing Colonel
+Scott's door, he was shot down by him, and after lingering a few hours
+expired.
+
+"It appears also from an Alabama paper, that Col. Scott's brother,
+L.S. Scott Esq., and L.J. Smith Esq., were accomplices of the Colonel
+in the murder."
+
+The following is from the "Natchez Free Trader," June 14, 1838.
+
+"An affray, attended with fatal consequences, occurred in the town of
+Moulton, Alabama, on the 12th May. It appears that three young men
+from the country, of the name of J. Walton, Geo. Bowling, and
+Alexander Bowling, rode into Moulton on that day for the purpose of
+chastising the bar-keeper at McCord's tavern, whose name is Cowan, for
+an alleged insult offered by him to the father of young Walton. They
+made a furious attack on Cowan, and drove him into the bar room of the
+tavern. Some time after, a second attack was made upon Cowan in the
+street by one of the Bowlings and Walton, when pistols were resorted
+to by both parties. Three rounds were fired, and the third shot, which
+was said to have been discharged by Walton, struck a young man by the
+name of Neil, who happened to be passing in the street at the time,
+and killed him instantly. The combatants were taken into custody, and
+after an examination before two magistrates, were bailed."
+
+The following exploits of the "Alabama Volunteers," are recorded in
+the Florida Herald, Jan. 1, 1838.
+
+"SAVE US FROM OUR FRIENDS.--On Monday last, a large body of men,
+calling themselves Alabama Volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of this
+city. It is reported that their conduct during their march from
+Tallahassee to this city has been a series of excesses of every
+description. They have committed almost every crime except murder, and
+have even threatened life.
+
+"Large numbers of them paraded our streets, grossly insulted our
+females, and were otherwise extremely riotous in their conduct. One of
+the squads, forty or fifty in number, on reaching the bridge, where
+there was a small guard of three or four men stationed, assaulted the
+guard, overturned the sentry-box into the river, and bodily seized two
+of the guard, and threw them into the river, where the water was deep,
+and they were forced to swim for their lives. At one of the men while
+in the water, they pointed a musket, threatening to kill him; and
+pelted with every missile which came to hand."
+
+
+The following Alabama tragedy is published by the "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Sept. **, 1837, from the Wetumpka Sentinel.
+
+"Our highly respectable townsman, Mr. Hugh Ware, a merchant of
+Wetumpka, was standing in the door of his counting room, between the
+hours of 8 and 9 o'clock at night, in company with a friend, when an
+assassin lurked within a few paces of his position, and discharged his
+musket, loaded with ten or fifteen buckshot. Mr. Ware instantly fell,
+and expired without a struggle or a groan. A coroner's inquest decided
+that the deceased came to his death by violence, and that Abner J.
+Cody, and his servant John, were the perpetrators. John frankly
+confessed, that his master, Cody, compelled him to assist, threatening
+his life if he dared to disobey; that he carried the musket to the
+place at which it was discharged; that his master then received it
+from him, rested it on the fence, fired and killed Mr. Ware."
+
+
+From the "Southern (Miss.) Mechanic," April 17, 1838.
+
+"HORRID BUTCHERY.--A desperate fight occurred in Montgomery, Alabama,
+on the 28th ult. We learn from the Advocate of that city, that the
+persons engaged were Wm. S. Mooney and Kenyon Mooney, his son, Edward
+Bell, and Bushrod Bell, Jr. The first received a wound in the abdomen,
+made by that fatal instrument, the Bowie knife, which caused his death
+in about fifteen hours. The second was shot in the side, and would
+doubtless have been killed, had not the ball partly lost its force by
+first striking his arm. The third received a shot in the neck, and now
+lies without hope of recovery. The fourth escaped unhurt, and, we
+understand has fled. This is a brief statement of one of the bloodiest
+fights that we ever heard of."
+
+
+From the "Virginia Statesman," May 6, 1837.
+
+"Several affrays, wherein pistols, dirks and knives were used, lately
+occurred at Mobile. One took place on the 8th inst., at the theatre,
+in which a Mr. Bellum was so badly stabbed that his life is despaired
+of. On the Wednesday preceding, a man named Johnson shot another named
+Snow dead. No notice was taken of the affair."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville Advocate," June 20, 1837.
+
+"DESPERATE AFFRAY.--On Sunday the 11th inst., an affray of desparate
+and fatal character occurred near Jeater's Landing, Marshall county,
+Alabama. The dispute which led to it arose out of a contested right to
+_possession_ of a piece of land. A Mr. Steele was the occupant, and
+Mr. James McFarlane and some others, claimants. Mr. F. and his friends
+went to Mr. Steele's house with a view to take possession, whether
+peaceably or by violence, we do not certainly know. As they entered
+the house a quarrel ensued between the opposite parties, and some
+blows perhaps followed; in a short time, several guns were discharged
+from the house at Mr. McFarlane and friends. Mr. M. was killed, a Mr.
+Freamster dangerously wounded, and it is thought will not recover; two
+others were also wounded, though not so as to endanger life. Mr.
+Steele's brother was wounded by the discharge of a pistol from one of
+Mr. M's friends. We have heard some other particulars about the
+affray, but we abstain from giving them, as incidental versions are
+often erroneous, and as the whole matter will be submitted to legal
+investigation. Four of Steele's party, his brother, and three whose
+names are Lenten, Collins and Wills, have been arrested, and are now
+confined in the gaol in this place."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk Beacon," July 14, 1838.
+
+"A few days since at Claysville, Marshal co., Alabama, Messrs.
+Nathaniel and Graves W. Steele, while riding in a carriage, were shot
+dead, and Alex. Steele and Wm. Collins, also in the carriage, were
+severely wounded, (the former supposed mortally,) by Messrs. Jesse
+Allen, Alexander and Arthur McFarlane, and Daniel Dickerson. The
+Steeles, it appears, last year killed James McFarlane and another
+person in a similar manner, which led to this dreadful retaliation."
+
+
+From the Montgomery (Ala.) Advocate--Washington, Autauga Co., Dec. 28,
+1838.
+
+"FATAL RENCONTRE.--On Friday last, the 28th ult., a fatal rencontre
+took place in the town of Washington, Autauga county, between John
+Tittle and Thomas J. Tarleton, which resulted in the death of the
+former. After a patient investigation of the matter, Mr. Tarleton was
+released by the investigating tribunal, on the ground that the
+homicide was clearly justifiable."
+
+
+The "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel" July 6, 1837, quotes the following from
+the Mobile (Ala.) Examiner.
+
+"A man by the name of Peter Church was killed on one of the wharves
+night before last. The person by whom it was done delivered himself to
+the proper authorities yesterday morning. The deceased and destroyer
+were friends and the act occurred in consequence of an immaterial
+quarrel."
+
+
+The "Milledgeville Federal Union" of July 11, 1837, has the following
+
+"In Selma, Alabama resided lately messrs. Philips and Dickerson,
+physicians. Mr. P. is brother to the wife of V. Bleevin Esq., a rich
+cotton planter in that neighborhood; the latter has a very lovely
+daughter, to whom Dr. D. paid his addresses. A short time since a
+gentleman from Mobile married her. Soon after this, a schoolmaster in
+Selma set a cry afloat to the effect, that he had heard Dr. D. say
+things about the lady's conduct before marriage which ought not to be
+said about any lady. Dr. D. denied having said such things, and the
+other denied having spread the story; but neither denials sufficed to
+pacify the enraged parent. He met Dr. D. fired at him two pistols, and
+wounded him. Dr. D. was unarmed, and advanced to Mr. Bleevin, holding
+up his hands imploringly, when Mr. B. drew a Bowie knife, and stabbed
+him to the heart. The doctor dropped dead on the spot: and Mr. Bleevin
+has been held to bail."
+
+
+The following is taken from the "Alabama, Intelligencer," Sept. 17,
+1838.
+
+"On the 5th instant, a deadly rencounter took place in the streets of
+Russelville, (our county town,) between John A. Chambers, Esq., of the
+city of Mobile, and Thomas L. Jones, of this county. In the
+rencounter, Jones was wounded by several balls which took effect in
+his chin, mouth, neck, arm, and shoulder, believed to be mortal; he
+did not fire his gun.
+
+"Mr. Chambers forthwith surrendered himself to the Sheriff of the
+county, and was on the 6th, tried and fully acquitted, by a court of
+inquiry."
+
+
+The "Maysville (Ky.) Advocate" of August 14, 1838, gives the following
+affray, which took place in Girard, Alabama, July 10th.
+
+"Two brothers named Thomas and Hal Lucas, who had been much in the
+habit of quarrelling, came together under strong excitement, and Tom,
+as was his frequent custom, being about to flog Hal with a stick of
+some sort, the latter drew a pistol and shot the former, his own
+brother, through the heart, who almost instantly expired!"
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of Oct. 5, 1838, relates an affray in Mobile,
+Alabama, between Benjamin Alexander, an aged man of ninety, with
+Thomas Hamilton, his grandson, on the 24th of September, in which the
+former killed the latter with a dirk.
+
+The "Red River Whig" of July 7, 1838, gives the particulars of a
+tragedy in Western Alabama, in which a planter near Lakeville, left
+home for some days, but suspecting his wife's fidelity, returned home
+late at night, and finding his suspicions verified, set fire to his
+house and waited with his rifle before the door, till his wife and her
+paramour attempted to rush out, when he shot them both dead.
+
+
+From the "Morgan (Ala.) Observer," Dec. 1838.
+
+"We are informed from private sources, that on last Saturday, a poor
+man who was moving westward with his wife and three little children
+and driving a small drove of sheep, and perhaps a cow or two, which
+was driven by his family, on arriving in Florence, and while passing
+through, met with a citizen of that place, who rode into his flock and
+caused him some trouble to keep it together, when the mover informed
+the individual that he must not do so again or he would throw a rock
+at him, upon which some words ensued, and the individual again
+disturbed the flock, when the mover, as near as we can learn, threw at
+him upon this the troublesome man got off his horse, went into a
+grocery, got a gun, and came out and deliberately shot the poor
+stranger in the presence of his wife and little children. The wounded
+man then made an effort to get into some house, when his murderous
+assailant overtook and stabbed him to the heart with a _Bowie knife_.
+This revolting scene, we are informed, occurred in the presence of
+many citizens, who, report says, never even lifted their voices in
+defence of the murdered man."
+
+A late number of the "Flag of the Union," published at Tuscalosa, the
+seat of the government of Alabama, states that "since the commencement
+of the late session of the legislature of that state, no less than
+THIRTEEN FIGHTS had been had within sight of the capitol." _Pistols
+and Bowie knives were used in every case_.
+
+The present white population of Alabama is about the same with that of
+New Jersey, yet for the last twenty years there has not been so many
+public deadly affrays, and of such a horrible character, in New
+Jersey, as have taken place in Alabama within the last eight months.
+
+
+
+MISSISSIPPI.
+
+Mississippi became one of the United States in 1817. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and sixty thousand.
+
+The following extracts will serve to show that those who combine
+together to beat, rob, and manacle innocent men, women and children,
+will stick at nothing when their passions are up.
+
+The following murderous affray at Canton, Mississippi, is from the
+"Alabama Beacon," Sept, 13, 1838.
+
+"A terrible tragedy recently occurred at Canton, Miss., growing out of
+the late duel between Messrs. Dickins and Drane of that place. A
+Kentuckian happening to be in Canton, spoke of the duel, and charged
+Mr. Mitchell Calhoun, the second of Drane, with cowardice and
+unfairness. Mr. Calhoun called on the Kentuckian for an explanation,
+and the offensive charge was repeated. _A challenge and fight with
+Bowie knives, toe to toe_, were the consequences. Both parties were
+dreadfully and dangerously wounded, though neither was dead at the
+last advices. Mr. Calhoun is a brother to the Hon. John Calhoun,
+member of Congress."
+
+Here follows the account of the duel referred to above, between
+Messrs. Dickins and Drane.
+
+"Intelligence has been received in this town of a fatal duel that took
+place in Canton, Miss., on the 28th ult., between Rufus K. Dickins,
+and a Mr. Westley Drane. They fought with double barrelled guns,
+loaded with buckshot--both were mortally wounded."
+
+
+The "Louisville Journal" publishes the following, Nov. 23.
+
+"On the 7th instant, a fatal affray took place at Gallatin,
+Mississippi. The principal parties concerned were, Messrs. John W.
+Scott, James G. Scott, and Edmund B. Hatch. The latter was shot down
+and then stabbed twice through the body, by J.G. Scott."
+
+
+The "Alabama Beacon" of Sept. 13, 1838, says:
+
+"An attempt was made in Vicksburg lately, by a gang of Lynchers, to
+inflict summary punishment on three men of the name of Fleckenstein.
+The assault was made upon the house, about 11 o'clock at night.
+Meeting with some resistance from the three Fleckensteins, a leader of
+the gang, by the name of Helt, discharged his pistol, and wounded one
+of the brothers severely in the neck and jaws. A volley of four or
+five shots was almost instantly returned, when Helt fell dead, a piece
+of the top of the skull being torn off, and almost the whole of his
+brains dashed out. His comrades seeing him fall, suddenly took to
+their heels. There were, it is supposed, some _ten or fifteen_
+concerned in the transaction."
+
+
+The "Manchester (Miss.) Gazette," August 11, 1838, says:
+
+"It appears that Mr. Asa Hazeltine, who kept a public or boarding
+house in Jackson, during the past winter, and Mr. Benjamin Tanner,
+came here about five or six weeks since, with the intention of opening
+a public house. Foiled in the design, in the settlement of their
+affairs some difficulty arose as to a question of veracity between the
+parties. Mr. Tanner, deeply excited, procured a pistol and loaded it
+with the charge of death, sought and found the object of his hatred in
+the afternoon, in the yard of Messrs. Kezer & Maynard, and in the
+presence of several persons, after repeated and ineffectual attempts
+on the part of Capt. Jackson to baffle his fell spirit, shot the
+unfortunate victim, of which wound Mr. Hazeltine died in a short time.
+
+"We understand that Mr. Hazeltine was a native of Boston."
+
+
+The "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," Sept. 16, 1837, gives the details
+below:
+
+"By a letter from Mississippi, we have an account of a rencontre which
+took place in Rodney, on the 27th July, between Messrs. Thos. J.
+Johnston and G.H. Wilcox, both formerly of this city. In consequence
+of certain publications made by these gentlemen against each other,
+Johnston challenged Wilcox. The latter declining to accept the
+challenge, Johnston informed his friends at Rodney, that he would be
+there at the term of the court then not distant, when he would make an
+attack upon him. He repaired thither on the 26th, and on the next
+morning the following communication was read aloud in the presence of
+Wilcox and a large crowd:
+
+"Rodney, July 27, 1837.
+
+"Mr. Johnston informs Mr. Wilcox, that at or about 1 o'clock of this
+day, he will be on the common, opposite the Presbyterian Church of
+this town, waiting and expecting Mr. Wilcox to meet him there.
+
+"I pledge my honor that Mr. Johnston will not fire at Mr. Wilcox,
+until he arrives at a distance of one hundred yards from him, and I
+desire Mr. Wilcox or any of his friends, to see that distance
+accurately measured.
+
+"Mr. Johnston will wait there thirty minutes.
+
+"J. M. DUFFIELD.
+
+"Mr. Wilcox declined being a party to any such arrangement, and Mr. D.
+told him to be prepared for an attack. Accordingly, about an hour
+after this, Johnston proceeded towards Wilcox's office, armed with a
+double-barrelled gun, (one of the barrels rifled,) and three pistols
+in his belt. He halted about fifty yards from W's door and leveled his
+gun. W. withdrew before Johnston could fire, and seized a musket,
+returned to the door and flashed. Johnston fired both barrels without
+effect. Wilcox then seized a double barrel gun, and Johnston a musket,
+and both again fired. Wilcox sent twenty-three buck shot over
+Johnston's head, one of them passing through his hat, and Wilcox was
+slightly wounded on both hands, his thigh and leg."
+
+
+From the "Alabama Beacon," May 27, 1838.
+
+"An affray of the most barbarous nature was expected to take place in
+Arkansas opposite Princeton, on Thursday last. The two original
+parties have been endeavoring for several weeks, to settle their
+differences at Natchez. One of the individuals concerned stood
+pledged, our informant states, to fight three different antagonists in
+one day. The fights, we understand, were to be with pistols; but a
+variety of other weapons were taken along--among others, the deadly
+Bowie knife. These latter instruments, we are told, were whetted and
+dressed up at Grand Gulf, as the parties passed up, avowedly with the
+intention of being used in the field."
+
+
+From the "Southern (Miss) Argus," Nov. 21, 1837.
+
+"We learn that, at a wood yard above Natchez, on Sunday evening last,
+a difficulty arose between Captain Crosly, of the steamboat Galenian,
+and one of his deck passengers. Capt. C. drew a Bowie knife, and made
+a pass at the throat of the passenger, which failed to do any harm,
+and the captain then ordered him to leave his boat. The man went on
+board to get his baggage, and the captain immediately sought the cabin
+for a pistol. As the passenger was about leaving the boat, the captain
+presented a pistol to his breast, which snapped. Instantly the enraged
+and wronged individual seized Capt. Crosly by the throat, and brought
+him to the ground, when he drew a dirk and stabbed him eight or nine
+times in the breast, each blow driving the weapon into his body up to
+the hilt. The passenger was arrested, carried to Natchez, tried and
+acquitted."
+
+The "Planter's Intelligencer" publishes the following from the
+Vicksburg Sentinel of June 19, 1838.
+
+"About 1 o'clock, we observed two men 'pummeling' one another in the
+street, to the infinite amusement of a crowd. Presently a third hero
+made his appearance in the arena, with Bowie knife in hand, and he
+cried out, "Let me come at him!" Upon hearing this threat, one of the
+pugilists 'took himself off,' our hero following at full speed.
+Finding his pursuit was vain, our hero returned, when an attack was
+commenced upon another individual. He was most cruelly beat, and cut
+through the skull with a knife; it is feared the wounds will prove
+mortal. The sufferer, we learn, is an inoffensive German."
+
+
+From the "Mississippian," Nov. 9, 1838.
+
+"On Tuesday evening last, 23d, an affray occurred at the town of
+Tallahasse, in this county, between Hugh Roark and Captain Flack,
+which resulted in the death of Roark. Roark went to bed, and Flack,
+who was in the barroom below, observed to some persons there, that he
+believed they had set up Roark to whip him; Roark, upon hearing his
+name mentioned, got out of bed and came downstairs. Flack met and
+stabbed him in the lower part of his abdomen with a knife, letting out
+his bowels. Roark ran to the door, and received another stab in the
+back. He lived until Thursday night, when he expired in great agony.
+Flack was tried before a justice of the peace, and we understand was
+only held to bail to appear at court in the event Roark should die."
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf Advertiser" Nov. 7, 1838.
+
+"_Attempt at Riot at Natchez_.--The _Courier_ says, that in
+consequence of the discharge of certain individuals who had been
+arraigned for the murder of a man named _Medill_, a mob of about 200
+persons assembled on the night of the 1st instant, with the avowed
+purpose of _lynching_ them. But fortunately, the objects of their
+vengeance had escaped from town. Foiled in their purpose, the rioters
+repaired to the shantee where the murder was committed, and
+precipitated it over the bluff. The military of the city were ordered
+out to keep order."
+
+
+From the "Natchez Free Trader."
+
+"A violent attack was lately made on Captain Barrett, of the steamboat
+Southerner, by three persons from Wilkinson co., Miss., whose names
+are Carey, and one of the name of J.S. Towles. The only reason for the
+outrage was, that Captain B. had the assurance to require of the
+gentlemen, who were quarreling on board his boat, to keep order for
+the peace and comfort of the other passengers. _Towles_ drew a Bowie
+knife upon the Captain; which the latter wrested from him. A pistol,
+drawn by one of the Careys was also taken, and the assailant was
+knocked overboard. Fortunately for him he was rescued from drowning.
+The brave band then landed. On her return up the river, the Southerner
+stopped at Fort Adams, and on her leaving that place, an armed party,
+among whom were the Careys and Towles, fired into the boat, but
+happily the shot missed a crowd of passengers on the hurricane deck."
+
+
+From the "Mississippian," Dec. 18, 1838.
+
+"Greet Spikes, a citizen of this county, was killed a few days ago,
+between this place and Raymond, by a man named Pegram. It seems that
+Pegram and Spikes had been carrying weapons for each other for some
+time past. Pegram had threatened to take Spikes' life on first sight,
+for the base treatment he had received at his hands.
+
+"We have heard something of the particulars, but not enough to give
+them at this time. Pegram had not been seen since."
+
+
+The "Lynchburg Virginian," July 23, 1638, says:
+
+"A fatal affray occurred a few days ago in Clinton, Mississippi. The
+actors in it were a Mr. Parham, Mr. Shackleford, and a Mr. Henry.
+Shackleford was killed on the spot, and Henry was slightly wounded by
+a shot gun with which Parham was armed."
+
+
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," Nov. 22, 1838.
+
+"_Butchery_.--A Bowie knife slaughter took place a few days since in
+Honesville, Miss. A Mr. Hobbs was the victim; Strother the butcher."
+
+
+The "Vicksburg Sentinel," Sept. 28, 1837, says:
+
+"It is only a few weeks since humanity was shocked by a most atrocious
+outrage, inflicted by the Lynchers, on the person of a Mr. Saunderson
+of Madison, co. in this state. They dragged this respectable planter
+from the bosom of his family, and mutilated him in the most brutal
+manner--maiming him most inhumanly, besides cutting off his nose and
+ears and scarifying his body to the very ribs! We believe the subject
+of this foul outrage still drags out a miserable existence--an object
+of horror and of pity. Last week a club of Lynchers, amounting to four
+or five individuals, as we have been credibly informed, broke into the
+house of Mr. Scott of Wilkinson co., a respectable member of the bar,
+forced him out, and hung him dead on the next tree. We have heard of
+numerous minor outrages committed against the peace of society, and
+the welfare and happiness of the country; but we mention these as the
+most enormous that we have heard for some months.
+
+"It now becomes our painful duty, to notice a most disgraceful outrage
+committed by the Lynchers of Vicksburg, on last Sunday. The victim was
+a Mr. Grace, formerly of the neighborhood of Warrenton, Va., but for
+two years a resident of this city. He was detected in giving free
+passes to slaves and brought to trial before Squire Maxey.
+Unfortunately for the wretch, either through the want of law or
+evidence, he could not be punished, and he was set at liberty by the
+magistrate. The city marshal seeing that a few in the crowd were
+disposed to lay violent hands on the prisoner in the event of his
+escaping punishment by law, resolved to accompany him to his house.
+The Lynch mob still followed, and the marshal finding the prisoner
+could only be protected by hurrying him to jail, endeavored to effect
+that object. The Lynchers, however, pursued the officer of the law,
+dragged him from his horse, bruised him, and conveyed the prisoner to
+the most convenient point of the city for carrying their blood-thirsty
+designs into execution. We blush while we record the atrocious deed;
+in this city, containing nearly 5,000 souls, in the broad light of
+day, this aged wretch was stripped and flogged, we believe within
+hearing of the lamentations and the shrieks of his afflicted wife and
+children."
+
+
+In an affray at Montgomery, Mississippi, July 1, 1838, Mr. A.L.
+Herbert was killed by Dr. J.B. Harrington. See Grand Gulf Advertiser,
+August 1, 1838.
+
+
+The "Maryland Republican" of January 30, 1838, has the following:
+
+"A street rencounter lately took place in Jackson, Miss., between Mr.
+Robert McDonald and Mr. W.H. Lockhart, in which McDonald was shot with
+a pistol and immediately expired. Lockhart was committed to prison."
+
+
+The "Nashville Banner," June 22, 1838, has the following:
+
+"On the 8th inst. Col. James M. Hulet was shot with a rifle without
+any apparent provocation in Gallatin, Miss., by one Richard M. Jones."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," Dec. 8, 1838.
+
+"The Aberdeen (Miss.) Advocate, of Saturday last, states that on the
+morning of the day previous, (the 9th) a dispute arose between Mr.
+Robert Smith and Mr. Alexander Eanes, both of Aberdeen, which resulted
+in the death of Mr. Smith, who kept a boarding house, and was an
+amiable man and a good citizen. In the course of the contradictory
+words of the disputants, the lie was given by Eanes, upon which Smith
+gathered up a piece of iron and threw it at Eanes, but which missed
+him and lodged in the walls of the house. At this Eanes drew a large
+dirk knife, and stabbed Smith in the abdomen, the knife penetrating
+the vitals, and thus causing immediate death. Smith breathed only a
+few seconds after the fatal thrust.
+
+"Eanes immediately mounted his horse and rode off, but was pursued by
+Mr. Hanes, who arrested and took him back, when he was put under guard
+to await a trial before the proper authorities."
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg Register," Nov. 17, 1838.
+
+"On the 2d inst. an affray occurred between one Stephen Scarbrough and
+A.W. Higbee of Grand Gulf, in which Scarbrough was stabbed with a
+knife, which occasioned his death in a few hours. Higbee has been
+arrested and committed for trial."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat" Nov. 10, 1838.
+
+"_Life in the Southwest_.--A friend in Louisiana writes, under date of
+the 31st ult., that a fight took place a few days ago in Madison
+parish, 60 miles below Lake Providence, between a Mr. Nevils and a Mr.
+Harper, which terminated fatally. The police jury had ordered a road
+on the right bank of the Mississippi, and the neighboring planters
+were out with their forces to open it. For some offence, Nevils, the
+superintendent of the operations, flogged two of Harper's negroes. The
+next day the parties met on horseback, when Harper dismounted, and
+proceeded to cowskin Nevils for the chastisement inflicted on the
+negroes. Nevils immediately drew a pistol and shot his assailant dead
+on the spot. Both were gentlemen of the highest respectability.
+
+"An affray also came off recently, as the same correspondent writes
+us, in Raymond, Hinds co., Miss., which for a serious one, was rather
+amusing. The sheriff had a process to serve on a man of the name of
+Bright, and, in consequence of some difficulty and intemperate
+language, thought proper to commence the service by the application of
+his cowskin to the defendant. Bright thereupon floored his adversary,
+and, wresting his cowhide from him, applied it to its owner to the
+extent of at least five hundred lashes, meanwhile threatening to shoot
+the first bystander who attempted to interfere. The sheriff was
+carried home in a state of insensibility, and his life has been
+despaired of. The mayor of the place, however, issued his warrant, and
+started three of the sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the delinquent,
+but the latter, after keeping them at bay till they found it
+impossible to arrest him, surrendered himself to the magistrate, by
+whom he was bound over to the next Circuit Court. From the mayor's
+office, his honor and the parties litigant proceeded to the tavern to
+take a drink by way of ending hostilities. But the civil functionary
+refused to sign articles of peace by touching glasses with Bright,
+whereupon the latter made a furious assault upon him, and then turned
+and flogged 'mine host' within an inch of his life because he
+interfered. Satisfied with his day's work, Bright retired. Can we show
+any such specimens of chivalry and refinement in Kentucky!"
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," June 27, 1837.
+
+"DEATH BY VIOLENCE.--The moral atmosphere in our state appears to be
+in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. _Almost every exchange
+paper which reaches us contains some inhuman and revolting case of
+murder or death by violence. Not less than fifteen deaths by violence
+have occurred, to our certain knowledge, within the past three
+months._ Such a state of things, in a country professing to be moral
+and christian, is a disgrace to human nature and is well calculated,
+to induce those abroad unacquainted with our general habits and
+feelings, to regard the morals of our people in no very enviable
+light; and does more to injure and weaken our political institutions
+than years of pecuniary distress. The frequency of such events is a
+burning disgrace to the morality, civilization, and refinement of
+feeling to which we lay claim and so often boast in comparison with
+the older states. And unless we set about and put an immediate and
+effectual termination to such revolting scenes, we shall be compelled
+to part with what all genuine southerners have ever regarded as their
+richest inheritance, the proud appellation of the '_brave, high-minded
+and chivalrous sons of the south_.'
+
+"This done, we should soon discover a change for the better--peace and
+good order would prevail, and the ends of justice be effectually and
+speedily attained, and then the people of this wealthy state would be
+in a condition to bid defiance to the disgraceful reproaches which are
+now daily heaped upon them by the religious and moral of other
+states."
+
+"The present white population of Mississippi is but little more than
+half as great as that of Vermont, and yet more horrible crimes are
+perpetrated by them EVERY MONTH, than have ever been perpetrated in
+Vermont since it has been a state, now about half a century. Whoever
+doubts it, let him get data and make his estimate, and he will find
+that this is no random guess."
+
+
+
+LOUISIANA.
+
+Louisiana became one of the United States in 1811. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and fifteen thousand.
+
+The extracts which follow furnish another illustration of the horrors
+produced by passions blown up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary
+power. We have just been looking over a broken file of Louisiana
+papers, including the last six months of 1837, and the whole of 1838,
+and find ourselves obliged to abandon our design of publishing even an
+abstract of the scores and _hundreds_ of affrays, murders,
+assassinations, duels, lynchings, assaults, &c. which took place in
+that state during that period. Those which have taken place in New
+Orleans alone, during the last eighteen months, would, in detail, fill
+a volume. Instead of inserting the details of the principal atrocities
+in Louisiana, as in the states already noticed, we will furnish the
+reader with the testimony of various editors of newspapers, and
+others, residents of the state, which will perhaps as truly set forth
+the actual state of society there, as could be done by a publication
+of the outrages themselves.
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," of May 23, 1838.
+
+"_Contempt of human life._--In view of the crimes which are _daily_
+committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the
+inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which those laws are
+administered, that this _frightful deluge of human blood fowl through
+our streets and our places of public resort_.
+
+"Whither will such contempt for the life of man lead us? The
+unhealthiness of the climate mows down annually a part of our
+population; the murderous steel despatches its proportion; and if
+crime increases as it has, the latter will soon become _the most
+powerful agent in destroying life_.
+
+"We cannot but doubt the perfection of our criminal code, when we see
+that _almost every criminal eludes the law_, either by boldly avowing
+the crime, or by the tardiness with which legal prosecutions are
+carried on, or, lastly, by the convenient application of _bail_ in
+criminal cases."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Picayune" of July 30, 1837, says:
+
+"It is with the most painful feelings that we _daily_ hear of some
+_fatal_ duel. Yesterday we were told of the unhappy end of one of our
+most influential and highly respectable merchants, who fell yesterday
+morning at sunrise in a duel. As usual, the circumstances which led to
+the meeting were trivial."
+
+
+The New Orleans correspondent of the New York Express, in his letter
+dated New Orleans, July 30, 1837, says:
+
+"THIRTEEN DUELS have been fought in and near the city during the week;
+_five more were to take place this morning_."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Merchant" of March 20, 1838, says:
+
+"Murder has been rife within the two or three weeks last past; and
+what is worse, the authorities of those places where they occur are
+_perfectly regardless of the fact_."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of September 8, 1838, says:
+
+"Not two months since, the miserable BARBA became a victim to one of
+the most cold-blooded schemes of assassination that ever disgraced a
+civilized community. Last Sunday evening an individual, Gonzales by
+name, was seen in perfect health, in conversation with his friends. On
+Monday morning his dead body was withdrawn from the Mississippi, near
+the ferry of the first municipality, in a state of terrible
+mutilation. To cap the climax of horror, on Friday morning, about half
+past six o'clock, the coroner was called to hold an inquest over the
+body of an individual, between Magazine and Tchoupitoulas streets. The
+head was entirely severed from the body; the lower extremities had
+likewise suffered amputation; the right foot was completely
+dismembered from the leg, and the left knee nearly severed from the
+thigh. Several stabs, wounds and bruises, were discovered on various
+parts of the body, which of themselves were sufficient to produce
+death."
+
+
+The "Georgetown (South Carolina) Union" of May 20, 1837, has the
+following extract from a New Orleans paper.
+
+"A short time since, two men shot one another down in one of our bar
+rooms, one of whom died instantly. A day or two after, one or two
+infants were found murdered, there was every reason to believe, by
+their own mothers. Last week we had to chronicle a brutal and bloody
+murder, committed in the heart of our city: the very next day a
+murder-trial was commenced in our criminal court: the day ensuing
+this, we published the particulars of Hart's murder. The day after
+that, Tibbetts was hung for attempting to commit a murder; the next
+day again we had to publish a murder committed by two Spaniards at the
+Lake--this was on Friday last. On Sunday we published the account of
+another murder committed by the Italian, Gregorio. On Monday, another
+murder was committed, and the murderer lodged in jail. On Tuesday
+morning another man was stabbed and robbed, and is not likely to
+recover, but the assassin escaped. The same day Reynolds, who killed
+Barre, shot himself in prison. On Wednesday, another person, Mr.
+Nicolet, blew out his brains. Yesterday, the unfortunate George
+Clement destroyed himself in his cell; and in addition to this
+dreadful catalogue we have to add that of the death of two, brothers,
+who destroyed themselves through grief at the death of their mother;
+and truly may we say that 'we know not what to-morrow will bring
+forth.'"
+
+
+The "Louisiana Advertiser," as quoted by the Salt River (Mo.) Journal
+of May 25, 1837, says:
+
+"Within the last ten or twelve days, three suicides, four murders, and
+two executions, have occurred in the city!"
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of October 25, 1837, says:
+
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides that are
+_daily_ committed in New Orleans."
+
+The "Planter's Banner" of September 30. 1838, published at Franklin,
+Louisiana, after giving an account of an affray between a number of
+planters, in which three were killed and a fourth mortally wounded,
+says that "Davis (one of the murderers) was arrested by the
+by-standers, but a _justice of the peace_ came up and told them, he
+did not think it right to keep a man 'tied in that manner,' and
+'thought it best to turn him loose.' _It was accordingly so done_."
+
+This occurred in the parish of Harrisonburg. The Banner closes the
+account by saying:
+
+"Our informant states that _five white men_ and _one_ negro have been
+murdered in the parish of Madison, during the months of July and
+August."
+
+This _justice of the peace_, who bade the by-standers unloose the
+murderer, mentioned above, has plenty of birds of his own feather
+among the law officers of Louisiana. Two of the leading officers in
+the New Orleans police took two witnesses, while undergoing legal
+examination at Covington, near New Orleans, "carried them to a
+bye-place, and _lynched_ them, during which inquisitorial operation,
+they divulged every thing to the officers, Messrs. Foyle and Crossman."
+The preceding fact is published in the Maryland Republican of August
+22, 1837.
+
+Judge Canonge of New Orleans, in his address at the opening of the
+criminal court, Nov. 4, 1837, published in the "Bee" of Nov. 8, in
+remarking upon the prevalence of out-breaking crimes, says:
+
+"Is it possible in a civilized country such crying abuses are
+_constantly_ encountered? How many individuals have given themselves
+up to such culpable habits! Yet we find magistrates and juries
+hesitating to expose crimes of the blackest dye to eternal contempt
+and infamy, to the vengeance of the law.
+
+"As a Louisianian parent, _I reflect with terror_ that our beloved
+children, reared to become one day honorable and useful citizens, may
+be the victims of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. Without
+some powerful and certain remedy, _our streets will become butcheries
+overflowing with the blood of our citizens_."
+
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper of Oct. 21, 1837,
+has a long editorial article, in which he argues for the virtual
+legalizing of LYNCH LAW, as follows:
+
+"We think then that in the circumstances in which we are placed, the
+Legislature ought to sanction such measures as the situation of the
+country render necessary, by giving to justice a _convenient
+latitude_. There are occasions when the delays inseparable from the
+administration of justice would be inimical to the public safety, and
+when the most fatal consequences would be the result.
+
+"It appears to us, that there is an urgent necessity to provide
+against the inconveniences which result from popular judgment, and to
+check the disposition for the speedy execution of justice resulting
+from the unconstitutional principle of a pretended Lynch law, by
+authorizing the parish court to take cognizance without delay, against
+every free man who shall be convicted of a crime; from the accusations
+arising from the mere provocations to the insurrection of the working
+classes.
+
+"All judicial sentences ought to be based upon law, and the terrible
+privilege which the populace now have of punishing with death certain
+crimes, _ought to be consecrated by law_, powerful interests would not
+suffice in our view to excuse the interruption of social order, if the
+public safety was not with us the supreme law.
+
+"This is the reason that whilst we deplore the imperious necessity
+which exists, we entreat the legislative power to give the sanction of
+principle to what already exists in fact."
+
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper, Oct 25, 1837, says:
+
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides, whether
+justifiable or not, that are daily committed in New Orleans. It is not
+through any inherent vice of legal provision that such outrages are
+perpetrated with impunity: it is rather in the neglect of the
+_application of the law_ which exists on this subject.
+
+"We will confine our observation to the dangerous facilities afforded
+by this code for the escape of the homicide. We are well aware that
+the laws in question are intended for the distribution of equal
+justice, yet we have too often witnessed the acquittal of delinquents
+whom we can denominate by no other title than that of homicides, while
+the simple affirmation of others has been admitted (in default of
+testimony) who are themselves the authors of the deed, for which they
+stand in judgment. The _indiscriminate system of accepting bail_ is a
+blot on our criminal legislation, and is one great reason why so many
+violators of the law avoid its penalties. To this doubtless must be
+ascribed the non-interference of the Attorney General. The law of
+_habeas corpus_ being subjected to the interpretation of every
+magistrate, whether versed or not in criminal cases, a degree of
+arbitrary and incorrect explanation necessarily results. How
+frequently does it happen that the Mayor or Recorder decides upon the
+gravest case without putting himself to the smallest trouble to inform
+the Attorney General, who sometimes only hears of the affair when
+investigation is no longer possible, or when the criminal has wisely
+commuted his punishment into temporary or perpetual exile."
+
+That morality suffers by such practices, is beyond a doubt; yet
+moderation and mercy are so beautiful in themselves, that we would
+scarcely protest against indulgence, were it not well known that the
+acceptance of bail is the safeguard of every delinquent who, through
+wealth or connections, possesses influence enough to obtain it. Here
+arbitrary construction glides amidst the confusion of testimony; there
+it presumes upon the want of evidence, and from one cause or another
+it is extremely rare, that a refusal to bail has delivered the accused
+into the hands of justice. In criminal cases, the Court and Jury are
+the proper tribunals to decide upon the reality of the crime, and the
+palliating circumstances; _yet it is not unfrequent_ for the public
+voice to condemn as an odious assassin, the very individual who by the
+acquittal of the judge, walks at large and scoffs at justice.
+
+"It is time to restrict within its proper limits this pretended right
+of personal protection; it is time to teach our population to abstain
+from mutual murder upon slight provocation.--Duelling, Heaven knows,
+is dreadful enough, and quite a sufficient means of gratifying private
+aversion, and avenging insult. Frequent and serious brawls in our
+cafes, streets and houses, every where attest the insufficiency or
+misapplication of our legal code, or the want of energy in its organs.
+To say that unbounded license is the insult of liberty is folly.
+Liberty is the consequence of well regulated laws--without these,
+Freedom can exist only in name, and the law which favors the escape of
+the opulent and aristocratic from the penalties of retribution, but
+consigns the poor and friendless to the chain-gang or the gallows, is
+in fact the very essence of slavery!!"
+
+
+The editor of the same paper says (Nov. 4, 1837.)
+
+"Perhaps by an equitable, but strict application of that law, (the law
+which forbids the wearing of deadly weapons concealed,) the effusion
+of human blood might be stopt _which now defiles our streets and our
+coffee-houses as if they were shambles_! Reckless disregard of the
+life of man is rapidly gaining ground among us, and the habit of
+seeing a man whom it is taken for granted was armed, murdered merely
+for a _gesture_, may influence the opinion of a jury composed of
+citizens, whom, LONG IMPUNITY TO HOMICIDES OF EVERY KIND has
+persuaded, that the right of self-defence extends even to the taking
+of life for _gestures_, more or less threatening. So many DAILY
+instances of outbreaking passion which have thrown whole families into
+the deepest affliction, teach us a terrible lesson."
+
+
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," July 6, 1837.
+
+"_Wholesale Murders_.--No less than three murders were committed in
+New Orleans on Monday evening last. The first was that of a man in
+Poydras, near the corner of Tehapitoulas. The murdered individual had
+been suspected of a _liason_ with another man's wife in the
+neighbourhood, was caught in the act, followed to the above corner and
+shot.
+
+"The second was that of a man in Perdido street. Circumstances not
+known.
+
+"The third was that of a watchman, on the corner of Custom House and
+Burgundy street, who was found dead yesterday morning, shot through
+the heart. The deed was evidently committed on the opposite side from
+where he was found, as the unfortunate man was tracked by his blood
+across the street. In addition to being shot through the heart, two
+wounds in his breast, supposed to have been done with a Bowie knife,
+were discovered. No arrests have been made to our knowledge."
+
+
+The editor of the "Charleston, (S.C.) Mercury" of April, 1837, snakes
+the following remarks.
+
+"The energy of a Tacon is much needed to vivify the police of New
+Orleans. In a single paper we find an account of the execution of one
+man for robbery and intent to kill, of the arrest of another for
+stabbing a man to death with a carving knife; and of a third found
+murdered on the Levee on the previous Sunday morning. In the last
+case, although the murderer was known, _no steps had been taken for
+his arrest_; and to crown the whole, it is actually stated in so many
+words, that the City guards are not permitted, according to their
+instructions, to patrol the Levee after night, for fear of attacks
+from persons employed in steamboats!"
+
+The present white population of Louisiana is but little more than that
+of Rhode Island, yet more appalling crime is committed in Louisiana
+_every day_, than in Rhode Island during a year, notwithstanding the
+tone of public morals is probably lower in the latter than in any
+other New England state.
+
+
+
+TENNESSEE.
+
+
+Tennessee became one of the United States in 1796. Its present white
+population is about seven hundred thousand.
+
+The details which follow, go to confirm the old truth, that the
+exercise of arbitrary power tends to make men monsters. The following,
+from the "Memphis (Tennessee) Enquirer," was published in the Virginia
+Advocate, Jan. 26, 1838.
+
+"Below will be found a detailed account of one of the most unnatural
+and aggravated murders ever recorded. Col. Ward, the deceased, was a
+man of high standing in the state, and very much esteemed by his
+neighbors, and by all who knew him. The brothers concerned in this
+'murder, most foul and unnatural,' were Lafayette, Chamberlayne,
+Caesar, and Achilles Jones, (the nephews of Col. Ward.)
+
+"The four brothers, all armed, went to the residence of Mr. A.G. Ward,
+in Shelby co., on the evening of 22d instant. They were conducted into
+the room in which Col. Ward was sitting, together with some two or
+three ladies, his intended wife amongst the number. Upon their
+entering the room, Col. Ward rose, and extended his hand to Lafayette.
+He refused, saying he would shake hands with no such d----d rascal.
+The rest answered in the same tone. Col. Ward remarked that they were
+not in a proper place for a difficulty, if they sought one. Col. Ward
+went from the room to the passage, and was followed by the brothers.
+He said he was unarmed, but if they would lay down their arms, he
+could whip the whole of them; or if they would place him on an equal
+footing, he could whip the whole of them one by one. Caesar told
+Chamberlayne to give the Col. one of his pistols, which he did, and
+both went out into the yard, the other brothers following. While
+standing a few paces from each other, Lafayette came up, and remarked
+to the Col., 'If you spill my brother's blood, I will spill yours,'
+about which time Chamberlayne's pistol fired, and immediately
+Lafayette bursted a cap at him. The Colonel turned to Lafayette, and
+said, 'Lafayette, you intend to kill,' and discharged his pistol at
+him. The ball struck the pistol of Lafayette, and glanced into his
+arm. By this time Albert Ward, being close by, and hearing the fuss,
+came up to the assistance of the Colonel, when a scuffle amongst all
+hands ensued. The Colonel stumbled and fell down--he received several
+wounds from a large bowie knife; and, after being stabbed,
+Chamberlayne jumped upon him, and stamped him several times. After the
+scuffle, Caesar Jones was seen to put up a large bowie knife. Colonel
+Ward said he was a dead man. By the assistance of Albert Ward, he
+reached the house, distance about 15 or 20 yards, and in a few minutes
+expired. On examination by the Coroner, it appeared that he had
+received several wounds from pistols and knives. Albert Ward was also
+badly bruised, not dangerously."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 22, 1838, published the following from
+the "Nashville (Tennessee) Whig."
+
+"The Nashville Whig, of the 11th ult., says: Pleasant Watson, of De
+Kalb county, and a Mr. Carmichael, of Alabama, were the principals in
+an affray at Livingston, Overton county, last week, which terminated
+in the death of the former. Watson made the assault with a dirk, and
+Carmichael defended himself with a pistol, shooting his antagonist
+through the body, a few inches below the heart. Watson was living at
+the last account. The dispute grew out of a horse race."
+
+
+The New Orleans Courier, April 7, 1837, has the following extract from
+the "McMinersville (Tennessee) Gazette."
+
+"On Saturday, the 8th instant, Colonel David L. Mitchell, the worthy
+sheriff of White county, was most barbarously murdered by a man named
+Joseph Little. Colonel Mitchell had a civil process against Little. He
+went to Little's house for the purpose of arresting him. He found
+Little armed with a rifle, pistols, &c. He commenced a conversation
+with Little upon the impropriety of his resisting, and stated his
+determination to take him, at the same time slowly advancing upon
+Little, who discharged his rifle at him without effect. Mitchell then
+attempted to jump in, to take hold of him when Little struck him over
+the head with the barrel of his rifle, and literally mashed his skull
+to pieces; and, as he lay prostrate on the earth, Little deliberately
+pulled a large pistol from his belt, and placing the muzzle close to
+Mitchell's head, he shot the ball through it. Little has made his
+escape. _There were three men near by when the murder was committed,
+who made no attempt to arrest the murderer_."
+
+
+The following affray at Athens, Tennessee, from the Mississippian,
+August 10, 1838.
+
+"An unpleasant occurrence transpired at Athens on Monday. Captain
+James Byrnes was stabbed four times, twice in the arm, and twice in
+the side by A.R. Livingston. The wounds are said to be very severe,
+and fears are entertained of their proving mortal. The affair
+underwent an examination before Sylvester Nichols, Esq., by whom
+Livingston was let to bail."
+
+
+The "West Tennessean," Aug. 4, 1837, says--
+
+"A duel was fought at Calhoun, Tenn., between G.W. Carter and J.C.
+Sherley. They used yaugers at the distance of 20 yards. The former was
+slightly wounded, and the latter quite dangerously."
+
+June 23d, 1838, Benjamin Shipley, of Hamilton co., Tennessee, shot
+Archibald McCallie. (_Nashville Banner_, July 16, 1838.)
+
+June 23d, 1838, Levi Stunston, of Weakly co., Tennessee, killed
+William Price, of said county, in an affray. (_Nashville Banner, July
+6, 1838_.)
+
+October 8, 1838, in an affray at Wolf's Ferry, Tennessee, Martin
+Farley, Senior, was killed by John and Solomon Step. (_Georgia
+Telegraph, Nov 6, 1838._.)
+
+Feb. 14, 1838, John Manie was killed by William Doss at Decatur,
+Tennessee. (_Memphis Gazette, May 15, 1838_.)
+
+  "From the Nashville Whig."
+
+"_Fatal Affray in Columbia, Tenn_.--A fatal street encounter occurred
+at that place, on the 3d inst., between Richard H. Hays, attorney at
+law, and Wm. Polk, brother to the Hon. Jas. K. Polk. The parties met,
+armed with pistols, and exchanged shots simultaneously. A buck-shot
+pierced the brain of Hays, and he died early the next morning. The
+quarrel grew out of a sportive remark of Hays', at dinner, at the
+Columbia Inn, for which he offered an apology, not accepted, it seems,
+as Polk went to Hays' office, the same evening, and chastised him with
+a whip. This occurred on Friday, the fatal result took place on
+Monday."
+
+In a fight near Memphis, Tennessee, May 15, 1837, Mr. Jackson, of that
+place, shot through the heart Mr. W.F. Gholson, son of the late Mr.
+Gholson, of Virginia. (_Raleigh Register, June 13, 1837_.)
+
+The following horrible outrage, committed in West Tennessee, not far
+from Randolph, was published by the Georgetown (S.C.) Union, May 26,
+1837, from the Louisville Journal.
+
+"A feeble bodied man settled a few years ago on the Mississippi, a
+short distance below Randolph, on the Tennessee side. He succeeded in
+amassing property to the value of about $14,000, and, like most of the
+settlers, made a business of selling wood to the boats. This he sold
+at $2.50 a cord, while his neighbors asked $3. One of them came to
+remonstrate against his underselling, and had a fight with his
+brother-in-law Clark, in which he was beaten. He then went and
+obtained legal process against Clark, and returned with a deputy
+sheriff, attended by a posse of desperate villains. When they arrived
+at Clark's house, he was seated among his children--they put two or
+three balls through his body. Clark ran, was overtaken and knocked
+down; in the midst of his cries for mercy, one of the villains fired a
+pistol in his mouth, killing him instantly. They then required the
+settler to sell his property to them, and leave the country. He,
+fearing that they would otherwise take his life, sold them his
+valuable property for $300, and departed with his family. _The sheriff
+was one of the purchasers._"
+
+The Baltimore American, Feb. 8, 1838, publishes the following from the
+Nashville (Tennessee) Banner:
+
+"A most atrocious murder was committed a few days ago at Lagrange, in
+this state, on the body of Mr. John T. Foster, a respectable merchant
+of that town. The perpetrators of this bloody act are E. Moody, Thomas
+Moody, J.E. Douglass, W.R. Harris, and W.C. Harris. The circumstances
+attending this horrible affair, are the following:--On the night
+previous to the murder, a gang of villains, under pretence of wishing
+to purchase goods, entered Mr. Foster's store, took him by force, and
+rode him through the streets _on a rail_. The next morning, Mr. F. met
+one of the party, and gave him a caning. For this just retaliation for
+the outrage which had been committed on his person, he was pursued by
+the persons alone named, while taking a walk with a friend, and
+murdered in the open face of day."
+
+The following presentment of a Tennessee Grand Jury, sufficiently
+explains and comments on itself:
+
+The Grand Jurors empanelled to inquire for the county of Shelby, would
+separate without having discharged their duties, if they were to omit
+to notice public evils which they have found their powers inadequate
+to put in train for punishment. The evils referred to exist more
+particularly in the town of Memphis.
+
+The audacity and frequency with which outrages are committed, forbid
+us, in justice to our consciences, to omit to use the powers we
+possess, to bring them to the severe action of the law; and when we
+find our powers inadequate, to draw upon them public attention, and
+the rebuke of the good.
+
+An infamous female publicly and grossly assaults a lady; therefore a
+public meeting is called, the mayor of the town is placed in the
+chair, resolutions are adopted, providing for the summary and lawless
+punishment of the wretched woman. In the progress of the affair,
+_hundreds of citizens_ assemble at her house, and raze it to the
+ground. The unfortunate creature, together with two or three men of
+like character, are committed, in an open canoe or boat, without oar
+or paddle, to the middle of the Mississippi river.
+
+Such is a concise outline of the leading incidents of a recent
+transaction in Memphis. It might be filled up by the detail of
+individual exploits, which would give vivacity to the description; but
+we forbear to mention them. We leave it to others to admire the
+manliness of the transaction, and the courage displayed by a mob of
+hundreds, in the various outrages upon the persons and property of
+three or four individuals who fell under its vengeance.
+
+The present white population of Tennessee is about the same with that
+of Massachusetts, and yet more outbreaking crimes are committed in
+Tennessee in a _single month_, than in Massachusetts during a whole
+year; and this, too, notwithstanding the largest town in Tennessee has
+but six thousand inhabitants; whereas, in Massachusetts, besides one
+of eighty thousand, and two others of nearly twenty thousand each,
+there are at least a dozen larger than the chief town in Tennessee,
+which gives to the latter state an important advantage on the score of
+morality, the country being so much more favorable to it than large
+towns.
+
+
+
+KENTUCKY.
+
+
+Kentucky has been one of the United States since 1792. Its present
+white population is about six hundred thousand.
+
+The details which follow show still further that those who unite to
+plunder of their rights one class of human beings, regard as _sacred_
+the rights of no class.
+
+
+The following affair at Maysville, Kentucky, is extracted from the
+Maryland Republican, January 30, 1838.
+
+"A fight came on at Maysville, Ky. on the 29th ultimo, in which a Mr.
+Coulster was stabbed in the side and is dead; a Mr. Gibson was well
+hacked with a knife; a Mr. Ferris was dangerously wounded in the head,
+and another of the same name in the hip; a Mr. Shoemaker was severely
+beaten, and several others seriously hurt in various ways."
+
+The following is extracted from the N.C. Standard.
+
+"A most bloody and shocking transaction took place in the little town
+of Clinton, Hickman co. Ken. The circumstances are briefly as follows:
+A special canvass for a representative from the county of Hickman, had
+for some time been in progress. A gentleman by the name of Binford was
+a candidate. The State Senator from the district, Judge James, took
+some exceptions to the reputation of Binford, and intimated that if B.
+should be elected, he (James) would resign rather than serve with such
+a colleague. Hearing this, Binford went to the house of James to
+demand an explanation. Mrs. James remarked, in a jest as Binford
+thought, that if she was in the place of her husband she would resign
+her seat in the Senate, and not serve with such a character. B. told
+her that she was a woman, and could say what she pleased. She replied
+that she was not in earnest. James then looked B. in the face and said
+that, if his wife said so, it was the fact--'he was an infamous
+scoundrel and d----d rascal.' He asked B. if he was armed, and on
+being answered in the affirmative, he stepped into an adjoining room
+to arm himself; He was prevented by the family from returning, and
+Binford walked out. J. then told him from his piazza, that he would
+meet him next day in Clinton.
+
+"True to their appointment, the enraged parties met on the streets the
+following day. James shot first, his ball passing through his
+antagonist's liver, whose pistol fired immediately afterwards, and
+missing J., the ball pierced the head of a stranger by the name of
+Collins, who instantly fell and expired. After being shot, Binford
+sprang upon J. with the fury of a wounded tiger, and would have taken
+his life but for a second shot received through the back from Bartin
+James, the brother of Thomas. Even after he received the last fatal
+wound he struggled with his antagonist until death relaxed his grasp,
+and he fell with the horrid exclamation, _'I am a dead man!'_
+
+"Judge James gave himself up to the authorities; and when the
+informant of the editor left Clinton, Binford, and the unfortunate
+stranger lay shrouded corpses together."
+
+
+The "N.O. Bee" thus gives the conclusion of the matter:
+
+"Judge James was tried and acquitted, the death of Binford being
+regarded as an act of justifiable homicide."
+
+
+From the "Flemingsburg Kentuckian," June 23,'38.
+
+AFFRAY.--Thomas Binford, of Hickman county, Kentucky, recently attacked
+a Mr. Gardner of Dresden, with a drawn knife, and cut his face pretty
+badly. Gardner picked up a piece of iron and gave him a side-wipe
+above the ear that brought him to terms. The skull was fractured about
+two inches. Binford's brother was killed at Clinton, Kentucky, last
+fall by Judge James.
+
+
+The "Red River Whig" of September 15, 1838, says:--"A ruffian of the
+name of Charles Gibson, attempted to murder a girl named Mary Green,
+of Louisville, Ky. on the 23d ult. He cut her in six different places
+with a Bowie knife. His object, as stated in a subsequent
+investigation before the Police Court, was to cut her throat, which
+she prevented by throwing up her arms."
+
+
+From the "Louisville Advertiser," Dec. 17th, 1838:--"A startling
+tragedy occurred in this city on Saturday evening last, in which A.H.
+Meeks was instantly killed, John Rothwell mortally wounded, William
+Holmes severely wounded, and Henry Oldham slightly, by the use of
+Bowie knives, by Judge E.C. Wilkinson, and his brother, B.R.
+Wilkinson, of Natchez, and J. Murdough, of Holly Springs, Mississippi.
+It seems that Judge Wilkinson had ordered a coat at the shop of
+Messrs. Varnum & Redding. The coat was made; the Judge, accompanied by
+his brother and Mr. Murdough, went to the shop of Varnum & Redding,
+tried on the coat, and was irritated because, as he believed, it did
+not fit him. Mr. Redding undertook to convince him that he was in
+error, and ventured to assure the Judge that the coat was well made.
+The Judge instantly seized an iron poker, and commenced an attack on
+Redding. The blow with the poker was partially warded off--Redding
+grappled his assailant, when a companion of the Judge drew a Bowie
+knife, and, but for the interposition and interference of the
+unfortunate Meeks, a journeyman tailor, and a gentleman passing by at
+the moment, Redding might have been assassinated in his own shop.
+Shortly afterwards, Redding, Meeks, Rothwell, and Holmes went to the
+Galt House. They sent up stairs for Judge Wilkinson, and he came down
+into the bar room, when angry words were passed. The Judge went up
+stairs again, and in a short time returned with his companions, all
+armed with knives. Harsh language was again used. Meeks, felt called
+on to state what he had seen of the conflict, and did so, and Murdough
+gave him the d--d lie, for which Meeks struck him. On receiving the
+blow with the whip, Murdough instantly plunged his Bowie knife into
+the abdomen of Meeks, and killed him on the spot.
+
+"At the same instant B.R. Wilkinson attempted to get at Redding, and
+Holmes and Rothwell interfered, or joined in the affray. Holmes was
+wounded, probably by B.R. Wilkinson; and the Judge, having left the
+room for an instant, returned, and finding Rothwell contending with
+his brother, or bending over him, he (the Judge) stabbed Rothwell in
+the back, and inflicted a mortal wound.
+
+"Judge Wilkinson, his brother, and J. Murdough, have been recently
+tried and ACQUITTED."
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 27, 1838.
+
+"It appears from the statement of the Lexington Intelligencer, that
+there has been for some time past, an enmity between the drivers of
+the old and opposition lines of stages running from that city. On the
+evening of the 13th an encounter took place at the Circus between two
+of them, Powell and Cameron, and the latter was so much injured that
+his life was in imminent danger. About 12 o'clock the same night,
+several drivers of the old line rushed into Keizer's Hotel, where
+Powell and other drivers of the opposition-line boarded, and a general
+melee took place, in the course of which several pistols were
+discharged, the ball of one of them passing through the head of
+Crabster, an old line driver, and killing him on the spot. Crabster,
+before he was shot, had discharged his own pistol which had burst into
+fragments. Two or three drivers of the opposition were wounded with
+buck shot, but not dangerously."
+
+The "Mobile Advertiser" of September 15, 1838, copies the following
+from the Louisville (Ky.) Journal.
+
+"A Mr. Campbell was killed in Henderson county on the 31st ult. by a
+Mr. Harrison. It appears, that there was an affray between the parties
+some months ago, and that Harrison subsequently left home and returned
+on the 31st in a trading boat. Campbell met him at the boat with a
+loaded rifle and declared his determination to kill him, at the same
+time asking him whether he had a rifle and expressing a desire to give
+him a fair chance. Harrison affected to laugh at the whole matter and
+invited Campbell into his boat to take a drink with him. Campbell
+accepted the invitation, but, while he was in the act of drinking,
+Harrison seized his rifle, fired it off, and laid Campbell dead by
+striking him with the barrel of it."
+
+The "Missouri Republican" of July 29, 1837 published the details which
+follow from the Louisville Journal.
+
+MOUNT STERLING, Ky. July 20, 1837.
+
+"Gentlemen:--A most unfortunate and fatal occurrence transpired in our
+town last evening, about 6 o'clock. Some of the most prominent friends
+of Judge French had a meeting yesterday at Col. Young's, near this
+place, and warm words ensued between Mr. Albert Thomas and Belvard
+Peters, Esq., and a few blows were exchanged, and several of the
+friends of each collected at the spot. Whilst the parties were thus
+engaged. Mr. Wm. White, who was a friend of Mr. Peters, struck Mr.
+Thomas, whereupon B.F. Thomas Esq. engaged in the combat on the side
+of his brother and Mr. W. Roberts on the part of Peters--Mr. G.W.
+Thomas taking part with his brothers. Albert Thomas had Peters down
+and was taken off by a gentleman present, and whilst held by that
+gentleman, he was struck by White; and B.F. Thomas having made some
+remark White struck him. B.F. Thomas returned the blow, and having a
+large knife, stabbed White, who nevertheless continued the contest,
+and, it is said, broke Thomas's arm with a rock of a chair. Thomas
+then inflicted some other stabs, of which White died in a few minutes.
+Roberts was knocked down twice by Albert Thomas, and, I believe, is
+much hurt. G.W. Thomas was somewhat hurt also. White and B.F. Thomas
+had always been on friendly terms. You are acquainted with the Messrs.
+Thomas. Mr. White was a much larger man than either of them, weighing
+nearly 200 pounds, and in the prime of life. As you may very naturally
+suppose, great excitement prevails here, and Mr. B.F. Thomas regrets
+the fatal catastrophe as much as any one else, but believes from all
+the circumstances that he was justifiable in what he did, although he
+would be as far from doing such an act when cool and deliberate as any
+man whatever."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bulletin" of Aug. 24, 1838, extracts the following
+from the Louisville Journal.
+
+"News has just reached us, that Thomas P. Moore, attacked the Senior
+Editor of this paper in the yard of the Harrodsburg Springs. Mr. Moore
+advanced upon Mr. Prentice with a drawn pistol and fired at him; Mr.
+Prentice then fired, neither shot taking effect. Mr. Prentice drew a
+second pistol, when Mr. Moore quailed and said he had no other arms;
+whereupon Mr. Prentice from superabundant magnanimity spared the
+miscreant's life."
+
+
+From "The Floridian" of June 10, 1837. MURDER. Mr. Gillespie, a
+respectable citizen aged 50, was murdered a few days since by a Mr.
+Arnett, near Mumfordsville, Ky., which latter shot his victim twice
+with a rifle.
+
+
+The "Augusta (Ga.) Sentinel," May 11, 1838, has the following account
+of murders in Kentucky:
+
+"At Mill's Point, Kentucky, Dr. Thomas Rivers was shot one day last
+week, from out of a window, by Lawyer Ferguson, both citizens of that
+place, and both parties are represented to have stood high in the
+estimation of the community in which they lived. The difficulty we
+understand to have grown out of a law suit at issue between them."
+
+Just as our paper was going to press, we learn that the brother of Dr.
+Rivers, who had been sent for, had arrived, and immediately shot
+Lawyer Ferguson. He at first shot him with a shot gun, upon his
+retreat, which did not prove fatal; he then approached him immediately
+with a pistol, and killed him on the spot."
+
+The Right Rev. B.B. Smith, Bishop of the Episcopal diocese of
+Kentucky, published about two years since an article in the Lexington
+(Ky.) Intelligencer, entitled "Thoughts on the frequency of homicides
+in the state of Kentucky." We conclude this head with a brief extract
+from the testimony of the Bishop, contained in that article.
+
+"The writer has never conversed with a traveled and enlightened
+European or eastern man, who has not expressed the most undisguised
+horror at the frequency of homicide and murder within our bounds, and
+at the _ease with which the homicide escapes from punishment_.
+
+"As to the frequency of these shocking occurrences, the writer has
+some opportunity of being correctly impressed, by means of a yearly
+tour through many counties of the State. He has also been particular
+in making inquiries of our most distinguished legal and political
+characters, and from some has derived conjectural estimates which were
+truly alarming. A few have been of the opinion, that on an average one
+murder a year may be charged to the account of every county in the
+state, making the frightful aggregate of 850 human lives sacrificed to
+revenge, or the victims of momentary passion, in the course of every
+ten years.
+
+"Others have placed the estimate much lower, and have thought that
+thirty for the whole state, every year, would be found much nearer the
+truth. An attempt has been made lately to obtain data more
+satisfactory than conjecture, and circulars have been addressed to the
+clerks of most of the counties, in order to arrive at as correct an
+estimate as possible of the actual number of homicides during the
+three years last past. It will be seen, however, that statistics thus
+obtained, even from every county in the state, would necessarily be
+imperfect, inasmuch as the records of the courts _by no means show all
+the cases_, which occur, some escaping without _any_ of the forms of a
+legal examination, and there being _many affrays_ which end only in
+wounds, or where the parties are separated.
+
+"From these returns, it appears that in 27 counties there have been,
+within the last three years, of homicides of every grade, 35, but only
+8 convictions in the same period, leaving 27 cases which have passed
+wholly unpunished. During the same period there have been from
+eighty-five counties, only eleven commitments to the state prison,
+nine for manslaughter, and two for shooting with intent to kill, _and
+not an instance of capital punishment in the person of any white
+offender_. Thus an approximation is made to a general average, which
+probably would not vary much from one in each county every three
+years, or about 280 in ten years.
+
+"It is believed that such a register of crime amongst a people
+professing the protestant religion and speaking the English language,
+is not to be found, with regard to any three-quarters of a million of
+people, since the downfall of the feudal system. Compared with the
+records of crime in Scotland, or the eastern states, the results are
+ABSOLUTELY SHOCKING! _It is believed there are more homicides, on an
+average of two years, in any of our more populous counties, than in
+the whole of several of our states, of equal or nearly equal white
+population with Kentucky._
+
+"The victims of these affrays are not always, by any means, the most
+worthless of our population.
+
+"It too often happens that the enlightened citizen, the devoted
+lawyer, the affectionate husband, and precious father, are thus
+instantaneously taken from their useful stations on earth, and
+hurried, all unprepared, to their final account!
+
+"The question, is again asked, what could have brought about, and can
+perpetuate, this shocking state of things?"
+
+
+As an illustration of the recklessness of life in Kentucky, and the
+terrible paralysis of public sentiment, the bishop states the
+following fact.
+
+"A case of shocking homicide is remembered, where the guilty person
+was acquitted by a sort of acclamation, and the next day was seen in
+public, with two ladies hanging on his arm!"
+
+
+Notwithstanding the frightful frequency of deadly affrays in Kentucky,
+as is certified by the above testimony of Bishop Smith, there are
+fewer, in proportion to the white population, than in any of the
+states which have passed under review, unless Tennessee may be an
+exception. The present white population of Kentucky is perhaps seventy
+thousand more than that of Maine, and yet more public fatal affrays
+have taken place in the former, within the last six months, than in
+the latter during its entire existence as a state.
+
+The seven slave states which we have already passed under review, are
+just one half of the slave states and territories, included in the
+American Union. Before proceeding to consider the condition of society
+in the other slave states, we pause a moment to review the ground
+already traversed.
+
+The present entire white population of the states already considered,
+is about two and a quarter millions; just about equal to the present
+white population of the state of New York. If the amount of crime
+resulting in loss of life, which is perpetrated by the white
+population of those states upon the _whites alone_, be contrasted with
+the amount perpetrated in the state of New York, by _all_ classes,
+upon _all_, we believe it will be found, that more of such crimes have
+been committed in these states within the last 18 months, than have
+occurred in the state of New York for half a century. But perhaps we
+shall be told that in these seven states, there are scores of cities
+and large towns, and that a majority of all these deadly affrays, &c.,
+take place in _them_; to this we reply, that there are _three times as
+many_ cities and large towns in the state of New York, as in all those
+states together, and that nearly all the capital crimes perpetrated in
+the state take place in these cities and large villages. In the state
+of New York, there are more than _half a million_ of persons who live
+in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, whereas
+in Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and
+Missouri, there are on the largest computation not more than _one
+hundred thousand_ persons, residing in cities and villages of more
+than two thousand inhabitants, and the white population of these
+places (which alone is included in the estimate of crime, and that too
+_inflicted upon whites only_,) is probably not more than _sixty-five
+thousand_.
+
+But it will doubtless be pleaded in mitigation, that the cities and
+large villages in those states are _new_; that they have not had
+sufficient time thoroughly to organize their police, so as to make it
+an effectual terror to evil doers; and further, that the rapid growth
+of those places has so overloaded the authorities with all sorts of
+responsibilities, that due attention to the preservation of the public
+peace has been nearly impossible; and besides, they have had no
+official experience to draw upon, as in the older cities, the offices
+being generally filled by young men, as a necessary consequence of the
+newness of the country, &c. To this we reply, that New Orleans is more
+than a century old, and for half that period has been the centre of a
+great trade; that St. Louis, Natchez, Mobile, Nashville, Louisville
+and Lexington, are all half a century old, and each had arrived at
+years of discretion, while yet the sites of Buffalo, Rochester,
+Lockport, Canandaigua, Geneva, Auburn, Ithaca, Oswego, Syracuse, and
+other large towns in Western New-York, _were a wilderness_. Further,
+as _a number_ of these places are larger than _either_ of the former,
+their growth must have been more _rapid_, and, consequently, they must
+have encountered still greater obstacles in the organization of an
+efficient police than those south western cities, with this exception,
+THEY WERE NOT SETTLED BY SLAVEHOLDERS.
+
+The absurdity of assigning the _newness_ of the country, the
+unrestrained habits of pioneer settlers, the recklessness of life
+engendered by wars with the Indians, &c., as reasons sufficient to
+account for the frightful amount of crime in the states under review,
+is manifest from the fact, that Vermont is of the same age with
+Kentucky; Ohio, ten years younger than Kentucky, and six years younger
+than Tennessee; Indiana, five years younger than Louisiana; Illinois,
+one year younger than Mississippi; Maine, of the same age with
+Missouri, and two years younger than Alabama; and Michigan of the same
+age with Arkansas. Now, let any one contrast the state of society in
+Maine, Vermont, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan with that of
+Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Missouri, Louisiana, Arkansas, and
+Mississippi, and candidly ponder the result. It is impossible
+satisfactorily to account for the immense disparity in crime, on any
+other supposition than that the latter states were settled and are
+inhabited almost exclusively by those who carried with them the
+violence, impatience of legal restraint, love of domination, fiery
+passions, idleness, and contempt of laborious industry, which are
+engendered by habits of despotic sway, acquired by residence in
+communities where such manners, habits and passions, mould society
+into their own image.[43] The practical workings of this cause are
+powerfully illustrated in those parts of the slave states where slaves
+abound, when contrasted with those where very few are held. Who does
+not know that there are fewer deadly affrays in proportion to the
+white population--that law has more sway and that human life is less
+insecure in East Tennessee, where there are very few slaves, than in
+West Tennessee, where there are large numbers. This is true also of
+northern and western Virginia, where few slaves are held, when
+contrasted with eastern Virginia; where they abound; the same remark
+applies to those parts of Kentucky and Missouri, where large numbers
+of slaves are held, when contrasted with others where there are
+comparatively few.
+
+We see the same cause operating to a considerable extent in those
+parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, settled mainly by slaveholders
+and others, who were natives of slave states, in contrast with other
+parts of these states settled almost exclusively by persons from free
+states; that affrays and breaches of the peace are far more frequent
+in the former than in the latter, is well known to all.
+
+We now proceed to the remaining slave states. Those that have not yet
+been considered, are Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South
+Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of Florida. As Delaware has
+hardly two thousand five hundred slaves, arbitrary power over human
+beings is exercised by so few persons, that the turbulence infused
+thereby into the public mind is but an inconsiderable element, quite
+insufficient to inflame the passions, much less to cast the character
+of the mass of the people; consequently, the state of society there,
+and the general security of life is but little less than in New Jersey
+and Pennsylvania, upon which states it borders on the north and east.
+The same causes operate in a considerable measure, though to a much
+less extent to Maryland and in Northern and Western Virginia. But in
+lower Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, the
+general state of society as it respects the successful triumph of
+passion over law, and the consequent and universal insecurity of life
+is, in the main, very similar to that of the states already
+considered. In some portions of each of these states, human life has
+probably as little real protection as in Arkansas, Mississippi and
+Louisiana; but generally throughout the former states and sections,
+the laws are not so absolutely powerless as in the latter three.
+Deadly affrays, duels, murders, lynchings, &c., are, in proportion to
+the white population, as frequent and as rarely punished in lower
+Virginia as in Kentucky and Missouri; in North Carolina and South
+Carolina as in Tennessee; and in Georgia and Florida as in Alabama.
+
+To insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in
+detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented,
+would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. Instead of
+this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the
+slaveholding region bordering on the Atlantic, by the testimony of the
+slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. Leaving
+out of view Florida, where law is the _most_ powerless, and Maryland
+where probably it is the _least_ so, we propose to select as a fair
+illustration of the actual state of society in the Atlantic
+slaveholding regions, North Carolina whose border is but 250 miles
+from the free states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and Georgia which
+constitutes its south western boundary.
+
+We will begin with GEORGIA. This state was settled more than a century
+ago by a colony under General Oglethorpe. The colony was memorable for
+its high toned morality. One of its first regulations was an absolute
+prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose,
+the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported,
+the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the
+spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that
+exists in Georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her
+own mouth.
+
+The editor of the Darien (Georgia) Telegraph, in his paper of November
+6, 1838, published the following.
+
+"_Murderous Attack_.--Between the hours of three and four o'clock, on
+Saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by FOURTEEN armed
+ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. All his
+assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. Many of
+them are known to us; but _there is neither law nor justice to be had
+in Darien! We are doomed to death_ by the employers of the assassins
+who attacked us on Saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy
+them. The cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is
+some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this
+office, and extensively circulated through the county, _before the
+election_. The names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was
+made, are, A. Lefils, jr. (son to the representative), Madison Thomas,
+Francis Harrison, Thomas Hopkins, Alexander Blue, George Wing, James
+Eilands, W.I. Perkins, A.J. Raymur: the others we cannot at present
+recollect. The two first, LEFILS and THOMAS struck us at the same
+time. Pistols were levelled at us in all directions. We can produce
+the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement."
+
+The same number of the "Darien Telegraph," from which the preceding is
+taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the
+preliminaries of duels. The correspondence fills, with the exception
+of a dozen lines, _five columns_ of the paper. The parties were Col.
+W. Whig Hazzard, commander of one of the Georgia regiments in the
+recent Seminole campaign, Dr. T.F. Hazzard, a physician of St.
+Simons, and Thomas Hazzard, Esq. a county magistrate, on the one side,
+and Messrs. J.A. Willey, A.W. Willey, and H.B. Gould, Esqs. of
+Darien, on the other. In their published correspondence the parties
+call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &c.
+
+The magistrate, Thomas Hazzard, who accepts the challenge of J.A.
+Willey, says, in one of his letters, "Being a magistrate, under a
+solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &c., and yet
+this personification of Georgia justice superscribes his letter as
+follows: "To the Liar, Puppy, Fool, and Poltroon, Mr. John A. Willey"
+The magistrate closes his letter thus:
+
+"Here I am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in _propria
+forma_); and in the Farm Field, on St. Simon's Island, (_Deo
+juvante_,) I will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my
+power to satisfy your thirst for blood! And more, I will wager you
+$100, to be planked on the scratch! that J.A. Willey will neither
+kill or defeat T.F. Hazzard."
+
+The following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of
+slaveholding civilization.
+
+"ARTICLES OF BATTLE BETWEEN JOHN A. WILLEY AND W. WHIG HAZZARD.
+
+"Condition 1. The parties to fight on the same day, and at the same
+place, (St. Simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting
+between T.F. Hazzard and J.A. Willey will take place.
+
+"Condition 2. The parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand,
+and a dirk in the left.
+
+"Condition 3. On the word "Charge," the parties to advance, and attack
+with the broadsword, or close with the dirk.
+
+"Condition 4. THE HEAD OF THE VANQUISHED TO BE CUT OFF BY THE VICTOR,
+AND STUCK UPON A POLE ON THE FARM FIELD DAM, the original cause of
+dispute.
+
+"Condition 5. Neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a
+sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk.
+
+"This Col. W. Whig Hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the
+southern part of Georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we
+learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three
+deliberate rounds in a duel."
+
+The Macon (Georgia) Telegraph of October 9, 1838, contains the
+following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an
+individual was killed, one on Tuesday and the other on Saturday of the
+same week. In publishing the case, the Macon editor remarks:
+
+"We are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in
+bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital
+offences. Under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to
+leave the state, or step over to Texas, or some other place not
+farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. So
+long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long
+will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not)
+_be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets_."
+
+To these remarks of the Macon editor, who is in the centre of the
+state, near the capital, the editor of the Darien Telegraph, two
+hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of October
+30. 1838.
+
+"The remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. They apply,
+with peculiar force, to this community. _Murderers and rioters will
+never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as Darien is what it is_."
+
+It is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than
+a week after this Darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in
+the street by "_fourteen_ gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives,
+dirks, pistols, &c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the
+spot if he had not been rescued.
+
+We give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of
+the outrages, Col. W.N. Bishop, was at the time a high functionary of
+the State of Georgia, and, as we learn from the Macon Messenger, still
+holds two public offices in the State, one of them from the direct
+appointment of the governor.
+
+From the "Georgia Messenger" of August 25, 1837.
+
+"During the administration of WILSON LUMPKIN, WILLIAM N. BISHOP
+received from his Excellency the appointment of Indian Agent, in the
+place of William Springer. During that year (1834,) the said governor
+gave the command of a company of men, 40 in number, to the said W.N.
+Bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the
+State. This band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the
+Cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the
+Cherokees in the neighborhood of Spring Place were peaceable and by no
+means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any
+excursion whatever out of the county of Murray. It is also _a
+notorious fact_, that the said band, from the day of their
+organization, never permitted a citizen of Murray county opposed to
+the dominant party of Georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at
+any election whatever. From that period to the last of January
+election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the
+State, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they
+called it. That they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest
+citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will.
+
+"Such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the
+administration. Appeals from the citizens of Murray county brought
+them no relief--and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the
+first Monday in January last, to turn out and elect such Judges of the
+Inferior Court and county officers, as would be above the control of
+Bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as
+he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on
+their rights. Accordingly on Sunday evening previous to the election,
+about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came
+in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town,
+vote in the morning and return home. They were met by Bishop and his
+State band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or
+war.' They unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' At that moment
+Bishop ordered a fire, and instantly _every musket of his band was
+discharged on those citizens_, 5 of whom were wounded, and others
+escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. Not satisfied with the
+outrage, _they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly
+to death_.
+
+"In this way the voters were driven from Spring Place, and before day
+light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of Bishop, and
+soon after sun rise they were closed; Bishop having ascertained that
+the band and Schley men had all voted. A runner was then dispatched to
+Milledgeville, and received from Governor Schley commissions for those
+self-made officers of Bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and
+the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign,
+being each members of Bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other
+States.
+
+"After these outrages, Bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary
+on the part of the injured citizens of Murray county, had a jury drawn
+to suit him and appointed one of his band Clerk of the Superior Court.
+For these acts, the Governor and officers of the Central Bank rewarded
+him with an office in the Bank of the State, since which his own jury
+found _eleven true bills_ against him."
+
+In the Milledgeville Federal Union of May 2, 1837, we find the
+following presentment of the Grand Jury of Union County, Georgia,
+which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the
+state we insert.
+
+Presentment of the Grand Jury of Union Co., March term, 1837.
+
+"We would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of
+Wm. N. Bishop to the high and responsible office of Teller, of the
+Central Bank of the State of Georgia--an institution of such magnitude
+as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen
+of this State; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our
+_indignant reprehension_ of the promotion of such a character to one
+of its most responsible posts--and do exceedingly regret the blindness
+or _depravity_ of those who can sanction such a measure.
+
+"We request that our presentment be published in the Miners' Recorder
+and Federal Union.
+
+JOHN MARTIN, Foreman"
+
+On motion of Henry L. Sims, Solicitor General, "Ordered by the court,
+that the presentments of the Grand Jury, be published according to
+their request." THOMAS HENRY, Clerk.
+
+The same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts,
+contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who
+enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of
+Georgia and acting in an official capacity.
+
+"MURDER.--One of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever
+fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in Cherokee county,
+by Julius Bates, the son of the principal keeper of the Penitentiary,
+upon an Indian.
+
+"The circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of
+both parties, are these. At the last Superior Court of Cass county,
+the unfortunate Indian was sentenced to the Penitentiary. Bates, as
+_one of the Penitentiary guard_, was sent with another to carry him
+and others, from other counties to Milledgeville. He started from
+Cassville with the Indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him
+within a quarter of a mile of Canton, the C.H. in Cherokee, a distance
+of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more
+than half the day. On arriving at a small creek near town, the Indian
+[who had walked until the _soles of his feet were off and those of his
+heel turned back_,] made signs to get water, Bates refused to let him,
+and ordered him to go on: the Indian stopped and finally set down,
+whereupon Bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and
+continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck,
+until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of
+the blows. The unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a
+few hours.
+
+"An inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by Bates.
+A warrant was issued, but Bates had departed that morning in charge of
+other prisoners taken from Canton, and the worthy officers of the
+county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had
+passed the limits of the county.' We understand that the warrant was
+immediately sent to the Governor to have him arrested. Will it be
+done? We shall see."
+
+Having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society
+among the slaveholders of Georgia, we will tax the reader's patience
+with only a single illustration of the public sentiment--the degree of
+actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of North Carolina.
+
+North Carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white
+population is about five hundred thousand.
+
+Passing by the murders, affrays, &c. with which the North Carolina
+papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the
+public sentiment of North Carolina among 'gentlemen of property and
+standing.'
+
+The 'North Carolina Literary and Commercial Journal,' of January 20,
+1838, published at Elizabeth City, devotes a column and a half to a
+description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a
+rail, pumping, &c., of a Mr. Charles Fife, a merchant of that city,
+for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' The editor informs us that
+this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day,
+and _by a number of the citizens_, 'THE MOST RESPECTABLE IN THE CITY,'
+&c. We proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's
+statement in his own words.--
+
+"Such being the case, a number of the citizens, THE MOST RESPECTABLE
+IN THIS CITY, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the
+fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken
+tied to him. He was taken down to the water and his head tarred and
+feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a
+few minutes he underwent a little cooling. He was then told that he
+must leave town by the next Saturday--if he did not he would be
+visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of
+the laws of Judge Lynch.
+
+"On Saturday last, he was again visited, and as Fife had several of
+his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several
+were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. Fife was again
+mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they
+would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at
+liberty. Several of our magistrates _took no notice of the affair_,
+and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. The whole
+subject every one supposed was ended, as Fife was to leave in a few
+days, when WHAT WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. Charles R.
+Kinney had visited Fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took
+upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the
+defender of Fife. The consequence was, that all the rioters were
+summoned by the Sheriff to appear in the Court House and give bail for
+their appearance at our next court. On Monday last the court opened at
+12 o'clock, Judge Bailey presiding. Such an excitement we never
+witnessed before in our town. A great many witnesses were examined,
+which proved the character of Fife beyond a doubt. At one time rather
+serious consequences were apprehended--high words were spoken, and
+luckily a blow which was aimed at Mr. Kinney, was parried off, and we
+are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being
+given. The next day Fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes,
+but has since been released on paying $100. The interference of Mr.
+Kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which
+properly belonged to our magistrates. Fife had agreed to go away, and
+the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. We have no
+unfriendly feelings towards Mr. Kinney: no personal animosities to
+gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. But
+when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as Fife, under
+the plea that the laws have been violated--when he arraigns the acts
+of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to
+reflect seriously on the consequences. The Penitentiary system is the
+result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. As man advances in
+the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized
+life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace,
+and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. Now, what is
+the Lynch law but the Penitentiary system carried out to its full
+extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply
+thus: _There are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no
+effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide
+and give them_ JUSTICE."
+
+
+Let the reader notice, 1st, that this outrage was perpetrated with
+great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to
+leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed,
+the outrage was again deliberately repeated. 2d. It was perpetrated by
+"thirty persons,' "_the most respectable in the city_." 3d. That at
+the second lynching of Fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered
+to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had
+refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) _were knocked
+down_, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a
+professional butcher, "nothing _serious_ occurred!" 4th. That not a
+single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the
+barbarities inflicted upon Fife, or of the assaults upon his friends,
+knocking them down, &c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to
+acquiesce in the proceedings." 5th. That this conduct of the
+magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is
+plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the
+whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "WHAT
+WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. C.R. Kinney had actually took
+upon him to examine witnesses," &c., and also from the editor's
+declaration, "Such an excitement we never before witnessed in our
+town." Excitement at what? Not because the laws had been most
+impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons,
+"the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been
+twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in
+utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all
+complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding Sodom
+there was found a solitary Lot who dared to uplift his voice for _law_
+and the _right of trial by jury_; this crime stirred up such an uproar
+in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "_never witnessed
+before_," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in
+invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down,
+even in the presence of the Court, if the blow had not been "parried."
+6th. Mark the murderous threat of the editor--when he arraigns the
+_acts_," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place,
+it is high time for him to reflect seriously _on the consequences_."
+7th. The open advocacy of "Lynch law" by a set argument, boldly
+setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article,
+reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in North
+Carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of
+civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is
+none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still,
+though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes.
+
+It may be stated, in conclusion, that the North Carolina "Literary and
+Commercial Journal," from which the article is taken, is a large
+six-columned paper, edited by F.S. Proctor, Esq., a graduate of a
+University, and of considerable literary note in the South.
+
+Having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all
+comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, _ponder these
+things_, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified _of her
+children_." Verily, they have their reward! "With what measure ye mete
+withal it shall be measured to you again." Those who combine to
+trample on others, will trample on _each other_. The habit of
+trampling upon _one_, begets a state of mind that will trample upon
+_all_. Accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence
+of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when
+excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint
+nor delay; _gratification_ is the _first_ thought--prudence generally
+comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each
+other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered
+and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over _them_. Surely
+it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals,
+must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. If, when in
+passion, they seize those who are _on their own level_, and dash them
+under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon
+those who are _always_ under their feet?
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FOOTNOTES.
+
+
+
+
+Footnote 39: A few years since Mr. Bourne published a work entitled,
+"Picture of slavery in the United States."  In which he describes a
+variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal
+scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard,
+salt, vinegar, &c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings,
+cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds
+described on the preceeding pages. These descriptions of Mr. Bourne
+were, at that time, thought by multitudes _incredible_, and probably,
+even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the
+subject. We are happy to furnish the reader with the following
+testimony of a Virginia slaveholder to the _accuracy_ of Mr. Bourne's
+delineations. Especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the
+counties (Culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by Mr. B.
+were committed.
+
+Testimony of Mr. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper, County, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves, to Mr. Bourne's "Picture or Slavery" as a
+_true_ delineation.
+
+Lindley Coates, of Lancaster Co., Pa., a well known member of the
+Society of Friends, and a member of the late Pennsylvania Convention
+for revising, the Constitution of the State, in a letter now before
+us, describing a recent interview between him and Mr. Hansborough, of
+several days continuance, says,--"I handed him Bourne's Picture of
+slavery to read: _after reading it_, he said, that all of the
+sufferings of slaves therein related, were _true delineations, and
+that he had seen all those modes of torture himself_."
+
+
+Footnote 40: The following is Mr. Stevenson's disclaimer: It was
+published in the 'London Mail,' Oct 30, 1838.
+
+_To the Editor of the Evening Mail:_
+
+Sir--I did not see until my return from Scotland the note addressed by
+Mr. O'Connell, to the editor of the Chronicle, purporting to give an
+explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and
+which I deemed it proper to make public. I do not intend to be drawn
+into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in
+the United States, nor to give any explanation of the motives or
+circumstances under which I have acted.
+
+Disposed to regard Mr. O'Connell as a man of honor. I was induced to
+take the course I did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now
+decide. The tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows
+responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice
+from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again
+to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is
+wholly destitute of truth; and that I am warranted in believing it has
+been made by him without the slightest authority. SUCH, TOO, I VENTURE
+TO SAY, IS THE CASE IN RELATION TO HIS CHARGE OF SLAVE-BREEDING IN
+VIRGINIA.
+
+I make this declaration, not because I admit Mr. O'Connell's right to
+call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted.
+
+A. STEVENSON
+
+_23 Portland Place, Oct. 29_
+
+
+Footnote 41: Mr. WISE said in one of his speeches during the last
+session of Congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the
+protection of his life in Washington. It could not have been for fear
+of _Northern_ men.
+
+
+Footnote 42: A correspondent of the "Frederick Herald," writing from
+Little Rock, says, "Anthony's knife was about _twenty-eight inches_ in
+length. They _all_ carry knives here, or pistols. There are several
+kinds of knives in use--a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long,
+is called an 'Arkansas tooth-pick.'"
+
+
+Footnote 43: Bishop Smith of Kentucky, in his testimony respecting
+homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the
+influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause.
+
+"Are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of
+which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in
+these affrays? Are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious
+in consequence of their early habits of command? And are not our
+taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an
+inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid
+and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by
+the sweat of their brow? * * * Is not intemperance more social, more
+inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of
+gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe
+manual labor? Is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and
+strong drink?"
+
+The Bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is
+however only the product of the preceding.
+
+"Has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly
+high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront,
+whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and
+ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in
+applauding instead of punishing the offender."
+
+The Bishop says of the young men of Kentucky, that they "grow up
+proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that
+the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "NEARLY
+UNIVERSAL."
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+INDEX.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+To facilitate the use of the Index, some of the more common topics are
+arranged under one general title. Thus all the volumes which are cited
+are classed under the word, BOOKS; and to that head reference must be
+made. The same plan has been adopted concerning _Female Slave-Drivers,
+Laws, Narratives, Overseers, Runaways, Slaveholders, Slave-Murderers,
+Slave-Plantations, Slaves, Female_ and _Male, Testimony_ and
+_Witnesses_. Therefore, with a few _emphatical_ exceptions only, the
+facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject
+which any circumstance includes. All other miscellaneous articles will
+be discovered in alphabetical order.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+A.
+
+Absolute power of slaveholders
+Absurdity of slaveholding pretexts
+Abuse of power
+Acclimated slaves
+Adrian
+Adultery in a preacher's house
+Advertisement for slaves
+Advertisement for slaves to hire
+Advertisements
+Affray
+African slave-trade
+Aged slaves uncommon
+Alabama
+Alexander the tyrant
+Allowance of provisions
+Amalgamation
+American Colonization Society
+"Amiable and touching charity!"
+Amusements of slave-drivers
+Animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted
+Antioch, massacre at
+"Arbitrary,"
+Arbitrary power, cruelty of
+    "      "     pernicious
+Ardor in betting
+Arius
+Arkansas
+Atlantic Slaveholding Region
+Auctioneers of slaves
+Auctions for slaves
+Augustine
+Aurelius
+Aversion between the oppressor and the slave
+
+
+B.
+
+Babbling of slaveholders
+Backs of slaves carded
+  "        "    putrid
+"Ball and chain" men
+Baptist preachers
+Battles in Congress
+Beating a woman's face with shoes
+Bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar
+Begetting slaves for pay
+"Bend your backs"
+Benevolence of slaveholders
+Betting on crops
+    "      slaves
+Beware of Kidnappers
+Bibles searched for
+Blind slaves
+Blocks with sharp pegs and nails
+Blood-bought luxuries
+Bodley, H.S.
+Bones dislocated
+
+
+BOOKS.
+
+  African Observer
+  American Convention, minutes of
+      "    Museum
+      "    State Papers
+  Andrews' Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Bay's Reports
+  Benezet's Caution to Britain and her Colonies
+  Blackstone's Commentaries, by Tucker
+  Book and Slavery irreconcilable
+  Bourgoing's Spain
+  Bourne's Picture of Slavery
+  Brevard's Digest of the Laws of South Carolina
+  Brewster's Exposition of Slave Treatment
+  Buchanan's Oration
+  Carey's American Museum
+  Carolina, History of
+  Channing on Slavery
+  Charity, "amiable and touching!"
+  Childs' Appeal
+  Civil Code of Louisiana
+  Clay's Address to Georgia Presbytery
+  Colonization Society's Reports
+  Cornelius Elias, Life of
+  Davis's Travels in Louisiana
+  Debates in Virginia Convention
+  Devereux's North Carolina Reports
+  Dew's Review of Debates in the Virginia Legislature
+  Edwards' Sermon
+  Emancipation in the West Indies
+  Emigrant's Guide through the Valley of Mississippi
+  Gales' Congressional Debates
+  Harris and Johnson's Reports
+  Haywood's Manual
+  Hill's reports
+  Human Rights
+  James' Digest
+  Jefferson's Notes
+  Josephus' History
+  Justinian, Institutes of
+  Kennet's Roman Antiquities
+  Laponneray's Life of Robespierre
+  Law of Slavery
+  Laws of United States
+  Leland's necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Letters from the South, by J.K. Paulding
+  Life of Elias Cornelius
+  Louisiana, civil code of
+      "    , sketches of
+  Martineau's Harriet, Society in America
+  Martin's Digest of the laws of Louisiana
+  Maryland laws of
+  Mead's Journal
+  Mississippi Revised Code
+  Missouri Laws
+  Modern state of Spain by J.F. Bourgoing
+  Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws
+  Necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Niles' Baltimore Register
+  North Carolina Reports by Devereaux
+  Oasis
+  Parrish's remarks on slavery
+  Paulding's letters from the South
+  Paxton's letters on slavery
+  Presbyterian Synod, Report of
+  Picture of slavery
+  Prince's Digest
+  Prison Discipline Society, reports of
+  Rankin's Letters
+  Reed and Matheson's visit to Am. churches
+  Review of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities
+  Rice, speech of in Kentucky convention
+  Robespierre, Life of
+  Robin's travels
+  Roman Antiquities
+  Slavery's Journal
+  Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Society in America
+  Sewall's Diary
+  South Carolina, Laws of
+  South vindicated by Drayton
+  Spirit of Laws
+  Swain's address
+  Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws
+  Taylor's Agricultural Essays
+  Travels in Louisiana
+  Tucker's Blackstone
+  Tucker's Judge, Letter
+  Turner's Sacred History of the world
+  Virginia Legislature, Review of Debates in
+     "     , Revised Code
+     "     , Negro-raising state
+  Visit to American churches
+  Western Medical Journal
+  Western Medical Reformer
+  Western Review
+  Wheeler's Law of slavery
+  Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry
+  Woolman John, Life of
+
+Books of slaves stolen
+Borrowing of slaves
+Bourne, George, anecdote of
+Boy killed
+Boys' fight to amuse their drivers
+Bowie Knives
+Boys' retort
+Brandings
+Branding with hot iron
+Brasses
+"Breeders"
+Breeding of slaves prevented
+"Breeding wenches"
+     "       "     comparative value of
+Bribes for begetting slaves
+Brick-yards
+"Broken-winded" slaves
+Brutality to slaves
+Brutes and slaves treated alike
+Burial of slaves
+Burning of McIntosh
+Burning slaves
+Burning with hot iron
+Burning with smoothing irons
+Butchery
+
+
+C.
+
+Cabins of slaves
+Cachexia Africana
+Caligula
+Can't believe
+Capital Crimes
+Captain in the U.S. navy, tried for murder
+Carding of Slaves
+Cat-hauling
+Cato the Just
+Causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves
+Chained slave
+Chains
+Changes in the market
+Character of Overseers
+    "        Romans
+    "        Slave-drivers
+Charleston
+    "        Infirmary at
+    "        Jail
+    "        Slave auctions
+    "        Surgery at
+    "        Work-house
+Chastity punished
+Child-bearing prevented
+Childbirth of slaves
+Childhood unprotected
+Children flogged
+    "    naked
+Choking of slaves
+Chopping of slaves piecemeal
+Christian females tortured
+    "     martyr
+    "     slave-hunting
+    "     slave-murderer
+Christian, slave whipped to death
+Christians, persecutions of
+    "      slavery among
+    "      treat their slaves like others
+Christian woman kidnapped
+Chronic diseases
+Churches, abuse of power in
+Church members
+"Citizens sold as slaves"
+Civilization and morality
+Clarkson, Thomas
+Claudius
+Clemens
+Clothing for slaves
+Cock-fighting
+Code of Louisiana
+Collars of iron
+Columbia, district of
+    "     fatal affray at
+Comfort of slaves disregarded
+Commodus
+Concubinage
+Condemned criminals
+Condition of slaves
+Confinement at night
+Congress of the United States
+    "       a bear garden
+Connecticut, law of, against Quakers
+Constables, character of
+Constantine the Great
+Contempt of human life
+Contrasts of benevolence
+Conversation between C. and H
+Converted slave
+Cooking for slaves
+Correction moderate
+Corrupting influence of slavery
+Cotton-picking
+Cotton-plantations
+Cotton seed mixed with corn for food
+Council of Nice
+Courts, decrees of
+Cowhides, with shovel and tongs
+Crack of the whip heard afar off
+Crimes of slaves, capital
+Criminals condemned
+Cringing of Northern Preachers
+Cropping of ears
+Crops for exportation
+Cruelties, common
+    "      inflicted upon slaves
+    "      of Cortez in Mexico
+    "         Ovando in Hispaniola
+    "         Pizarro in Peru
+    "      of slave-drivers incredible
+Cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest
+Cultivation of rice
+Cutting of A.T. s throat by a Presbyterian woman
+
+
+D.
+
+D'Almeydra, Donna Sophia
+Damaged negroes bought
+Darlington C.H., South Carolina
+Dauphin Island, Mobile Bay
+"Dead or Alive"
+Dead slave claimed
+Deaf slaves
+Death at child birth
+Death-bed, horrors of a slave driver
+Death by violence,
+Death of a slave murderer
+Decrees of Courts
+Decisions, judicial
+Declarations of slaveholders
+Deformed slaves
+Delivery of a dead child from whipping
+Description of slave drivers, by John Randolph
+Despair of slaves
+Desperate affray
+"Despot"
+"Dimensum" of Roman slaves
+Diseased slaves
+Dislocation of bones
+District of Columbia
+     "        "      prisons in
+Ditty of slaves
+"Doe-faces"--"Dough-faces"
+Dogs provided for
+Dogs to hunt slaves
+Domestic slavery
+Domitian
+Donnell, Rev. Mr.
+"Dough-faces"
+"Drivers"
+Driving of slaves
+Droves of "human cattle"
+   "    "    slaves
+Duelling
+Dumb slaves
+Dwellings of slaves
+Dying slave
+Dying young women
+
+
+E.
+
+Ear-cropping
+Early market
+Ear-notching
+Ear-slitting
+Eating tobacco worms
+Effects of public opinion concerning slavery
+Emancipation society of North Carolina
+English ladies and gentlemen
+Enormities of slave drivers
+Evenings in the "Negro quarter"
+Evidence of slaves vs. white persons null
+Ewall, Merry
+Examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves
+Exchange of slaves
+Exportation of slave from Virginia
+Eyes struck out
+
+
+F.
+
+Faith objectors who "_can't believe_"
+Fatal rencontre
+"Fault-finding"
+Favorite amusements of slaveholders
+Fear, the only motive of slaves
+Feast for slaves
+Feeding insufficient
+Feeble infants
+_Felonies_ on account of slavery
+      "         perpetrated with impunity
+Female hypocrite
+Female slave deranged
+
+
+FEMALE SLAVE DRIVERS
+
+  Burford, Mrs.
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth L.
+  Charleston
+  Charlestown, Va
+  Galway, Mrs.
+  Harris, Mrs.
+  H., Mrs. throat cutter
+  Laurie, Madame La
+  Mallix, Mrs.
+  Mann, Mrs.
+  Mabtin, Mrs.
+  Maxwell, Mrs.
+  McNeil, Mrs.
+  Morgan, Mrs.
+  Newman, Mrs. B.
+  Pence, Mrs.
+  Phinps, Mrs.
+  Professor of religion
+  Ruffner, Mrs.
+  South Carolina
+  Starky, Mrs.
+  Swan, Mrs.
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  T., Mrs.
+  Trip, Mrs.
+  Truby, Mrs
+  Turner, Mrs.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+
+Female slave starved to death
+  "      "   whipped to death by a Methodist preacher
+Female stripped by order of her mistress
+Fetters
+Field-hands
+Lighting of boys to amuse their drivers
+Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves
+Fingers cut off
+Flogging for unfinished tasks
+    "    of children
+    "    pregnant women until they miscarry
+    "    slaves
+    "    young man
+Floggings
+Florida
+Food, kinds of
+  "     of slaves
+  "     quality of
+  "     quantity of
+Free citizens stolen
+Free woman
+  "    "   kidnapped
+Frequent murders
+Friends, memorial of
+Front-teeth knocked out
+Fundamental rights destroyed
+
+
+G.
+
+Gadsden Thomas N. Slave Auctioneer
+Gagging of slaves
+Galloway flogging Jo.
+Gambling on crops
+Gambling slaveholder
+Gang of slaves
+Generosity of slaveholders
+Georgia
+Girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons
+Girls' toe cut off
+Good treatment of slaves
+Governor of North Carolina
+    "    "  Shiraz
+Grand Jury presentment of,
+Guiltiness of Slavery
+Gun shot wounds
+
+
+H.
+
+Habits of slave-drivers
+Hampton Wade, murderer of slaves
+Handcuffs
+"Hands tied"
+Hanging of nine slaves
+Harris Benjamin, slave murderer
+Head found
+Head of a runaway slave on a pole
+Health of slaves
+Heart of slaveholders
+Herding of slaves
+Hilton James, slave murderer
+Hired slaves
+Hiring of slaves
+"Horrible malady"
+"Horrid butchery"
+Horrors of a slave-driver at death
+   "    "  the "middle passage"
+Horse-racing
+Horses more cared for than slaves
+Hospitality of slaveholders
+Hours of rest
+  "   "  work
+Hospital at New Orleans
+House-slaves
+Houses of slaves
+"House-wench"
+Hovels of slaves
+Huguenots, persecution of
+"Human cattle"
+Human rights against slavery
+Hunger of slaves
+Hunter of slaves
+Hunting men with dogs
+Hunting of slaves
+Hunt, Rev. Thomas P.
+Husband whipping his wife
+Huts of slaves
+Hymn-books searched for
+Hypocrisy of vice
+
+
+I.
+
+Idiot slaves
+Ignatius
+Ignorance of northern citizens of slavery
+       "   " slaveholders
+Impunity of killing slaves
+Inadequate clothing
+Income from hiring slaves
+Incorrigible slaves
+Incredibility of evidence against slavery
+Incredulity discreditable to consistency
+        "       "          " intelligence
+Indecency of slave-drivers
+Indiana Legislature, resolutions of
+Infant drowned
+Infant slaves
+Infirmary at Charleston
+Infliction of pain
+Inspection of naked slaves
+Intercession for slaves
+Interest of slaveholders
+Introduction
+Iron collars
+Iron fetters
+Iron head-front
+Israelites in Egypt
+
+
+J.
+
+Jewish law
+Joe flogged
+Jones, Anson, Minister from Texas
+Judicial decisions
+
+
+K.
+
+Kentucky
+   "     Sunday morning
+Kicking of slaves
+Kidnappers
+Kidnapping
+Kindness of slaveholders
+Kinds of food
+Kind treatment of slaves.
+Knives, Bowie
+Knocking out of teeth
+
+
+L.
+
+Labor, hours of
+Labor of slaves
+Ladies Benevolent Society
+Ladies flog with cowhides
+Ladies, public opinion known by
+Ladies use shovel and tongs
+Law concerning slavery
+Law-making
+Laws, Georgia
+  "   Louisiana
+  "   Maryland
+  "   Mississippi
+  "   North Carolina
+  "   South Carolina
+  "   Spirit of
+  "   Tennessee
+  "   United States
+  "   Virginia
+Law, safeguards of taken from slaves
+Law suit for a murdered slave,
+Legal restraints
+Licentiousness
+      "        encouraged by preachers
+Licentiousness of slavedrivers
+"Lie down" for whipping,
+Life in the South-west,
+Lives of slaves unprotected
+Lodging of slaves
+Long, his cruelty
+'Loss of property'
+Louisiana
+    "     law of
+    "     sketches of,
+Louis XIV. of France
+Lovers severed,
+Lunatic slaves
+"Lynchings" in the United States
+Lynch Law,
+
+
+M.
+
+Maimed slaves
+Maimings
+Malady of slaves
+Manacling of slaves
+Maniac woman
+Man sold by a Presbyterian elder
+Man-stealing paid for
+Marriage unknown among slaves
+Martyr for Christ
+Maryland Journal
+Maryville Intelligencer
+Massacre at Antioch
+  "      "  Thessalonica
+  "      "  Vicksburg
+Masters grant no redress to slaves
+McIntosh, burning of
+Maximin
+Meals number of
+  "   of slaves
+"Meat once a year"
+Mediation for slaves
+Medical attendance
+  "     college of South Carolina
+  "     Infirmary at Charleston
+Medicine administered to slaves
+Members of churches
+Memorial of friends
+Menagerie of slaves
+Men and women whipped
+Methodist colored preacher hung,
+Methodist girl whipped for her chastity
+Methodist preacher, a slave dealer
+    "        "          "   driver
+    "     woman cut off a girl's toe
+Method of taking meals
+"Middle passage"
+Miscarriage of women at the whipping post
+Mississippi
+Missouri
+Mistresses flog slaves
+Mobile
+"Moderate correction"
+Moors, repulsion of
+Morgan, William
+Mormons
+Mothers and babes separated
+Mothers of slaves
+Mulatto children in all families
+Multiplying of slaves
+Murderers of slaves tried and acquitted
+Murder of slaves by law
+    "        "   "  bad feeling
+    "        "   "  piece-meal
+    "        "   every seven years
+    "        "   frequent
+    "        "   with impunity
+Murders in Alabama
+   "    "  Arkansas
+
+
+N.
+
+Naked children
+  "   "Dave"
+  "   females whipped
+  "     "     inspected
+  "   Men and women at work in a field
+Nakedness of slaves
+Nantz, edict of
+'National slave-market'
+Natchez
+Nat Turner
+'Negro Head Point
+'Negroes for sale
+'Negroes taken
+Nero
+'Never lose a day's work'
+New England, witches of
+New Orleans
+  "    "    Hospital
+New York, thirteen persons burnt at
+Nice, council of
+'Nigger put in the bill'
+Night-confinement
+Night at a slaveholder's house
+Night in slave huts
+Nine slaves hanged
+No marriage among slaves
+North Carolina
+   "      "     Governor of
+   "      "     Legislature of
+   "      "     Kidnappers
+Northern visitors to the slave states
+Nothing can disgrace slave-drivers
+Novel torture
+Nudity of slaves
+Nursing of slave-children
+
+
+O.
+
+Objections considered
+Ocra, a slave-driver
+Oiling of a slave
+Old age uncommon among slaves
+ "   "  unprotected
+Old dying slaves
+"Old settlement"
+  "  slaves
+Oppressor aversion of to his slave
+Outlawry of slaves
+Outrageous Felonies on account of slavery
+    "        "      perpetrated with impunity
+Overseers, character of
+    "      generally armed
+    "      no appeal from
+
+OVERSEERS OF SLAVES--
+
+  Alabama
+  Alexander killed
+  Bellemont
+  Bellows
+  Blocken's
+  Bradley
+  Cormick's
+  Cruel to a proverb
+  Farr, James
+  Galloway
+  Gibbs
+  Goochland
+  Methodist preacher
+  Milligan's Bend
+  Nowland's
+  Tune
+  Turner's cousin
+  Walker
+  Overworking of slaves
+  Ownership Of human beings destroys their comfort.
+
+
+P.
+
+"Paddle" torture
+Paddle whipping
+Pain, the means of slave drivers
+"Pancake sticks"
+Parents and children separated
+Parlor-slaves
+Parricide threatened
+Patrol
+Pay for begetting mulatto slaves
+Periodical pressure
+Persecution of Huguenots
+Persecution for religion
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+Philanthropist
+Philip II. and the Moors
+Physicians not employed for slaves
+Physicians of slaves
+Physician's statement
+Pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts
+Plantations
+Pleas for cruelty to slaves
+Ploughs and whips equally common
+Pliny
+Poles, Russian clemency to
+Polycarp
+"Poor African slave"
+Portuguese slaves
+Pothinus
+Prayer of slaves
+Praying and slave-whipping in the same room
+Praying slaves whipped
+Preacher claims a dead slave
+Preacher hung
+Preachers, cringing of
+Preacher's "hands tied"
+Preachers silenced
+Pregnant slaves
+    "      "    whipped
+Presbyterian Elders at Lynchburg
+Presbyterian minister killed his slave
+Presbyterian slave-trader
+Presbyterian woman desirious to cut A.T.'s throat
+Presentment of the Grand Jury at Cheraw
+Pretexts for slavery absurd
+Prisons in the District of Columbia
+Prison slave
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES--
+  Clothing
+  Dwellings
+  Food
+  Kinds of food
+  Labor
+  Number of meals
+  Quality of food
+  Quantity of food
+  Time of meals.
+
+Promiscuous concubinage
+"Property"
+    "     'loss of'
+Protection of slaves
+Protestants in France
+Provisions, allowance of
+Public opinion destroys fundamental rights,
+  "       "    diabolical
+  "       "    protects the slave
+Punishment of slaves
+Punishments
+Purchasing a wife
+Puryer "the devil"
+Putrid backs of slaves
+
+
+Q.
+
+Quality of food
+Quantity of food
+
+
+R.
+
+Race of slaves murdered every seven years
+Randolph John will of
+   "       "  description of slavedrivers
+   "       "             "Doe faces"
+Rations
+Rearing of slaves
+Relaxation, no time for
+Religious persecutions
+Respect for woman lost
+Rest, hours of
+Restraints, legal
+Retort of a boy
+Rhode Island, kidnappers and pirates of
+Rice plantations
+Richmond Whig
+Rio Janeiro slavery at
+Riot at Natchez
+Riots in the United States
+Robespierre
+Romans
+Roman slavery
+Runaways
+RUNAWAY SLAVES--
+   Advertisements for
+   Baptist man and woman
+   Buried alive
+   Chilton's
+   Converted
+   "Dead or alive"
+   Head on a pole
+   Hung
+   Hunting of
+   Intelligent man
+   Jim Dragon
+   Luke
+   Man buried
+    "  dragged by a horse
+    "  maimed
+    "  murdered
+    "  severe punishments of
+    "  shot
+    "   "   by Baptist preacher
+    "  taken from jail
+    "  tied and driven
+    "  to his wife
+    "  whipped to death
+   Many, annually shot I
+  Stallard's man
+  White Peter
+  Young woman
+
+
+S.
+
+Sabbath, a nominal holiday
+Safeguards of the law taken from slaves
+Sale of a man by a Presbyterian elder
+Sale of slaves
+Savannah, Ga.
+Savannah slave-hunter
+Save us from our friends
+Scarcity, times of
+Scenes of horror
+Search for Bibles and Hymn books
+Secretary of the Navy
+Separation of slaves
+Shame unknown among naked slaves
+Shoes for slaves
+Sick, treatment of
+"Six pound paddle,"
+"Slack-jaw,"
+Slave-breeders
+  "   breeding
+Slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities
+  "     "     character of
+SLAVEHOLDERS--
+  Adams
+  Baptist preachers
+  Barr
+  Baxter, George A
+  Baxter, John
+  Blocker, Colonel
+  Blount
+  Britt, Benjamin W.
+  Burbecker
+  Burvant, Mrs.
+  C.A., Rev.
+  Casey
+  Chilton, Joseph
+  Clay
+  C., Mr.
+  Cooper, Charity
+  Curtis,
+  Davis, Samuel
+  Dras, Henry
+  Delaware
+  Female hypocrite
+  Gautney, Joseph
+  Gayle, Governor
+  Governor of North Carolina
+  Green
+  Hampton, Wade
+  Harney, William S.
+  Harris, Benjamin James
+  Hayne, Governor
+  Hedding
+  Henrico county, Va.
+  Heyward, Nathaniel
+  Hughes, Philip O.
+  Hutchinson
+  Hypocrite woman
+  Indecency of
+  Jones
+  Jones, Henry
+  Lewis, Benjamin
+  Lewis, Isham
+  Lewis, Lilburn
+  Lewis, Rev. Mr.
+  Long, Lucy
+  Long, Reuben
+  L., of Bath, Ky.
+  Maclay, John
+  Martin, Rev. James
+  Matthews' Bend
+  M'Coy
+  M'Cue, John
+  Methodist
+  Methodist Preachers
+  M'Neilly
+  Moresville
+  Morgan
+  Mosely, William
+  Murderer
+  Mushat, Rev. John
+  Nansemond, Va.
+  Natchez planter
+  Nelson, Alexander
+  Nichols, of Connecticut
+  North Carolina
+  Owens, Judge
+  Painter
+  Physician
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Presbyterian
+  Presbyterian minister, Huntsville
+         "       "       North Carolina
+         "     preacher
+  Professing Christian
+  Puryar, "the Devil"
+  Randolph, John
+  Reiks, Micajah
+  Rodney
+  Ruffner
+  Shepherd, S.C.
+  Sherrod, Ben
+  Slaughter,
+  Smith, Judge
+  Sophistry of
+  South Carolina
+  Sparks, William
+  Stallard, David
+  Starky,
+  Swan, John
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  Thompson
+  Thorpe
+  Tripp, James
+  Truly, James
+  Turner, Fielding S.
+  Turner, uncle of
+  Virginian,
+  Wall
+  Watkins, Billy
+  Watkins, Robert H.
+  Watson, A.
+  W., Colonel
+  Webb, Carroll
+   "    Pleasant
+  West's uncle
+  Widow and daughter, Savannah river
+  Willis, Robert
+  Wilson, William
+  Woman
+  Woman, professor of religion,
+Slaveholders justify their cruelties by example
+     "       possess absolute power
+     "       sophistry of
+Slaveholding amusements
+     "       brutality
+     "       indecency
+     "       murderers
+     "       religion
+Slave-mothers,
+   "   plantations second only to hell
+Slavery among Christians
+SLAVERY ILLUSTRATED--
+Slave-auctions
+   "  blocks with nails
+   "  boys fight to amuse their drivers,
+   "  branding
+   "  breeding
+   "  burner
+   "  burning
+Slave-cabins
+   "    "    at night
+Slave-children nursed
+   "  choking
+   "  clothing
+   "  collars
+   "  cookery
+Slave-ditty
+   "  dogs
+   "  driver's death
+   "     "     licentiousness of
+   "  driving
+   "  fetters
+   "  food
+   "  gagging
+   "  gangs
+   "  handcuffs
+   "  herding
+Slaveholders, civilization and morality of
+     "        declarations of
+     "        habits of
+     "        heart of
+     "        hospitality of
+     "        interest of
+     "        sophistry of
+     "        "treat their slaves well"
+Slaveholding professor
+"Slaveholding religion"
+Slave-hovels
+   "  hunting
+   "    "     by Christians
+Slave imprisoned
+   "  in chains
+   "  in the stocks
+   "  kicking
+   "  killed, and put in the bill
+   "  killing with impunity
+   "  labor
+   "  manacles
+   "  martyr
+   "  meals
+   "  mothers
+   "  murderers, tried and acquitted
+   "  patrol
+   "  physicians
+   "  punishments of
+Slave quarters,
+Slavery, code of law respecting
+   "     among Christians
+   "     domestic
+   "     guilt of
+   "     of whites
+   "     public opinion and effects of
+   "     unmixed cruelty
+Slave selling
+Slaves aversion of to their oppressors
+  "    backs of, putrid
+  "    blind
+  "    books of searched for
+  "    branded
+  "    brutality to
+  "    burial of
+  "    carded
+  "    cat-hauling of
+  "    comfort of disregarded
+  "    deaf
+  "    dead or alive
+  "    deformed
+  "    deprived of every safeguard of the law
+  "    described
+  "    diseased
+  "    dread to be sold for the South
+  "    dumb
+  "    dying
+  "    evidence of against white persons null
+  "    exchanged
+  "    reported from Virginia
+  "    fear their only motive
+  "    feasted and flogged
+  "    hired
+  "    idiots
+  "    incorrigible
+  "    infant
+  "    in the stocks
+  "    "  U.S. treatment of
+  "    lunatics
+  "    maimed
+  "    merchandise
+  "    multiply
+  "    murdered by cottonseed
+  "      "         overwork
+  "      "         piece-meal
+  "      "         starvation
+  "      "      every seven years
+  "      "      frequently
+  "      "      with impunity
+  "    naked
+  "    not treated as human beings
+  "    outlawed
+  "    overworked
+  "    prayers of
+  "    privations of
+  "    protection of
+  "    sale of
+  "    stock
+  "    surgeons of
+  "    taking medicine
+  "    tantalized
+  "    starvation of
+  "    teeth of knocked out
+  "    tied up all night
+  "    toe cut off
+  "    torments of
+  "    travelling in droves
+  "    treated worse as they are farther South
+  "    treatment of by Christians
+  "    under overseers
+  "    watching of
+  "    without redress
+  "       "    shelter
+  "    working animals
+  "    worn out
+  "    worse treated than brutes
+  "    wounded by gun-shot
+Slave testimony excluded
+  "   torturing hypocrite
+  "   trade with Africa
+  "   trading
+  "      "    honorable
+  "   traffic
+Slave Murderers
+Slave plantation
+Slave usage contrasted with that of animals
+  Slave whipping
+  Slave yokes
+  Whipped
+  Whipped and burnt
+  Whipped to death
+  Slaves treatment of
+  Slave trade
+Sleeping in clothes
+Slitting of ears
+Smoothing iron on girl's backs
+Sophistry of slaveholders
+South Carolina laws of
+  "      "     medical college
+Southern dogs and horses
+Spartan slavery
+Speece, Rev. Conrad opposed to emancipation
+Spirit of laws
+Springfield, S.C.
+Starvation of a female slave
+    "       " slaves
+Statement of a physician
+State, abuse of power in
+Stealing of freemen
+Stevenson, Andrew, letter by
+St. Helena, S.C.
+Stillman's, Dr. medical infirmary at Charleston
+Stocks for slaves
+"Stock without shelter:
+"Subject of prayer"
+Suffering of slaves
+  "        "    "   drives to despair and suicide
+Sugar-planters
+Suicide of slaves
+Suit for a dead slave
+  "   "  " murdered slave
+Sunday morning in Kentucky
+Surgeon of slaves
+Surgery at Charleston
+"Susceptibility of pain"
+
+
+T.
+
+Tanner's oil poured on a slave
+Tantalising of slaves
+Tappan, Arthur
+Tarring of slaves
+Taskwork of slaves
+Teeth knocked out
+Tender regard of slaveholders for slave
+Tennessee
+TESTIMONY.--
+  Allen, Rev. William T.
+  Avery, George A.
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, Gordon
+  Clergyman
+  Cruelty to slaves
+  Dickey, Rev. William
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Gildersleeve, William C.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+  Grimké, Sarah M.
+  Hawley, Rev. Francis
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Macy, F.C.
+    "   Reuben G.
+    "   Richard
+    "   T.D.M.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Nelson, John M.
+  New Orleans
+  Of slaves excluded
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Poe, William
+  Powel, Eleazar
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Secretary of the Navy
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Virginian
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimké
+  White, Hiram
+  Wist, William
+Texas
+Theodosius the Great
+Thessalonica, massacre at
+Thumb-screws
+Tiberius
+Time for relaxation, not allowed
+Times of scarcity
+Titus
+Tobacco worms eaten
+Tooth knocked out
+Tortures
+   "     eulogized by a professor of religion
+Trading with negroes
+Traffic in slaves
+Trajan
+Treatment of sick slaves
+Treatment of slaves in the United States by professing Christians,
+    "     little better than that of brutes
+Trial of women,--"_white and black_,"
+Trials for murdering slaves
+Turkish slavery
+Turner, Nat
+Twelve slaves killed by overwork
+Twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the United
+  States
+Tying up of slaves at night
+"Tyrant"
+
+"Uncle Jack," Baptist preacher
+Under garments not allowed to slaves
+United States, Laws of
+University of Virginia
+Untimely seasons
+Usage of slaves and brutes contrasted
+
+Vapid babblings of slaveholders
+Vice, hypocrisy of
+Vicksburg, massacre of
+Virginia, a slave menagerie
+  "       exportation of slaves from
+  "       University of
+Visitors to slave states
+Vitellius
+
+Washing for slaves
+Washington slavery
+  "        the national slave market
+West Indian slaves
+Whip, cracking of heard at a distance
+"Whipped to death"
+
+WHIPPING--
+  Children
+  Every day
+  Females
+  On three plantations heard at one time
+  Pregnant women
+  Slaves
+  Slaves after a feast
+    "    for praying
+  With paddle
+  Women with prayer
+Whipping-posts
+Whips equally common on plantations as ploughs
+"White or black;" trial of
+Whites in slavery
+White slave
+Wholesale murders
+Wife, purchase of a
+Will of John Randolph
+Wilmington, N.C.
+Witches of New-England
+
+WITNESSES.
+  Abbot, Jordan
+  Abdie, P.
+  Adams, Mr.
+  African Observer
+  Alexandria Gazette
+  Allan, Rev. William T.
+  Alston, J.A., Heirs of
+  Alton Telegraph
+  Alvis, J.
+  Anderson, Benjamin
+  Andrews, Professor
+  Anthony, Julius C.
+  Antram, Joshua
+  Appleton, John James
+  Arkansas Advocate
+  Armstrong, William
+  Artop, James
+  Ashford, J.P.
+  Augusta Chronicle
+  Avery, George A.
+  Aylethorpe, Thomas
+  Bahi, P.
+  Baker, William
+  Baldwin, J.G.
+  Baldwin, Jonathan F.
+  Ballinger, A.S.
+  Baltimore Sun
+  Baptist Deacon
+  Bardwell, Rev. William
+  Barker, Jacob
+  Barnard, Alonzo
+  Barnes, George W.
+  Barr, James
+   "    Mrs.
+   "    Rev. Hugh
+  Barrer, B.G.
+  Barton, David W.
+    "     Richard W.
+  Bateman, William
+  Baton Rouge, Agricultural Society of
+  Bayli, P.
+  Beall, Samuel
+  Beasley, A.G.A.
+     "     John C.
+     "     Robert
+  Beene, Jesse
+  Bell, Abraham
+   "    Samuel
+  Bennett, D.B.
+  Besson, Jacob
+  Bezon, Mr.
+  Bingham, Joel S.
+  Birdseye, Ezekiel
+  Birney, James G.
+  Bishop, J.
+  Blackwell, Samuel
+  Bland, R.J.
+  Bliss Mayhew and Co
+    "   Philemon,
+  Bolton, J.L. and W.H.
+  Boudinot, Tobias
+  Bouldin, T.T.
+  Bourgoing, J.F.
+  Bourne, George
+  Bradley, Henry
+  Bragg, Thomas
+  Brasseale, W.H.
+  Brewster, Jarvis
+  Brothers, Menard
+  Brove, A.
+  Brown, J.A.
+    "    John
+    "    Rev. Abel
+    "    William
+  Bruce Mr.
+  Buchanan, Dr.
+  Buckels, William D.
+  Burvant, Madame
+  Burwell
+  Bush, Moses E.
+  Buster, Mr.
+  Butt, Moses
+  Byrn, Samuel H.
+  Calvert, Robert
+  Carney, R.P.
+  Carolina, History of
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, B.F.
+     "     Gardon
+  Charleston Courier
+      "      Mercury
+      "      Patriot
+  Cherry, John W.
+  Child, David L.
+    "    Mrs.
+  Choules, Rev. John O.
+  Citizens of Onslow
+  Clark, W.G.
+  Clarke John
+  Clay, Henry,
+    "  Thomas
+  Clenderson, Benjamin
+  Clergyman
+  Coates Lindley
+  Cobb, W.D.
+  Colborn, J.L.
+  Cole, Nathan
+  Coleman, H.
+  Colonization Society
+  Columbian Inquirer
+  Comegys, Governor
+  Congress, Member of
+  Connecticut, Medical Society of
+  Constant, Dr.
+  Cooke, Owen
+  Cook, Giles
+    "   H.L.
+  Cooper, Thomas
+  Cornelius, Rev. Elias
+  Corner, Charles
+    "     L.E.
+  Cotton plantere
+  Cowles, Mrs. Mary
+    "     Rev. Sylvester
+  Craige, Charles
+  Crane, William
+  Crutchfield, Thomas
+  Cuggy, T.
+  Curtis, Mr.
+     "    Rev. John H.
+  Cuyler, J.
+  Daniel and Goodman
+  Darien Telegraph
+  Davidson, Rev. Patrick
+  Davis, John
+  Davis, Benjamin
+  Dean, Jethro
+    "   Thomas
+  Demming, Dr.
+  Denser, T.S.
+  Derbigny, Judge
+  Dew, Philip A.
+   "   President
+  Dickey, Rev. James H.
+    "     William
+  Dickinson, Mr.
+  Dillahunty, John H.
+  Doddridge, Philip
+  Dorrah, James
+  Downman, Mrs. Lucy M.
+  Douglas, Rev. J.W.
+  Drake and Thomson
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Drown, William
+  Dudley, Rev. John
+  Duggan, John
+  Dunn, John L.
+  Dunham, Jacob
+  Durell, Judge
+  Durett, Francis
+  Dustin, W.
+  Dyer, William
+  Eastman, Rev. D.B.
+  Eaton, General William
+  Edmunds, Nicholas
+  Edwards, F.L.C.
+     "     President
+     "   Junior "
+  Ellison, Samuel
+  Ellis, Orren
+  Ellsworth, Elijah
+  Emancipation Society of N.C.
+  English, Walter R.
+  Evans, R.A.
+  Everett, William
+  Faulkner, Mr.
+  Fayetteville Observer
+  Fernandez and Whiting
+  Finley, James C.
+    "     R.S.
+  Fishers, E.H. and I.
+  Fitzhugh, William H.
+  Ford, John
+  Foster, Francis
+  Fox, John B.
+  Foy, Enoch
+  Francisville Chronicle
+  Franklin Republican
+  Frederick, John
+  Friends, Yearly Meeting of
+  Fuller, Isaac C.
+  Fullerton, G.S.
+  Furman, B.
+  Gadsden, Thomas N.
+  Gaines, Rev. Ludwell, G.
+  Gales, Joseph
+  Garcia, Henrico Y.
+  Garland, Maurice H.
+  Gates, Seth M.
+  Gayle, John
+  Georgetown Union
+  Georgia Constitutionalist
+     "    Journal
+  Georgian
+  Gholson, Mr.
+  Giddings, Mr.
+  Gilbert, E.W.
+  Gildersterre, William C.
+  Glidden, Mr.
+  Goode, Mr.
+  Gourden and Co.
+  Grace, Byrd M.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+     "    Rev. Dr.
+  Grand Gulf Advertiser
+  Graham, Jehab
+  Gray, Abraham
+  Greene, R.A.
+  Green, James R.
+  Gregory, Ossian
+  Gridley, H.
+  Grimké, Sarah M.
+  Grosvenor. Rev. Cyrus P.
+  Guex, D.F.
+  Gunnell, John J.H.
+  Guthrie, A.A.
+  Guyler, J.
+  Halley, Preston
+  Hall, Samuel
+  Han, E.
+  Hand, John H.
+  Hansborough, William
+  Hanson, Peter
+  Harding, N.H.
+  Harman, Samuel
+  Harrison, General W.H.
+  Hart, F.A.
+   "    Rev. Mr.
+  Harvey, J.
+  Hawley, David
+    "     Rev. Francis
+  Hayne, General R.Y.
+  Henderson, John
+     "       Judge
+  Hendren, H.
+  Herring, D.
+    "      Dr.
+  Hitchcock, Judge
+  Hite, S.N.
+  Hodges, B.W.
+    "     Rev. Coleman S.
+  Holcombe, John P.
+  Holmes, George
+  Home, Frederick
+  Honerton, Philip
+  Hopkins, Rev. Henry T.
+  Horsey, Outerbridge
+  Hough, Rev. Joseph
+  Houstoun, Edward
+  Hudnall, Thomas
+  Hughes, Benjamin
+  Hunt, John
+   "    Rev. Thomas P.
+  Hussey, George P.C.
+  Huston, Felix
+  Hutchings, A.J.
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Indiana, Legislature of
+  Jackson, Stephen M.
+      "    Telegraph
+  James, Joseph
+  Jarnett, James T. De
+  Jarvett, James T.
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Jenkins, John
+  Jett, Marshall
+  Johnson, Bryant
+      "    Cornelius
+      "    Isaac
+      "    Josiah S.
+  Jolley, J.L.
+  Jones, Alexander
+    "    Anson
+    "    Hill
+    "    James
+    "    R.H.
+    "    W. Jefferson
+  Jourdan, Green B.
+  Judd, D.
+    "   Mrs. Nancy
+  Keeton, G.W.
+  Kennedy, John
+  Kentucky, Synod of
+  Kephart, George
+  Kernin, Charles
+  Keyes, Willard
+  Kimball and Thome
+     "    George
+  Kimborough, James
+  King, Charles
+    "   John H.
+    "   Nehemiah
+  Knapp, Henry E.
+    "    Isaac
+  Kyle, Frederick
+    "   James
+  Lacy, Theodore A.
+  Ladd, William
+  Lains, O.W.
+  Lambeth, William L.
+  Lambre, Mr.
+  Lancette, R.
+  Langhorne, Scruggs and Cook
+  Larrimer, Thomas
+  Latimer, W.K.
+  Lawless, Judge
+  Lawyer, Zadok
+  Ledwith, Thomas
+  Leftwich, William
+  Lemes, Ferdinand
+  Leverich and Co.
+  Lewis, Kirkman
+  Lexington Intelligencer
+      "     Observer
+  Little, Mrs. Sophia
+  Loflano, Hazlet
+  Long, Joseph
+  Loomis, Henry H.
+  Loring, R.
+     "    Thomas
+  Louisville Reporter
+  Lowry, Mrs. Nancy
+  Luminais, A.
+  Lyman, Judge
+     "   Rev. H.
+  Macoin, J.
+  Macon Messenger
+   "    Telegraph
+  Macy, F.C.
+   "    Reuben G.
+   "    Richard
+   "    T.D.M.
+  Magee, William
+  Males, Henry
+  Maltby, Stephen E.
+  Manning, P.T.
+  Marietta College, student of
+  Marks, James
+  Marriott, Charles
+  Marshall, John T.
+  Martineau, Harriet
+  Maryland Journal
+  Maryville Intelligencer
+  Mason, Samuel
+  Mathieson, Rev. James
+  May, Rev. Samuel J.
+  McCue, Moses
+  McDonnell, James
+  McGehee, Edward J.
+  McGregor, Henry M.
+  McMurrain, John
+  Mead Whitman
+  Medical College of South Carolina
+  Memphis Gazette
+     "    Inquirer
+  Menefee, R.H.
+  Menzies, Judge
+  Mercer, Mr.
+  Metcalf, Asa B.
+  Middleton, Mr.
+  Miles, Lemuel
+  Milledgeville Journal
+        "       Recorder
+  Miller, C.
+  Minister from Texas, A. Jones
+  Minor, W.I.
+  Missouri Republican
+  Mitchell, Dr. Robert
+  Mitchell, Isaac
+  M'Neilly
+  Mobile Advertiser
+    "    Examiner
+    "    Register
+  Mongin, R.P.T.
+  Montesquieu
+  Montgomery, W.H.
+  Moore, Mr. Va.
+  Moorhead, John H.
+  Morris, E.W.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Moyne Dr. F. Julius Le
+  Muggridge, Matthew
+  Muir J.G.
+  Murat A.
+  Murphy S.B.
+  Napier T. and L.
+  Natchez Courier
+     " Daily Free Trade
+  National Intelligencer
+  Nelson Dr. David
+     "   John M.
+  Nesbitt Wilson
+  Newbern Sentinel
+    "     Spectator
+  New Hampshire, legislature of
+  Newman Mrs. B.
+  New Orleans Argus
+      "       Bee
+      "       Bulletin
+      "       Courier
+      "       Kidnapping at
+      "       Mercantile Advertiser
+      "       Post
+  New York American
+      "    Sun
+  Neyle S.
+  Nicholas Judge
+  Nicoll Robert
+  Niles Hezekiah
+  Noe James
+  Norfolk Beacon
+     "    Herald
+  N.C. Literary and Commercial-Standard
+  N.C. Journal
+  Nourse Rev. James
+  Nye Horace
+  O'Byrne
+  O'Connell Daniel
+  Oliver Colonel
+  O'Neill Peter
+  Onslow, Citizens of
+  Orme Moses
+  O'Rorke John
+  Overstreet, Richard
+  Overstreet, William
+  Owen, Captain N.F.
+  Owen, John W.
+  Owens, J.G.
+
+  Parrish, John
+  Parrott, Dr.
+  Patterson, Willie
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Peacock, Jesse
+  Perry, Thomas C.
+  Petersburg Constellation
+  Philanthropist
+  Pickard, J.S.
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Pinkney, William
+  Planter's Intelligencer
+  Planters of South Carolina
+  Poe, William
+  Porter, Mr.
+  Portsmouth Times
+  Powell, Eleazar
+  Presbyterian elder
+  President of the United States
+  Pringle, Thomas
+  Pritchard, William H.
+  Probate sale
+  Purdon, James
+
+  Ragland, Samuel
+  Raleigh Register
+  Ralston, Samuel
+  Randall, J.B.
+  Randolph, John
+  Riadolph, Thomas Mann
+  Rankin, Rev. John
+  Rascoe, William D.
+  Rawlins, Samuel
+  Raworth, Egbert A.
+  Redden J.V.
+  Red River Whig
+  Reed, Rev. Andrew
+  Reed, William H.
+  Reese, Enoch
+  Reins, Richard
+  Reeves, W.P.
+  Renshaw Rev. C.S.
+  Rhodes, Durant H.
+  Rice, H.W.
+  Rice, Rev. David
+  Richardson, G.C.
+  Richards, James K.
+  Richards, Moses R.
+  Richards, Stephen M.
+  Richmond Compiler
+  Richmond Inquirer
+  Richmond Whig
+  Ricks, Micajah
+  Riley, W.
+  Ripley, George B.
+  Roach, Philip
+  Robbins, Welcome H.
+  Robarts, William
+  Roberts, J.H.
+  Robin, C.C.
+  Robinson, N.M.C.
+  Robinson, William
+  Roebuck, George
+  Rogers, N.P.
+  Rogers, Thomas
+  Ross, Abner
+  Rowland, John A.
+  Ruffin, Judge
+  Russel, Benjamin
+  Russel, W.
+  Rymes, Littlejohn
+
+  Sadd, Rev. Joseph M.
+  Salvo, Conrad
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Saunders, James
+  Savage, Rev. Thomas
+  Savannah Georgian
+  Savannah Republican
+  Savory, William
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Schmidt, Louis
+  Scott, Rev. Orange
+  Scott, William
+  Scrivener, J.
+  Seabrook, Whitmarsh B.
+  Secretary of the navy
+  Selfer
+  Senator of the United States
+  Sevier, Ambrose H.
+  Sewall, Stephen
+  Shafter, M.M.
+  Sheith, M.J.
+  Shield and Walker
+  Shields, Polly C.
+  Shropshire, David
+  Simmons, B.C.
+  Simpson, John
+  Sizer, R.W.
+  Skinner, W.
+  Slaveholders
+  Smith, Bishop of Kentucky
+  Smith, Gerrit
+  Smith, Professor
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Smyth, Alexander
+  Snow, Henry H.
+  Snowden, J.
+  Snowden, Rev. Samuel
+  South Carolina, legislature of
+  South Carolina, Medical College of
+  South Carolina, Slaveholder of
+  Southern Argus
+  Southern Christian Herald
+  Southerner
+  Southmayd, Rev. Daniel S.
+  Spillman, Mr.
+  Stansell, William
+  Staughton, Rev. Dr.
+  Staunton Spectator
+  Steams and Co.
+  Stevenson, Andrew
+  Stewart, Samuel
+  Stillmam, Dr.
+  Stith, W. and A.
+  Stone, Asa A.
+  Stone, Silas
+  Stone, William L.
+  Strickland, William
+  Stroud, George M.
+  Stuart, Charles
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Swain, B.
+  Synod of South Carolina and Georgia
+
+  Tart, John
+  Tate, Calvin H.
+  Taylor, James H.
+    "     John
+    "     Lawton, and Co.
+  Texan minister, Anson Jones
+  Thatcher, Colonel
+  Thome and Kimball
+  Thome, James A.
+  Thompson, Henry P.
+  Thomson, Mr.
+    "    , Sandford
+  Todd, R.S.
+  Toler, William
+  Tolin, Cornelius D.
+  Townsend, Ely
+    "     , Samuel
+  Tucker, Judge
+  Turnbull, Robert
+  Turner, John
+    "   , John D.
+    "   , L.
+  Tarton, S.B.
+  Tuscaloosa Flag of the Union
+  Upsher, Judge
+  Ustick, William A.
+  Vance, John
+  Van Buren, Martin
+  Varillat, H.
+  Vicksburg Register
+  Virginia Minister
+  Virginian
+  Walker, John
+  Walton, George
+    "   , John W.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+  Washington Globe
+  Waugh, Dr. Jeremiah S.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimké
+  Wells, Thomas J.
+  West Eli
+  Western Luminary
+    "     Medical Journal
+    "        "    Reformer
+    "     Review
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Whitbread, Samuel
+  Whitefield, George
+    "       , Needham
+  Whitehead, C.C.
+    "      , W.W.
+  White, Hiram
+  Wightman, Rev. William M.
+  Wilberforce, W.
+  Wilkins, C.W.
+  Wilkinson, Alfred
+  Williams, George W.
+  Willis, Robert
+  Willis, William
+  Wilmington Advertiser
+  Wilson, Rev. Joseph G.
+  Winchester Virginian
+  Wirt, William
+  Wisner, F.
+  Witherspoon, Dr.
+  Woodward, Jeremiah
+  Woolman, John
+  Wotton, John
+  Wright, Mr.
+  Yampert, T.J. De
+  Yearly meeting of Friends
+Woman dying
+  "   flogged because her child died
+  "   maniac
+  "   no respect for
+Women at childbirth
+  "    " the same labor with men
+  "    " work
+  "   miscarry under the whip
+  "   not breeding
+  "   pregnant whipped
+  "   severe whippers of slaves
+  "   slaves
+Workhouse at Charleston
+Working hours
+  "     of slaves
+Worn-out slaves
+"Worse and worse"
+Worship of God prohibited
+Wounds by gunshot
+Wright Isaac
+Yokes for slaves
+
+
+
+THE
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+No. 10.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+SPEECH
+
+of
+
+HON. THOMAS MORRIS,
+
+OF OHIO,
+
+IN REPLY TO THE SPEECH OF
+
+THE
+
+HON. HENRY CLAY.
+
+
+IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1839.
+
+
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+
+NO. 143 NASSAU STREET:
+
+1839.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+This No. contains 2-1/2 sheets.--Postage, under 100 miles, 4 cts. over
+  100, 7 cts.
+
+_Please Read and circulate._
+
+
+
+SPEECH
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MR. PRESIDENT--I rise to present for the consideration of the Senate,
+numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own State, but
+citizens of several other States, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan,
+Illinois, and Indiana. These petitioners, amounting in number to
+several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in
+communicating to Congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which,
+to them, appear of the highest importance. These petitions, sir, are
+on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and
+from this District, the slave trade between the different States of
+this Confederacy, between this country and Texas, and against the
+admission of that country into the Union, and also against that of any
+other State, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery.
+I take this opportunity to present all these petitions together,
+having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in
+order that as small a portion of the attention of the Senate might be
+taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard
+to the rights of the petitioners. And I now present them under the
+most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this
+or any other country. I present them on the heel of the petitions
+which have been presented by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay]
+signed by the inhabitants of this District, praying that Congress
+would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the District,
+from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. This is something
+new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most
+extraordinary in itself. These petitions I am bound in duty to
+present--a duty which I cheerfully perform, for I consider it not only
+a duty but an honor. The respectable names which these petitions bear,
+and being against a practice which I as deeply deprecate and deplore
+as they can possibly do, yet I well know the fate of these petitions;
+and I also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which I
+present them. In availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own
+views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the
+character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to
+all that I am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. The strong
+prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the District, the
+unwillingness of the Senate to hear, the power which is arrayed
+against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose
+rights I am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate
+in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and
+surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more
+able and eloquent than the _lone_ and humble individual who now
+addresses you.
+
+What, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena,
+opposed by such powerful odds? Nothing, sir, nothing but a strong
+sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause I advocate is
+just; that the petitioners whom I represent are honest, upright,
+intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who
+are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the
+purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and
+benevolence. In representing such men, and in such a cause, though by
+the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the
+Senate of the United States, order, and a decent respect to the
+opinions of others, would prevail. From the causes which I have
+mentioned, I can hardly hope for this. I expect to proceed through
+scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a
+full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion.
+Permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that I have been now six years a
+member of this body. I have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion
+of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the
+Senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. I
+question very much if I have occupied the time of the Senate during
+the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six
+days. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be thought obtrusive, or
+charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. I hope, Mr.
+President, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here.
+Who has began the agitation now? The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay.]
+Who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the Senate and
+the country on its results? The Senator from South Carolina, Mr.
+[Calhoun.] And pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation
+begun? Let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records
+on your table, that when I, as a member of this body, but a few days
+since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these
+petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung
+from their seats and objected to its introduction. And when you, sir,
+decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion
+or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and
+this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that
+the Senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in
+cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution
+printed, by order of the Senate, was denied.
+
+Let the Senator from South Carolina before me remember that, at the
+last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery,
+they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on,
+and decided; and let the Senator from Kentucky reflect, that the
+petition which he offered against our right, was also received and
+ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and I call on
+the Senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which I
+have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the
+printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or
+referred. Posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time,
+may well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the United
+States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. Permit
+me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater
+than the throne itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It is a power,
+according to the calculation of the Senator from Kentucky, which owns
+twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if
+money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a
+power which claims human property more than double the amount which
+the whole money of the world could purchase. What can stand before
+this power? Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. This
+power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but
+it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or
+other aid. Let it be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years
+since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence
+sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception
+of petitions against the action of the Senate on their resolutions of
+censure against the President. The country took instant alarm, and the
+political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. The
+same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the
+same thing. This is the array of power that even now is attempting
+such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also
+now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the Bank
+power. It, too, begins to tremble for its safety. What is to be done?
+Why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the
+right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of
+debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. But all
+will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of
+the black power of the South with the white power of the North must
+take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction
+of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. Let
+me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as I said on a
+former day, God forbid that they should ever rule this country! I have
+seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for
+some time past; I informed my private friends of the political party
+with which I have heretofore acted, during the first week of this
+session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the
+present administration; and I warned them of the folly and mischief
+they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery.
+All doubts are now terminated. The display made by the Senator from
+Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as
+abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his
+efforts met from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,]
+clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political
+chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new
+bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the
+advantage of political aspirants.
+
+The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] seemed, at the
+conclusion of the argument made by the Senator from Kentucky, to be
+filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. He told us, that about
+twelve months since HE had offered a resolution which turned the tide
+in favor of the great principle of State rights, and says he is highly
+pleased with the course taken by the Kentucky Senator. All is now safe
+by the acts of that Senator. The South is now consolidated as one man;
+it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is
+the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a
+political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by
+it; and that abolition is now DEAD, and will soon be forgotten. So far
+the Senator from South Carolina, as I understand him. But, sir, is
+this really the case? Is the South united as one man, and is the
+Senator from Kentucky the great centre of attraction? What a lesson to
+the friends of the present Administration, who have been throwing
+themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! The
+black enchantment I hope is now at an end--the dream dissolved, and we
+awake into open day. No longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt
+on this subject. But is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just
+beginning? Is abolitionism DEAD--or is it just awaking into life? Is
+the right of petition strangled and forgotten--or is it increasing in
+strength and force? These are serious questions for the gentleman's
+consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an
+impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. Sir, when
+these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of
+course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in
+fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like
+the enemies of the strong man in days of old. But let me bring back
+the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to
+sober realities and solemn facts. I have now lying before me the names
+of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely
+conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these
+petitioners called) are not _all dead_. These are my first proofs to
+show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. I have also, sir, since
+the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by
+Providence to suit the occasion, and by whom I know not. It is the
+Cincinnati Republican of the 2d instant, which contains an extract
+from the Louisville Advertiser, a paper printed in Kentucky, in
+Louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty
+miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. That paper is the
+leading Administration journal, too, as I am informed, in Kentucky.
+Hear what it says on the death of abolition:--
+
+
+"ABOLITION--CINCINNATI--THE LOUISVILLE ADVERTISER.
+
+"We copy the following notice of an article which we lately published,
+upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the
+Louisville Advertiser:--
+
+"'ABOLITION.--The reader is referred to an interesting article which we
+have copied from the Cincinnati Republican--a paper which lately
+supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has _turned_, but
+not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress,
+or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio. It does not, however, give a
+correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati. There
+they are in the ascendant. They control the city elections, regulate
+what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public
+opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and
+intelligence. The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco
+Focos--but "drones" and "consumers"--the "rich and well-born," of
+course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ
+the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States.
+Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati. We
+doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway
+in that place in the last four years. When negroes reach "the Queen
+city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its
+wealth. They receive the aid of the _elite_ of the Buckeyes; and we
+have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her
+one of the dependencies of Cincinnati! Let our mutual sons go on. The
+day of mutual retribution is at hand--much nearer than is now
+imagined. The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the
+slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its
+new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the
+right of petitioning Congress to abolish slavery. There are about two
+hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time,
+and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears
+that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books
+and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize
+additional societies--or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war
+which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.'"
+
+
+I do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire
+whole; much of it I repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of
+Cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding State--from the State
+of the Senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that
+it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds--and as
+the South Carolina Senator pronounces them dead, I produce this from a
+slaveholding State, for the special benefit and consolation of the two
+Senators. It comes from a source to which, I am sure, both gentlemen
+ought to give credit. But suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is
+liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? Is liberty of speech, of the
+press, and the right of petition also dead? True, it has been
+strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if
+they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt,
+in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to
+the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead,
+but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot
+what it may, I shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all
+circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the
+common gift of the Creator to all men, and against the power of these
+two great interests--the slave power of the South, and banking power
+of the North--which are now uniting to rule this country. The cotton
+bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with
+slave labor. These two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced
+each other, both looking to the same object--to live upon the
+unrequited labor of others--and have now erected for themselves a
+common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which
+they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and
+free labor.
+
+With these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let
+no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that I charge
+gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners
+here such as I now present--men who love liberty, and are opposed to
+slavery--that in behalf of these citizens I speak; and, by whatever
+name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose
+cause I advocate. I make no war upon the rights of others. I do no act
+but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar
+institutions of any State; but acts only in defence of my own rights,
+of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my State, I shall not cease
+while the current of life shall continue to flow.
+
+I shall, Mr. President, in the further consideration of this subject,
+endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second,
+why slavery is wrong, and why I am opposed to it; third, the power of
+slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question,
+so often asked, what have the free States to do with slavery? Then
+make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the Senator
+from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay.]
+
+Mr. President, the duty I am requested to perform is one of the
+highest which a Representative can be called on to discharge. It is to
+make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his
+constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, I feel
+honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the
+duty. The petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone,
+but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of
+their will. It is true these petitions have not been sent here by the
+whole people of the United States, but from a portion of them only;
+yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon
+which it rests, that no portion of the American people, until a day or
+two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter
+petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented,
+they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in
+this District, but content themselves with objecting to others
+enjoying the rights they practise, and praying Congress not to receive
+or hear petitions from the people of the States--a new device of slave
+power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. I
+would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which
+denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their
+petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the
+District, if they believe the practice just, that their names might
+have gone down to posterity. No, sir; very few yet have the moral
+courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of
+these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that
+they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding
+slaves. Not so, sir, with the petitioners which I have the honor to
+represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names
+should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on
+this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that
+slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of
+political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending
+a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and
+blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. Who has said that
+these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not
+to be granted? Who has said that slavery is not an evil? Who has said
+it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? Who has said it does
+not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and
+wretchedness to another, in its train? Who has said, it is not unjust
+to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the
+master? Who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection,
+by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their
+parents? In fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's
+honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? Few, very few,
+perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its
+misery; and even many whose local situations are within its
+jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its
+continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look
+forward with strong hope to its final termination. SLAVERY! a word,
+like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced
+here but by those who worship at its shrine--and should one who is not
+such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous
+consequences are immediately predicted, the Union is to be dissolved,
+and the South to take care of itself.
+
+Do not suppose, Mr. President, that I feel as if engaged in a
+forbidden or improvident act. No such thing. I am contending with a
+local and "_peculiar_" interest, an interest which has already banded
+together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a
+petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. I
+am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his
+Creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away.
+No, sir! I am contending for the rights of the white person in the
+free States, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden
+down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as
+_property_. I am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens
+that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself
+with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion
+and perpetuate its existence. I am endeavoring to drive from the back
+of the _negro slave_ the politician who has seated himself there to
+ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this
+unholy combination. The chains of slavery are sufficiently strong,
+without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free
+States. I feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the
+institutions of my own State, the persons and firesides of her
+citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being
+used and felt in the free States. To say that I am opposed to slavery
+in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable
+of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for
+its existence; and such I sincerely believe to be the feeling of many
+in the free States who use the phrase. I, sir, am not only opposed to
+slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory
+as well as practice. This principle is deeply implanted within me; it
+has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." In my
+infant years I learned to hate slavery. Your fathers taught me it was
+wrong in their Declaration of Independence: the doctrines which they
+promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the
+issue of the contest that made us a nation. They proclaimed "that all
+men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with
+certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and
+the pursuit of happiness." These truths are solemnly declared by them.
+I believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. Who can
+acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? It is, then, because
+I love the principles which brought your government into existence,
+and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you,
+sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other Senators seats in
+this body--it is because I love all this, that I hate slavery. Is it
+because I contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to
+slavery, that I have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? Yes;
+Virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the
+Legislature of my State to dismiss me from public confidence. Who
+taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? _Jefferson_,
+the great and the good Jefferson! Yes, _Virginia Senators_, it was
+your own Jefferson, Virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for
+the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than
+any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to
+hate slavery; it was in his school I was brought up. That Mr.
+Jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in
+our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings
+abundantly prove the fact. I hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it,
+of the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, a part of
+which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of
+South Carolina and Georgia. I will read it. Speaking of the wrongs
+done us by the British Government, in introducing slaves among us, he
+says: "He (the British King) has waged cruel war against human nature
+itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the
+persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and
+carrying them into SLAVERY in another hemisphere, or to incur
+miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical
+warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the
+Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market
+where MEN should be BOUGHT and SOLD, he has prostituted his
+prerogative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or
+restrain execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors might
+want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very
+people to rise in arms against us, and purchase that liberty of which
+he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has also
+obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the
+liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit
+against the lives of another." Thus far this great statesman and
+philanthropist. Had his contemporaries been ruled by his opinions, the
+country had now been at rest on this exciting topic. What
+abolitionist, sir, has used stronger language against slavery than Mr.
+Jefferson has done? "Cruel war against human nature," "violating its
+most sacred rights," "piratical warfare," "opprobrium of infidel
+powers," "a market where men should be bought and sold," "execrable
+commerce," "assemblage of horrors," "crimes committed against the
+liberty of the people," are the brands which Mr. Jefferson has burned
+into the forehead of slavery and the slave trade. When, sir, have I,
+or any other person opposed to slavery, spoken in stronger and more
+opprobrious terms of slavery, than this? You have caused the bust of
+this great man to be placed in the centre of your Capitol; in that
+conspicuous part where every visitor must see it, with its hand
+resting on the Declaration of Independence, engraved upon marble. Why
+have you done this? Is it not mockery? Or is it to remind us
+continually of the wickedness and danger of slavery? I never pass that
+statue without new and increased veneration for the man it represents,
+and increased repugnance and sorrow that he did not succeed in driving
+slavery entirely from the country. Sir, if I am an abolitionist,
+Jefferson made me so; and I only regret that the disciple should be so
+far behind the master, both in doctrine and practice. But, sir, other
+reasons and other causes have combined to fix and establish my
+principles in this matter, never, I trust, to be shaken. A free State
+was the place of my birth; a free Territory the theatre of my juvenile
+actions. Ohio is my country, endeared to me by every fond
+recollection. She gave me political existence, and taught me in her
+political school; and I should be worse than an unnatural son did I
+forget or disobey her precepts. In her Constitution it is declared,
+"That all men are born equally free and independent," and "that there
+shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the State,
+otherwise than for the punishment of crimes." Shall I stand up for
+slavery in any case, condemned as it is by such high authority as
+this? No, never! But this is not all, Indiana, our younger Western
+sister, endeared to us by every social and political tie, a State
+formed in the same country as Ohio, from whose territory slavery was
+forever excluded by the ordinance of July, 1787--she too, has declared
+her abhorrence of slavery in more strong and empathic terms than we
+have done. In her constitution, after prohibiting slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, being introduced into the State, she declares,
+"But as to the holding any part of the human creation in slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, can originate only in _tyranny_ and
+_usurpation_, no alteration of her constitution should ever take
+place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the
+State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party
+had been duly convicted." Illinois and Michigan also formed their
+constitutions on the same principles. After such a cloud of witnesses
+against slavery, and whose testimony is so clear and explicit, as a
+citizen of Ohio, I should be recreant to every principle of honor and
+of justice, to be found the apologist or advocate of slavery in any
+State, or in any country whatever. No, I cannot be so inconsistent as
+to say I am opposed to slavery in the _abstract_, in its separation
+from a human being, and still lend my aid to build it up, and make it
+perpetual in its operation and effects upon _man_ in this or any other
+country. I also, in early life, saw a slave kneel before his master,
+and hold up his hands with as much apparent submission, humility, and
+adoration, as a man would have done before his Maker, while his master
+with out-stretched rod stood over him. This, I thought, is slavery;
+one man subjected to the will and power of another, and the laws
+affording him no protection, and he has to beg pardon of man, because
+he has offended man, (not the laws,) as if his master were a superior
+and all powerful being. Yes, this is slavery, boasted American
+slavery, without which, it is contended even here, that the union of
+these States would be dissolved in a day, yes, even in an hour!
+Humiliating thought, that we are bound together as States by the
+chains of slavery! It cannot be--the blood and the tears of slavery
+form no part of the cement of our Union--and it is hoped that by
+falling on its bands they may never corrode and eat them asunder. We
+who are opposed to and deplore the existence of slavery in our
+country, are frequently asked, both in public and private, what have
+you to do with slavery? It does not exist in your State; it does not
+disturb you! Ah, sir, would to God it were so--that we had nothing to
+do with slavery, nothing to fear from its power, or its action within
+our own borders, that its name and its miseries were unknown to us.
+But this is not our lot; we live upon its borders, and in hearing of
+its cries; yet we are unwilling to acknowledge, that if we enter its
+territories and violate its laws, that we should be punished at its
+pleasure. We do not complain of this, though it might well be
+considered just ground of complaint. It is our firesides, our rights,
+our privileges, the safety of our friends, as well as the sovereignty
+and independence of our State, that we are now called upon to protect
+and defend. The slave interest has at this moment the whole power of
+the country in its hands. It claims the President as a Northern man
+with Southern feelings, thus making the Chief Magistrate the head of
+an interest, or a party, and not of the country and the people at
+large. It has the cabinet of the President, three members of which are
+from the slave States, and one who wrote a book in favor of Southern
+slavery, but which fell dead from the press, a book which I have seen,
+in my own family, thrown musty upon the shelf. Here then is a decided
+majority in favor of the slave interest. It has five out of nine
+judges of the Supreme Court; here, also, is a majority from the slave
+States. It has, with the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of
+the House of Representatives, and the Clerks of both Houses, the army
+and the navy; and the bureaus, have, I am told, about the same
+proportion. One would suppose that, with all this power operating in
+this Government, it would be content to _permit_--yes I will use the
+word _permit_--it would be content to permit us, who live in the free
+States, to enjoy our firesides and our homes in quietness; but this is
+not the case. The slaveholders and slave laws claim that as property,
+which the free States know only as persons, a reasoning property,
+which, of its own will and mere motion, is frequently found in our
+States; and upon which THING we sometimes bestow food and raiment, if
+it appear hungry and perishing, believing it to be a human being; this
+perhaps is owing to our want of vision to discover the process by
+which a man is converted into a THING. For this act of ours, which is
+not prohibited by our laws, but prompted by every feeling, Christian
+and humane, the slaveholding power enters our territory, tramples
+under foot the sovereignty of our State, violates the sanctity of
+private residence, seizes our citizens, and disregarding the authority
+of our laws, transports them into its own jurisdiction, casts them
+into prison, confines them in fetters, and loads them with chains, for
+pretended offences against their own laws, found by willing grand
+juries upon the oath (to use the language of the late Governor of
+Ohio) of a perjured villain. Is this fancy, or is it fact, sober
+reality, solemn fact? Need I say all this, and much more, as now
+matter of history in the case of the Rev. John B. Mahan, of Brown
+county, Ohio? Yes, it is so; but this is but the beginning--a case of
+equal outrage has lately occurred, if newspapers are to be relied on,
+in the seizure of a citizen of Ohio, without even the forms of law,
+and who was carried into Virginia and shamefully punished by tar and
+feathers, and other disgraceful means, and rode upon a rail, according
+to the order of Judge Lynch, and this, only because in Ohio he was an
+abolitionist. Would I could stop here--but I cannot. This slave
+interest or power seizes upon persons of color in our States, carries
+them into States where men are property, and makes merchandize of
+them, sometimes under sanction of law, but more properly by its abuse,
+and sometimes by mere personal force, thus disturbing our quiet and
+harassing our citizens. A case of this kind has lately occurred, where
+a colored boy was seduced from Ohio into Indiana, taken from thence
+into Alabama and sold as a slave; and to the honor of the slave
+States, and gentlemen who administer the laws there, be it said, that
+many who have thus been taken and sold by the connivance, if not
+downright corruption, of citizens in the free States, have been
+liberated and adjudged free in the States where they have been sold,
+as was the case of the boy mentioned, who was sold in Alabama.
+
+Slave power is seeking to establish itself in every State, in defiance
+of the constitution and laws of the States within which it is
+prohibited. In order to secure its power beyond the reach of the
+States, it claims its parentage from the Constitution of the United
+States. It demands of us total silence as to its proceedings, denies
+to our citizens the liberty of speech and the press, and punishes them
+by mobs and violence for the exercise of these rights. It has sent its
+agents into the free States for the purpose of influencing their
+Legislatures to pass laws for the security of its power within such
+State, and for the enacting new offences and new punishments for their
+own citizens, so as to give additional security to its interest. It
+demands to be heard in its own person in the hall of our Legislature,
+and mingle in debate there. Sir, in every stage of these oppressions
+and abuses, permit me to say, in the language of the Declaration of
+Independence--and no language could be more appropriate--we have
+petitioned for redress in the most humble terms, and our repeated
+petitions have been answered by repeated injury. A power, whose
+character is marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit
+to rule over a free people. In our sufferings and our wrongs we have
+besought our fellow-citizens to aid us in the preservation of our
+constitutional rights, but, influenced by the love of gain or
+arbitrary power, they have sometimes disregarded all the sacred rights
+of man, and answered in violence, burnings, and murder. After all
+these transactions, which are now of public notoriety and matter of
+record, shall we of the free States tauntingly be asked what we have
+to do with slavery? We should rejoice, indeed, if the evils of slavery
+were removed far from us, that it could be said with truth, that we
+have nothing to do with slavery. Our citizens have not entered its
+territories for the purpose of obstructing its laws, nor do we wish to
+do so, nor would we justify any individual in such act; yet we have
+been branded and stigmatized by its friends and advocates, both in the
+free and slave States, as incendiaries, fanatics, disorganizers,
+enemies to our country, and as wishing to dissolve the Union. We have
+borne all this without complaint or resistance, and only ask to be
+secure in our persons, by our own firesides, and in the free exercise
+of our thoughts and opinions in speaking, writing, printing and
+publishing on the subject of slavery, that which appears to us to be
+just and right; because we all know the power of truth, and that it
+will ultimately prevail, in despite of all opposition. But in the
+exercise of all these rights, we acknowledge subjection to the laws of
+the State in which we are, and our liability for their abuse. We wish
+peace with all men; and that the most amicable relations and free
+intercourse may exist between the citizens of our State and our
+neighboring slaveholding States; we will not enter their States,
+either in our proper persons, or by commissioners, legislative
+resolutions, or otherwise, to interfere with their slave policy or
+slave laws; and we shall expect from them and their citizens a like
+return, that they do not enter our territories for the purpose of
+violating our laws in the punishment of our people for the exercise of
+their undoubted rights--the liberty of speech and of the press on the
+subject of slavery. We ask that no man shall be seized and transported
+beyond our State, in violation of our own laws, and that we shall not
+be carried into and imprisoned in another State for acts done in our
+own. We contend that the slaveholding power is properly chargeable
+with all the riots and disorders which take place on account of
+slavery. We can live in peace with all our sister States; if that
+power will be controlled by law, each can exercise and enjoy the full
+benefits secured by their own laws; and this is all we ask. If we hold
+up slavery to the view of an impartial public as it is, and if such
+view creates astonishment and indignation, surely we are not to be
+charged as libellers. A State institution ought to be considered the
+pride, not the shame of the State; and if we falsify such
+institutions, the disgrace is ours, not theirs. If slavery, however,
+is a blemish, a blot, an eating cancer in the body politic, it is not
+our fault if, by holding it up, others should see in the mirror of
+truth its deformity, and shrink back from the view. We have not, and
+we intend not, to use any weapons against slavery, but the moral power
+of truth and the force of public opinion. If we enter the slave
+States, and tamper with the slave contrary to law, punish us, we
+deserve it; and if a slaveholder is found in a free State, and is
+guilty of a breach of the law there, he also ought to be punished.
+These petitioners, as far as I understand them, disclaim all right to
+enter a slave State for the purpose of intercourse with the slave. It
+is the master whom they wish to address; and they ask and ought to
+receive protection from the laws, as they are willing to be judged by
+the laws. We invite into the arena of public discussion in our State
+the slaveholder; we are willing to hear his reasons and facts in favor
+of slavery, or against abolitionists: we do not fear his errors while
+we are ourselves free to combat them. The angry feelings which in some
+degree exist between the citizens of the free and slaveholding States,
+on account of slavery, are, in many cases, properly chargeable to
+those who defend and support slavery. Attempts are almost daily making
+to force the execution of slave laws in the free States; at least,
+their power and principles: and no term is too reproachful to be
+applied to those who resist such acts, and contend for the rights
+secured to every man under their own laws. We are often reminded that
+we ought to take color as evidence of property in a human being. We do
+not believe in such evidence, nor do we believe that a man can justly
+be made property by human laws. We acknowledge, however, that a _man_,
+not a _thing_ may be held to service or labor under the laws of a
+State, and, if he escape into another State, he ought to be delivered
+up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due;
+that this delivery ought to be in pursuance of the laws of the State
+where such person is found, and not by virtue of any act of Congress.
+
+This brings me, Mr. President, to the consideration of the petition
+presented by the Senator from Kentucky, and to an examination of the
+views he has presented to the Senate on this highly important subject.
+Sir, I feel, I sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering into a
+controversy with that old and veteran Senator; but nothing high or low
+shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my duty here. If
+imperfectly done, it may be ascribed to the want of ability, not
+intention. If the power of my mind, and the strength of my body, were
+equal to the task, I would arouse every man, yes, every woman and
+child in the country, to the danger which besets them, if such
+doctrines and views as are presented by the Senator should ever be
+carried into effect. His denunciations are against abolitionists, and
+under that term are classed all those who petition Congress on the
+subject of slavery. Such I understand to be his argument, and as such
+I shall treat it. I, in the first place, put in a broad denial to all
+his general facts, charging this portion of my fellow citizens with
+improper motives or dangerous designs. That their acts are lawful he
+does not pretend to deny. I called for proof to sustain his charges.
+None such has been offered, and none such exists, or can be found. I
+repel them as calumnies double-distilled in the alembic of slavery. I
+deny them, also, in the particulars and inferences; and let us see
+upon what ground they rest, or by what process of reasoning they are
+sustained.
+
+The very first view of these petitioners against our right of petition
+strikes the mind that more is intended than at first meets the eye.
+Why was the committee on the District overlooked in this case, and the
+Senator from Kentucky made the organ of communication? Is it
+understood that anti-abolitionism is a passport to popular favor, and
+that the action of this District shall present for that favor to the
+public a gentleman upon this hobby? Is this petition presented as a
+subject of fair legislation? Was it solicited by members of Congress,
+from citizens here, for political effect? Let the country judge. The
+petitioners state that no persons but themselves are authorized to
+interfere with slavery in the District; that Congress are their own
+Legislature; and the question of slavery in the District is only
+between them and their constituted legislators; and they protest
+against all interference of others. But, sir, as if ashamed of this
+open position in favor of slavery, they, in a very coy manner, say
+that some of them are not slaveholders, and might be forbidden by
+conscience to hold slaves. There is more dictation, more political
+heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained in this petition, than I
+have ever before seen couched together in so many words. We! Congress
+their OWN Legislature in all that concerns this District! Let those
+who may put on the city livery, and legislate for them and not for his
+constituents, do so; for myself, I came here with a different view,
+and for different purposes. I came a free man, to represent the people
+of Ohio; and I intend to leave this as such representative, without
+wearing any other livery. Why talk about executive usurpation and
+influence over the members of Congress? I have always viewed this
+District influence as far more dangerous than that of any other power.
+It has been able to extort, yes, extort from Congress, millions to pay
+District debts, make District improvements, and in support of the
+civil and criminal jurisprudence of the District. Pray, sir, what
+right has Congress to pay the corporate debts of the cities in the
+District more than the Debts of the corporate cities in your State and
+mine? None, sir. Yet this has been done to a vast amount; and the next
+step is, that we, who pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition
+Congress on the subject of their institutions, for, if we can be
+prevented in one case, we can in all possible cases. Mark, sir, how
+plain a tale will silence these petitioners. If slavery in the
+District concerns only the inhabitants and Congress, so does all
+municipal regulations. Should they extend to granting lottery,
+gaming-houses, tippling-houses, and other places calculated to promote
+and encourage vice--should a representative in Congress be instructed
+by his constituents to use his influence, and vote against such
+establishments, and the people of the District should instruct him to
+vote for them, which should he obey? To state the question is to
+answer it; otherwise the boasted right of instruction by the
+constituent body is "mere sound," signifying nothing. Sir, the
+inhabitants of this district are subject to state legislation and
+state policy; they cannot complain of this, for their condition is
+voluntary; and as this city is the focus of power, of influence, and
+considered also as that of fashion, if not of folly, and as the
+streams which flow from here irradiate the whole country, it is right,
+it is proper, that it should be subject to state policy and state
+power, and not used as a leaven to ferment and corrupt the whole body
+politic.
+
+The honorable Senator has said the petition, though from a city, is
+the fair expression of the opinion of the District. As such I treated
+it, am willing to acknowledge the respectability of the petitioners
+and their rights, and I claim for the people of my own state equal
+respectability and equal rights that the people of the District are
+entitled to: any peculiar rights and advantages I cannot admit.
+
+I agree with the Senator, that the proceedings on abolition petitions,
+heretofore, have not been the most wise and prudent course. They ought
+to have been referred and acted on. Such was my object, a day or two
+since, when I laid on your table a resolution to refer them to a
+committee for inquiry. You did not suffer it, sir, to be printed. The
+country and posterity will judge between the people whom I represent
+and those who caused to be printed the petition from the city. It
+cannot be possible that justice can have been done in both cases. The
+exclusive legislation of Congress over the District is as much the act
+of the constituent body, as the general legislation of Congress over
+the States, and to the operation of this act have the people within
+the District submitted themselves. I cannot, however, join the Senator
+that the majority, in refusing to receive and refer petitions, did not
+intend to destroy or impair the right in this particular. They
+certainly have done so.
+
+The Senator admits the abolitionists are now formidable; that
+something must be done to produce harmony. Yes, sir, do justice, and
+harmony will be restored. Act impartially, that justice may be done:
+hear petitions on both sides, if they are offered, and give righteous
+judgments, and your people will be satisfied. You cannot compromise
+them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep with fallacies in the
+shape of reports. You cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them
+by sophistry. Remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor can you
+overthrow it. You must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have
+taken, and receive petitions. The reason of the case, the argument and
+the judgment of the people, are all against you. One in this cause can
+"chase a thousand," and the voice of justice will be heard whenever
+you agitate the subject. In Indiana, the right to petition has been
+most nobly advocated in a protest, by a member, against some puny
+resolutions of the Legislature of that State to whitewash slavery.
+Permit me to read a paragraph, worthy an American freeman:
+
+"But who would have thought until lately, that any would have doubted
+the right to petition in a respectful manner to Congress? Who would
+have believed, that Congress had any authority to refuse to consider
+the petitions of the people? Such a step would overthrow the autocrat
+of Russia, or cost the Grand Seignior of Constantinople his head. Can
+it be possible, therefore, that it has been reserved for a republican
+Government, in a land boasting of its free institutions, to set the
+first precedent of this kind? Our city councils, our courts of
+justice, every department of Government are approached by petition,
+however unanswerable, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful.
+None go away unread, or unheard. The life of every individual is a
+perfect illustration of the subject of petitioning. Petition is the
+language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad variety of
+woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some power superior to himself.
+Petitioning is the foundation of all government, and of all
+administrations of law. Yet it has been reserved for our Congress,
+seconded indirectly by the vote of this Legislature, to question this
+right, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted,
+that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a guaranty of it
+in the first draft of the Federal Constitution. Yet this sacred right
+has been, at one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the feet
+of slavery. The old bulwarks of our Federal and State Constitutions
+seem utterly to have been forgotten, which declare, 'that the freedom
+of speech and the press shall not be abridged, nor the right of the
+people peaceably to assemble and _petition_ for the redress of their
+grievances.'"
+
+These, sir, are the sentiments which make abolitionists formidable,
+and set at nought all your councils for their overthrow. The honorable
+Senator not only admits that abolitionists are formidable, but that
+they consist of three classes. The friends of humanity and justice, or
+those actuated by those principles, compose one class. These form a
+very numerous class, and the acknowledgment of the Senator proves the
+immutable principles upon which opposition to slavery rests. Men are
+opposed to it from principles of humanity and justice--men are
+abolitionists, he admits, on that account. We thank the Senator for
+teaching us that word, we intend to improve it. The next class of
+abolitionists, the Senator says, are so, apparently, for the purpose
+of advocating the right of petition. What are we to understand from
+this? That the right of petition needs advocacy. Who has denied this
+right, or who has attempted to abridge it? The slaveholding power,
+that power which avoids open discussion, and the free exercise of
+opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of the
+right of petition necessary, having seized upon all the powers of the
+Government. It is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron
+rule, no matter to what political party they have heretofore belonged;
+they are uniting with the first class, and act from principles of
+humanity and justice; and if the mists and shades of slavery were not
+the atmosphere in which gentlemen were enveloped, they would see
+constant and increasing numbers of our most worthy and intelligent
+citizens attaching themselves to the two classes mentioned, and
+rallying under the banners of abolitionism. They are compelled to go
+there, if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend and
+perpetuate the liberties of the country. The hopes of the oppressed
+spring up afresh from this discussion of the gentleman. The third
+class, the Senator says, are those who, to accomplish their ends, act
+without regard to consequences. To them, all the rights of property,
+of the States, of the Union, the Senator says, are nothing. He says
+they aim at other objects than those they profess--emancipation in the
+District of Columbia. No, says the Senator, their object is _universal
+emancipation_, not only in the District, but in the Territories and in
+the States. Their object is to set free three millions of negro
+slaves. Who made the Senator, in his place here, the censor of his
+fellow citizens? Who authorized him to charge them with other objects
+than those they profess?  How long is it since the Senator himself, on
+this floor, denounced slavery as an evil? What other inducements or
+object had he then in view? Suppose universal emancipation to be the
+object of these petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy
+object; worthy of the Christian, the philanthropist, the statesman,
+and the citizen? But the Senator says, they (the petitioners) aim to
+excite one portion of the country against another. I deny, sir, this
+charge, and call for the proof; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and
+unjust towards my fellow citizens. This is the language of a stricken
+conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charging
+guilt upon others. It is the language of those who, failing in
+argument, endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of their
+opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. It is
+the language of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and
+honorable investigation, the object of which is truth. I again put in
+a broad denial to this charge, that any portion of these petitioners,
+whom I represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against
+another; and without proof I cannot admit that the assertion of the
+honorable Senator establishes the fact. It is but opinion, and naked
+assertion only. The Senator complains that the means and views of the
+abolitionists are not confined to securing the right of petition only;
+no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the BALLOT BOX; and if
+that fail, says the Senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet.
+Sir, no man, who is an American in feeling and in heart, but ought to
+repel this charge instantly, and without any reservation whatever,
+that if they fail at the ballot box they will resort to the bayonet.
+If such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country,
+it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising the
+right of petition, but by those only who deny that right to others,
+and seek to usurp the whole power of the Government. If the ballot box
+fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now
+are. Does the Senator believe that any portion of the honest yeomanry
+of the country entertain such thoughts? I hope he does not. If
+thoughts of this kind exist, they are to be found in the hearts of
+aspirants to office, and their adherents, and none others. Who, sir,
+is making this question a political affair? Not the petitioners. It
+was the slaveholding power which first made this move. I have noticed
+for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as
+well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists
+for exercising the rights of freemen.
+
+Both political parties, however, have courted them in private and
+denounced them in public, and both have equally deceived them. And who
+shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his
+principles to the _ballot box? Who fears the ballot box?_ The honest
+in heart, the lover of our country and its institutions? No, sir! It
+is feared by the tyrant; he who usurps power, and seizes upon the
+liberty of others; he, for one, fears the ballot box. Where is the
+slave to party in this country who is so lost to his own dignity, or
+so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not, or will not,
+carry his principles and his judgment into the ballot box? Such an one
+ought to have the mark of Cain in his forehead, and sent to labor
+among the negro slaves of the South. The honorable Senator seems
+anxious to take under his care the ballot box, as he has the slave
+system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it
+for the redress of what they deem a political grievance. Suppose the
+power of the Executive chair should take under its care the right of
+voting, and who should proscribe any portion of our citizens who
+should carry with them to the polls of election their own opinions,
+creeds, and doctrines. This would at once be a deathblow to our
+liberties, and the remedy could only be found in revolution. There can
+be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the ballot box is free.
+Our Government is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation
+rests on public opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the
+nation. The moral power of that of the ballot box is sufficient to
+correct all abuses. Let me, then, proclaim here, from this high arena,
+to the citizens not only of my own State, but to the country, to all
+sects and parties who are entitled to the right of suffrage, To THE
+BALLOT BOX! carry with you honestly your own sentiments respecting the
+welfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you
+can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. Fear
+not the frowns of power. It trembles while it denounces you. The
+Senator complains that the abolitionists have associated with the
+politics of the country. So far as I am capable of judging, this
+charge is not well founded; many politicians of the country have used
+abolitionists as stepping stones to mount into power; and, when there,
+have turned about and traduced them. He admits that political parties
+are willing to unite with them any class of men, in order to carry
+their purposes. Are abolitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the
+same course? It seems the Senator is willing that his party should
+make use of even abolitionists; but he is not willing that
+abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. This seems
+not to be in accordance with that equality of rights about which we
+heard so much at the last session. Abolitionists have nothing to fear.
+If public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and
+amongst them as the locusts of Egypt. The Senator seems to admit that,
+if the abolitionists are joined to either party, there is
+danger--danger of what? That humanity and justice will prevail? that
+the right of petition will be secured to ALL EQUALLY? and that the
+long lost and trodden African race will be restored to their natural
+rights? Would the Senator regret to see this accomplished by argument,
+persuasion, and the force of an enlightened public opinion? I hope
+not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this
+warfare.
+
+These ultra-abolitionists, says the Senator, invoke the power of this
+government to their aid. And pray, sir, what power should they invoke?
+Have they not the same right to approach this government as other men?
+Is the Senator or this body authorized to deny them any privileges
+secured to other citizens? If so, let him show me the charter of his
+power and I will be silent. Until he can do this, I shall uphold,
+justify, and sustain them, as I do other citizens. The exercise of
+power by Congress in behalf of the slaves within this District, the
+Senator seems to think, no one without the District has the least
+claim to ask for. It is because I reside without the District, and am
+called within it by the Constitution, that I object to the existence
+of slavery here. I deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point.
+On this then, we are equal. The Senator, however, is at war with
+himself. He contends the object of the cession by the States of
+Virginia and Maryland, was to establish a seat of Government _only_,
+and to give Congress whatever power was necessary to render the
+District a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and
+that Congress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this
+District; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to attain the
+object, Congress have power to abolish slavery in the District. I am
+sure I quote the gentleman substantially; and I thank him for this
+precious confession in his argument; it is what I believe, and I know
+it is all I feel disposed to ask. If we can, then, prove that this
+District is not as comfortable and convenient a place for the
+deliberations of Congress, and the comfort of our citizens who may
+visit it, while slavery exists here, as it would be without slavery,
+then slavery ought to be abolished; and I trust we shall have the
+distinguished Senator from Kentucky to aid us in this great national
+reformation. I take the Senator at his word. I agree with him that
+this ought to be such a place as he has described; but I deny that it
+is so. And upon what facts do I rest my denial? We are a Christian
+nation, a moral and religious people. I speak for the free States, at
+least for my own State; and what a contrast do the very streets of
+your capital daily present to the Christianity and morality of the
+nation? A race of slaves, or at least colored persons, of every hue
+from the jet black African, in regular gradation, up to the almost
+pure Anglo-Saxon color. During the short time official duty has called
+me here, I have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and the
+almost white negro; and I have been astonished at the numbers of the
+mixed race, when compared with those of full color, and I have deeply
+deplored this stain upon our national morals; and the words of Dr.
+Channing have, thousands of times, been impressed on my mind, that "a
+slave country reeks with licentiousness."  How comes this amalgamation
+of the races? It comes from slavery. It is a disagreeable annoyance to
+persons who come from the free States, especially to their Christian
+and moral feelings. It is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of
+their duties while here. Remove slavery from this District, and this
+evil will disappear. We argue this circumstance alone as sufficient
+cause to produce that effect. But slavery presents within the District
+other and still more appalling scenes--scenes well calculated to
+awaken the deepest emotions of the human heart. The slave-trade exists
+here in all its HORRORS, and unwhipt of all its crimes. In view of the
+very chair which you now occupy, Mr. President, if the massy walls of
+this building, did not prevent it, you could see the prison, the
+_pen_, the HELL, where human beings, when purchased for sale, are kept
+until a cargo can be procured for transportation to a Southern or
+foreign market, for I have little doubt slaves are carried to Texas
+for sale, though I do not know the fact.
+
+Sir, since Congress have been in session, a mournful group of these
+unhappy beings, some thirty or forty, were marched, as if in derision
+of members of Congress, in view of your Capitol, chained and manacled
+together, in open day-light, yes, in the very face of heaven itself,
+to be shipped at Baltimore for a foreign market. I did not witness
+this cruel transaction, but speak from what I have heard and believe.
+Is this District, then, a fit place for our deliberations, whose
+feelings are outraged with impunity with transactions like this?
+Suppose, sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at this moment
+exhibited under the windows of our chamber, do you think the Senate
+could deliberate, could continue with that composure and attention
+which I see around me? No, sir; all your powers could not preserve
+order for a moment. The feelings of humanity would overcome those of
+regard for the peculiar institutions of the States; and though we
+would be politically and legally bound not to interfere, we are not
+morally bound to withhold our sympathy and our execration in
+witnessing such inhuman traffic. This traffic alone, in this District,
+renders it an uncomfortable and unfit place for your seat of
+Government. Sir, it is but one or two years since I saw standing at
+the railroad depot, as I passed from my boarding house to this
+chamber, some large wagons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the
+cars had not then arrived. I was inquired of, when I returned to my
+lodgings, by my landlady, if I knew the object of those wagons which I
+saw in the morning. I replied, I did not; I suppose they came and were
+waiting for loading. "Yes, for slaves," said she; "and one of those
+wagons was filled with little boys and little girls, who had been
+bought up through the country, and were to be taken to a southern
+market. Ah, sir!" continued she, "it made my very heart ache to see
+them." The very recital unnerved and unfitted me for thought or
+reflection on any other subject for some time. It is scenes like this,
+of which ladies of my country and my state complained in their
+petitions, some time since, as rendering this District unpleasant,
+should they visit the capital of the nation as wives, sisters,
+daughters, or friends of members of Congress. Yet, sir, these
+respectable females were treated here with contemptuous sneers; they
+were compared, on this floor, to the fish-women of Paris, who dipped
+their fingers in the blood of revolutionary France. Sir, if the
+transaction in slaves here, which I have mentioned, could make such an
+impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the District, one who
+had been used to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would be the
+feelings of ladies from free states on beholding a like transaction? I
+will leave every gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves. I
+am unable to describe it. Shall the capital of your country longer
+exhibit scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your
+country cannot visit it without disgust? No; wipe off the foul stain,
+and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of
+Government. The Senator, as if conscious that his argument on this
+point had proved too much, and of course had proven the converse of
+what he wished to establish, concluded this part by saying, that if
+slavery is abolished, the act ought to be confined to the city alone.
+We thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opinion upon this
+arid waste of public feeling. Liberty may yet vegetate and grow even
+here.
+
+The Senator insists that the States of Virginia and Maryland would
+never have ceded this District if they had have thought slavery would
+ever have been abolished in it. This is an old story twice told. It
+was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for
+its own security. Let the States ask a retrocession of the District,
+and I am sure the free States will rejoice to make the grant.
+
+The Senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery
+should not exist in the Territories, even in Florida. He insists that,
+by the treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the right to
+remove their EFFECTS when they please; and that, by this condition,
+they have the right to retain their slaves as effects, independently
+of the power of Congress. I am no diplomatist, sir, but I venture to
+deny the conclusion of the Senator's argument. In all our intercourse
+with foreign nations, in all our treaties in which the words "goods,
+effects," &c. are used, slaves have never been considered as included.
+In all cases in which slaves are the subject matter of controversy,
+they are specially named by the word "slaves; and, if I remember
+rightly, it has been decided in Congress, that slaves are not property
+for which a compensation shall be made when taken for public use, (or
+rather, slaves cannot be considered as taken for public use,) or as
+property by the enemy, when they are in the service of the United
+States. If I am correct, as I believe I am, in the positions I have
+assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by this part of his argument,
+against abolitionists, for asking that slavery shall not exist in
+Florida."
+
+The gentleman contends that the power to remove slaves from one State
+to another, for sale, is found in that part of the Constitution which
+gives Congress the power to regulate commerce within the States, &c.
+This argument is _non sequiter_, unless the honorable Senator can
+first prove that slaves are proper articles for commerce. We say that
+Congress have power over slaves only as persons. The United States can
+protect persons, _but cannot make them property_, and they have full
+power in regulating commerce, and can, in such regulations, prohibit
+from its operations every thing but property; property made so by the
+laws of nature, and not by any municipal regulations. The dominion of
+man over things, as property, was settled by his Creator when man was
+first placed upon the earth. He was to subdue the earth, and have
+dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, and over
+every living thing that moveth upon the earth; every herb bearing
+seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed, was given for his use.
+This is the foundation of all right in property of every description.
+It is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man cannot
+be included in the grant. Every municipal regulation, then, of any
+State, or any of its peculiar institutions, which makes man property,
+is a violation of this great law of nature, and is founded in
+usurpation and tyranny, and is accomplished by force, fraud, or an
+abuse of power. It is a violation of the principles of truth and
+justice, in subjecting the weaker to the stronger man. In a Christian
+nation such property can form no just ground for commercial
+regulations, but ought to be strictly prohibited. I therefore believe
+it is the duty of Congress, by virtue of this power, to regulate
+commerce, to prohibit, at once, slaves being used as articles of
+trade.
+
+The gentleman says, the Constitution left the subject of slavery
+entirely to the States. To this position I assent; and, as the States
+cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of
+Congress, that body cannot make slaves an article of commerce, because
+slavery is left entirely to the States in which it exists; and slaves
+within those States, according to the gentleman, are excluded from the
+power of Congress. Can Congress, in regulating commerce among the
+several States, authorize the transportation of articles from one
+State, and their sale in another, which they have not power so to
+authorize in any State? I cannot believe in such doctrine; and I now
+solemnly protest against the power of Congress to authorize the
+transportation to, and the sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatever,
+or for any possible purpose under the sun. Who is there in Ohio, or
+elsewhere, that will dare deny this position? If Ohio contains such a
+recreant to her constitution and policy, I hope he may have the
+boldness to stand forth and avow it. If the States in which slavery
+exists love it as a household god, let them keep it there, and not
+call upon us in the free States to offer incense to their idol. We do
+not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure hands,
+upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity.
+
+The gentleman admits that, at the formation of our Government, it was
+feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country;
+and, as the BALLOT BOX seems continually to haunt his imagination, he
+says there is real danger of dissolution of the Union if
+abolitionists, as is evident they do, will carry their principles into
+the BALLOT BOX. If not disunion in fact, at least in feeling, in the
+country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms. And the
+gentleman further says we are taught by holy writ, "that the race is
+not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." The moral of the
+gentleman's argument is, that truth and righteousness will prevail,
+though opposed by power and influence; that abolitionists, though few
+in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as I have said, may chase a
+thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and, as their weapons of
+warfare are not "carnal, but mighty to the pulling down of strong
+holds," even slavery itself; and as the ballot box is the great moral
+lever in political action, the gentleman would exclude abolitionists
+entirely from its use, and for opinion's sake, deny them this high
+privilege of every American citizen. Permit me, sir, to remind the
+gentleman of another text of holy writ. "The wicked flee when no man
+pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." The Senator says that
+those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to be under too much
+alarm. Does this prove the application of the text I have just quoted:
+"Conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." The Senator appeals to
+abolitionists, and beseeches them to cease their efforts on the
+subject of slavery, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their
+benevolence." What! Abolitionists benevolent! He hopes they will
+select some object not so terrible. Oh, sir, he is willing they should
+pay tithes of "mint and rue," but the weighter matters of the law,
+judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. I ought to
+thank the Senator for introducing holy writ into this debate, and
+inform him his arguments are not the sentiments of Him, who, when on
+earth, went about doing good.
+
+The Senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts
+in behalf of abolitionism. Who authorized the Senator, as a
+politician, to use his influence to point out to the clergy what they
+should preach, or for what they should pray? Would the Senator dare
+exert his power here to bind the consciences of men? By what rule of
+ethics, then, does he undertake to use his influence, from this high
+place of power, in order to gain the same object, I am at a loss to
+determine. Sir, this movement of the Senator is far more censurable
+and dangerous, as an attempt to unite Church and State, than were the
+petitions against Sunday mails, the report in opposition to which
+gained for you, Mr. President, so much applause in the country. I,
+sir, also appeal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience;
+and if they believe slavery to be a sin, we ought to honor and respect
+them for their open denunciation of it, rather than call on them to
+desist, for between their conscience and their God, we have no power
+to interfere; we do not wish to make them political agents for any
+purpose.
+
+But the Senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist;
+he calls on his countrywomen to warn them, also, to cease their
+efforts, and reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held in their
+fair fingers when writing their names to abolition petitions, may be
+the cause of shedding much human blood! Sir, the language towards this
+class of petitioners is very much changed of late; they formerly were
+pronounced idlers, fanatics, old women and school misses, unworthy of
+respect from intelligent and respectable men. I warned gentlemen then
+that they would change their language; the blows they aimed fell
+harmless at the feet of those against whom they were intended to
+injure. In this movement of my countrywomen I thought was plainly to
+be discovered the operations of Providence, and a sure sign of the
+final triumph of _universal emancipation_. All history, both sacred
+and profane, both ancient and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy
+of female influence and power in the cause of human liberty. From the
+time of the preservation, by the hands of women, of the great Jewish
+law-giver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the
+purpose of freeing his countrymen from Egyptian bondage, has woman
+been made a powerful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the
+oppressor. With a pure and uncontaminated mind, her actions spring
+from the deepest recesses of the human heart. Denounce her as you
+will, you cannot deter her from her duty. Pain, sickness, want,
+poverty and even death itself form no obstacles in her onward march.
+Even the tender Virgin would dress, as a martyr for the stake, as for
+her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty.
+The eloquence of the Senate, and clash of arms, are alike powerful
+when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous
+woman. The liberty of the slave seems now to be committed to her
+charge, and who can doubt her final triumph? I do not.--You cannot
+fight against her and hope for success; and well does the Senator know
+this; hence this appeal to her feelings to terrify her from that which
+she believes to be her duty. It is a vain attempt.
+
+The Senator says that it was the principles of the Constitution which
+carried us through the Revolution. Surely it was; and to use the
+language of another Senator from a slave State, on a former occasion,
+these are the very principles on which the abolitionists plant
+themselves. It was the principle that all men are born FREE AND EQUAL,
+that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independence.
+It was for the natural and inherent rights of _man_ they contended. It
+is a libel upon the Constitution to say that its object was not
+liberty, but slavery, for millions of the human race.
+
+The Senator, well fearing that all his eloquence and his arguments
+thus far are but chaff, when weighed in the balance against truth and
+justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says that which
+opposes the ulterior object of abolitionists, is that the general
+government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and that the
+Constitution or the Union would not last an hour if the power claimed
+was exercised by Congress. It is slavery, then, and not liberty, that
+makes us one people. To dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the Union.
+Why require of us to support the Constitution by oath, if the
+Constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the
+moral power of the country? Change the form of the oath which you
+administer to Senators on taking seats here, swear them to support
+slavery, and according to the logic of the gentleman, the Constitution
+and the Union will both be safe. We hear almost daily threats of
+dissolving the Union, and from whence do they come? From citizens of
+the free States? No! From the slave States only. Why wish to dissolve
+it? The reason is plain, that a new government may be formed, by which
+we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. No impartial
+observer of passing events, can, in my humble judgment, doubt the
+truth of this. The Senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they
+wish the slaveholder to free his slave. He asks, why denounce him? I
+cannot admit the truth of the question; but I might well ask the
+gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, "why are you angry at me,
+because I tell you the truth?" It is the light of truth which the
+slaveholder cannot endure; a plain unvarnished tale of what slavery
+is, he considers a libel upon himself. The fact is, the slaveholder
+feels the leprosy of slavery upon him. He is anxious to hide the
+odious disease from the public eye, and the ballot box and the right
+of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp reproof; and
+being unwilling to renounce his errors, he tries to escape from their
+consequences, by making the world believe that HE is the persecuted,
+and not the persecutor. Slaveholders have said here, during this very
+session, "the fact is, slavery will not bear examination." It is the
+Senator who denounces abolitionists for the exercise of their most
+unquestionable rights, while abolitionists condemn that only which the
+Senator himself will acknowledge to be wrong at all times and under
+all circumstances. Because he admits that if it was an original
+question whether slaves should be introduced among us, but few
+citizens would be found to agree to it, and none more opposed to it
+than himself. The argument is, that the evil of slavery is incurable;
+that the attempt to eradicate it would commence a struggle which would
+exterminate one race or the other. What a lamentable picture of our
+government, so often pronounced the best upon earth! The seeds of
+disease, which were interwoven into its first existence, have now
+become so incorporated into its frame, that they cannot be extracted
+without dissolving the whole fabric; that we must endure the evil
+without hope and without complaint. Our very natures must be changed
+before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. The evil
+will be remedied: and to use the language of Jefferson again, "this
+people will yet be free." The Senator finds consolation, however in
+the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. The black race
+(says he) is the strong ground of slavery in our country. Yes, it is
+_color_, not right and justice, that is to continue forever slavery in
+our country. It is prejudice against color, which is the strong ground
+of the slaveholder's hope. Is that prejudice founded in nature, or is
+it the effect of base and sordid interest? Let the mixed race which we
+see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white
+fathers, answer the question. Slavery has no just foundation in color:
+it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and
+force. These were its parents in every age and country of the world.
+
+The Senator says, the next or greatest difficulty to emancipation is,
+the amount of property it would take from the owners. All ideas of
+right and wrong are confounded in these words: emancipate property,
+emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be unmeaning, but a
+ludicrous expression. To emancipate is to set free from slavery. To
+emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. The Senator estimates
+the number of slaves--_men_ now held in bondage--at three millions in
+the United States. Is this statement made here by the same voice which
+was heard in this Capitol in favor of the liberties of Greece, and for
+the emancipation of our South American brethren from political
+thralldom? It is; and has all its fervor in favor of liberty been
+exhausted upon foreign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper
+in favor of three millions of men in our own country, now groaning
+under the most galling oppression the world ever saw? No, sir. Sordid
+interest rules the hour. Men are made property, and paper is made
+money, and the Senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar
+institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all
+his wishes. He informs us that some have computed the slaves to be
+worth the average amount of five hundred dollars each. He will
+estimate within bounds at four hundred dollars each. Making the amount
+twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. I heard
+this statement, Mr. President, with emotions of the deepest feeling.
+By what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the Senator
+calculate the amount of property in human beings? Can it be fancy or
+fact, that I hear such calculation, that the people of the United
+States own twelve hundred millions' (double the amount of all the
+specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh! And this
+property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of
+society, forming part of all our contracts within our own country and
+in Europe. I should have been glad, sir, to have been spared the
+hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high source
+and the place from which it emanated. But the assertion has gone forth
+that we have twelve hundred millions of slave property at the South;
+and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to
+perceive that the power of this vast amount of property at the South
+is now uniting itself to the banking power of the North, in order to
+govern the destinies of this country. Six hundred millions of banking
+capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and
+the bank power are thus to unite in order to break down the present
+administration. There can be no mistake, as I believe, in this matter.
+The aristocracy of the North, who, by the power of a corrupt banking
+system, and the aristocracy of the South, by the power of the slave
+system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to
+unite in order to make the reign of each perpetual. Is there an
+independent American to be found, who will become the recreant slave
+to such an unholy combination? Is this another compromise to barter
+the liberties of the country for personal aggrandisement? "Resistance
+to tyrants is obedience to God."
+
+The Senator further insists, "that what the law makes property is
+property." This is the predicate of the gentleman; he has neither
+facts nor reason to prove it; yet upon this alone does he rest the
+whole case that negroes are property. I deny the predicate and the
+argument. Suppose the Legislature of the Senator's own State should
+pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any
+white citizen of Kentucky, _property_, and should they be sold and
+transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, "Yes,
+they are property, for the law has made them such?" No, sir; he would
+denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces
+abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to
+accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power.
+
+Human laws, I contend, cannot make human beings property, if human
+force can do it. If it is competent for our legislatures to make a
+black man _property_, it is competent for them to make a white man the
+same; and the same objection exists to the power of the people in an
+organic law for their own government; they cannot make property of
+each other; and, in the language of the Constitution of Indiana, such
+an act "can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." Dreadful,
+indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles
+should not only be carried into the ballot box, but into the
+presidential chair. The idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the
+slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of this, is
+addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. There is no
+principle of morality or justice that should require them or our
+citizens generally to do so. To free a slave is to take from
+usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and
+bestow it upon the rightful owner. It is not taking property from its
+true owner for public use. Men can do with their own as they please,
+to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so.
+
+The gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand
+and one times: that abolitionists are retarding the emancipation of
+the slave, and have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years; that they
+have increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat
+his slave with more severity. Slavery, then, is to cease at some
+period; and because the abolitionists have said to the slaveholder,
+"Now is the accepted time," and because he thinks this an improper
+interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he
+inflicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave! The moral of this
+story is, the slaveholder will exercise more cruelty because he is
+desired to show mercy. I do not envy the senator the full benefit of
+his argument. It is no doubt a true picture of the feelings and
+principles which slavery engenders in the breast of the master. It is
+in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear; that if
+petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their
+constitutional rights, others will dissolve the Union. These, however,
+ought to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats.
+
+The Senator tells us that the consequences arising from the freedom of
+slaves, would be to reduce the wages of the white laborer. He has
+furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can
+rest. He, however, would draw a line, on one side of which he would
+place the slave labor, and on the other side free white labor; and
+looking over the whole, as a general system, both would appear on a
+perfect equality. I have observed, for some years past, that the
+southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of
+integrity, morality, usefulness, and comfort, equal to the laboring
+population of the North. Thus endeavoring to raise the slave in public
+estimation, to an equality with the free white laborer of the North;
+while, on the other hand, the northern aristocrat has, in the same
+manner, viz.: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the
+moral and political condition of the slaves of the South. It is for
+the free white American citizens to determine whether they will permit
+such degrading comparisons longer to exist. Already has this spirit
+broken forth in denunciation of the right of universal suffrage. Will
+free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late?
+
+The last, the great, the crying sin of abolitionists, in the eyes of
+the Senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of
+amalgamation. It is not necessary now to enter into any of the
+benefits and advantages of colonization; the Senator has pronounced it
+the noblest scheme ever devised by man; he says it is powerful but
+harmless. I have no knowledge of any resulting benefits from the
+scheme to either race. I have not a doubt as to the real object
+intended by its founders; it did not arise from principles of humanity
+and benevolence towards the colored race, but a desire to remove the
+free of that race beyond the United States, in order to perpetuate and
+make slavery more secure.
+
+The Senator further makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to
+_enforce_ the unnatural system of amalgamation. We deny the fact, and
+call on the Senator for proof. The citizens of the free States, the
+petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free States in
+favor of amalgamation! No, sir! If you want evidence of the fact, and
+reasoning in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave
+States; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and
+presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black
+African to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. Does any one
+need proof of this fact? let him take but a few turns through the
+streets of your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he
+will be perfectly satisfied. Amalgamation, indeed! The charge is made
+with a very bad grace on the present occasion. No, sir; it is not the
+negro _woman_, it is the _slave_ and the contaminating influence of
+slavery that is the mother of amalgamation. Does the gentleman want
+facts on this subject? let him look at the colored race in the free
+States; it is a rare occurrence there. A colony of blacks, some three
+or four hundred, were settled, some fifteen or twenty years since, in
+the county of Brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in
+Ohio, and I was told by a person living near them, a country merchant
+with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject,
+he informed me he knew of but one instance of a mulatto child being
+born amongst them for the last fifteen years; and I venture the
+assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave State, the
+cases of a like kind would have been far more numerous. I repeat
+again, in the words of Dr. Channing, it is a slave country that reeks
+with licentiousness of this kind, and for proof I refer to the
+opinions of Judge Harper, of North Carolina, in his defence of
+southern slavery.
+
+The Senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and
+might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short, and make the
+inquiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin? He had heard
+of no instance of the kind against abolitionists; they (the
+abolitionists) would begin it with the laboring class; and if I
+understand the Senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing
+together the white and the black laborers, would naturally produce
+this result. Sir, I regret, I deplore, that such a charge should be
+made against the laboring class--that class which tills the ground;
+and, in obedience to the decree of their Maker, eat their bread in
+the sweat of their face--that class, as Mr. Jefferson says, if God has
+a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. This charge
+is calculated for effect, to induce the laboring class to believe,
+that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free States,
+reduced to the same condition as the colored laborer. The reverse of
+that is the truth of the case. It is the slaveholder NOW, he who looks
+upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred
+spirits who live upon the labor of others, endeavoring to reduce the
+white laborer to the condition of the slave. They do not yet claim him
+as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the
+public affairs of the country. It is further said, that if the negroes
+were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free States.
+I cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary.
+Negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached
+to the place of their birth, and the home of their youth; and the
+climate of the South is congenial to their natures, more than that of
+the North. If emancipation should take place at the South--and the
+negro be freed from the fear of being made merchandize, they would
+remove from the free States of the North and West, immediately return
+to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers.
+Already in Ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white labor,
+(emigrants,) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all
+situations in which male or female labor is found. But, sir, this plea
+of necessity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. Has not the free
+black person the same right to the use of his hands as the white
+person: the same right to contract and labor for what price he
+pleases? Would the gentleman extend the power of the government to the
+regulation of the productive industry of the country? This was his
+former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. Taking
+advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being
+made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black
+laborer. For shame! let us cease from attempts of this kind.
+
+The Senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago
+that is now asked, Can the negro be continued forever in bondage? Yes;
+and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones.
+But, says the Senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. Pray,
+sir, in what part of your country do you find this prosperity and
+happiness? In the slave States? No! no! There all is weakness gloom,
+and despair; while, in the free States, all is light, business, and
+activity. What has created the astonishing difference between the
+gentleman's State and mine--between Kentucky and Ohio? Slavery, the
+withering curse of slavery, is upon Kentucky, while Ohio is free.
+Kentucky, the garden of the West, almost the land of promise,
+possessing all the natural advantages, and more than is possessed by
+Ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. Sir, I can see from
+the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of Cincinnati, lands in
+Kentucky, which, I am told, can be purchased from ten to fifty dollars
+per acre; while lands of the same quality, under the same
+improvements, and the same distance from me in Ohio, would probably
+sell from one to five hundred dollars per acre. I was told by a
+friend, a few days before I left home, who had formerly resided in the
+county of Bourbon, Kentucky--a most excellent county of lands
+adjoining, I believe, the county in which the Senator resides--that
+the white population of that county was more than four hundred less
+than it was five years since. Will the Senator contend, after a
+knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the
+cause of our prosperity and happiness? No, he cannot. It is because
+slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our
+country, that we are a prosperous and happy people. But its late
+attempts to force its influence and power into the free States, and
+deprive our citizens of their unquestionable rights, has been the
+moving cause of all the riots, burnings, and murders that have taken
+place on account of abolitionism; and it has, in some degree, even in
+the free States, caused mourning, lamentation, and woe. Remove
+slavery, and the country, the whole country, will recover its natural
+vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more
+extensive, safe, and sure foundation. It is a waste of time to answer
+the allegations that the emancipation of the negro race would induce
+them to make war on the white race. Every fact in the history of
+emancipation proves the reverse; and he that will not believe those
+facts, has darkened his own understanding, that the light of reason
+can make no impression: he appeals to interest, not to truth, for
+information on this subject. We do not fear his errors, while we are
+left free to combat them. The Senator implores us to cease all
+commotion on this subject. Are we to surrender all our rights and
+privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands
+of the slaveholding power, without a single struggle? Are we to cease
+all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of
+this power? Is the calm of despotism to reign over this land, and the
+voice of freemen to be no more heard! This sacrifice is required of
+us, in order to sustain slavery. _Freemen_, will you make it? Will you
+shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor,
+famished slave, a morsel of bread? Can you thus act, and expect the
+blessings of heaven upon your country? I beseech you to consider for
+yourselves.
+
+Mr. President, I have been compelled to enter into this discussion
+from the course pursued by the Senate on the resolutions I submitted a
+few days since. The cry of abolitionist has been raised against me. If
+those resolutions are abolitionism, then I am an abolitionist from the
+sole of my feet to the crown of my head. If to maintain the rights of
+the States, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage; if
+to preserve the supremacy of the laws; if insisting on the right of
+petition, a medium through which _every person_ subject to the laws
+has an undoubted right to approach the constitutional authorities of
+the country, be the doctrines of abolitionists, it finds a response in
+every beating pulse in my veins. Neither power, nor favor, nor want,
+nor misery, shall deter me from its support while the vital current
+continues to flow.
+
+Condemned at home for my opposition to slavery, alone and singlehanded
+here, well may I feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of
+slavery in his very _den_ and upon his own ground. I should shrink,
+sir, at once, from this fearful and unequal contest, was I not
+thoroughly convinced that I am sustained by the power of truth and the
+best interests of the country.
+
+I listened to the Senator of Kentucky with undivided attention. I was
+disappointed, sadly disappointed. I had heard of the Senator's tact in
+making compromises and agreements on this floor, and though opposed in
+principle to all such proceedings, yet I hoped to hear something upon
+which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders
+of our own States, and all future aggression upon our citizens from
+the free States be prevented. Now, sir, he offers us nothing but
+unconditional submission to political death; and not political alone,
+but absolute _death_. We have counted the cost in this matter, and are
+determined to live or die free. Let the slaveholder hug his system to
+his bosom in his own State, we will not go there to disturb him; but,
+sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges.
+Even, sir, here in this District, this ten miles square of common
+property and common right, the slave power has the assurance to come
+into this very Hall, and request that we--yes, Mr. President, that my
+constituents--be denied the right of petition on the subject of
+slavery in this District. This most extraordinary petition against the
+right of others to petition on the same subject of theirs, is
+graciously received and ordered to be printed; paeans sung to it by the
+slave power, while the petitions I offer, from as honorable, free,
+high-minded and patriotic American citizens as any in this District,
+are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an _unclean thing_! Genius
+of liberty! how long will you sleep under this iron power of
+oppression? Not content with ruling over their own slaves, they claim
+the power to instruct Congress on the question of receiving petitions;
+and yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly told that we have nothing to
+do with the existence of slavery in the country, a suggestion as
+absurd as it is ridiculous. We are called upon to make laws in favor
+of slavery in the District, but it is denied that we can make laws
+against it; and at last the right of petition on the subject, by the
+people of the free States, is complained of as an improper
+interference. I leave it to the Senator to reconcile all these
+difficulties, absurdities, claims and requests of the people of this
+District, to the country at large; and I venture the opinion that he
+will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is
+correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he
+was before correct in his views and political course on the subject of
+banks, internal improvements, protective tariffs, &c., and the
+regulation, by acts of Congress, of the productive industry of the
+country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has
+entered into for the attainment of those objects. I rejoice, however,
+that the Senator has made the display he has on this occasion. It is a
+powerful shake to awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his
+voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of
+freemen to defend their rights; and the overthrow of his theory now,
+is as sure and certain, by the force of public opinion, as was the
+overthrow of all his former schemes, by the same mighty power.
+
+I feel, Mr. President, as if I had wearied your patience, while I am
+sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close; but I cannot do so
+without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that have
+taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty,
+offensive and defensive, between the slaveholding and bank powers, in
+order to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to
+put down the present administration. Yes, there is no voice heard from
+New England now. Boston and Faneuil Hall are silent as death. The free
+day-laborer is, in prospect, reduced to the political, if not moral
+condition of the slave; an ideal line is to divide them in their
+labor; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. Even the
+farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. It will be again
+said, with regard to the government of the country, "The farmer with
+his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do?" I have
+endeavored to warn my fellow-citizens of the present and approaching
+danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is before their eyes, and
+prevents many of them from seeing the condition of things as they are.
+That cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its
+thunders cease to be heard. Slavery will come to an end, and the
+sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country.
+
+I do not know, Mr. President, that my voice will ever again be heard
+on this floor. I now willingly, yes, gladly, return to my
+constituents, to the people of my own State. I have spent my life
+amongst them, and the greater portion of it in their service, and they
+have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. I feel
+perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust which they
+have committed to me, I have, to the best of my abilities, acted
+solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be
+influenced by any particular or private interest whatever; and I now
+challenge those who think I have done otherwise, to lay their finger
+upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or
+anti-republican tendency. That I have often erred in the selection of
+means to accomplish important ends I have no doubt, but my belief in
+the truth of the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, the
+political creed of President Jefferson, remains unshaken and
+unsubdued. My greatest regret is that I have not been more zealous,
+and done more for the cause of individual and political liberty than I
+have done. I hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join
+them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill
+in our State, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley,
+and the song of triumph will soon be heard, for the hearts of our
+people are in the hands of a just and holy being, (who can not look
+upon oppression but with abhorrence.) and he can turn them
+whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. Though our
+national sins are many and grievous, yet repentance, like that of
+ancient Nineveh, may divert from us that impending danger which seems
+to hang over our heads as by a single hair. That all may be safe, I
+conclude that THE NEGRO WILL YET BE SET FREE.
+
+
+
+THE
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+No. 11.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+THE
+
+CONSTITUTION
+
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+
+OR
+
+SELECTIONS
+
+FROM
+
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &c.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
+
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+
+
+1844.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Introduction.
+Debates in the Congress of the Confederation
+Debates in the Federal Convention
+List of Members of the Federal Convention
+Speech of Luther Martin
+
+  DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS
+Massachusetts
+New York
+Pennsylvania
+Virginia
+North Carolina
+South Carolina
+Extracts from the Federalist
+Debates in First Congress
+Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society
+Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs
+Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech
+Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+Every one knows that the "Madison papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added one note on page 30th, which is marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's--a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+
+These extracts develope most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the letter of Francis Jackson to Governor Briggs, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace--as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following:--
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 2. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
+among the several States, which may be included within this Union,
+according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by
+adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to
+service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, _three
+fifths of all other persons_.
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 8. Congress shall have power . . . to suppress
+insurrections.
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Art. 4. Sec. 2. No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping, into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+
+Art. 4, Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against
+domestic violence_.
+
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, _without obliging Congress to do so even then_, and thus the
+slave trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest for
+ever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes
+of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes no
+compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land,
+both State and Federal;--the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;--the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind however must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons beside slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance.
+
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous--that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States, has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and
+repudiate it _as it is_.
+
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted in upon the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain and became partners with tyrants that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions at
+least of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and
+pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the Instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear all that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled.
+
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, shew us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;--prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free States and making the
+courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous
+alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of
+men and the best of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves
+that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms,
+without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the
+sin of slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.
+
+
+
+
+THE CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776_.
+
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:--
+
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the assembly of the United States."
+
+Mr. Chase (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would
+be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably
+good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. He
+therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception
+only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be
+distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those States
+where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State, and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter, it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth,
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,--would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,--is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one firm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+
+Mr. Harrison (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two affected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from £9 to £12, while in the Northern it
+was generally £24.
+
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give thee _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+
+Mr. Payne (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of Congress,
+to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of souls.
+
+Mr. Witherspoon (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed. Horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North, and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided. _Vol. I. pp_. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+
+
+
+
+_Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation._
+
+
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+
+Mr. Wolcott declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age. _p_. 331.
+
+TUESDAY, March 27, 1783.
+
+The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:
+
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+
+Mr. Clark (of New Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of
+land, if half their slaves only should be included; but that the
+Eastern States would not concur in that proposition.
+
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the, report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p._ 421-2.
+
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+
+Mr. Wolcott (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+Carroll as four to one. Mr. Williamson (of North Carolina) said he was
+principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance
+to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. Mr.
+Higginson (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate
+slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would he a
+juster proportion. Mr. Holton as four to three.--Mr. Osgood said he
+did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them as
+three to two, the votes were. New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no;
+Rhode Island, divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then proposed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. Madison (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+
+Mr. Lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no;
+Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye;
+Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye: South Carolina, aye.
+
+A motion was then made by Mr. Bland, seconded by Mr. Lee, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have greater weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it: that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in
+agriculture, not in manufacturers; and that, in fact, the balance of
+trade formerly was much more against the Southern States than the
+others.
+
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. Lloyd, aye); New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no. _pp._ 423-4-5.
+
+Tuesday, April 1, 1783.
+
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &c. Mr. Hamilton, who had been
+absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in
+place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. He was
+seconded by Mr. Osgood. Those who voted differently from their former
+votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the
+change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the
+slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition.
+_p_. 430.
+
+Monday, May 26.
+
+The Resolutions on the Journal, instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for
+furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously_. _p_. 456.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States_.
+
+Monday, June 11, 1787.
+
+It was then moved by Mr. Rutledge, seconded by Mr. Butler, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words, "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. Wilson, seconded by Mr. Pinckney, this
+was postponed, in order to add, after the words, "equitable rates of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"--this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than, the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+
+On the question,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+New jersey, Delaware, no--2. _Vol. II. pp._ 842-3.
+
+Saturday, June 30, 1787.
+
+He (Mr. Madison) admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that instead of proportioning the votes of the
+States in both branches to their respective numbers of inhabitants,
+computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should he
+represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants
+only; and in the other, according to the whole number, counting the
+slaves us free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would have the
+advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had been
+restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one
+was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was,
+the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests. _pp._ 1006-7.
+
+Monday, July 9, 1787.
+
+Mr. Patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property, entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an experiment by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen, by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been assigned to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+
+Mr. Madison reminded Mr. Patterson that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which has for one
+of its primary objects, the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+
+Mr. Butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+
+Mr. King had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect was paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together. _pp_. 1054-5-6.
+
+Tuesday, July 10; 1787.
+
+Mr. King remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES: BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. _p_.
+1057.
+
+Wednesday, July 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. Butler and General Pinckney insisted that blacks be included in
+rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+
+Mr. Gerry thought that three fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+
+Mr. Gorham. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced them that three fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+
+Mr. Butler insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that as
+wealth was the greatest means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+
+Mr. Mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+
+Mr. Williamson reminded Mr. Gorham, that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites, when taxation was
+in view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+
+On Mr. Butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,--Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no--7. New York not on the floor.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. Williamson. In the first place it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation, from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.... Another objection with him, against
+admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of
+Pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with
+slaves. They would reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+pp. 1067-8-9 & 1072.
+
+WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1787.
+
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered:
+
+Mr. King, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+
+Mr. Sherman. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+
+Mr. Gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+
+
+Mr. Wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property--then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+Gouverneur Morris.)
+
+Mr. Gouvemeur Morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,--Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina. Georgia, aye--4;
+Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[2] South
+Carolina, no--6. pp. 1076-7-8.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the _phraseology_ to be altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.]
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+
+Mr. Butler contended that representation should be according to the
+full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks.
+
+General Pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+Gouverneur Morris,] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed
+at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000£. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, _nem. con._, as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation."
+
+Mr. Davie said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+
+Dr. Johnson thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any States that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more then has been already proposed--that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+
+General Pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the House, the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution for direct
+taxation, for the support of the government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other use rule
+that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States,
+can be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+
+Mr. Butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. Ellsworth's motion,
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that may
+be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of
+all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio
+recommended by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of
+April, 1783, (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number;) and
+that the Legislature of the United States shall arrange the
+representation accordingly." He urged strenuously that express
+security ought to be provided for including slaves in the ratio of
+representation. He lamented that such a species of property existed.
+But as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. It
+was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding
+slaves altogether; the Legislature therefore ought not to be left at
+liberty.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. Randolph.
+
+Mr. Wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+
+Mr. Pinckney moved to amend Mr. Randolph's motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This, he
+urged, was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers, the
+peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of pecuniary
+resources as those of the northern states. They add equally to the
+wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength,
+of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the Northern
+States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+
+On Mr. Pinckney's (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--South Carolina, Georgia, aye
+--2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor Johnson, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no--8.
+
+Mr. Randolph's (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. Wilson (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,--
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive when there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth (of Connecticut.)  In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--6;
+New-Jersey, Delaware, no--2; Massachusetts, South Carolina, divided.
+_pp._ 1079 to 1087.
+
+Friday, July 13, 1787.
+
+On the motion of Mr. Randolph (of Virginia), the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of
+business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said,
+into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction has been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend
+incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each
+other. There can be no end of demands for security, if every
+particular interest is to be entitled to it. The Eastern States may
+claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the Southern
+States claim it for their peculiar objects. In this struggle between
+the two ends of the Union, what part ought the Middle States, in point
+of policy, to take?  To join their Eastern brethren, according to his
+ideas. If the Southern States get the power into their hands, and be
+joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will
+inevitably bring on a war with Spain for the Mississippi. This
+language is already held. The interior country, leaving no property
+nor interest exposed to the sea, will be little affected by such a
+war. He wished to know what security the Northern and Middle States
+will have against this danger. It has been said that North Carolina,
+South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a little time have a
+majority of the people of America. They must in that case include the
+great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from
+their getting the power into their hands.
+
+Mr. Butler (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+
+On the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as
+moved by Mr. Randoph (of Virginia), it passed in the affirmative,--
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
+Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9; Delaware,
+divided. _pp_. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Virginia). it seemed now pretty well understood, that
+the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small,
+but between the Northern and Southern States. THE INSTITUTION OF
+SLAVERY, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION. _p_.
+1104.
+
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+
+General Pinckney reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report. _p_. 1187.
+
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[3] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections. _p_.
+1197.
+
+[Footnote 3: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hope that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure he could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+
+Mr. Sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New-York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina, who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New-Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation.
+It is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+
+Mr. Dayton seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+
+Mr. Sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+
+Mr. Pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burthensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+
+Mr. Wilson thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye--1; New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no--10. pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+
+Mr. L. Martin proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+
+Mr. Rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+
+Mr. Pinckney. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned. _pp_. 1388-9.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+
+Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+
+Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+
+Col. Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in the nefarious traffic. As to the
+States being in possession of the right to import, this was the case
+with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+
+Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+
+Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+
+Mr. Baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people,
+who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+
+Mr. Wilson observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+
+Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+
+Mr. Dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+
+Mr. Williamson stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of £5 on each slave imported from Africa; £10 on each
+from elsewhere; and £50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+
+Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two states will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+
+Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, have it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+
+Gen. Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+
+Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. Pinckney for a commitment.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+
+Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were _property_. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+
+Mr. Read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on experts should also be committed.
+
+Mr. Sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,--Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no--3; Massachusetts absent. p. 1390-97.
+Friday, August 24, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.'
+
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+
+"The sixth Section[4] to be stricken out." p. 1415.
+
+[Footnote 4: This sixth Section was, "No Navigation act shall be passed
+without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each
+House."--EDITOR.]
+
+
+Saturday, August 25, 1787.
+
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth)
+being taken up,--
+
+Gen. Pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+
+Mr. Gorham seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. Madison. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+
+Col. Mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+
+Mr. Sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+
+M. Clymer concurred with Mr. Sherman.
+
+Mr. Williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris withdrew his motion.
+
+Mr. Dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con._[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+
+
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. Baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties and on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con._
+
+Mr. Sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+
+Mr. King and Mr. Langdon considered this as the price of the first
+part.
+
+Gen. Pinckney admitted that it was so.
+
+Col. Mason. Not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the
+importation of slaves.
+
+Mr. Gorham thought that Mr. Sherman should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+
+Mr. Sherman, in answer to Mr. Gorham, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+
+Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandise, consumed, &c.
+
+Col. Mason, in answer to Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The provision as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts; in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+
+It was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to. _pp_. 1427 to 30.
+
+Tuesday, August 28, 1787.
+
+Article 14, was then taken up.
+
+General Pinckney was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+
+On the question on Article 14,--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, aye--9; South Carolina,
+no--1; Georgia, divided.
+
+Article 15, being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were
+struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+
+Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+
+Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+
+Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+
+Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. _pp_. 1447-8.
+
+Wednesday, August 29, 1787.
+
+General Pinckney said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[6] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever. _p_. 1451.
+
+[Footnote 6: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote on the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+
+
+Mr. Butler moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_.
+_p_. 1456.
+
+Monday, September 10, 1787.
+
+Mr. Rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article." _p_. 1536.
+
+Thursday, September 13, 1787.
+
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. Randolph, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[7] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+
+[Footnote 7: See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+
+
+Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the _representation_. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that representation.
+
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--New
+Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye--3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--8. _pp_. 1569-70.
+
+Saturday, September 15, 1787.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view. _p_. 1589.
+
+Mr. Gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1--2--3--4--5--6, that three fifths of
+the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen. _p_. 1595.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+LIST OF MEMBERS
+
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF
+THE UNITED STATES.
+
+
+   From                                                 Attended.
+New Hampshire,    1 John Langdon,                       July 23, 1787.
+                    _John Pickering,_
+                  2 Nicholas Gilman,                       " 23.
+                    _Benjamin West_.
+Massachusetts,      _Francis Dana_,
+                    Elbridge Gerry,                      May 29.
+                  3 Nath'l Gorham,                        "  25.
+                  4 Rufus King,                           "  25.
+                    Caleb Strong,                         "  28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,      5 W.S. Johnson,                        June 2.
+                  6 Roger Sherman,                       May 30.
+                    Oliver Ellsworth,                     "  29.
+New York,           Robert Yates,                         "  25.
+                  7 Alex'r Hamilton,                      "  25.
+                    John Lansing,                        June 2.
+New Jersey,       8 Wm. Livingston,                       "   5.
+                  9 David Brearly,                       May  5.
+                    Wm. C. Houston,                        do.
+                 10 Wm. Patterson,                         do.
+                    _John Nielson_,
+                    _Abraham Clark_.
+                 11 Jonathan Dayton,                    June 21.
+Pennsylvania,    12 Benj. Franklin,                      May 28.
+                 13 Thos. Miffin,                          do.
+Pennsylvania.    14 Robert Morris,                       May 25.
+                 15 Gen. Clymer,                          "  28.
+                 16 Thos. Fitzsimmons,                    "  25.
+                 17 Jared Ingersoll,                      "  28.
+                 18 James Wilson,                         "  25.
+                 19 Gouv'r Morris,                        "  25.
+Delaware,        20 Geo. Reed,                            "  25.
+                 21 G. Bedford, Jr.                       "  28.
+                 22 John Dickinson,                       "  28.
+                 23 Richard Bassett,                      "  25.
+                 24 Jacob Broom,                          "  25.
+Maryland,        25 James M'Henry,                        "  29.
+                 26 Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer,          June 2.
+                 27 Daniel Carroll,                      July 9.
+                    John F. Mercer,                      Aug. 6.
+                    Luther Martin,                       June 9.
+Virginia,        28 G. Washington,                       May 25.
+                    _Patrick Henry_, (declined.)
+                    Edmund Randolph,                      "  25.
+                 29 John Blair,                           "  25.
+                 30 Jas. Madison, Jr.                     "  25.
+                    George Mason,                         "  25.
+                    George Wythe,                         "  25.
+                    James McClurg, (in
+                      room P. Henry)                      "  25.
+North Carolina,     _Rich'd Caswell_ (resigned).
+                    Alex'r Martin,                       May 25.
+                    Wm. R. Davie,                         "  25.
+                 31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                      of R. Caswell),                   June 20.
+                    _Willie Jones_ (declined).
+                 32 R. D. Spaight,                       May 25.
+                 33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                      room of W. Jones,)                 May 25.
+South Carolina,  34 John Rutledge,                        "  25.
+                 35 Chas. C. Pinckney,                    "  25.
+                 36 Chas. Pinckney,                       "  25.
+                 37 Peirce Butler,                        "  25.
+Georgia,         38 William Few,                          "  25.
+                 39 Abr'm Baldwin,                       June 11.
+                    William Pierce,                      May 31.
+                    _George Walton_.
+                    Wm. Houston,                         June 1.
+                    _Nath'l Pendleton_.
+
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution. 39
+Those in italics never attended.                               10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,       16
+                                                               --
+                                                               65
+
+
+Extract from a Speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+
+With respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality--It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in
+apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in
+the government--That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom--That it might be proper to take
+slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned,
+because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them
+into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave
+trade_, and to make it the _interest_ of the states to _continue_ that
+_infamous traffic_--That slaves could not be taken into account as
+_men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of
+citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--If they
+were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as
+it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_.
+
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those _things_ which the expression
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States--Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states,
+that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the _eastern_
+States, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing
+to indulge the southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those, rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+_rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to
+be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so the much want aid from, and
+be a burden to, the Union.
+
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave-trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or
+_invasion_.
+
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+
+Mr. King rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the numbers of free persons shall be
+determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the
+slaves. By this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned.
+And it was adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+
+Mr. Widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+
+Mr. King in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+
+Mr. Gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of Massachusetts;
+and if it operated against any state, it was Pennsylvania, because
+they have more white persons _bound_ than any other.
+
+Judge Dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than _five_ of those poor slaves?
+
+Mr. Nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. King, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways--and the gentlemen should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+King, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side--as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+
+Mr. Dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He thought them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our _own_ State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more?  The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. It would
+not do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+
+Mr. Neal (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued
+for 20 years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness
+against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the
+bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put
+his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to
+this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever
+shall be free, and Gen. Thompson exclaimed:
+
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others?  Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had!  How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this
+article, towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of
+the Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was
+no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this
+Constitution provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally
+annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two,
+have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that
+it would then be done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty
+to prohibit it.
+
+Saturday, January 26.--[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+Nason, Major Lusk, Mr. Neal, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge Dana, Mr. Adams and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+
+Gen. Heath. Mr. President,--By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity of
+expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the States, now
+_existing only_, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+
+Mr. Neal rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+
+Major Lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+
+Rev. Mr. Buckus. Much, sir, has been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in
+the New Testament. And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said--Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again--Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. Smith. He would now proceed to state his objections to the clause
+just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3.) His objections were
+comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is unjust;
+2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall
+not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the rule of
+apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole
+number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that
+is, in plain English, each State is to send representatives in
+proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it
+contains. He could not see any rule by which slaves were to be
+included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a
+representation being that every free agent should be concerned in
+governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could
+not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation
+of it was to give certain privileges to those people, who were so
+wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted, that this rule
+of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the
+result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the
+necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern
+States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+
+Mr. Hamilton. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States--the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means; nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on their navigation, and that they should leave full power,
+by a majority in Congress, to make commercial regulations in favor of
+their own, and in restraint of the navigation of foreigners. The
+Southern States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by
+requiring that two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an
+act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the
+restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by
+obliging them to employ the shipping of the Northern States would
+probably enhance their freight. This being the case, they insisted
+strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution;
+and the Northern States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other
+hand, the small States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation
+upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already
+possessed: the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that
+Rhode Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with
+themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose.
+It became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must
+have dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise
+and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me--every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern states
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the states. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of
+New-York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves
+are considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded
+to the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal
+laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of
+nature. But representation and taxation go together--and one uniform
+rule ought to apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves
+in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government; these will be included
+in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern states, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+
+Mr. M. Smith. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+hon. gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern states. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to
+the clause in this respect.
+
+Mr. Harrison. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. Wilson. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+legislatures of the several states. The gentleman, (Mr. Findley) will
+recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the states. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptional before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any state to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the _migration_ or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentleman from
+Westmoreland (Mr. Findley) and the honorable gentleman from Cumberland
+(Mr. Whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the 9th
+section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because congress might
+impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves,
+within any of the United States, congress might therefore permit
+slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. I
+confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+
+If there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+
+Mr. McKean. The arguments against the constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these: ...
+
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+
+
+Gov Randolph said, we are told in strong language, of dangers to which
+we will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the northern and eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+
+Mr. Lee. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? Mr. Lee then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+
+Mr. Henry. It says, that "no state shall engage in war, unless
+actually invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what
+is the true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a state may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.--They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of congress.
+
+Mr. George Nicholas said, another worthy member says, there is no
+power in the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it
+now? If they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it
+must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the
+worthy member. The first clause gives the general government power to
+call them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States?
+No. But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of the Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done."
+
+Mr. Madison. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the Union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the Union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The Union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due."  This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exists. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years; but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the Union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+
+Mr. Tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+
+Mr. Madison. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+
+Mr. Henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New-York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stock-jobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+
+Mr. George Nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery,
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked, if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are so now, will be manumitted. At the same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting it to be such? Virginia
+might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+
+Mr. Henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of: they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+
+Mr. Nicholas replied, that negroes must he considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+
+
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+
+
+Mr. George Mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, capitation or other direct
+tax should he laid but in proportion to the census before directed to
+be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be found to be no
+security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere
+confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and
+representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised of each
+State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein
+directed. But the general government was not precluded from laying the
+proportion of any particular State on any one species of property they
+might think proper. For instance, if five hundred thousand dollars
+were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of
+Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that
+by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate
+that kind of property. No real security could arise from the clause
+which provides, that persons held to labor in one State, escaping into
+another, shall be delivered up. This only meant, that runaway slaves
+should not be protected in other States. As to the exclusion of _ex
+post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this
+case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_.
+
+Mr. Madison replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some decree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States could, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+
+The second section was then read as follows:
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
+shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or
+labor may be due.
+
+
+Mr. George Mason.--Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+
+Mr. Henry. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal
+effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?  There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I
+see that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to
+admire that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we
+ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in
+bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them,
+without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We ought
+to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+
+Have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+
+Gov. Randolph said, that honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government, be made _free_. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself,
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in our State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due."  Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was
+not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries
+will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The
+Eastern States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should
+require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the
+senate.
+
+Mr. Madison said--
+
+I was struck with surprise when I heard him express himself alarmed
+with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if they should
+even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? There is no
+power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be, I know it not. But
+why should it be done? Says the honorable gentleman, for the general
+welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. Can any member of
+this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? Can any
+one believe, that the American councils will come into a measure which
+will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the
+affections of five-thirteenths of the Union? Why was nothing of this
+sort aimed at before? I believe such an idea never entered into an
+American breast, nor do I believe it ever will, unless it will enter
+into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported
+suspicious for reasons.
+
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress
+without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can show me nothing
+like such a power granted in that constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation is not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it not be delegated.
+
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+
+Mr. Goudy. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States over others. It will be oppressive to the
+Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the
+gentleman last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate
+and hasty on the subject of such awful importance. It ought to be
+considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having
+those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other
+gentlemen may be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be
+represented with negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of
+population, but we cannot at present alter their situation. The
+Eastern States had great jealousies on this subject. They insisted
+that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation;
+that the one was property as well as the other. It became our duty on
+the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the
+legislation of the Union; and as the Northern States were more
+populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a
+certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed
+population. It was attempted to form a rule of representation from a
+compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was
+found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and
+other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of
+accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable
+rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the deputies of
+the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths would be of
+little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal
+and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more
+vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. On
+the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by
+their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the
+community. That as rational beings they had a right of representation,
+and in some instances might be highly useful in war. On these
+principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and consented to
+the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons will appear
+satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was proposed some
+years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the States. It may
+wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, [Mr. Goudy,] but I
+hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and
+circumstances of his country.
+
+Mr. James Galloway said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+
+Mr. J. M'Dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+
+Mr. Spaight answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States--that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+
+Mr. M'Dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the constitution will not be condemned because it has not
+stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+
+Mr. Spaight further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+
+Mr. Iredell added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+
+Mr. Galloway. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end to.
+But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic
+for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the importation
+extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is different from
+the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not. Instead of
+laying a tax, we ought to give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to
+come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires
+the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern States consists
+principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery altogether,
+this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to bring forward
+manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send
+them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission,
+they are to stay among us.
+
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+_such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word _migration_ refers to
+free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that this gentleman is mistaken
+in another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition
+of slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+section read without observation.
+
+The last clause read--
+
+Mr. Iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+could, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. Though the word slave
+be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern delegates,
+owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not
+choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned.
+
+The rest of the fourth article read without any observation.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+It is however to be observed, (said Mr. Iredell,) that the first and
+fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are
+protected from any alteration till the year 1808; and in order that no
+consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no State shall,
+by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage
+in the Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are
+with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are
+imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the
+first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference
+between the Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have
+been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the
+Southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any
+slaves. The subject of this article was regulated with great
+difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be
+prudent to disturb for a good many years. In twenty years there will
+probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be considered
+with less difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the
+compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. A
+compromise likewise took place with regard to the importation of
+slaves. It is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman
+traffic, but those of South Carolina and Georgia would not consent to
+an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during
+the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish
+to supply. In the mean time, it is left to the States to admit or
+prohibit the importation, and Congress may impose a limited duty upon
+it.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+Hon. Rawlins Lowndes. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealousy of our importing negroes?  Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all?  For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+
+Judge Pendleton observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+
+Mr. Lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union: and cited an expression that fell from Gen. Pinckney on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great treasure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens:
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+
+Major Butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. Lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers: and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+
+Hon. E. Rutledge. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States--that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+
+In the Northern State, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new constitution whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes.
+
+But the principal objection is, that no duties are laid on
+shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great
+measure in the Americans; that the ship-building business was
+principally carried on in the Northern States. When this subject is
+duly considered, the Southern States, should be the last to object to
+it. Mr. Rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after
+which the House adjourned.
+
+Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. We were at a loss for some time for
+a rule to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a
+spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining, our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendships,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+House: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+
+Hon. Robert Barnwell. Mr. Barnwell continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 42.
+
+BY JAMES MADISON
+
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it
+is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethern! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethern observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty: and chastised in his
+body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be
+degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational
+animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being
+protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against
+the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his
+liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed
+against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as
+a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as
+a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The Federal
+constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of
+our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and
+property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character
+bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be
+denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under
+the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects
+of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of
+numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the
+rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be
+refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the, barbarous policy of considering as property
+a part of their human brethern, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to as the proper guide.
+
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications of which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+constitution be annually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_.
+
+
+DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS,
+
+MAY 13, 1789.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+
+Mr. Smith (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; he did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+
+Mr. Jackson, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burthen
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at the time when debate was almost precluded. The committee
+had gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. Sherman) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light, he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America laboured under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burthen, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+
+Mr. Ames (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+
+Mr. Livermore. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent: but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorum, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+
+Mr. Schureman (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion,
+because the present was not the time or place for introducing the
+business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the House, as
+a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having the
+question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive; but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+Jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+
+I conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent, ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+
+I do not wish to say any thing harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice obtaining under some of the State governments, it
+is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+
+If we examine the proposal measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave averaged about £80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made not difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five percent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares, and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+
+Mr. Bland (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished slaves had
+never been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this
+time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures
+that would prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether
+the prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those
+who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on
+the importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing
+such regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was not apparent.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+
+Mr. Lawrance (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+
+Mr. Fitzsimons, (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+
+Mr. Parker, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands: and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized as to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+Fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case, that may require the consideration of
+Congress. If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such
+violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to
+be practised in some parts of the United States it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+the advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our shipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere with it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature letter than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they have nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow-citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+
+Mr. Lawrance, (of N.Y.) The Gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for condemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade: not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+
+Mr. Jackson, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave-trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West-India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. Sedgwick, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,--who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+
+Mr. Boudinot, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed as to suppose
+that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet,
+I trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an
+application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do not consider
+the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time
+enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave-trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, now follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of congress to afford redress as far as in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave-trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave-trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave-trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+
+Mr. Page (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not
+deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+
+Mr. Huntington (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+
+Mr. Tucker, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+congress to effect its abrogation. But congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave-trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+
+Mr. Boudinor (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+
+Mr. Clymer (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+
+Mr. Fitzsimons (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over a day at least.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+
+
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered, without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _President_.
+
+"PHILADELPHIA, _February_ 3, 1790."
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading as he
+conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+
+Mr. Seney (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it
+would be refered to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he
+must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it not
+desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave-trade, while the
+constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound in alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+
+Mr. Scott, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of
+caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but
+the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we shall
+feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to interfere
+with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the 9th
+section of the first article of the Constitution; every thing else is
+interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+
+Mr. Sylvester of (N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislature.
+
+Mr. Lawrance of (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the House; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he
+was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it
+had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House
+to grant the prayer of the petition, which went to the total
+abolishment of the slave trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to
+commit it. He observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had
+arisen on adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended,
+that Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the
+slave-trade.
+
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that it is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calmness with
+which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the
+discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told, that if
+the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by
+saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here, we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an _ex post facto_ law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stand exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+
+Mr. Page (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition of the slave trade: but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that, on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that
+Congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of
+discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would
+trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently.
+He presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same
+way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent
+danger, was to commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the
+misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held
+many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he
+believed, as any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he
+was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no
+uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he
+should rely upon the virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise
+any unconstitutional authority.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+
+He admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought the interference of congress fully
+compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the tribes of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+
+Mr. Boudinot (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:--
+
+Yeas.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Pale, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop--43.
+
+Noes--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker--11.
+
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.--LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+
+
+
+_Debate on Committee's Report, March_, 1790.
+
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+
+Mr. Tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+
+Mr. Jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+that the guide and rule of this legislature. A multiplicity of laws is
+reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. How
+strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much
+more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to
+confirm the constitution under which they sit! This is the case with
+others of the resolutions.
+
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone) very properly observed, that the
+Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it had always been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interest of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+
+He seconded Mr. Tucker's motion.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+Gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required congress to violate the constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. Franklin taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the immorality of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. Smith, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: He has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined
+on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals
+who differ from us on this point?
+
+Mr. Boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of
+power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. Boudinot observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent. ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties
+in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was
+not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch
+of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. Boudinot observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+
+
+[NOTE.--This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: The
+committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such
+importations."
+
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+
+
+
+ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY
+SOCIETY TO THE Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the United
+States.
+
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New York, May 7th, 1844,--after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and humanity.
+
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the
+American Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is
+due not only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life,_
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would
+not brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should
+be no delay in resisting at whatever cost or peril, the first
+encroachments of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great
+Ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged
+to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to
+conquer or perish in their struggle to be free.
+
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of
+slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or
+that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the
+sacred rights of mankind.
+
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of--whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they
+advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and consequently, to make one portion of the
+people a prey to another.
+
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+
+I. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,--that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"--null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+
+To this see reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was
+tyrannical. It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the
+means. It is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union are to understand
+the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country,
+to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of words, the
+American Union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. It is an
+instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the
+world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not certain, it
+is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother
+country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that would
+have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice
+rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might
+betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could
+never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely it is paying a
+poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in
+the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to
+sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the
+despotic power of England.
+
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. _It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant_--NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, _as a matter of bargain and
+compromise_. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it_.
+
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted _in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected_. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+_whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because
+they are immoral_, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+_not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country_. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those
+who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in _words_ they
+recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in
+practice_ they continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a
+portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the
+market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother
+country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why,
+then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses? _Why cling to
+the falsehood, that they were no respecters of person in the formation
+of the government_?
+
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts! "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [The
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+
+In ARTICLE I, Section 9, it is declared--"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808. For
+twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens of
+the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! This
+awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. Luther Martin,[8] who was a prominent member of that body:
+
+[Footnote 8: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+
+
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!)
+were _very willing to indulge the Southern States_ at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition." Alluding to it, Mr. Martin
+observes--
+
+"It was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations
+in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights
+which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had
+scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of
+putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said that national crimes can only be,
+and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_,
+and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a
+national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be
+considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of
+him who is equally the Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the
+poor _African slave_ and his _American master!_ [9]
+
+[Footnote 9: How terribly and justly as the guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+
+
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution, the
+further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves already in the States. That slavery is
+inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to
+destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the
+sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and
+oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of government,
+every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from
+domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the
+utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation
+of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in
+any State, in the same proportion is the State weakened and exposed to
+foreign invasion and domestic insurrection; and by so much less will
+it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much,
+want aid and be a burden to, the Union.
+
+"It was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the
+general government power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than
+which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest.
+
+"These reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the
+convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as
+it now makes part of the system." [10]
+
+[Footnote 10: Secret Proceedings, p. 61.]
+
+
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+_indulge_ the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_
+by no restriction on being laid on navigation acts!!--Had there been
+no other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection,
+this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible
+with the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It
+was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but
+a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+_constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic _should cease_ in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the _right_ of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely, under the Constitution_. The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition_.
+
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of
+it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more
+perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and
+secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
+posterity"--namely, that the parties to the Constitution regarded
+only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its
+language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to
+make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another,
+_without an express alteration in the instrument, in the manner
+therein set forth_. While, therefore, the Constitution remains as it
+was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to
+comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. For it
+avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with
+the law of God and the rights of man, and therefore are not
+obligatory. Whatever may be their character, they are
+_constitutionally_, obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot
+execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin,
+has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to
+violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. The
+object of the Constitution is not to define _what is the law of God_,
+but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE--which will is not to be frustrated
+by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected
+to serve them.
+
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides--"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_."
+
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of _property_, while the
+North is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention--
+
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this is _reasoning_, or _declamation_, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the _unfortunate_ situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of
+accommodation_ which governed the Convention: and without this
+_indulgence_, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be _gratified_.--The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be
+_capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout the United states."
+
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+
+Listen, now, to the questions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:--
+
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'--'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'--'It was _one_ of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burdens of
+the North.'--'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the Chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'--'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of _the best_. Its standard qualification for accession to power _is
+merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. _There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States foresee
+what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession.'--'The House of Representatives of the United States
+consists of 223 members--all, by _the letter_ of the Constitution,
+representatives only of _persons_, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other
+persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the
+_property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'--'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one
+fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of
+the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests
+identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated
+wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government
+or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the House. In
+the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is
+yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where the
+institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 members elected by them to the House.'--'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of _wrong._'--'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT.'--'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.--The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+
+It is confessed by Mr. Adams, alluding to the national convention that
+framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free States, in
+their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the Southern
+slaveholder, did listen to _a compromise between right and
+wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign,
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+
+Hence to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, _as
+it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+
+Article IV., Section 2, declares,--"no person held to service or labor
+on one State, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:--"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that
+did remain_, in the day of distress."
+
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+_eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with bloodhounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, in _consequence of this provision of the Constitution_? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates
+either ignorance, or folly or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:--
+
+"Another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. At
+present, if any slave elopes to those States where slaves are free,
+_he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the States are
+_uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this
+constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under
+the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
+therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be
+delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
+be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO ENABLE THE OWNERS OF
+SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. _This is a better security than any that now
+exists_. No power is given to the general government to interfere with
+respect to the property in slaves now held by the States."
+
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, GOV. RANDOLPH
+said:--
+
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves _to vindicate their property_,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox--the American Constitution is a paradox--the American Union is
+a paradox--the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant
+stone." "Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not
+my soul be avenged on such a notion as this?"
+
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus The State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against _domestic violence_." By the 8th
+Section of Article I., congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, _suppress
+insurrections_, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+
+
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+
+
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the _States_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in congress, George Nicholas asked:--
+
+
+"Have they it now?  If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first part gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but _it gives an additional security;_ for,
+beside the power in the State government to use their own militia, it
+will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+
+
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity--several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto--"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL--NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace.
+
+If, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited,
+it is still asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make
+it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people,
+and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the
+slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies:--"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as
+the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven--it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if
+judgement is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution--if we are living under a frightened despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restrains, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have
+resisted the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges
+of tyranny with which the British government sought to rive the
+liberties of America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on
+its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it
+motion. Did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were
+infringed--"_Why, what is done cannot be undone_. That is the first
+thought." No it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather it
+never entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at
+once--"_What is done_ SHALL _be undone_. That is our FIRST and ONLY
+thought."
+
+    "Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still
+    Old Plymouth Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill?
+    The debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn,
+    Whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?
+
+    Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb;
+    And voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come:
+    They call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be
+    Not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our own sacred rights are trampled in the dust.
+As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizen of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, hear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an
+antislavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run
+the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling and undeniable
+facts.
+
+Three millions of the American people are crushed under the American
+Union! They are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered
+as goods and chattels! The government gives them no protection--the
+government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! There
+they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows
+and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our
+bodies, their shackles are fastened to our limbs, their cause is ours!
+The Union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them
+we will struggle to overthrow it! The Constitution, which subjects
+them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! Our
+motto is, "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political.
+They are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of
+God! We separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a
+selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning,
+exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing
+bondman to his fate--O no! But to clear our skirts of innocent
+blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence
+of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to
+cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to
+make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high
+profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey God
+and vindicate the gospel of His Son--to hasten the downfall of slavery
+in America, and throughout the world!
+
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood--not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any
+law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_
+blood be shed--for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay it
+no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under it.
+Send no senators or representatives to the national or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast!
+
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did the
+apostles do? What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do?
+What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women and
+children do? What has Father Mathew done for teetotalism? What has
+Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins girt
+about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and
+arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would be a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+
+Finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be with
+us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us.
+
+In behalf of the Executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, _President_.
+WENDELL PHILLIPS, MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN   }  _Secretaries_.
+_Boston, May 20, 1844_.
+
+
+
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+
+_To His Excellency George N. Briggs_:
+
+SIR--Many years since, I received from the executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the
+Constitution of the United States_." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate _slavery_. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+
+I am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that _I_ would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it, I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those _provisions of the Constitution_
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of _men_ as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing;
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+
+According to the census of 1830, and the _ratio_ of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an approximation
+to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the United
+States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand
+persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those
+twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and
+fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five
+years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says John Quincy Adams,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House."
+
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the _Legislative Halls_ of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+
+In the _Electoral college_, the same cause produces the same
+effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[11]
+
+[Footnote 11: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+
+
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice.
+Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, five
+are slaveholders and of course, must be faithless to their own
+interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or
+must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says--"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor on
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the
+South the military force of the country, to protect the masters
+against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot
+down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our
+revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life,
+_liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the
+Constitution, I say distinctly, I never will support.
+
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of her mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United State' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the united
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very
+shame--to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the
+_thing_. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was _intended_ so to operate by the framers of the Constitution. The
+highest judicial authorities--Chief Justice Shaw, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the Latimer case, and Mr. Justice Story, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of _Prigg vs. The
+State of Pennsylvania_,--tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. Madison[12] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came out of the hands of Dr. Johnson, the chairman of
+the "committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to
+service, or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &c.,
+and the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words: and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgement of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was not "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+
+[Footnote 12: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+
+
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of
+it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the
+shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong.
+They made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise
+of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as
+"political expediency." I am sure they did not know--no man could
+know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong
+that they were doing. In the strong language of John Quincy Adams,[13]
+in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+
+[Footnote 13: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+
+
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been
+done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that
+tremendous sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down
+in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so
+tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to
+multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by
+exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society,
+that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God;
+by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws
+of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the
+hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his
+stead--more than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson
+this, to all time-serving and temporising statesmen! A striking
+illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any
+considerations of expediency! Yet, what better than the evil effects
+that we have seen, could the authors of the Constitution have
+reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions
+they made to slavery? Was it reasonable in them to expect that after
+they had introduced a vicious element into the very Constitution of
+the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert
+its vicious energies? Was it reasonable in them to expect that, after
+slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation,
+their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of
+slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to
+_give_? It is dangerous for the sovereign power of a State to license
+immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that
+is not "legal in a moral view." Bring into your house a benumbed
+viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask
+you into which room it may crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the
+supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the State, and you
+will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims
+multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the
+religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control.
+
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the
+patient_.
+
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a part to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+
+FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FROM
+
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, _in
+favor of the slaveholding States_ which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter."!!!
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+EXTRACTS FROM
+
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOV. 6, 1844.
+
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was _protection_.--Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their
+borders, and who were harrassing them with the most terrible of
+wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their
+insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is
+most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not word in
+the Constitution _apparently_ bearing up on the condition of slavery,
+nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical
+execution if there were not a slave in the land.
+
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+
+Twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more to
+be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the _breeding_ States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never--no, never would they have consented to it.
+
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representative; but their elective franchise shall he
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+
+Fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of
+slaves themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in
+the Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely
+to the pecuniary value of the slave. And the suppression of the
+African slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the
+benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient
+dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of
+slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of George Washington,
+Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and Thomas Jefferson, into a great
+barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the
+staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and
+sinews of immortal man.
+
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of _government_ came
+to be delegated to the Union, the--that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive departments, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slaveholding power.
+
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.--NO. XI
+
+THE
+
+CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT
+
+OR
+
+SELECTIONS
+
+FROM
+
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &C.
+
+SECOND EDITION, ENLARGED.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+
+1845.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+Debates in the Congress of the Confederation.
+Debates in the Federal Convention.
+List of Members of the Federal Convention.
+Speech of Luther Martin.
+
+DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS.
+
+    Massachusetts,
+    New York,
+    Pennsylvania,
+    Virginia,
+    North Carolina,
+    South Carolina,
+
+Extracts from the Federalist,
+Debates in First Congress,
+Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs,
+Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech,
+Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844.
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+Every one knows that the "Madison Papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added two notes on page 38, which are marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's--a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+
+These extracts develop most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the Letter of FRANCIS JACKSON to Governor BRIGGS, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace--as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following :--
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 2.--Representatives and direct taxes shall be
+apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_.
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 8.--Congress shall have power . . . to suppress
+insurrections.
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 9.--The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+ART. 4, SECT. 2.--No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+
+ART. 4, SECT. 4.--The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against
+domestic violence_.
+
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave-trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, _without obliging Congress to do so even then_, and thus the
+slave-trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest
+forever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the
+purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes
+no compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both
+State and Federal;--the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;--the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind, however, must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons besides slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National Government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance.
+
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous--that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and
+repudiate it _as it is_.
+
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted into the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact, that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain, and became partners with tyrants, that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there, after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions, at
+least, of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and
+pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear _all_ that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact,
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled. No abolitionist can consistently take office
+under it, or swear to support it.
+
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, show us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;--prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free States, and making the
+courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous
+alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of
+men and the best of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves
+that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms,
+without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin
+of slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,--
+
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!
+
+
+
+THE CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776._
+
+Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of
+Independence, * * *
+
+The clause too reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was
+struck out, in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never
+attempted to restrain the importation of Slaves, and who on the
+contrary still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I
+believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their
+people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty
+considerable carriers of them to others.--p. 18.
+
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:--
+
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several Colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and duality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each Colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United States."
+
+Mr. CHASE (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which
+would be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a
+tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be
+obtained. He therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with
+one exception only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such
+cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those
+States where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmers' heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,--would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,--is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+
+Mr. HARRISON (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from £8 to £12, while in the Northern it
+was generally £24.
+
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give the _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the Colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+
+Mr. PAYNE (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of
+Congress, to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of
+souls.
+
+Dr. WITHERSPOON (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed: horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole Colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North; and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided.--_pp_. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation._
+
+
+TUESDAY, January 14, 1783.
+
+If the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the Federal
+Articles, the Committee would certainly have preferred some other rule
+of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain
+qualifications as to slaves.--_p_. 260
+
+
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+
+Mr. WOLCOTT declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age.--_p_. 331
+
+
+THURSDAY, March 27, 1783.
+
+(The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:)
+
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+
+Mr. CLARK (of New-Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land
+if half their slaves only should be included; but that the Eastern
+States would not concur in that proposition.
+
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p_. 421-2.
+
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+
+Mr. WOLCOTT (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+CARROLL as four to one. Mr. WILLIAMSON (of North Carolina) said he
+was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an
+incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay
+taxes. Mr. HIGGINSON (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE
+(of South Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree
+to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one
+would be a juster proportion. Mr. HOLTON as four to three.--Mr. OSGOOD
+said he did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them
+as three to two, the votes were, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts,
+no; Rhode Island; divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then postponed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. MADISON (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+
+Mr. LEE was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut,
+no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye;
+North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye.
+
+A motion was then made by Mr. BLAND, seconded by Mr. LEE, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves employed wholly in agriculture, not
+in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was
+much more against the Southern States than the others.
+
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. FLOYD, aye;) New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no.--_pp. 423-4-5_.
+
+TUESDAY, April l, 1783.
+
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &c. Mr. HAMILTON, who
+had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting
+numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote.
+He was seconded by Mr. OSGOOD. Those who voted differently from
+their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity
+of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate
+of the slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without
+opposition.--_p. 430_.
+
+MONDAY, MAY 26, 1783.
+
+The Resolutions on the Journal instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for
+furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously.--p. 456._
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Letter from Mr. Madison to Edmund Randolph_.
+
+PHILADELPHIA, April 8, 1783.
+
+A change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants,
+deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction,
+and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general
+recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the
+members of the Confederacy. The deduction of two-fifths was a
+compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the Southern and
+other States.--_p. 523_.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States_.
+
+TUESDAY, May 29, 1787.
+
+Mr. CHARLES PINCKNEY laid before the House the draft of a Federal
+Government. * * * "The proportion of direct taxation shall be
+regulated by the whole number of inhabitants of every
+description"--_pp_. 735, 741.
+
+WEDNESDAY, May 30, 1787.
+
+The following Resolution, being the second of those proposed by Mr.
+RANDOLPH, was taken up, viz.
+
+"_That the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free
+inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different
+cases_."
+
+Colonel HAMILTON moved to alter the resolution so as to read, "that
+the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the number of free inhabitants." Mr. SPAIGHT seconded
+the motion.--_p_. 750.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, June 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. We have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the
+most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive
+dominion ever exercised by man over man.--_p_. 806.
+
+
+MONDAY, June 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the respective numbers of free
+inhabitants;
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the quotas of contribution.
+
+Mr. KING and Mr. WILSON, in order to bring the question to a point,
+moved, "that the right of suffrage in the first branch of the National
+Legislature ought not to be according to the rule established in the
+Articles of Confederation, but according to some equitable ratio of
+representation."--_p_. 836.
+
+It was then moved by Mr. RUTLEDGE, seconded by Mr. BUTLER, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. WILSON, seconded by Mr. PINCKNEY, this
+was postponed; in order to add, after the words, "equitable ratio of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"--this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+
+On the question,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+New Jersey, Delaware, no--2.--_pp_. 842-3.
+
+
+TUESDAY, June 19, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Where slavery exists, the republican theory becomes still
+more fallacious.--_p_. 899.
+
+
+SATURDAY, June 30, 1787.
+
+Mr. Madison,--admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that, instead of proportioning the votes of
+the States in both branches, to the irrespective numbers of
+inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they
+should be represented in one branch according to the number of free
+inhabitants only; and in the other according to the whole number,
+counting slaves as free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would
+have the advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had
+been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations;
+one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was the
+inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests.--_pp_. 1006-7
+
+
+MONDAY, July 2, 1787.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. There is a real distinction between the Northern and
+Southern interests. North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in
+their rice and indigo, had a peculiar interest which might be
+sacrificed.--_p_. 1016.
+
+
+FRIDAY, July 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY--thought the blacks ought to stand on an equality with
+the whites; but would agree to the ratio settled by Congress.--_p._
+1039.
+
+
+MONDAY, July 9, 1787.
+
+Mr. PATTERSON considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an expedient by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been ashamed to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+
+Mr. MADISON reminded Mr. PATTERSON that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do, if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which had for one
+of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+
+Mr. BUTLER urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+
+Mr. KING had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect were paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together.--_pp_. 1054-5-6.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 10, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Mr. KING reported, from the Committee yesterday
+appointed, "that the States at the first meeting of the General
+Legislature, should be represented by sixty-five members, in the
+following proportions, to wit:--New Hampshire, by 3; Massachusetts, 8;
+Rhode Island, 1; Connecticut, 5; New York, 6; New Jersey, 4;
+Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, 1; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 10; North
+Carolina, 5; South Carolina, 5; Georgia, 3."
+
+Mr. KING remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES; BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. For
+this reason be had been ready to yield something, in the proportion of
+representatives, for the security of the Southern. No principle would
+justify the giving them a majority. They were brought as near an
+equality as was possible. He was not averse to giving them a still
+greater security, but did not see how it could be done.
+
+General PINCKNEY. The Report before it was committed was more favorable
+to the Southern States than as it now stands. If they are to form so
+considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to
+the General Government, they will be nothing more than overseers for
+the Northern States. He did not expect the Southern States to be
+raised to a majority of representatives; but wished them to have
+something like an equality.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The Southern interest must be extremely endangered by
+the present arrangement. The Northern States are to have a majority in
+the first instance, and the means of perpetuating it.
+
+General PINCKNEY urged the reduction; dwelt on the superior wealth of
+the Southern States, and insisted on its having its due weight in the
+Government.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS regretted the turn of the debate. The States, he
+found, had many representatives on the floor. Few, he feared, were to
+be deemed the representatives of America. He thought the Southern
+States have, by the Report, more than their share of Representation.
+Property ought to have its weight, but not all the weight. If the
+Southern States are to supply money, the Northern States are to spill
+their blood. Besides, the probable revenue to be expected from the
+Southern States has been greatly overrated.--_pp_. 1056-7-8-9.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, July 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON moved that Mr. RANDOLPH's propositions be postponed, in
+order to consider the following, "that in order to ascertain the
+alterations that may happen in the population and wealth of the
+several States, a census shall be taken of the free white inhabitants,
+and three-fifths of those of other descriptions on the first year
+after this government shall have been adopted, and every ---- year
+thereafter; and that the representation be regulated accordingly."
+
+Mr. BUTLER and General PINCKNEY insisted that blacks be included in the
+rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+
+Mr. GERRY thought that three-fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+
+Mr. GORHAM. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the Delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced him, that three-fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, and he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+
+Mr. BUTLER insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable, as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that
+as wealth was the great means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+
+Mr. MASON could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON reminded Mr. GORHAM that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in
+view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+
+On Mr. BUTLER'S motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,--Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no--7; New York, not on the floor.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. WILLIAMSON. In the first place, it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said Resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.
+
+Mr. KING thought there was great force in the objections of Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. He would, however, accede to the proposition for
+the sake of doing something.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Another objection with him, against admitting
+the blacks into the census, was, that the people of Pennsylvania would
+revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. They would
+reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all
+hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.--pp.
+1066-7-8-9; 1070-2-3.
+
+On the question on the first clause of Mr. WILLIAMSON's motion, as to
+taking a census of the _free_ inhabitants, it passed in the
+affirmative,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Virginia, North Carolina, aye--6; Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--4.
+
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered,
+
+Mr. KING, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+
+Mr. GORHAM was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+
+
+Mr. WILSON did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three-fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property--then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.)
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,--Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--4;
+Massachusetts, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[2] South
+Carolina, no--6.--_pp_.1076-7-8.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the _phraseology_ to be so altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.]
+
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved a proviso, "that
+taxation shall be in proportion to representation."
+
+Mr. BUTLER contended again, that representation should be according to
+the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting
+the justice of Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS'S motion.
+
+General PINCKNEY was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed at
+what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000£. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then to be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. WILSON approved the principle, but could not see how it could be
+carried into execution; unless restrained to direct taxation.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, _nem. con_., as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation"
+
+Mr. DAVIE said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+
+Dr. JOHNSON thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+
+Mr. GOUVENEUR MORRIS. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any states that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more than has been already proposed--that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+
+General PINCKNEY desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature, and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution by direct
+taxation, for the support of the Government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other rule that
+shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States, can
+be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+
+Mr. BUTLER seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+
+Mr. RANDOLPH was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. ELLSWORTH'S motion
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that
+stay be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of
+all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio
+recommended by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of
+April, 1783, (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number); and
+that the Legislature of the United States shall arrange the
+representation accordingly." He urged strenuously that express
+security ought to be presided for including slaves in the ratio of
+representation. He lamented that such a species of property existed.
+But as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security.
+It was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding
+slaves altogether; the Legislature therefore ought not to be left at
+liberty.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. RANDOLPH.
+
+Mr. WILSON observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to amend Mr. RANDOLPH'S motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This,
+he urged was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers,
+the peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of
+pecuniary resources as those of the Northern States. They add equally
+to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the
+strength, of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the
+Northern States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+
+On Mr. PINCKNEY'S (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye--2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor JOHNSON, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no--8.
+
+Mr. RANDOLPH'S (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. WILSON (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,--
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive where there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH (of Connecticut). In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--6; New
+Jersey, Delaware, no--2; Massachusetts, South Carolina,
+divided.--pp. 1079 to 1087.
+
+Friday, July 13, 1787. Mr. MADISON said, that having always conceived
+that the difference of interest in the United States lay not between
+the large and small, but the Northern and Southern States.-p. 1088.
+
+On the motion of Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of business,
+and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep
+meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction had been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible
+things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. There can
+be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to
+be entitled to it. The Eastern States may claim it for their fishery,
+and for other objects, as the Southern States claim it for their
+peculiar objects. In this struggle between the two ends of the Union,
+what part ought the Middle States, in point of policy, to take? To
+join their Eastern brethren, according to his ideas. If the Southern
+States get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be,
+with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with
+Spain for the Mississippi. This language is already held. The interior
+country, having no property nor interest exposed on the sea, will be
+little affected by such a war. He wished to know what security the
+Northern and Middle States will have against this danger. It has been
+said that North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a
+little time have a majority of the people of America. They must in
+that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to
+be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands.
+
+Mr. BUTLER (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+
+On the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change
+as moved by Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) it passed in the
+affirmative,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+Delaware, divided.--_pp_. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+
+
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. It seemed now to be pretty well understood, that the real
+difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but
+between the Northern and Southern, States. THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY,
+AND IT'S CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION.--_p_. 1104.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 17, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The largest State will be sure to succeed. This will
+not be Virginia, however. Her slaves will have no suffrage.--_p_.
+1123.
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 19, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. The right of suffrage was much more diffusive in the
+Northern than the Southern States; and the latter could have no
+influence in the election, on the score of the negroes.--p. 1148.
+
+
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+
+General PINCKNEY reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report.--_p_. 1187.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As the Executive is to have a kind of veto on the
+laws, and there is an essential difference of interests between the
+Northern and Southern States, particularly in the carrying trade, the
+power will be dangerous, if the Executive is to be taken from part of
+the Union, to the part from which he is not taken.--_p_. 1189.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[3] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections.--_p_.
+1197.
+
+[Footnote 3: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, July 25, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Refer the appointment of the National Executive to the
+State Legislatures, and * * *
+
+The remaining mode was an election by the people, or rather by the
+qualified part of them at large. * * *
+
+The second difficulty arose from the disproportion of qualified voters
+in the Northern and Southern States, and the disadvantages which this
+mode would throw on the latter. The answer to this objection was--in
+the first place, that this disproportion would be continually
+decreasing under the influence of the republican laws introduced in
+the Southern States, and the more rapid increase of their population;
+in the second place, that local considerations must give way to the
+general interest. As an individual from the Southern States, he was
+willing to make the sacrifice.--pp. 1200-1.
+
+THURSDAY, July 26, 1787.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. Revenue will be drawn, it is foreseen, as much
+as possible from trade.--p. 1217.
+
+MONDAY, August 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. Rutledge delivered in the Report of the Committee of Detail.
+
+
+ARTICLE VII.
+
+SECT. 3. The proportions of direct taxation shall be regulated by the
+whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every
+age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term
+of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in
+the foregoing description, (except Indians not paying taxes); which
+number shall, within six years after the first meeting of the
+Legislature, and within the term of every ten years afterwards, be
+taken in such a manner as the said Legislature shall direct.
+
+SECT. 4. No tax or duty shall be laid by the Legislature on articles
+exported from any State; nor on the migration or importation of such
+persons as the several States shall think proper to admit; nor shall
+such migration or importation be prohibited.
+
+SECT. 5. No capitation tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census herein before directed to be taken.
+
+SECT. 6. No navigation act shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members present in each house.--pp. 1226-33-34.
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hoped that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure be could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then, is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. It
+is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+
+Mr. DAYTON seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burdensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+
+Mr. WILSON thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye--1; New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no--10.--pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+
+THURSDAY, August 16, 1787.
+
+Mr. MASON urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying
+taxes, duties, &c., the prohibition in Article 6, Sect. 4, "that no
+tax should be laid on exports."
+
+He hoped the Northern States did not mean to deny the Southern this
+security.
+
+MR. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS considered such a proviso as inadmissible
+anywhere.
+
+MR. MADISON. Fourthly, the Southern States, being most in danger and
+most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen
+should be somewhat heaviest on them. And finally, we are not providing
+for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of
+the States in this matter. He was, for these reasons, against the
+motion.
+
+MR. MERCER. It had been said the Southern States had most need of
+naval protection. The reverse was the case. Were it not for promoting
+the carrying trade of the Northern States, the Southern States could
+let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our
+protection.--pp. 1339-40-41-42.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+
+Articles 7, Section 3, was then resumed.
+
+MR. DICKINSON moved to postpone this, in order to reconsider Article
+4, Section 4, and to _limit_ the number of Representatives to be
+allowed to the large States. Unless this were done, the small States
+would be reduced to entire insignificance, and encouragement given to
+the importation of slaves.
+
+MR. SHERMAN would agree to such a reconsideration; but did not see the
+necessity of postponing the section before the House. MR. DICKINSON
+withdrew his motion.
+
+Article 7, Section 3, was then agreed to,--ten ayes; Delaware alone,
+no.--p. 1379.
+
+Article 7, Section 4, was then taken up.
+
+MR. LANGDON. By this section the States are left at liberty to tax
+exports. This could not be admitted. It seems to be feared that the
+Northern States will oppress the trade of the Southern. This may be
+guarded against, by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds, or
+three-fourths of the Legislature, in such cases.--p. 1382-3.
+
+MR. MADISON. As to the fear of disproportionate burthens on the more
+exporting States, it might be remarked that it was agreed, on all
+hands, that the revenue would principally be drawn from trade.--p.
+1385.
+
+COL. MASON--A majority, when interested, will oppress the minority.
+
+If we compare the States in this point of view, the eight Northern
+States have an interest different from the five Southern States; and
+have, in one branch of the Legislature, thirty-six votes, against
+twenty-nine, and in the other in the proportion of eight against five.
+The Southern States had therefore ground for their suspicions. The
+case of exports was not the same with that of imports.--pp. 1386-7.
+
+MR. L. MARTIN proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other States from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned.--_pp_. 1388-9.
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+
+Col. MASON. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to
+the States being in possession of the right to import, this was the
+case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for everything; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who
+carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+
+Mr. WILSON observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+
+Mr. GERRY thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+
+Mr. DICKINSON considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of £5 on each slave imported from Africa; £10 on each
+from elsewhere; and £50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+
+Mr. KING thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+
+Mr. LANGDON was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. PINCKNEY for a commitment.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS wished the whole subject to be committed,
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+
+MR. BUTLER declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were _property_. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+
+Mr. READ was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on exports should also be committed.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,--Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no--3; Massachusetts absent.
+
+Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Langdon moved to commit Section 6, as to a
+navigation act by two-thirds of each House.
+
+Mr. Gorham did not see the propriety of it. Is it meant to require a
+greater proportion of votes? He desired it to be remembered, that the
+Eastern States had no motive to union but a commercial one. They were
+able to protect themselves. They were not afraid of external danger,
+and did not need the aid of the Southern States.
+
+Mr. Wilson wished for a commitment, in order to reduce the proportion
+of votes required.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth was for taking the plan as it is. This widening of
+opinions had a threatening aspect. If we do not agree on this middle
+and moderate ground, he was afraid we should lose two States, with
+such others as may be disposed to stand aloof; should fly into a
+variety of shapes and directions, and most probably into several
+confederations,--and not without bloodshed.
+
+On the question for committing Section 6, as to a navigation act, to a
+member from each State,--New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye--9; Connecticut, New Jersey, no--2.
+
+The Committee appointed were Messrs. Langdon, King, Johnson,
+Livingston, Clymer, Dickinson, L. Martin, Madison, Williamson, C.C.
+Pinckney, and Baldwin.
+
+To this Committee were referred also the two clauses above mentioned
+of the fourth and fifth Sections of Article 7.--pp. 1390 to 1397.
+
+Friday, August 24, 1787
+
+_In Convention_,--Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.
+
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+The sixth Section to be stricken out."--p. 1415.
+
+SATURDAY, August 25, 1787.
+
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth),
+being taken up,--
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+
+Mr. GORHAM seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--New-Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--7; New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+
+Col. MASON was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+
+Mr. CLYMER concurred with Mr. SHERMAN.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS withdrew his motion.
+
+Mr. DICKINSON wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con_.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+
+
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties laid on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con_.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+
+Mr. KING and Mr. LANGDON considered this as the price of the first
+part. Gen. PINCKNEY admitted that it was so. Col. MASON. Not to tax,
+will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves.
+
+Mr. GORHAM thought that Mr. SHERMAN should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN, in answer to Mr. GORHAM, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+
+Mr. MADISON thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandize consumed, &c.
+
+Col. MASON, in answer to Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The provision, as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts, in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+
+It was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to.--_pp_. 1427 to 30.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 28, 1787.
+
+Article 14, was then taken up.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: Article 14 was,--The citizens of each State shall be
+entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several
+States.--EDITOR.]
+
+
+General PINCKNEY was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+
+On the question on Article 14,--New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
+North Carolina, aye--9; South Carolina, no--1; Georgia, divided.
+
+Article 15,[6] being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor,"
+were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+
+[Footnote 6: Article 15 was,--Any person charged with treason, felony
+or high misdemeanor in any State, who shall flee from justice, and
+shall be found in any other State, shall, on demand of the Executive
+power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to
+the State having jurisdiction of the offence.--EDITOR.]
+
+
+Mr. BUTLER and Mr. PINCKNEY moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+
+Mr. WILSON. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+
+Mr. BUTLER withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_.--_pp_. 1447-8.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1787.
+
+Article 7, Section 6, by the Committee of Eleven reported to be struck
+out (see the twenty-fourth inst.) being now taken up,--
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to postpone the Report, in favor of the following
+proposition: "That no act of the Legislature for the purpose of
+regulating the Commerce of the United States with foreign powers,
+among the several States, shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members of each House." He remarked that there were
+five distinct commercial interests.
+
+The power of regulating commerce was a pure concession on the part of
+the Southern States. They did not need the protection of the Northern
+States at present.--_p_. 1450.
+
+General PINCKNEY said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[7] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever.--_p_. 1451.
+
+[Footnote 7: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote of the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY replied, that his enumeration meant the five minute
+interests. It still left the two great divisions of Northern and
+Southern interests.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS opposed the object of the motion as highly
+injurious.--A navy was essential to security, particularly of the
+Southern States;--
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As to the weakness of the Southern States, he was not
+alarmed on that account. The sickliness of their climate for invaders
+would prevent their being made an object. He acknowledged that he did
+not think the motion requiring two-thirds necessary in itself; because
+if a majority of the Northern States should push their regulations too
+far, the Southern States would build ships for themselves; but he knew
+the Southern people were apprehensive on this subject, and would be
+pleased with the precaution.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT was against the motion. The Southern States could at any
+time save themselves from oppression, by building ships for their own
+use.--_p_. 1452.
+
+Mr. BUTLER differed from those who considered the rejection of the
+motion as no concession on the part of the Southern States. He
+considered the interests of these and of the Eastern States to be as
+different as the interests of Russia and Turkey. Being,
+notwithstanding, desirous of conciliating the affections of the
+Eastern States, he should vote against requiring two-thirds instead of
+a majority.--_p_. 1453.
+
+Mr. MADISON. He added, that the Southern States would derive an
+essential advantage, in the general security afforded by the increase
+of our maritime strength. He stated the vulnerable situation of them
+all, and of Virginia in particular.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE was against the motion of his colleague. At the worst, a
+navigation act could bear hard a little while only on the Southern
+States. As we are laying the foundation for a great empire, we ought
+to take a permanent view of the subject, and not look at the present
+moment only.
+
+Mr. GORMAN. The Eastern States were not led to strengthen the Union by
+fear for their own safety.
+
+He deprecated the consequences of disunion; but if it should take
+place, it was the Southern part of the Continent that had most reason
+to dread them.
+
+On the question to postpone, in order to take up Mr. PINCKNEY's
+motion,--
+
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--4; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, South
+Carolina, no--7. The Report of the Committee for striking out Section
+6, requiring two-thirds of each House to pass a navigation act, was
+then agreed to, _nem. con_.
+
+Mr. BUTLER moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem.
+con_.--_p_. 1454-5-6.
+
+
+THURSDAY, August 30, 1787.
+
+Article 18, being taken up,
+
+On a question for striking out "domestic violence," and inserting
+"insurrections," it passed in the negative,--New Jersey, Virginia,
+North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--5; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
+no--6.--_pp_. 1466-7.
+
+MONDAY, September 10, 1787.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article:"--_p_. 1536.
+
+TUESDAY, September 13, 1787.
+
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. RANDOLPH, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[8] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+
+[Footnote 8:  See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+
+
+Mr. DICKENSON and Mr. WILSON moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the _representation_. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that of representation.
+
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--
+
+New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye--3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--8.--_pp_. 1569-70.
+
+SATURDAY, September 15, 1787.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view.--p. 1589.
+
+Mr. GERRY stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1-2-3-4-5-6, that three-fifths of the
+blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen.--p. 1595.
+
+
+
+
+
+                    LIST OF MEMBERS
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF
+                    THE UNITED STATES.
+
+
+
+_From_                                 _Attended._
+New Hampshire,     1 John Langdon,           July 23, 1787.
+                    _John Pickering_,
+                   2 Nicholas Gilman,         "   23.
+                    _Benjamin West_,
+Massachusetts,      _Francis Dana_,
+                     Elbridge Gerry,          May 29.
+                   3 Nath'l Gorham,            "  28.
+                   4 Rufus King,               "  25.
+                     Caleb Strong,            May 28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,       5 W.S. Johnson,            June 2.
+                   6 Roger Sherman,           May 30.
+                     Oliver Ellsworth,         "  29.
+New York,            Robert Yates,             "  25.
+                   7 Alex'r Hamilton,          "  25.
+                     John Lansing,            June 2.
+New Jersey,        8 Wm. Livingston,           "   5.
+                   9 David Brearly,           May 25.
+                     Wm. C. Houston,          May 25.
+                  10 Wm. Patterson,             do.
+                    _John Nielson_,
+                    _Abraham Clark_.
+                  11 Jonathan Dayton,        June 21.
+Pennsylvania,     12 Benj. Franklin,          May 28.
+                  13 Thos. Mifflin,             do.
+                  14 Robert Morris,           May 25.
+                  15 Geo. Clymer,              "  28.
+                  16 Thos. Fitzsimons,         "  25.
+                  17 Jared Ingersoll,          "  28.
+                  18 James Wilson,             "  25.
+                  19 Gouv'r Morris,            "  25.
+Delaware,         20 Geo. Reed,                "  25.
+                  21 G. Bedford, Jr.           "  28.
+                  22 John Dickenson,           "  28.
+                  23 Richard Bassett,          "  25.
+                  24 Jacob Broom,              "  25.
+Maryland,         25 James M'Henry,            "  29.
+                  26 Daniel of St. Tho.
+                          Jenifer,            June 2.
+                  27 Daniel Carroll,          July 9.
+                     John F. Mercer,          Aug. 6.
+                     Luther Martin,           June 9.
+Virginia,         28 G. Washington,           May 25.
+                    _Patrick Henry_, (declined.)
+                     Edmund Randolph,          "  25.
+                  29 John Blair,               "  25.
+                  30 Jas. Madison, Jr.         "  25.
+                     George Mason,             "  25.
+                     George Wythe,             "  25.
+                     James McClurg, (in
+                          room of P. Henry)    "  25.
+                  31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                          of R. Caswell),    June 20.
+                  _Willie Jones_, (declined.)
+                  32 R.D. Spaight,            May 25.
+                  33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                          room of W. Jones,)  May 25.
+South Carolina,   34 John Rutledge,            "  25.
+                  35 Chas. C. Pinckney,        "  25.
+                  36 Chas. Pinckney,           "  25.
+                  37 Peirce Butler,            "  25.
+Georgia,          38 William Few,             May 25.
+                  39 Abr'm Baldwin,          June 11.
+                     William Pierce,          May 31.
+                    _George Walton._
+                     Wm. Houston,            June  1.
+                    _Nath'l Pendleton._
+
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution.  39
+Those in italics never attended.                                10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,        16
+                                                                --
+                                                                65
+
+
+
+Extracts from a speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+
+With respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality--It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in
+apportioning the number of _representatives_ a State should have in
+the government--That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a State in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom--That it might be proper to take slaves
+into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it
+had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account
+in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and
+to make it the interest of the States to continue that _infamous
+traffic_--That slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or
+_citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of
+citizens_, in the States which adopted or continued slavery--If they
+were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _Southern States_, as
+it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _Eastern_.
+
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those _things_ which the expressions
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States--Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those States,
+that their States would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those States, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the _Eastern_
+States, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing
+to indulge the Southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the Southern States would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+_rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting
+it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism,
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so much the more want aid from,
+and be a burden to, the Union.
+
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with both slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or
+_invasion_.
+
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+
+Mr. KING rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the number of free persons shall be determined,
+by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound
+to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
+three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the slaves. By
+this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. And it was
+adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+
+Mr. WIDGERY asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+
+Mr. KING in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+
+Mr. GORHAM thought the proposed section much in favor of
+Massachusetts; and if it operated against any State, it was
+Pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any
+other.
+
+Judge DANA, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than _five_ of those poor slaves?
+
+Mr. NASSON remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. KING, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways--and the gentleman should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+KING, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side--as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+
+Mr. DAWES said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He though them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our _own_ State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more? The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. It would not
+do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+
+Mr. NEAL (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued
+for 20 years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness
+against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the
+bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put
+his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to
+this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever
+shall be free, and Gen. THOMPSON exclaimed:
+
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had! How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article
+towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the
+Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was no
+provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this Constitution
+provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally annihilate the
+slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two, have passed laws
+to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be
+done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty to prohibit it.
+
+SATURDAY, January 26.--[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+NASON, Major LUSK, Mr. NEAL, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge DANA, Mr. ADAMS and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+
+Gen. HEATH. Mr. President,--By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity
+of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The Federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the States, now
+_existing only_, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+
+Mr. NEAL rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+
+Major LUSK concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+
+Rev. Mr. BACKUS. Much, sir, hath been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in
+the New Testament And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said--Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again--Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+
+
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. M. SMITH. He would now proceed to state his objections to the
+clause just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3). His objections
+were comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is
+unjust; 2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house
+shall not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the
+rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the
+whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all
+others; that is, in plain English, each State is to send
+representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and
+three-fifths of the slaves it contains. He could not see any rule by
+which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the
+principle of a representation being that every free agent should be
+concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a
+man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the
+very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people
+who were so wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted,
+that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but
+that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should
+be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with
+the southern States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+
+Mr. HAMILTON. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States--the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on the navigation, and that they should have full power, by
+a majority on Congress, to make commercial regulations. The Southern
+States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by requiring that
+two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an act in
+regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of
+a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to
+employ the shipping of the Northern States would probably enhance
+their freight. This being the case, they insisted strenuously on
+having this provision engrafted in the Constitution; and the Northern
+States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other hand, the small
+States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal
+terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed:
+the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that Rhode
+Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves:
+from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. It became
+necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must have
+dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise and
+prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me--every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern States, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the Convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of New
+York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are
+considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded to
+the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal laws
+of the States which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. But
+representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to
+apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves in the
+assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the States. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your State, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government: these will be included
+in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern States, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+
+Mr. M. SMITH. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern States. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the
+clause in this respect.
+
+Mr. HARRISON. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. WILSON. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this Constitution--and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+Legislatures of the several States. The gentleman, (Mr. FINDLEY) will
+recollect, that in the present Congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the States. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+States; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven States, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptionable before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting Congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+Congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+Confederation, the States may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the Congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any State to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new States which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of Congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the Convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the _migration_ or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that Congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentlemen from
+Westmoreland (Mr. FINDLEY,) and the honorable gentleman from
+Cumberland (Mr. WHITEHILL,) took exception against the first clause of
+the 9th section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because Congress
+might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of
+slaves, within any of the United States, Congress might therefore
+permit slaves to be imported within this State, contrary to its laws.
+I confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+
+If there was no other lovely feature in the Constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and Congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+
+Mr. McKEAN. The arguments against the Constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these:....
+
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the States
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Provision is made that Congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+
+GOV. RANDOLPH. This is one point of weakness I wish for the honor of
+my countrymen that it was the only one. There is another circumstance
+which renders us more vulnerable. Are we not weakened by the
+population of those whom we hold in slavery?  The day may come when
+they may make impression upon us. Gentlemen who have been long
+accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause
+of alarm in this case: the number of those people, compared to that of
+the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to
+236,000--that of the whites, only to 352,000. * * * * I beseech them
+to consider, whether Virginia and North Carolina, both oppressed with
+debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their
+people happy internally.
+
+GEORGE MASON. We are told in strong language, of dangers to which we
+will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the Northern and Eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+Southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+
+MR. LEE. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? MR. LEE then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+
+MR. HENRY. It says that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually
+invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what is the
+true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a State may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.--They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of Congress.
+
+MR. GEORGE NICHOLAS. Another worthy member says, there is no power in
+the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it now? If
+they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it must be
+in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy
+member. The first clause gives the general government power to call
+them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States? No.
+But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of this Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done"
+
+Mr. MADISON. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due." This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exist. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years: but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+
+Mr. TYLER warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+
+Mr. MADISON. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+Congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+
+Mr. HENRY insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stockjobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+
+Mr. GEORGE NICHOLAS wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are now, will be manumitted. At that same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting to it to be such?
+Virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he had imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+
+Mr. HENRY replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of; they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+
+Mr. NICHOLAS replied, that negroes must be considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+
+
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, that no capitation or other
+direct tax should be laid but in proportion to the census before
+directed to be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be
+found to be no security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct
+assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of
+taxes and representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised
+of each State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner
+therein directed. But the general government was not precluded from
+laying the proportion of any particular State on any one species of
+property they might think proper. For instance, if five hundred
+thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the
+proportion of the Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of
+property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might
+totally annihilate that kind of property. No real security could arise
+from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one
+State, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. This only meant,
+that runaway slaves should not be protected in other States. As to the
+exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any
+security in this case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex
+post facto_.
+
+Mr. MADISON replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the Constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some degree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States would, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+
+The second section was then read as follows:     *     *     *
+
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein be discharged from such service.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON.--Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+
+Mr. HENRY. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal
+effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I see
+that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire
+to admire that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free,
+we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men
+in bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate
+them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We
+ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+
+Have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+
+Gov. RANDOLPH. That honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government be made _free_. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in Convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself;
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due." Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in Convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was not
+a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries will
+require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The Eastern
+States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the
+consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate.
+
+Mr. Madison. I was struck with surprise when I heard him express
+himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me
+ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation
+of power? There is no power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be,
+I know it not. But why should it be done? Says the honorable
+gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our
+system. Can any member of this committee suppose, that it will
+increase our strength? Can any one believe, that the American councils
+will come into a measure which will strip them of their property,
+discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the
+Union? Why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? I believe such an
+idea never entered into an American breast, nor do I believe it ever
+will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who
+substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons.
+
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new Congress
+without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can shew me nothing
+like such a power granted in that Constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation be not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it be not delegated.
+
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+
+
+
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+
+Mr. GOUDY. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States, over the others. It will be oppressive to
+the Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman
+last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty
+on a subject of such awful importance. It ought to be considered, that
+_some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick
+conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may
+be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be represented with
+negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but cannot
+at present alter their situation. The Eastern States had great
+jealousies on this subject. They insisted that their cows and horses
+were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as
+well as the other. It became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as
+much weight as possible in the legislation of the Union; and as the
+Northern States were more populous in whites, this only could be done
+by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a
+part of the computed population. It was attempted to form a rule of
+representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on
+consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative
+value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with
+any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only
+practicable rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the
+deputies of the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths
+would of little utility, and that their entire representation would be
+unequal and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a
+country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_
+inhabitants. On the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace
+they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other
+members of the community. That as rational beings they had a right of
+representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war.
+On these principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and
+consented to the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons
+will appear satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was
+proposed some years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the
+States. It may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, (Mr.
+GOUDY,) but I hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the
+interests and circumstances of his country.
+
+Mr. JAMES GALLOWAY said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+
+Mr. J. M'DOWALL wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States--that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+
+Mr. M'DOWALL replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the Constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+Constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if Congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the Constitution will not be condemned, because it has
+not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+
+Mr. IREDELL added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+
+Mr. GALLOWAY. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end
+to. But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable
+traffic for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the
+importation extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is
+different from the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not.
+Instead of laying a tax, we ought to a give a bounty, to encourage
+foreigners to come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery,
+it requires the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern
+States consists principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery
+altogether, this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to
+bring forward manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country
+shall we send them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after
+manumission, they are to stay among us.
+
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+_such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word _migration_ refers to
+free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that the gentleman is mistaken in
+another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition of
+slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+section read without observation.
+
+The last clause read--
+
+Mr. IREDELL begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the Constitution. Though the word
+_slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern
+delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of
+slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned.
+
+The rest of the forth article read without observation.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+Mr. IREDELL. It is however to be observed, that the first and forth
+clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from
+any alteration until the year 1808; and in order that no consolidation
+should take place, it is provided, that no State shall, by any
+amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the
+Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are with
+respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed,
+and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the first, it
+must be observed, that there is a material difference between the
+Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have been much
+longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the Southern, but
+have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. The
+subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a
+spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a
+good many years. In twenty years there will probably be a great
+alteration, and then the subject may be re-considered with less
+difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the compromise was
+upon the best footing that could be obtained. A compromise likewise
+took place in regard to the importation of slaves. It is probable that
+all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of South
+Carolina and Georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of
+it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast
+number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. In the mean time,
+it is left to the States to admit or prohibit the importation, and
+Congress may impose a limited duty upon it.
+
+
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+Hon. RAWLINS LOWNDES. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealously of our importing negroes? Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all? For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+
+Judge PENDLETON observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her Constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+
+Mr. LOWNDES continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union; and cited an expression that fell from Gen. PINCKNEY on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition to this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great measure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens;
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+
+Major BUTLER observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. LOWNDES proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers; and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+
+Hon. E. RUTLEDGE. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States--that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+
+In the Northern States, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new Constitution, whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. But the principle
+ objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the
+carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the Americans;
+that the shipbuilding business was principally carried on in the
+Northern States. When this subject is duly considered, the Southern
+States, should be the last to object to it. Mr. RUTLEDGE then went
+into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned.
+
+Gen. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. We were at a loss for some time for
+a role to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to
+a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendship,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat,
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+house: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the Constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+
+Hon. ROBERT BARNWELL. Mr. BARNWELL continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore, certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 42
+
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it
+is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethren! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it; stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethren observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself; but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body
+by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded
+from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which
+fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected, on
+the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of
+all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being
+punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the
+slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the
+society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person,
+not as a mere article of property. The Federal Constitution,
+therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves,
+when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property.
+This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on
+them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied,
+that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the
+pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of
+property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers;
+and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which
+have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal
+share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the barbarous policy of considering as property a
+part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the Constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to the proper guide.
+
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+Constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal Constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_.
+
+
+
+
+DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS.
+
+
+LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+
+May 13, 1789.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the Constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; be did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at a time when debate was almost precluded. The committee had
+gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. SHERMAN) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light; he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America labored under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burden, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+
+Mr. AMES (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+
+Mr. LIVERMORE. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent; but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorem, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+
+Mr. SCHUREMAN (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his
+motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing
+the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the
+House, as a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having
+the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive: but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the Constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+JACKSON,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+
+I conceive the Constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+Constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+
+I do not wish to say anything harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice of obtaining under some of the State governments,
+it is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+
+If we examine the proposed measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the Constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave, averaged about £80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five per cent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+
+Mr. BLAND (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished had never
+been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this time to
+cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would
+prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether the
+prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those who
+had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the
+importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing such
+regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was now apparent.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+
+Mr. PARKER, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands; and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized us to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+FITZSIMONS) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case that may require the consideration of Congress.
+If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such violation
+of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be
+practised in some parts of the United States, it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our slipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere will it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature better than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they had nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) The gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for contemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade; not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the House will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. SEDGWICK, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,--who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed: as to
+suppose that Congress could be guilty of a violation of the
+Constitution, yet, I trust we know our duty better than to be led
+astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do
+not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will
+be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the Constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the Constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, not follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of Congress to afford redress as far as is in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not
+deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+
+Mr. HUNTINGTON (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when Congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+
+Mr. TUCKER, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+Congress to effect its abrogation. But Congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+
+Mr. CLYMER (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over for a day at least.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative cooperation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _President._
+
+"PHILADELPHIA, _February 3, 1790."_
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading, as
+he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject, and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+
+Mr. SENEY (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared
+it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but
+he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it
+not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave trade, while
+the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+
+Mr. SCOTT, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial is
+strictly agreeable to the constitution: it respects a part of the duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may, be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was of a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree
+of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated;
+but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we
+shall feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to
+interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the
+9th section of the first article of the Constitution; every thing else
+is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+
+Mr. SYLVESTER (of N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislatures.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he
+was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it
+had been properly examined, they could see how far Congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. Mr.
+Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House to
+brunt the prayer of the petition, which event to the total abolishment
+of the slave-trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. He
+observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had arisen on
+adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that
+Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade.
+
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this House, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that if is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calumny's
+with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find,
+that the discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told,
+that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it,
+by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here; we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an ex post facto law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that county, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stood exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition, of the slave trade; but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if anything could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf and that Congress
+were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the
+practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their
+justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. He presumed
+that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he,
+therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to
+commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the misfortune of
+having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them
+himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as
+any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he was determined
+to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm
+on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the
+virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional
+authority.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the Constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of Congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+
+He admitted that Congress was restricted by the Constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought the interference of Congress fully
+compatible with the Constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the natives of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that Congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the Constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the Constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the Constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; Congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that Congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed Congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:--
+
+Yeas.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop--93.
+
+Noes.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker--11.
+
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.
+
+
+
+_Debate on Committee's Report, March 1790._
+
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+
+Mr. TUCKER moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+
+Mr. JACKSON rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are Congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to Congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+the first proposition of the report fully contained in the
+Constitution? Is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. A
+multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to
+confound and perplex. How strange would a law appear which was to
+confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body
+to pass resolutions to confirm the Constitution under which they sit!
+This is the case with others of the resolutions.
+
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) very properly observed, that
+the Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+Constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged Congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+Constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it always had been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged Congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interests of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of Quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that Constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+
+He seconded Mr. TUCKER'S motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, the gentlemen from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+GERRY,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required Congress to violate the Constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. FRANKLIN taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the impropriety of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+Have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. SMITH, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on
+account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who
+differ from us on this point?
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the Constitution relating to the want of
+power in Congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the Constitution, and therefore Congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. BOUDINOT observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in
+the Convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+Congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was not
+done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of
+trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. BOUDINOT observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+
+[NOTE.--This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole House, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words:
+
+The committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the States admitting such
+importations."
+
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+
+
+
+ADDRESS
+
+OF THE
+
+EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
+
+OF
+
+THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY
+
+TO THE
+
+Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the U. States.
+
+
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New-York, May 7th, 1844,--after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and Humanity.
+
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the American
+Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is due not
+only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life_,
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would not
+brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should be no
+delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments
+of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great Ruler of the
+universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other
+"their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or
+perish in their struggle to be free.
+
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of
+slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or
+that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the
+sacred rights of mankind.
+
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of--whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they
+advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of
+the people a prey to another.
+
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+
+1. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,--that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"--null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+
+To this we reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical.
+It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. It
+is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villainy that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to
+understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole
+country, to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of
+words, the American Union is and always has been a sham--an imposture.
+It is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history
+of the world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not
+certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the
+mother country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that
+would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with
+justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever
+might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human
+being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely
+it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our
+revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they
+had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have
+fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of England.
+
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-Christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. _It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant_--NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, _as a matter of bargain and
+compromise_. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it_.
+
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted _in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected_. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+_whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because
+they are immoral_, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+_not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country_. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those
+who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty to _themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in words they recognized
+occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they
+continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a portion of
+their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market,
+while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country,
+and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why, then, concede
+to them virtues which they did not possess? _Why cling to the
+falsehood, that they were no respecters of persons in the formation of
+the government_?
+
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts!  "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [the
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+
+In ARTICLE 1, Section 9, it is declared--"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808.
+For twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens
+of the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage!
+This awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the Constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. LUTHER MARTIN[9] who was a prominent member of that body:
+
+[Footnote 9: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+
+
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, (!)
+were _very willing to indulge the Southern States_ at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this Section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition."  Alluding to it, Mr. MARTIN
+observes--
+
+"It was said that we had just assumed a place among independent
+nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great
+Britain to _enslave us_: that this opposition was grounded upon the
+preservation of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us,
+not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_;
+that we had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the
+God of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we
+scarcely had risen from our knees, from supplicating his aid and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sport with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be and frequently are, punished in this world
+by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor _African slave_ and his _American master_![10]
+
+[Footnote 10: How terribly and justly has this guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+
+
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution,
+the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the States. That
+slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a
+tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it
+lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to
+tyranny and oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of
+government, every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion
+and from domestic insurrections; that, from this consideration, it was
+of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the
+importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves
+were increased in any State, in the same proportion the State is
+weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection; and
+by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and
+therefore will by so much the more, want aid from, and be a burden to,
+the Union.
+
+"It was further said, that, as in this system, we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+"These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+a part of the system."[11]
+
+[Footnote 11: Secret Proceedings, p. 64.]
+
+
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they chose to do evil that good might
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+_indulge_ the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_
+by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--Had there been no
+other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection, this
+one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with
+the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It was
+the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a
+very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+_constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic _should cease_ in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the _right_ of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely under the Constitution._ The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition._
+
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution
+of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form
+a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare,
+and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
+posterity"--namely, that the parties to the Constitution regarded only
+their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language
+should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it
+unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an
+express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set
+forth._ While, therefore, the Constitution remains as it was
+originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply
+with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. For it avails
+nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law
+of God and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory.
+Whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_
+obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to
+execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to
+withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking
+on his lips an impious promise. The object of the Constitution is not
+to define _what is the law of God_, but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE
+PEOPLE--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral
+interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them.
+
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides--"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_."
+
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of property, while the North
+is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention--
+
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this be _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the _unfortunate_ situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population as well as _property_, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of
+accommodation_ which governed the Convention; and without this
+_indulgence_, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be _gratified_.--The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be
+_capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States."
+
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+
+Listen, now, to the opinions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:--
+
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'--'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'--'It was _one_ of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burthens of
+the North.'--'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'--'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a Democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an Aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of the _best_. Its standard qualification for accession to power is
+_merit_, ascertained by popular election, recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. _There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States imagine
+or foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of
+this concession.'--'The House of Representatives of the U. States
+consists of 223 members--all, by the _letter_ of the Constitution,
+representatives only of _persons_, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other
+persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the
+_property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'--'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than
+one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth
+part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal
+interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same
+associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of
+government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the
+House. In the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding
+power is yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where
+the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the Federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 member elected by them to the House.'--'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of _wrong_.'--'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT.'--'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.--The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+
+It is confessed by Mr. ADAMS, alluding to the national convention
+that framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free
+States, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of the
+Southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and
+wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+
+Hence, to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, _as
+it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators _incorrigible men-stealers_, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their rights! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, declares,--"No person held to service or labor
+in one State, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:--"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that
+did remain_, in the day of distress."
+
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+_eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, _in consequence of this provision of the Constitution_? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates,
+either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:--
+
+"Another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. At
+present, if any slave elopes to any of those States where slaves are
+free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the
+States are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in
+this constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO
+ENABLE OWNERS OF SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. _This is a better security
+than any that now exists_. No power is given to the general government
+to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the
+States."
+
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, Gov. RANDOLPH
+said:--
+
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox--the American Constitution is a paradox--the American Union is
+a paradox--the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant
+stone." "Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not
+my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?"
+
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus the State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against _domestic violence_." By the 8th
+Section of Article I., Congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, _suppress
+insurrections_, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+Constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the _States_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in Congress, George Nicholas asked:--
+
+"Have they it now? If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first clause gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but it _gives an additional security_; for,
+beside the power in the State governments to use their own militia, it
+will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from seven hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity--several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to these poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto--"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL--NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. If, in utter
+disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still
+asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make it a free
+instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was
+never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave
+system--the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies;--"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom--Though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as
+the Gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven--it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality: it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if
+judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter--if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have
+resisted the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges
+of tyranny with which the British government sought to rive the
+liberties of America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on
+its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it
+motion. Did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were
+infringed--"_Why, what is done cannot be undone_. That is the first
+thought." No, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it
+never entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at
+once--"_What is done_ SHALL _be undone_. That is our FIRST and ONLY
+thought."
+
+  "Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still Old Plymouth
+  Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill? The debt we owe our
+  fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, Whose heritage ourselves must
+  make a thing of pride or scorn?
+
+  Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb; And
+  voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: They call on
+  us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be Not only free from
+  chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the
+dust. As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizens of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers
+of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding
+power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling
+and undeniable facts. Three millions of the American people are
+crushed under the American Union! They are held as slaves--trafficked
+as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! The government gives
+them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government
+keeps them in chains! There they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by
+their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their
+stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on
+our limbs, their cause is ours! The Union which grinds them to the
+dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it!
+The Constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that
+we cannot swear to support! Our motto is, "NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political. They are the fiercest
+enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of God! We separate from
+them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do
+them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for
+their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--O no!
+But to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no
+countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to
+testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with
+thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with
+tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our
+moral power over the nation--to obey God and vindicate the Gospel of
+his Son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in America, and throughout
+the world!
+
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood--not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any
+law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_
+blood be shed--for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay
+it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under
+it. Send no senators or representatives to the National or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast!
+
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did
+the apostles do? What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors
+do? What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women
+and children do? What has Father Matthew done for teetotalism? What
+has Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins
+girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of
+righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would he a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+
+Finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be
+with us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be
+against us.
+
+In behalf of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, _President_.
+
+WENDELL PHILLIPS,     }_Secretaries_.
+MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN, }
+
+Boston, May 20, 1844.
+
+
+
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+
+_To His Excellency George N. Briggs:_
+
+SIR--Many years since, I received from the Executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the
+Constitution of the United States_." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate _slavery_. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life; adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+
+I am not in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that _I_ would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it; I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to receive back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those _provisions of the Constitution_
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing:
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+
+According to the census of 1830, and the _ratio_ of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an
+approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in
+the United States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder,
+those twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives not only of the two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons who chose them, but of property which, five years
+ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House"
+
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the _Legislative Halls_ of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+
+In the _Electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same
+effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[12]
+
+[Footnote 12: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+
+
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of
+_justice_. Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to
+their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them
+place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says--"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each; and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "_domestic violence_," which pledges to the South
+the military force of the country, to protect the masters against
+their insurgent slaves, and binds us, and our children, to shoot down
+our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary
+fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_, and
+the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the Constitution, I say
+distinctly, I never will support.
+
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of his mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United States' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the United
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very
+shame--to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the
+_thing_. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the Judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was _intended_ so to operate by the farmers of the Constitution. The
+highest Judicial authorities--Chief Justice SHAW, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the LATIMER case, and Mr. Justice STORY, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of _Prigg_ vs. _The
+State of Pennsylvania_,--tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. MADISON[13] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came of the hands of Dr. JOHNSON, the chairman of the
+"committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to service,
+or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &c. and that
+the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+
+[Footnote 13: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+
+
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the Revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that
+in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their
+protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. They made a
+"compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral
+principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political
+expediency." I am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can
+now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they
+were doing. In the strong language of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,[14] in
+relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+
+[Footnote 14: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+
+
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the moral injury that has been done,
+by the countenance shown to slavery; by holding over that tremendous
+sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes
+of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly
+cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of a man, to multiply her
+children from half a million to nearly three millions; by enacting
+oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they
+will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God; by
+substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of
+the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the hearts
+of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more
+than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all
+time-serving and temporizing statesmen! A striking illustration of the
+_impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency!
+Yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the
+authors of the Constitution have reasonably expected, from the
+sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after they had introduced a vicious
+element into the very Constitution of the body politic which they were
+calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting
+the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have
+too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which
+they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? It is dangerous for
+the sovereign power of a State to license immorality; to hold the
+shield of its protection over anything that is not "legal in a moral
+view." Bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon
+your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may
+crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the
+fostering smile of the State, and you will soon see, as we now see,
+both her minions and her victims multiply apace, till the politics,
+the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are
+brought completely under her control.
+
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the
+patient_.
+
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+
+FRANCIS JACKSON
+
+
+FROM
+
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, _in
+favor of the slaveholding States_ which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter." !!!
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+EXTRACTS FROM
+
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOVEMBER 6, 1844.
+
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was _protection_.--Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their borders,
+and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and
+protection from their own negroes--protection from their
+insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is most
+cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not a word
+in the Constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of
+slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of
+practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land.
+
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+
+Twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st of December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more
+to be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the _breeding_ States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed, while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never--no, never would they have consented to it.
+
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+
+Fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two--But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves
+themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the
+Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely to
+the pecuniary value of the slave. Aud the suppression of the African
+slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a
+monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has
+turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for
+sale, and converted the land of GEORGE WASHINGTON, PATRICK HENRY,
+RICHARD HENRY LEE, and THOMAS JEFFERSON, into a great barracoon--a
+cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles
+of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of
+immortal man.
+
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of _government_ came
+to be delegated to the Union, the South--that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive department, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slave-holding power.
+
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+***** This file should be named 11273-8.txt or 11273-8.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/1/2/7/11273/
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
diff --git a/old/11273-8.zip b/old/11273-8.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..dbf30c2
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273-8.zip
diff --git a/old/11273-h.zip b/old/11273-h.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..3957f04
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273-h.zip
diff --git a/old/11273-h/11273-h.htm b/old/11273-h/11273-h.htm
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..e4d16fb
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273-h/11273-h.htm
@@ -0,0 +1,45149 @@
+<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01//EN"
+	   "http://www.w3.org/TR/html4/strict.dtd">
+<html>
+<head>
+<meta http-equiv="Content-Type"
+    content="text/html; charset=ISO-8859-1">
+<title>THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, Part 3 of 4</title>
+<STYLE TYPE="text/css">.centered {text-align: center;}</STYLE>
+<style type="text/css">
+    <!--
+    * { font-family:   Times;}
+    P { margin-top:    .75em;
+        font-size:     12pt;
+        text-align:    justify;
+        margin-bottom: .75em; }
+    H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; }
+    HR  { width: 33%; }
+    PRE { font-family: Courier, monospaced; }
+
+    // -->
+</style>
+</head>
+<body>
+
+
+<pre>
+
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+
+Author: American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+Release Date: February 25, 2004 [EBook #11273]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="maintitle">THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER Part 3 of 4</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>By The American Anti-Slavery Society &nbsp; 1839</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="contents">
+<ol>
+<li><a href="#AE10" class="ref">No. 10. American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand Witnesses.</a></li>
+<li><a href="#AE_10_sp" class="ref">No. 10. Speech of Hon. Thomas Morris, of Ohio, in Reply to the Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay.</a></li>
+<li><a href="#AE11" class="ref">No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections From the Madison Papers, &amp;c.</a></li>
+<li><a href="#AE11e" class="ref">No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections From the Madison Papers, &amp;c. Second Edition, Enlarged.</a></li>
+</ol>
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;<a name="AE10"></a></p>
+<h1>No. 10 THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.</h1>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+AMERICAN SLAVERY
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AS IT IS:
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY of A THOUSAND WITNESSES.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+"Behold the wicked abominations that they do!"&mdash;Ezekial, viii, 2.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The righteous considereth the cause of the poor; but the wicked
+regardeth not to know it."&mdash;Prov. 29, 7.
+</p>
+<p>
+"True humanity consists not in a squeamish ear, but in listening to
+the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it."&mdash;Charles
+James Fox.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+</p>
+<p>
+OFFICE,
+</p>
+<p>
+No. 143 NASSAU STREET. 1839.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+This periodical contains 7 sheets&mdash;postage, under 100 miles, 10-1/2
+cts; over 100 miles, 17-1/2 cents.
+</p>
+<p>
+ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER. A majority of the facts and testimony
+contained in this work rests upon the authority of slaveholders, whose
+names and residences are given to the public, as vouchers for the
+truth of their statements. That they should utter falsehoods, for the
+sake of proclaiming their own infamy, is not probable.
+</p>
+<p>
+Their testimony is taken, mainly, from recent newspapers, published in
+the slave states. Most of those papers will be deposited at the office
+of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 143 Nassau street, New York
+City. Those who think the atrocities, which they describe, incredible,
+are invited to call and read for themselves. We regret that <i>all</i> of
+the original papers are not in our possession. The idea of preserving
+them on file for the inspection of the incredulous, and the curious,
+did not occur to us until after the preparation of the work was in a
+state of forwardness, in consequence of this, some of the papers
+cannot be recovered. <i>Nearly all</i> of them, however have been
+preserved. In all cases the <i>name</i> of the paper is given, and, with
+very few exceptions, the place and time, (year, month, and day) of
+publication. Some of the extracts, however not being made with
+reference to this work, and before its publication was contemplated,
+are without date; but this class of extracts is exceedingly small,
+probably not a thirtieth of the whole.
+</p>
+<p>
+The statements, not derived from the papers and other periodicals,
+letters, books, &amp;c., published by slaveholders, have been furnished by
+individuals who have resided in slave states, many of whom are natives
+of those states, and have been slaveholders. The names, residences,
+&amp;c. of the witnesses generally are given. A number of them, however,
+still reside in slave states;&mdash;to publish their names would be, in most
+cases, to make them the victims of popular fury.
+</p>
+<p>
+New York, May 4, 1839.
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+	NOTE.
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, while
+tendering their grateful acknowledgments, in the name of American
+Abolitionists, and in behalf of the slave, to those who have furnished
+for this publication the result of their residence and travel in the
+slave states of this Union, announce their determination to publish,
+from time to time, as they may have the materials and the funds,
+TRACTS, containing well authenticated facts, testimony, personal
+narratives, &amp;c. fully setting forth the <i>condition</i> of American
+slaves. In order that they may be furnished with the requisite
+materials, they invite all who have had personal knowledge of the
+condition of slaves in any of the states of this Union, to forward
+their testimony with their names and residences. To prevent
+imposition, it is indispensable that persons forwarding testimony, who
+are not personally known to any of the Executive Committee, or to the
+Secretaries or Editors of the American Anti-Slavery Society, should
+furnish references to some person or persons of respectability, with
+whom, if necessary, the Committee may communicate respecting the
+writer.
+</p>
+<p>
+Facts and testimony respecting the condition of slaves, in <i>all
+respects</i>, are desired; their food, (kinds, quality, and quantity,)
+clothing, lodging, dwellings, hours of labor and rest, kinds of labor,
+with the mode of exaction, supervision, &amp;c.&mdash;the number and time of
+meals each day, treatment when sick, regulations inspecting their
+social intercourse, marriage and domestic ties, the system of torture
+to which they are subjected, with its various modes; and <i>in detail</i>,
+their <i>intellectual</i> and <i>moral</i> condition. Great care should be
+observed in the statement of facts. Well-weighed testimony and
+well-authenticated facts; with a responsible name, the Committee
+earnestly desire and call for. Thousands of persons in the free states
+have ample knowledge on this subject, derived from their own
+observation in the midst of slavery. Will such hold their peace? That
+which maketh manifest is <i>light</i>; he who keepeth his candle under a
+bushel at such a time and in such a cause as this, <i>forges fetters for
+himself</i>, as well as for the slave. Let no one withhold his testimony
+because others have already testified to similar facts. The value of
+testimony is by no means to be measured by the <i>novelty</i> of the
+horrors which it describes. <i>Corroborative</i> testimony,&mdash;facts, similar
+to those established by the testimony of others,&mdash;is highly valuable.
+Who that can give it and has a heart of flesh, will refuse to the
+slave so small a boon?
+</p>
+<p>
+Communications may be addressed to Theodore D. Weld, 143
+Nassau-street, New York. New York, May, 1839.
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="TOC"></a>
+	CONTENTS.
+</h2>
+
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#INT">INTRODUCTION.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#INT_1">Twenty-seven hundred thousand free born citizens of the U.S. in slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#INT_2">Tender mercies of slaveholders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#INT_3">Abominations of slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#INT_4">Character of the testimony.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#NAR1">PERSONAL NARRATIVES&mdash;PART I.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1">NARRATIVE of NEHEMIAH CAULKINS;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1a">North Carolina Slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1b">Methodist preaching slavedriver, Galloway;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1c">Women at child-birth;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1d">Slaves at labor;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1e">Clothing of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1f">Allowance of provisions;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1g">Slave-fetters;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1h">Cruelties to slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1i">Burying a slave alive;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1j">Licentiousness of Slave-holders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1k">Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, with his "hands tied";</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1l">Preachers cringe to slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1m">Nakedness of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1n">Slave-huts;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1o">Means of subsistence for slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_1p">Slaves' prayer.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2">NARRATIVE of REV. HORACE MOULTON;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2a">Labor of the slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2b">Tasks;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2c">Whipping posts;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2d">Food;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2e">Houses;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2f">Clothing;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2g">Punishments;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2h">Scenes of horror;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2i">Constables, savage and brutal;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2j">Patrols;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2k">Cruelties at night;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2l"><i>Paddle-torturing</i>;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2m"><i>Cat-hauling</i>;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2n">Branding with hot iron;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2o">Murder with impunity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_2p">Iron collars, yokes, clogs, and bells.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G">NARRATIVE of SARAH M. GRIMKÉ;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_a">Barbarous Treatment of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_b">Converted slave;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_c">Professor of religion, near death, tortured his slave for visiting his companion;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_d">Counterpart of James Williams' description of Larrimore's wife;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_e">Head of runaway slave on a pole;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_f">Governor of North Carolina left his sick slave to perish;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_g">Cruelty to Women slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SARAH_G_h">Christian slave a martyr for Jesus.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOHN_G">TESTIMONY of REV. JOHN GRAHAM;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOHN_G_a">Twenty-seven slaves whipped.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_3">TESTIMONY of WILLIAM POE;</a>
+<ul>
+<li><a href="#RULE4_3a">Harris whipped a girl to death;</a></li>
+<li><a href="#RULE4_3b">Captain of the U.S. Navy murdered his boy, was tried and acquitted;</a></li>
+<li><a href="#RULE4_3c">Overseer burnt a slave;</a></li>
+<li><a href="#RULE4_3d">Cruelties to slaves.</a></li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PRIV">PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FOOD">FOOD;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#FOOD_a">Suffering from hunger;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FOOD_b">Rations in the U.S. Army, &amp;c;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FOOD_c">Prison rations;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FOOD_d">Testimony.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR">LABOR;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_a">Slaves are overworked;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_b">Witnesses;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_c">Henry Clay;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_d">Child-bearing prevented;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_e">Dr. Channing;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_f">Sacrifice of a set of hands every seven years;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_g">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LABOR_h">Laws of Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, South Carolina, and Virginia.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH">CLOTHING;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_a">Witnesses;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_b">Advertisements;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_c">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_d">Field-hands;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_e">Nudity of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH_f">John Randolph's legacy to Essex and Hetty.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_4">DWELLINGS;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_4a">Witnesses;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_4b">Slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#SICK">TREATMENT OF THE SICK.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#NAR2">PERSONAL NARRATIVES, PART II.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A">TESTIMONY of the REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_a">Woman delivered of a dead child, being whipped;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_b">Slaves shot by Helton;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_c">Cruelties to slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_d">Whipping post;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_e">Assaults, and maimings;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_f">Murders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_g">Puryear, "the Devil,";</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_h">Overseers always armed;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_i">Licentiousness of Overseers;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_j">"Bend your backs";</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_k">Mrs. H., a Presbyterian, desirous to cut Arthur Tappan's throat;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_l">Clothing, Huts, and Herding of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_m">Iron yokes with prongs;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_n">Marriage unknown among slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_o">Presbyterian minister at Huntsville;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_p">Concubinage in Preacher's house;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_A_q">Slavery, the great wrong.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_L">NARRATIVE of WILLIAM LEFTWICH;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_L_a">Slave's life.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LEMUEL_S">TESTIMONY of LEMUEL SAPINGTON;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#LEMUEL_S_a">Nakedness of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#LEMUEL_S_b">Traffic in slaves.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_5">TESTIMONY of MRS. LOWRY;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_5a">Long, a professor of religion killed three men;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_5b">Salt water applied to wounds to keep them from putrefaction.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_6">TESTIMONY of WILLIAM C. GILDERSLEEVE;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_6a">Acts of cruelty.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#HIRAM_W">TESTIMONY of HIRAM WHITE;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#HIRAM_W_a">Woman with a child chained to her neck;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#HIRAM_W_b">Amalgamation, and mulatto children.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOHN_N">TESTIMONY of JOHN M. NELSON;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOHN_N_a">Rev. Conrad Speece influenced Alexander Nelson when dying not to emancipate his slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOHN_N_b">George Bourne opposed Slavery in 1810.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7">TESTIMONY of ANGELINA GRIMKÉ WELD;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7a">House-servants;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7b">Slave-driving female professors of religion at Charleston, S.C.;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7c">Whipping women and prayer in the same room;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7d">Tread-mills;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7e"><i>Slaveholding religion</i>;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7f">Slave-driving mistress prayed for the divine blessing upon her whipping of an aged woman;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7g">Girl killed with impunity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7h">Jewish law;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7i">Barbarities;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7j">Medical attendance upon slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7k">Young man beaten to epilepsy and insanity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7l">Mistresses flog their slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7m">Blood-bought luxuries;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7n">Borrowing of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7o">Meals of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7p">All comfort of slaves disregarded;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7q">Severance of companion lovers;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7r">Separation of parents and children;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7s">Slave espionage;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7t">Sufferings of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_7u">Horrors of slavery indescribable.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_8">TESTIMONY of CRUELTY INFLICTED UPON SLAVES;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_8a">Colonization Society;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_8b">Emancipation Society of North Carolina;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_8c">Kentucky.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PUNISH">PUNISHMENTS;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#PUNISH_a">Floggings;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PUNISH_b">Witnesses and Testimony.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#DRIVING">SLAVE DRIVING;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#DRIVING_a">Droves of slaves.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#CRUELTY">CRUELTY TO SLAVES;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CRUELTY_a">Slaves like Stock without a shelter;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CRUELTY_b">"Six pound paddle."</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE">TORTURES OF SLAVES.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_a">Iron collars, chains, fetters, and hand-cuffs;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_b">Advertisements for fugitive slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_c">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_d">Iron head-frame;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_e">Chain coffles;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_f">Droves of 'human cattle';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_g">Washington, the National slave market;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_h">Testimony of James K. Paulding, Secretary of the Navy;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_i"><i>Literary fraud and pretended prophecy</i> by Mr. Paulding;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_j">Brandings, Maimings, and Gun-shot wounds;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_k">Witnesses and Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_l">Mr. Sevier, senator of the U.S.;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_m">Judge Hitchcock, of Mobile;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_n">Commendable fidelity to truth in the advertisements of slaveholders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_o">Thomas Aylethorpe cut off a slave's ear, and sent it to Lewis Tappan;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_p">Advertisements for runaway slaves with their teeth mutilated;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_q">Excessive cruelty to slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_r">Slaves burned alive;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_s">Mr. Turner, a slave-butcher;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_t">Slaves roasted and flogged;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_u">Cruelties common;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_v">Fugitive slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_w">Slaves forced to eat tobacco worms;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_x">Baptist Christians escaping from slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_y">Christian whipped for praying;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_z">James K. Paulding's testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Aa">Slave driven to death;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ba">Coroner's inquest on Harney's murdered female slave;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ca">Man-stealing encouraged by law;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Da">Trial for a murdered slave;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ea">Female slave whipped to death, and during the torture delivered of a dead infant;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Fa">Slaves murdered;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ga">Slave driven to death;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Hb">Slaves killed with impunity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ic">George, a slave, chopped piece-meal, and burnt by Lilburn Lewis;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Jd">Retributive justice in the awful death of Lilburn Lewis;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#TORTURE_Ke">Trial of Isham Lewis, a slave murderer.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#NAR3">PERSONAL NARRATIVES.&mdash;PART III.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FRANCIS_H">NARRATIVE OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#FRANCIS_H_a">Plantations;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FRANCIS_H_b">Overseers;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#FRANCIS_H_c">No appeal from Overseers to Masters.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH3">CLOTHING;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLOTH3_a">Nudity of slaves.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3">WORK;</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_a">Cotton-picking;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_b">Mothers of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_c">Presbyterian minister killed his slave;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_d">Methodist colored preacher hung;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_e">Licentiousness;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_f">Slave-traffic;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_g">Night in a Slaveholder's house;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_h">Twelve slaves murdered;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_i">Slave driving Baptist preachers;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_j">Hunting of runaways slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WORK3_k">Amalgamation.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#REUBEN_M_a">TESTIMONY OF REUBEN C. MACY, AND RICHARD MACY.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#REUBEN_M_b">Whipping of slaves.</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#REUBEN_M_c">Testimony of Eleazar Powel;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#REUBEN_M_d">Overseer of Hinds Stuart, shot a slave for opposing the torture of his female companion.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_S">TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM SCALES.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_S_a">Three slaves murdered with impunity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_S_b">Separation of lovers, parents, and children.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I">TESTIMONY OF JOS. IDE.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_a">Mrs. T. a Presbyterian kind woman-killer;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_b">Female slave whipped to death;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_c">Food;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_d">Nakedness of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_e">Old man flogged after praying for his tyrant;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#JOS_I_f">Slave-huts not as comfortable as pig-sties.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S">TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_a">Texas;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_b">Suit for the value of slave 'property';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_c">Anson Jones, Ambassador from Texas;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_d">No trial or punishment for the murder of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_e">Slave-hunting in Texas;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHINEAS_S_f">Suffering drives the slaves to despair and suicide.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B">TESTIMONY OF PHIL'N BLISS.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_a">Ignorance of northern citizens respecting slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_b">Betting upon crops;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_c">Extent and cruelty of the punishment of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_d">Slaveholders excuse their cruelties by the example of Preachers, and professors of religion, and Northern citizens;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_e">Novel torture, eulogized by a professor of religion;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_f">Whips as common as the plough;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#PHIL_B_g"><i>Ladies</i> use cowhides, with shovel and tongs.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_C">TESTIMONY OF REV. WM. A. CHAPIN.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_C_a">Slave-labor;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_C_b">Starvation of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#WILL_C_c">Slaves lacerated, without clothing, and without food.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY">TESTIMONY OF T.M. MACY.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_a">Cotton plantations on St. Simon's Island;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_b">Cultivation of rice;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_c">No time for relaxation;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_d">Sabbath a nominal rest;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_e">Clothing;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#T_MACY_f">Flogging.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY">TESTIMONY OF F.C. MACY.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_a">Slave cabins;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_b">Food;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_c">Whipping every day;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_d">Treatment of slaves as brutes;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_e">Slave-boys fight for slaveholder's amusement;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#F_MACY_f">Amalgamation common.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3">TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_a">Natchez;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_b">'Lie down,' for whipping;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_c">Slave-hunting;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_d">'Ball and chain' men;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_e">Whipping at the same time, on three plantations;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_f">Hours of Labor;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_g"><i>Christians</i> slave-hunting;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_h">Many runaway slaves annually shot;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_i">Slaves in the stocks;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CLERGY_3_j">Slave branding.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3">CONDITION OF SLAVES.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3_a">Slavery is unmixed cruelty;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3_b">Fear the only motive of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3_c">Pain is the means, not the end of slave-driving;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3_d">Characters of Slave drivers and Overseers, brutal, sensual, and violent;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#CONDITION3_e">Ownership of human beings utterly destroys <i>their</i> comfort.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECTIONS">OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED:</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1">I. Such cruelties are incredible.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_a">Slaves deemed to be working animals, or merchandize; and called 'Stock,' 'Increase,' 'Breeders,' 'Drivers,' 'Property,' 'Human cattle';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_b">Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_c">Slaves worse treated than quadrupeds;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_d">Contrast between the usage of slaves and animals;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_e">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_f">Northern incredulity discreditable to consistency;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_g">Religious persecutions;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_h">Recent 'Lynchings,' and Riots, in the United States;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_i">Many outrageous Felonies perpetrated with impunity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_j">Large faith of the objectors who 'can't believe';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_k">'Doe faces,' and 'Dough faces';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_l">Slave-drivers acknowledge their own enormities;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_m">Slave plantations in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi 'second only to hell';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_n">Legislature of North Carolina;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_o">Incredulity discreditable to intelligence;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_p">Abuse of power in the state, and churches;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_q">Legal restraints;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_r">American slaveholders possess absolute power;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_s">Slaves deprived of the safe guards of law;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_t">Mutual aversion between the oppressor and the slave;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_u">Cruelty the product of arbitrary power;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_v">Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_w">Judge Tucker;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_x">Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina, and Georgia;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_y">General William H. Harrison;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_z">President Edwards;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_Aa">Montesquieu;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_Ba">Wilberforce;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_Ca">Whitbread;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_1_Da">Characters.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_2">OBJECTION II.&mdash;"Slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_2_a">Not testimony but opinion;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_2_b">'Good treatment' of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_2_c">Novel form of cruelty.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_3">OBJECTION III.&mdash;"Slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, and generosity."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_3_a">Hospitality and benevolence contrasted;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_3_b">Slaveholders in Congress, respecting Texas and Hayti;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_3_c">'Fictitious kindness and hospitality.'</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4">OBJECTION IV.&mdash;"Northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves are not cruelly treated."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4_a">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4_b">'Gubner poisened';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4_c">Field-hands;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4_d">Parlor slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_4_e">Chief Justice Durell.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5">OBJECTION V.&mdash;"It is for the interest of the masters to treat their slaves well."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_a">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_b">Rev. J.N. Maffitt;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_c">Masters interest to treat cruelly the great body of the slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_d">Various classes of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_e">Hired slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_5_f">Advertisements.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6">OBJECTION VI.&mdash;"Slaves multiply; a proof that they are not inhumanly treated, and are in a comfortable condition."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_a">Testimony;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_b">Martin Van Buren;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_c">Foreign slave trade;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_d">'Beware of Kidnappers';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_e">'Citizens sold as slaves';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_f">Kidnapping at New Orleans;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_6_g">Slave breeders.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7">OBJECTION VII.&mdash;"Public opinion is a protection to the slave."</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_a">Decision of the Supreme Court of North and South Carolina;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_b">'Protection of slaves';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_c">Mischievous effects of 'public opinion' concerning slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_d">Laws of different states;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_e">Heart of slaveholders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_f">Reasons for enacting the laws concerning cruelties to slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_g">'Moderate correction';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_h">Hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_i">Testimony of slaves excluded;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_j">Capital crimes for slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_k">'Slaveholding brutality,' worse than that of Caligula;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_l">Public opinion destroys fundamental rights;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_m">Character of slaveholders' advertisements;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_n">Public opinion is diabolical;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_o">Brutal indecency;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_p">Murder of slaves by law;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_q">Judge Lawless;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_r">Slave-hunting;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_s">Health of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_t">Acclimation of slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_u">Liberty of Slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_v">Kidnapping of free citizens;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_w">Law of Louisiana;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_x">FRIENDS', memorial;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_y">Domestic slavery;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_z">Advertisements;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Aa">Childhood, old age;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ba">Inhumanity;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ca">Butchering dead slaves;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Da">South Carolina Medical college;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ea">Charleston Medical Infirmary;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Fa">Advertisements;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ga">Slave murders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ha">John Randolph;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ia">Charleston slave auctions;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ja">'Never lose a day's work';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ka">Stocks;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_La">Slave-breeding;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ma">Lynch law;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Na">Slaves murdered;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Oa">Slavery among Christians;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Pa">Licentiousness encouraged by preachers;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Qa">'Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ra">Cruelty to slaves by professors of religion;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Sa">Slave-breeding;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ta">Daniel O'Connell, and Andrew Stevenson;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ua">Virginia a negro raising menagerie;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Va">Legislature of Virginia;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Wa">Colonization Society;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Xa">Inter-state slave traffic;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ya">Battles in Congress;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Za">Duelling;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ab">Cock-fighting;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Bb">Horse-racing;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Cb">Ignorance of slaveholders;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Db">'Slaveholding civilization, and morality';</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Eb">Arkansas;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Fb">Slave driving ruffians;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Gb">Missouri;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Hb">Alabama;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Ib">Butcheries in Mississippi;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Jb">Louisiana;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Kb">Tennessee;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Lb">Fatal Affray in Columbia;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Mb">Presentment of the Grand Jury of Shelby County;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#OBJECT_7_Nb">Testimony of Bishop Smith of Kentucky.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#ATLANT">ATLANTIC SLAVEHOLDING REGION.</a>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#ATLANT_a">Georgia;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#ATLANT_b">North Carolina;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#ATLANT_c">Trading with Negroes;</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#ATLANT_d">Conclusion.</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="INT"></a>
+	INTRODUCTION.
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+Reader, you are empannelled as a juror to try a plain case and bring
+in an honest verdict. The question at issue is not one of law, but of
+facts&mdash;"What is the actual condition of the slaves in the United
+States?" A plainer case never went to a jury. Look at it.
+<a name="INT_1"></a>TWENTY-SEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND PERSONS in this country,
+men, women, and children, are in SLAVERY. Is slavery, as a condition for
+human beings, good, bad, or indifferent? We submit the question without
+argument. You have
+common sense, and conscience, and a human heart;&mdash;pronounce upon it.
+You have a wife, or a husband, a child, a father, a mother, a brother
+or a sister&mdash;make the case your own, make it theirs, and bring in your
+verdict. The case of Human Rights against Slavery has been adjudicated
+in the court of conscience times innumerable. The same verdict has
+always been rendered&mdash;"Guilty;" the same sentence has always been
+pronounced, "Let it be accursed;" and human nature, with her million
+echoes, has rung it round the world in every language under heaven,
+"Let it be accursed. Let it be accursed." His heart is false to human
+nature, who will not say "Amen." There is not a man on earth who does
+not believe that slavery is a curse. Human beings may be inconsistent,
+but human <i>nature</i> is true to herself. She has uttered her testimony
+against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and
+till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will
+traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and
+dashing against it her condemning brand. We repeat it, every man knows
+that slavery is a curse. Whoever denies this, his lips libel his
+heart. Try him; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are
+for <i>him</i>; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a
+life of slavery; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the
+yoke, and their wrists for the coffle chains, then look at his pale
+lips and trembling knees, and you have <i>nature's</i> testimony against
+slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Two millions seven hundred thousand persons in these States are in
+this condition. They were made slaves and are held each by force, and
+by being put in fear, and this for no crime! Reader, what have you to
+say of such treatment? Is it right, just, benevolent? Suppose I should
+seize you, rob you of your liberty, drive you into the field, and make
+you work without pay as long as you live, would that be justice and
+kindness, or monstrous injustice and cruelty? Now, every body knows
+that the slaveholders do these things to the slaves every day, and yet
+<a name="INT_2"></a>it is stoutly affirmed that they treat them well and kindly, and that
+their tender regard for their slaves restrains the masters from
+inflicting cruelties upon them. We shall go into no metaphysics to
+show the absurdity of this pretence. The man who <i>robs</i> you every day,
+is, forsooth, quite too tender-hearted ever to cuff or kick you! True,
+he can snatch your money, but he does it gently lest he should hurt
+you. He can empty your pockets without qualms, but if your <i>stomach</i>
+is empty, it cuts him to the quick. He can make you work a life time
+without pay, but loves you too well to let you go hungry. He fleeces
+you of your <i>rights</i> with a relish, but is shocked if you work
+bareheaded in summer, or in winter without warm stockings. He can make
+you go without your <i>liberty</i>, but never without a shirt. He can
+crush, in you, all hope of bettering your condition, by vowing that
+you shall die his slave, but though he can coolly torture your
+feelings, he is too compassionate to lacerate your back&mdash;he can break
+your heart, but he is very tender of your skin. He can strip you of
+all protection and thus expose you to all outrages, but if you are
+exposed to the <i>weather</i>, half clad and half sheltered, how yearn his
+tender bowels! What! slaveholders talk of treating men well, and yet
+not only rob them of all they get, and as fast as they get it, but rob
+them of <i>themselves</i>, also; their very hands and feet, all their
+muscles, and limbs, and senses, their bodies and minds, their time and
+liberty and earnings, their free speech and rights of conscience,
+their right to acquire knowledge, and property, and reputation;&mdash;and
+yet they, who plunder them of all these, would fain make us believe
+that their soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward their slaves that
+they always keep them well housed and well clad, never push them too
+hard in the field, never make their dear backs smart, nor let their
+dear stomachs get empty.
+</p>
+<p>
+But there is no end to these absurdities. Are slaveholders dunces, or
+do they take all the rest of the world to be, that they think to
+bandage our eyes with such thin gauzes? Protesting their kind regard
+for those whom they hourly plunder of all they have and all they get!
+What! when they have seized their victims, and annihilated all their
+<i>rights</i>, still claim to be the special guardians of their
+<i>happiness</i>! Plunderers of their liberty, yet the careful suppliers of
+their wants? Robbers of their earnings, yet watchful sentinels round
+their interests, and kind providers for their comfort? Filching all
+their time, yet granting generous donations for rest and sleep?
+Stealing the use of their muscles, yet thoughtful of their ease?
+Putting them under <i>drivers</i>, yet careful that they are not
+hard-pushed? Too humane forsooth to stint the stomachs of their
+slaves, yet force their <i>minds</i> to starve, and brandish over them
+pains and penalties, if they dare to reach forth for the smallest
+crumb of knowledge, even a letter of the alphabet!
+</p>
+<p>
+It is no marvel that slaveholders are always talking of their <i>kind
+treatment</i> of their slaves. The only marvel is, that men of sense can
+be gulled by such professions. Despots always insist that they are
+merciful. The greatest tyrants that ever dripped with blood have
+assumed the titles of "most gracious," "most clement," "most
+merciful," &amp;c., and have ordered their crouching vassals to accost
+them thus. When did not vice lay claim to those virtues which are the
+opposites of its habitual crimes? The guilty, according to their own
+showing, are always innocent, and cowards brave, and drunkards sober,
+and harlots chaste, and pickpockets honest to a fault. Every body
+understands this. When a man's tongue grows thick, and he begins to
+hiccough and walk cross-legged, we expect him, as a matter of course,
+to protest that he is not drunk; so when a man is always singing the
+praises of his own honesty, we instinctively watch his movements and
+look out for our pocket-books. Whoever is simple enough to be hoaxed
+by such professions, should never be trusted in the streets without
+somebody to take care of him. Human nature works out in slaveholders
+just as it does to other men, and in American slaveholders just as in
+English, French, Turkish, Algerine, Roman and Grecian. The Spartans
+boasted of their kindness to their slaves, while they whipped them to
+death by thousands at the altars of their gods. The Romans lauded
+their own mild treatment of their bondmen, while they branded their
+names on their flesh with hot irons, and when old, threw them into
+their fish ponds, or like Cato "the Just," starved them to death. It
+is the boast of the Turks that they treat their slaves as though they
+were their children, yet their common name for them is "dogs," and for
+the merest trifles, their feet are bastinadoed to a jelly, or their
+heads clipped off with the scimetar. The Portuguese pride themselves
+on their gentle bearing toward their slaves, yet the streets of Rio
+Janeiro are filled with naked men and women yoked in pairs to carts
+and wagons, and whipped by drivers like beasts of burden.
+</p>
+<p>
+Slaveholders, the world over, have sung the praises of their tender
+mercies towards their slaves. Even the wretches that plied the African
+slave trade, tried to rebut Clarkson's proofs of their cruelties, by
+speeches, affidavits, and published pamphlets, setting forth the
+accommodations of the "middle passage," and their kind attentions to
+the comfort of those whom they had stolen from their homes, and kept
+stowed away under hatches, during a voyage of four thousand miles. So,
+according to the testimony of the autocrat of the Russias, he
+exercises great clemency towards the Poles, though he exiles them by
+thousands to the snows of Siberia, and tramples them down by millions,
+at home. Who discredits the atrocities perpetrated by Ovando in
+Hispaniola, Pizarro in Peru, and Cortez in Mexico,&mdash;because they
+filled the ears of the Spanish Court with protestations of their
+benignant rule? While they were yoking the enslaved natives like
+beasts to the draught, working them to death by thousands in their
+mines, hunting them with bloodhounds, torturing them on racks, and
+broiling them on beds of coals, their representations to the mother
+country teemed with eulogies of their parental sway! The bloody
+atrocities of Philip II, in the expulsion of his Moorish subjects, are
+matters of imperishable history. Who disbelieves or doubts them? And
+yet his courtiers magnified his virtues and chanted his clemency and
+his mercy, while the wail of a million victims, smitten down by a
+tempest of fire and slaughter let loose at his bidding, rose above the
+<i>Te Deums</i> that thundered from all Spain's cathedrals. When Louis XIV.
+revoked the edict of Nantz, and proclaimed two millions of his
+subjects free plunder for persecution,&mdash;when from the English channel
+to the Pyrennees the mangled bodies of the Protestants were dragged on
+reeking hurdles by a shouting populace, he claimed to be "the father
+of his people," and wrote himself "His most <i>Christian</i> Majesty."
+</p>
+<p>
+But we will not anticipate topics, the full discussion of which more
+naturally follows than precedes the inquiry into the actual condition
+and treatment of slaves in the United States.
+</p>
+<p>
+As slaveholders and their apologists are volunteer witnesses in their
+own cause, and are flooding the world with testimony that their slaves
+are kindly treated; that they are well fed, well clothed, well housed,
+well lodged, moderately worked, and bountifully provided with all
+things needful for their comfort, we propose&mdash;first, to disprove their
+assertions by the testimony of a multitude of impartial witnesses, and
+then to put slaveholders themselves through a course of
+cross-questioning which shall draw their condemnation out of their own
+<a name="INT_3"></a>
+mouths. We will prove that the slaves in the United States are treated
+with barbarous inhumanity; that they are overworked, underfed,
+wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep; that they are
+often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs,
+to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the
+field, and to wear yokes, and bells, and iron horns; that they are
+often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together,
+made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of
+their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily
+detected when they run away; that they are frequently flogged with
+terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh,
+and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &amp;c., poured over the gashes to
+increase the torture; that they are often stripped naked, their backs
+and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds
+of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats,
+drawn over them by their tormentors; that they are often hunted with
+bloodhounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs; that
+they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they
+faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint,
+and sometimes till they die; that their ears are often cut off, their
+eyes knocked out, their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot
+irons; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow
+fires. All these things, and more, and worse, we shall <i>prove</i>.
+Reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well; <i>more and
+worse</i> WE WILL PROVE. Mark these words, and read on; we will establish
+all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye
+witnesses, by the testimony of <i>slaveholders</i> in all parts of the
+slave states, by slaveholding members of Congress and of state
+legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors
+of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants,
+mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in
+colleges and <i>professional</i> seminaries, by planters, overseers and
+drivers. We shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but
+that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun; not
+in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by
+brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by
+legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by
+governors of states, by "gentlemen of property and standing," and by
+delicate females moving in the "highest circles of society." We know,
+full well, the outcry that will be made by multitudes, at these
+declarations; the multiform cavils, the flat denials, the charges of
+"exaggeration" and "falsehood" so often bandied, the sneers of
+affected contempt at the credulity that can believe such things, and
+the rage and imprecations against those who give them currency. We
+know, too, the threadbare sophistries by which slaveholders and their
+apologists seek to evade such testimony. If they admit that such deeds
+are committed, they tell us that they are exceedingly rare, and
+therefore furnish no grounds for judging of the general treatment of
+slaves; that occasionally a brutal wretch in the <i>free</i> states
+barbarously butchers his wife, but that no one thinks of inferring
+from that, the general treatment of wives at the North and West.
+</p>
+<p>
+They tell us, also, that the slaveholders of the South are
+proverbially hospitable, kind, and generous, and it is incredible that
+they can perpetrate such enormities upon human beings; further, that
+it is absurd to suppose that they would thus injure their own
+property, that self-interest would prompt them to treat their slaves
+with kindness, as none but fools and madmen wantonly destroy their own
+property; further, that Northern visitors at the South come back
+testifying to the kind treatment of the slaves, and that the slaves
+themselves corroborate such representations. All these pleas, and
+scores of others, are bruited in every corner of the free States; and
+who that hath eyes to see, has not sickened at the blindness that saw
+not, at the palsy of heart that felt not, or at the cowardice and
+sycophancy that dared not expose such shallow fallacies. We are not to
+be turned from our purpose by such vapid babblings. In their
+appropriate places, we propose to consider these objections and
+various others, and to show their emptiness and folly.
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing declarations touching the inflictions upon slaves, are
+not hap-hazard assertions, nor the exaggerations of fiction conjured
+up to carry a point; nor are they the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, nor
+crude conclusions, jumped at by hasty and imperfect investigation, nor
+the aimless outpourings either of sympathy or poetry; but they are
+proclamations of deliberate, well-weighed convictions, produced by
+accumulations of proof, by affirmations and affidavits, by written
+testimonies and statements of a cloud of witnesses who speak what they
+know and testify what they have seen, and all these impregnably
+fortified by proofs innumerable, in the relation of the slaveholder to
+his slave, the nature of arbitrary power, and the nature and history
+of man.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="INT_4"></a>
+Of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a
+majority are slaveholders, many of the remainder have been
+slaveholders, but now reside in free States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who
+have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of
+residence and travel in the slave States.
+</p>
+<p>
+We will first present the reader with a few PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others,
+embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the
+midst of slavery&mdash;facts and scenes of which they were eye-witnesses.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of
+the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make
+specific points; to pass in review the various particulars in the
+slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each
+head to settle the question in every candid mind. The examination will
+be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following
+order of topics.
+</p>
+<p>
+1. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES, THE KINDS, QUALITY AND QUANTITY, ALSO, THE
+NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+2. THEIR HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+</p>
+<p>
+3. THEIR CLOTHING.
+</p>
+<p>
+4. THEIR DWELLINGS.
+</p>
+<p>
+5. THEIR PRIVATIONS AND INFLICTIONS.
+</p>
+<p>
+6. <i>In conclusion,</i> a variety of OBJECTIONS and ARGUMENTS
+will be considered which are used by the advocates of slavery to set
+aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly
+treated.
+</p>
+<p>
+Between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives
+will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both
+general and specific.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="NAR1"></a>
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES.
+</div>
+<p>
+MR. NEHEMIAH CAULKINS, of Waterford, New London Co., Connecticut, has
+furnished the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, with the following statements relative to the condition and
+treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of North Carolina. Most
+of the facts related by Mr. Caulkins fell under his personal
+observation. The air of candor and honesty that pervades the
+narrative, the manner in which Mr. C. has drawn it up, the good sense,
+just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of
+themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Committee have no personal acquaintance with Mr. Caulkins, but
+they have ample testimonials from the most respectable sources, all of
+which represent him to be a man whose long established character for
+sterling integrity, sound moral principle and piety, have secured for
+him the uniform respect and confidence of those who know him.
+</p>
+<p>
+Without further preface the following testimonials are submitted to
+the reader.
+</p>
+<p>
+This may certify, that we the subscribers have lived for a number of
+years past in the neighborhood with Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, and have no
+hesitation in stating that we consider him a man of high
+respectability and that his character for truth and veracity is
+unimpeachable. PETER COMSTOCK. A.F. PERKINS, M.D. ISAAC BEEBE.
+LODOWICK BEEBE. D.G. OTIS. PHILIP MORGAN. JAMES ROGERS, M.D.
+<i>Waterford, Ct., Jan. 16th, 1839.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Comstock is a Justice of the Peace. Mr. L. Beebe is the Town Clerk
+of Waterford. Mr. J. Beebe is a member of the Baptist Church. Mr. Otis
+is a member of the Congregational Church. Mr. Morgan is a Justice of
+the Peace, and Messrs. Perkins and Rogers are designated by their
+titles. All those gentlemen are citizens of Waterford, Connecticut.
+</p>
+<p>
+To whom it may concern. This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins,
+of Waterford, in New London County, is a near neighbor to the
+subscriber, and has been for many years. I do consider him a man of
+<i>unquestionable veracity</i> and certify that he is so considered by
+people to whom he is personally known. EDWARD R. WARREN. <i>Jan. 15th,
+1839.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Warren is a Commissioner (Associate Judge) of the County Court,
+for New London County.
+</p>
+<p>
+This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, of the town of Waterford,
+County of New London, and State of Connecticut, is a member of the
+first Baptist Church in said Waterford, is in good standing, and is
+esteemed by us a man of truth and veracity. FRANCIS DARROW, Pastor of
+said Church. <i>Waterford, Jan. 16th, 1839.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+This may certify that Nehemiah Caulkins, of Waterford, lives near me,
+and I always esteemed him, and believe him to be a man of truth and
+veracity. ELISHA BECKWITH. <i>Jan. 16th, 1839.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Beckwith is a Justice of the Peace, a Post Master, and a Deacon of
+the Baptist Church.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dwight P. Jones, a member of the Second Congregational Church in
+the city of New London, in a recent letter, says;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Caulkins is a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford, and in
+every respect a very worthy citizen. I have labored with him in the
+Sabbath School, and know him to be a man of active piety. The most
+<i>entire confidence</i> may be placed in the truth of his statements.
+Where he is known, no one will call them in question."
+</p>
+<p>
+We close these testimonials with an extract, of a letter from William
+Bolles, Esq., a well known and respected citizen of New London, Ct.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins resides in the town of Waterford, about six
+miles from this City. His opportunities to acquire exact knowledge in
+relation to Slavery, in that section of our country, to which his
+narrative is confined, have been very great. He is a carpenter, and
+was employed principally on the plantations, working at his trade,
+being thus almost constantly in the company of the slaves as well as
+of their masters. His full heart readily responded to the call, [for
+information relative to slavery,] for, as he expressed it, he had long
+desired that others might know what he had seen, being confident that
+a general knowledge of facts as they exist, would greatly promote the
+overthrow of the system. He is a man of undoubted character; and where
+known, his statements need no corroboration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Yours, &amp;c. WILLIAM BOLLES."
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_1"></a>
+	NARRATIVE OF MR. CAULKINS.
+</h2>
+<p>
+I feel it my duty to tell some things that I know about slavery, in
+order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the North in behalf of
+the slave. The treatment of the slaves on the plantations where I had
+the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, <i>was not so bad</i> as
+that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for
+their cruelty. There were, however, other estates in the vicinity,
+where the treatment was better; the slaves were better clothed and
+fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their
+quarters.
+</p>
+<p>
+The scenes that I have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul; but
+could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings,
+which no white man, not linked with slavery, <i>is allowed to know,</i> the
+land would vomit out the horrible system, slaveholders and all, if
+they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1a"></a>
+I spent eleven winters, between the years 1824 and 1835, in the state
+of North Carolina, mostly in the vicinity of Wilmington; and four out
+of the eleven on the estate of Mr. John Swan, five or six miles from
+that place. There were on his plantation about seventy slaves, male
+and female: some were married, and others lived together as man and
+wife, without even a mock ceremony. With their owners generally, it is
+a matter of indifference; the marriage of slaves not being recognized
+by the slave code. The slaves, however, think much of being married by
+a clergyman.
+</p>
+<p>
+The cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built
+principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on
+Sundays and moonlight nights; they went into the swamps, cut the logs,
+backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1b"></a>
+When I first knew Mr. Swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who
+had been a Methodist minister. He treated the slaves with great
+cruelty. His reason for leaving the ministry and becoming an overseer,
+as I was informed, was this: his wife died, at which providence he was
+so enraged, that he swore he would not preach for the Lord another
+day. This man continued on the plantation about three years; at the
+close of which, on settlement of accounts, Mr. Swan owed him about
+$400, for which he turned him out a negro woman, and about twenty
+acres of land. He built a log hut, and took the woman to live with
+him; since which, I have been at his hut, and seen four or five
+mulatto children. He has been appointed <i>justice of the peace</i>, and
+his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a Mr. Galloway.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in
+the woods. On one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old,
+which he carried to his quarters. The overseer, getting information of
+the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to
+come to him. The slave at once suspected it was something about the
+pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. He
+had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with
+duck shot, and brought him down. It is a common practice for overseers
+to go into the field armed with a gun or pistols, and sometimes both.
+He was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital,
+and the physician sent for. A physician was employed by the year to
+take care of the sick or wounded slaves. In about six weeks this slave
+got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. He came to the
+mill where I was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which I
+did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh,
+though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up.
+</p>
+<p>
+There was a slave on Mr. Swan's plantation, by the name of Harry, who,
+during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself is the
+woods. This the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for
+several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. It is
+common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a
+hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that
+will enable them to live while they are in the woods or swamps. Harry
+staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and
+by such other means as came in his way. The slaves generally know
+where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on Sundays.
+On the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for Harry.
+When he came home, he was seized and confined in the stocks. The
+stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of
+timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide; the
+lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it,
+for the ancles; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions, is
+fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles
+are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the
+other end. In this manner the person is left to sit on the floor.
+Barry was kept in the stocks <i>day and night for a week</i>, and flogged
+<i>every morning</i>. After this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain
+fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and he
+sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. At night he
+was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field
+in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week.
+</p>
+<p>
+The overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in
+what are considered the comforts of life&mdash;such as tea, sugar, &amp;c. To
+make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a
+slave, named Joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could
+conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence,
+and send Joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed.
+Once when her husband was away, she told Joe to kill and dress one of
+the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &amp;c. Joe did as he was
+bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. When Galloway
+returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had
+become of his pig. She told him she suspected one of the slaves,
+naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening
+before. The overseer called the slave up, and charged him with the
+theft. He denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. The overseer
+still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to
+think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did
+steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation; before the
+week was up it was ascertained that Joe had killed the pig. He was
+called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told
+the overseer that he did it by the order of Mrs. Galloway, and that
+she directed him to buy some sugar, &amp;c. with the money. Mrs. Galloway
+gave Joe the lie; and he was terribly flogged. Joe told me he had been
+several times to the smoke-house with Mrs. G, and taken hams and sold
+them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes
+on a neighboring plantation. Mr. Swan, hearing of the circumstance,
+told me he believed Joe's story, but that his statement would not be
+taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same
+story it could not be received as evidence against a white person.
+</p>
+<p>
+To show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes
+treated, I will state a fact. Galloway owned a man about seventy years
+of age. The old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on
+some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old
+blanket, and there lay four or five days, groaning in great distress,
+without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended
+his miseries; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony
+and respect as would be paid to a brute.
+</p>
+<p>
+There is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro
+off from severe and long-continued punishment on account of the
+intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he
+believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he
+believes he will keep his promise, &amp;c. The planters sometimes get
+tired of punishing a negro, and, wanting his services in the field,
+they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave,
+intercede for him. At one time a negro, named Charles, was confined in
+the stocks in the building where I was at work, and had been severely
+whipped several times. He begged me to intercede for him and try to
+get him released. I told him I would; and when his master came in to
+whip him again, I went up to him and told him I had been talking with
+Charles, and he had promised to behave better, &amp;c., and requested him
+not to punish him any more, but to let him go. He then said to
+Charles, "As Mr. Caulkins has been pleading for you, I will let you go
+on his account;" and accordingly released him.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1c"></a>
+Women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four
+weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often
+punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some
+cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any
+notice being taken of it. They are generally allowed four weeks after
+the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field,
+they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little
+girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the
+mother is at work. When there is no child that can be spared, or not
+young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it
+under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task,
+returning at stated intervals to nurse it. While I was on this
+plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life
+of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. It seems
+this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of
+carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work
+as long as she could see. One evening she nursed the infant at sunset
+as usual, and sent it to the quarters. The little girl, on her way
+home, had to cross a run or brook, which led down into the swamp; when
+she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the
+infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it
+stuck fast; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. When the
+mother came in from the field, she asked the girl where the child was;
+she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was;
+the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was
+found as above stated, and dead. The little girl was shut up in the
+barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came
+along and bought her for two hundred dollars.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1d"></a>
+The slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as long as
+they can see. When they have tasks assigned, which is often the case,
+a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before
+sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in
+the evening. All must finish their tasks or take a flogging. The whip
+and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer; the former he uses
+very frequently upon the negroes, during their hours of labor, without
+regard to age or sex. Scarcely a day passed while I was on the
+plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped; I do not
+mean that they were <i>struck a few blows</i> merely, but had a <i>set
+flogging</i>. The same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,&mdash;such
+as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping
+cord-wood, threshing, &amp;c. I have known the women go into the barn as
+soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could
+see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a
+threshing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they
+had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the
+granary.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1e"></a>
+The allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given
+out at Christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse
+shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. If the
+man has a wife she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house.
+The slaves on this plantation, being near Wilmington, procured
+themselves extra clothing by working Sundays and moonlight nights,
+cutting cordwood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter
+of a mile to the ricer; they would then get a permit from their
+master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to Wilmington,
+and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and
+with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for
+a shirt, &amp;c. They sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they
+cleanse and take to market. The women receive their allowance of the
+same kind of cloth which the men have. This they make into a frock; if
+they have any under garments <i>they must procure them for themselves</i>.
+When the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes
+make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which
+shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast
+which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their
+wretchedness.[<a name="rnote10-1"></a><a href="#note10-1">1</a>]
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+Hurra, for good ole Massa,
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;He giv me de pass to go to de city
+Hurra, for good ole Missis,
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;She bile de pot, and giv me de licker.
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Hurra, I'm goin to de city.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-1"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-1">1</a>: Slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under
+sentence, and both for the same reason. Their singing proves that they
+<i>want</i> to be happy not that they <i>are</i> so. It is the <i>means</i> that they
+use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so
+already. Sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their
+misery in momentary oblivion. He who argues from this that they have
+no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of
+slavery.&mdash;EDITOR.]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1f"></a>
+Every Saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions,
+which must last them till the next Saturday night. "Potatoe time," as
+it is called, begins about the middle of July. The slave may measure
+for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet
+potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; I have,
+however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many,
+kick the measure; and if any fall off tell him he has got his measure.
+No salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. When rice or
+corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of
+molasses is given, but not often. The quantity of rice, which is of
+the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. When corn is given
+them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (Mr.
+Swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for
+grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. When
+fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish.
+As to meat, they seldom had any. I do not think they had an allowance
+of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the
+quantity was very small. When they went into the field to work, they
+took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given
+to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them,
+and kindled a fire underneath for cooking; she took salt with her and
+seasoned the messes as she thought proper. When their breakfast was
+ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were
+called from labor, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner
+was prepared in the same way. They had but two meals a day while in
+the field; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they
+returned to their quarters at night. At the time of killing hogs on
+the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the
+slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1g"></a>
+When I first went upon Mr. Swan's plantation, I saw a slave in
+shackles or fetters, which were fastened around each ankle and firmly
+riveted, connected together by a chain. To the middle of this chain he
+had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them
+from galling his ankles. This slave, whose name was Frank, was an
+intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. There was
+nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those
+high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the
+means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. Mr. S. had
+employed a Mr. Beckwith to repair a boat, and told him Frank was a
+good mechanic, and he might have his services. Frank was sent for, his
+<i>shackles still on</i>. Mr. Beckwith set him to work making <i>trundels</i>,
+&amp;c. I was employed in putting up a building, and after Mr. Beckwith
+had done with Frank, he was sent for to assist me. Mr. Swan sent him
+to a blacksmith's shop and had his shackles cut off with a cold
+chisel. Frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1h"></a>
+I will relate one circumstance, which shows the little regard that is
+paid to the feelings of the slave. During the time that Mr. Isaiah
+Rogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the
+slaves complained of a severe toothache. Swan asked Mr. Rogers to take
+his hammer and <i>knock out the tooth</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+There was a slave on the plantation named Ben, a waiting man. I
+occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with
+him. Ben was a kind-hearted man, and, I believe, a Christian; he would
+always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was in the
+constant practice of praying morning and night.&mdash;One day when I was at
+the hut, Ben was sent for to go to the house. Ben sighed deeply and
+went. He soon returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom
+one of Mr. Swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. He brought her
+into the room where I was, and told her to stand there while he went
+into the next room: I heard him groan again as he went. While there I
+heard his voice, and he was engaged in prayer. After a few minutes he
+returned with a large cowhide, and stood before the girl, without
+saying a word. I concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which I did;
+and immediately after I heard the girl scream. At every blow she would
+shriek, "Do, Ben! oh do, Ben!" This is a common expression of the
+slaves to the person whipping them: "Do, Massa!" or, "Do, Missus!"
+</p>
+<p>
+After she had gone, I asked Ben what she was whipped for: he told me
+she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing
+her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a
+pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. I asked
+him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like
+to do this, but was <i>obliged</i> to: he said he was once ordered to whip
+a woman, which he did without stripping her: on her return to the
+house, her mistress examined her back; and not seeing any marks, he
+was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he
+had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull
+her clothes off; he said, No. She then told him, that when he whipped
+any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as
+well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be
+flogged himself.
+</p>
+<p>
+Ben often appeared very gloomy and sad: I have frequently heard him,
+when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, "Poor
+African slave! Poor African slave!" Whipping was so common an
+occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition
+to state the <i>many</i> and <i>severe</i> floggings I have seen inflicted on
+the slaves. They were flogged for not performing their tasks, for
+being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm,
+&amp;c. &amp;c.; and it often seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse
+for punishing them.
+</p>
+<p>
+On one occasion, I heard the overseer charge the hands to be at a
+certain place the next morning at sun-rise. I was present in the
+morning, in company with my brother, when the hands arrived. Joe, the
+slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five
+minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the
+overseer told him to take off his jacket. Joe took off his jacket. He
+had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off: Joe took it
+off: he then whipped him with a heavy cowhide full six feet long. At
+every stroke Joe would spring from the ground, and scream, "O my God!
+Do, Massa Galloway!" My brother was so exasperated; that he turned to
+me and said, "If I were Joe, I would kill the overseer if I knew I
+should be shot the next minute."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the
+threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen
+minutes after. They had to go about a quarter of a mile from their
+quarters. Galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not
+come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy as he
+could strike. I have seen him, at such times, follow after them,
+striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their
+screams. I have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging,
+crying and taking on most piteously.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such
+hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through: I have seen
+them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in
+order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and
+there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. I have
+<i>often</i> known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the
+river in flats or boats to Wilmington, absent from twenty-four to
+thirty hours, <i>without any thing to eat,</i> no provision being made for
+these occasions.
+</p>
+<p>
+Galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were
+sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician; but
+he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. When
+any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the
+medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the
+head, to make them swallow it. A man once came to him, of whom he said
+he was suspicious: he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him
+in the stocks for the night. His medicine soon began to operate; and
+<i>there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+One day, Mr. Swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in
+letting a boat get adrift. The slave was told to secure the boat:
+whether he took sufficient means for this purpose I do not know; he
+was not allowed to make any defence. Mr. Swan called him up, and asked
+why he did not secure the boat: he pulled off his hat and began to
+tell his story. Swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced
+beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated
+backwards; Swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the
+head with the hickory as he went.
+</p>
+<p>
+As I was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the
+driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough,
+struck her over the head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. I
+thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and
+doctoring for some days, she recovered. Speaking to him about it, he
+said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely
+out.
+</p>
+<p>
+A patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the
+plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. I knew a slave who
+started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to
+see his wife: he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. He stated
+his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him but all
+to no purpose. I spoke to the patrol about it afterwards: he said he
+knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip
+him; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &amp;c. He stated that he
+had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night.
+</p>
+<p>
+In conversation with Mr. Swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me
+the following fact:&mdash;A slave, by the name of Luke, was owned in
+Wilmington; he was sold to a speculator and carried to Georgia. After
+an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an
+opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were
+absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. Luke went to the
+room where his master kept his arms; took his gun, with some
+ammunition, and went into the woods. On the return of his master, the
+waiting man told him what had been done: this threw him into a violent
+passion; he swore he would kill Luke, or lose his own life. He loaded
+another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he
+then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or
+lodged in jail. His neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward
+of two hundred dollars for him <i>dead or alive</i>, which he did. Nothing
+however was heard of him for some months. Mr. Swan said, one of his
+slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he
+said he had found Luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a
+sword.
+</p>
+<p>
+I left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north; when I
+went out again, the next fall, I asked Mr. Swan if any thing had been
+heard of Luke; he said he was <i>shot</i>, and related to me the manner of
+his death, as follows:&mdash;Luke went to one of the plantations, and
+entered a hut for something to eat. Being fatigued, he sat down and
+fell asleep. There was only a woman in the hut at the time: as soon as
+she found he was asleep, she ran and told her master, who took his
+rifle, and called two white men on another plantation: the three, with
+their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different
+positions, so that they could watch the door. When Luke waked up he
+went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles, he
+stepped back and raised his gun to his face. They called to him to
+surrender; and stated that they had him in their power, and said he
+had better give up. He said he would not: and if they tried to take
+him, he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew they would
+kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could.
+They told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would
+certainly kill him: he replied, he was determined not to give up, and
+kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was
+turned toward one, another, standing in a different direction, shot
+him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground.
+</p>
+<p>
+There was another slave shot while I was there; this man had run away,
+and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known
+where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on
+the large island near Belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and
+carried his head home.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch
+runaway slaves. I was once bitten by one of them. I went to the
+overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as I put my foot
+upon the floor, he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not
+severely; he tore my pantaloons badly. The overseer apologized for his
+dog, saying he never knew him to bite a <i>white</i> man before. He said he
+once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, that was very
+useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. He said that a slave on the
+plantation once ran away; as soon as he found the course he took, he
+put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the
+man had to climb a tree, he followed with his gun, and brought the
+slave home.
+</p>
+<p>
+The slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. It is
+generally said, and I have no doubt of its truth, that they are much
+worse treated farther south.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following are a few among the many facts related to me while I
+lived among the slaveholder. The names of the planters and
+plantations, I shall not give, <i>as they did not come under my own
+observation</i>. I however place the fullest confidence in their truth.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1i"></a>
+A planter not far from Mr. Swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid
+$400 a year; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive
+the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. He therefore
+sent to South Carolina, or Georgia, and got a man to whom he paid I
+believe $800 a year. He proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the
+slaves almost to death. There was a slave on this plantation, who had
+repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged every time. The
+last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried
+up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. He was kept
+in this situation four or five days.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following was told me by an intimate friend; it took place on a
+plantation containing about one hundred slaves. One day the owner
+ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in
+hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began
+immediately to cry out "What have I done Massa? What have I done
+Massa?" He replied; "D&mdash;n you, I will let you know what you have done,
+you don't breed, I haven't had a young one from one of you for several
+months." They told him they could not breed while they had to work in
+the rice ditches. (The rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be
+drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to
+work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged
+to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out
+of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight
+in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) After
+swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the
+overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon
+the land to work.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1j"></a>
+This same planter had a female slave who was a member of the Methodist
+Church; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. He proposed
+a criminal intercourse with her. She would not comply. He left her and
+sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. It was done.
+Not long after, he renewed his proposal. She again refused. She was
+again whipped. He then told her why she had been twice flogged, and
+told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. The girl,
+seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the
+scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up
+to be the victim of his brutal lusts.
+</p>
+<p>
+One of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which
+lived but two or three weeks. After its death the planter called the
+woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die; said it
+was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for
+it. She told, him with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances
+of its death. But her story availed her nothing against the savage
+brutality of her master. She was severely whipped. A healthy child
+four months old was then considered worth $100 in North Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character
+and respectability. The following fact was related to me on a
+plantation where I have spent considerable time and where the
+punishment was inflicted. I have no doubt of its truth. A slave ran
+away from his master, and got as far as Newbern. He took provisions
+that lasted him a week; but having eaten all, he went to a house to
+get something to satisfy his hunger. A white man suspecting him to be
+a runaway, demanded his pass; as he had none he was seized and put in
+Newbern jail. He was there advertised, his description given, &amp;c. His
+master saw the advertisement and sent for him; when he was brought
+back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. A stick
+was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in
+this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over
+on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and
+severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and
+tortured by another bruising and beating. He was afterwards kept in
+the stocks a week, and whipped every morning.
+</p>
+<p>
+To show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with
+moral filth every thing it touches, I will state two or three facts,
+which I have on such evidence I cannot doubt their truth. A planter
+offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of
+his female slaves, whom he would get in the family way. This offer was
+no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same
+principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing
+the breed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, often hire their
+own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month,
+according to the capacity of the slave. The females who thus hire
+their time, pursue various modes to procure the money; their masters
+making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. If it is
+not regularly paid they are flogged. Some take in washing, some cook
+on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &amp;c., while others, younger
+and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. I knew a man
+from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman,
+kept two of these mulatto girls in an upper room at his store; his
+wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two
+weeks together, I have seen these two <i>kept misses</i>, as they are there
+called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to
+arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten days.
+</p>
+<p>
+The clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of
+slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. Not the
+hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be
+supposed to be destitute of sincerity.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1k"></a>
+Going one morning to the Baptist Sunday School, in Wilmington, in
+which I was engaged, I fell in with the Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, who was
+going to the Presbyterian school. I asked him how he could bear to see
+the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running
+about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely
+neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the
+schools. His reply was substantially this:&mdash;"I can't bear it, Mr.
+Caulkins. I feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what
+can I do? MY HANDS ARE TIED."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1l"></a>
+Now, if Mr. Hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of
+HIM who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said
+of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth
+is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how God
+abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouth on this subject,
+but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest
+support to the accursed system of slavery. I believe Mr. Hunt has
+since become an agent of the Temperance Society.
+</p>
+<p>
+In stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the
+practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to
+correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north.
+In doing this I am not at war with slave-holders. No, my soul is moved
+for them as well as for the poor slaves. May God send them repentance
+to the acknowledgment of the truth! Principle, on a subject of this
+nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be
+sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be
+broken. We have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has
+been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by
+necessity in his present condition.&mdash;Were we to ask, in the language
+of Pilate, "what evil have they done"&mdash;we may search their history, we
+cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor
+insulted us as a nation&mdash;that they are thus compelled to drag out a
+life in chains! subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any
+way they manifest a wish to be released.&mdash;Let us reverse the question.
+What evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters?
+First let us look at their persons, "neither clothed nor naked"&mdash;I
+<a name="RULE4_1m"></a>
+have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and
+girls, and that too in winter. I knew one young man seventeen years of
+age, by the name of Dave, on Mr. J. Swan's plantation, worked day
+after day in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. The reason
+of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not
+keep clothes on him&mdash;he would get into the fire and burn them off.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1n"></a>
+Follow them next to their huts; some with and some without floors:&mdash;Go
+at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some
+on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the
+night:&mdash;others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about
+them; and one or two lying in the ashes. These things <i>I have often
+seen with my own eyes.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1o"></a>
+Examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven
+quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week; then follow
+them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the
+utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping.
+</p>
+<p>
+If they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as I
+have often been, and see them groaning under a burning fever or
+pleurisy, lying on some straw, their feet to the fire with barely a
+blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a
+bedstead.
+</p>
+<p>
+And after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings,
+need I ask, is there any evil connected with their condition? and if
+so; upon whom is it to be charged? I answer for myself, and the reader
+can do the same. Our government stands first chargeable for allowing
+slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. Second, the states for
+enacting laws to secure their victim. Third, the slaveholder for
+carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the
+blood. Fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not
+raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent
+to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of God. "The
+blood of Zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says
+Christ, "WILL I REQUIRE OF THIS GENERATION."
+</p>
+<p>
+Look at the slave, his condition but little, if at all, better than
+that of the brute; chained down by the law, and the will of his
+master; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those
+who plead for him, cast out as evil;&mdash;must not humanity let its voice
+be heard, and tell Israel their transgressions and Judah their sins?
+</p>
+<p>
+May God look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel
+task-masters! I verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in
+prayer. I have been to their prayer meetings and with them offered
+prayer in their behalf. I have heard some of them in their huts before
+day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their
+heavenly Father of their trials in the following and similar language.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_1p"></a>
+"Fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day
+long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa
+mus not know it.[<a name="rnote10-2"></a><a href="#note10-2">2</a>] Fader, have mercy on massa and missus. Fader, when
+shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come, and de
+poor slave go to heaven;" and in their meetings they frequently add,
+"Fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his
+family," and so on. They uniformly begin their meetings by singing the
+following&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"And are we yet alive
+<br>
+ To see each other's face," &amp;c.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-2"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-2">2</a>: At this time there was some fear of insurrection and the
+slaves were forbidden to hold meetings.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Is the ear of the Most High deaf to the prayer of the slave? I do
+firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer
+of this poor afflicted people will be answered.
+</p>
+<p>
+Emancipation would be safe. I have had eleven winters to learn the
+disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably
+and cheerfully work for pay. Give them education, equal and just laws,
+and they will become a most interesting people. Oh, let a cry be
+raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to
+demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation.
+</p>
+<p>
+&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;NEHEMIAH&nbsp;CAULKINS.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_2"></a>
+	NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. HORACE MOULTON.
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+Mr. Moulton is an esteemed minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
+in Marlborough, Mass. He spent five years in Georgia, between 1817 and
+1824. The following communication has been recently received from him.
+</p>
+<p>
+MARLBOROUGH, MASS., Feb. 18, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+DEAR BROTHER&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Yours of Feb. 2d, requesting me to write out a few facts on the
+subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. I
+hasten to comply with your request. Were it not, however, for the
+claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility
+resting upon me, in consequence of this request, I should forever hold
+my peace. For I well know that I shall bring upon myself a flood of
+persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. But I am
+willing to be set at nought by men, if I can be the means of promoting
+the welfare of the oppressed of our land. I shall not relate many
+particular cases of cruelty, though I might a great number; but shall
+give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their
+food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+Let me say, in the first place, that I spent nearly five years in
+Savannah, Georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years 1817 and
+1824. My object in going to the south, was to engage in making and
+burning brick; but not immediately succeeding, I engaged in no
+business of much profit until late in the winter, when I took charge
+of a set of hands and went to work. During my leisure, however, I was
+an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost
+every department of business. The next year, during the cold months, I
+had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul
+brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and
+cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. This gave me an
+extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics and planters. I had
+slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south.
+All the brick-yards, except one, on which I was engaged, were
+connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton
+field, tan-works, or with a wood lot. My business, usually, was to
+take charge of the brick-making department. At those jobs I have
+sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. I have
+been on the plantations in South Carolina, but have never been an
+overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public
+papers.
+</p>
+<p>
+I think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected
+with the account I may give of slavery, that the reader may have some
+knowledge of my acquaintance with <i>practical</i> slavery: for many
+mechanics and merchants who go to the South, and stay there for years,
+know but little of the dark side of slavery. My account of slavery
+will apply to <i>field hands</i>, who compose much the largest portion of
+the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are
+kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &amp;c., about the houses of the
+planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most
+of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. I will now proceed to take
+up specific points.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_2a"></a>
+THE LABOR OF THE SLAVES
+</div>
+<p>
+Males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations.
+<a name="RULE4_2b"></a>
+On many plantations <i>tasks</i> are given them. The best working hands can
+have some leisure time; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together
+with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often
+<a name="RULE4_2c"></a>
+answer for non-performance of tasks at the <i>whipping-posts</i>. None who
+worked with me had tasks at any time. The rule was to work them from
+sun to sun. But when I was burning brick, they were obliged to take
+turns, and <i>sit up all night</i> about every other night, and work all
+day. On one plantation, where I spent a few weeks, the slaves were
+called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and
+worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them <i>all night</i>. A
+large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on
+purpose to hire out&mdash;and they usually let them to those who will give
+the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment;
+and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest
+possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense.
+Women are seen bringing their infants into the field to their work,
+and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins with
+safety. When they get there, they must set them down in the dirt and
+go to work. Sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep.
+Others are left at home, shut up in their huts. Now, is it not
+barbarous, that the mother, with her child or children around her,
+half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her
+task? But so it is. Some who have very young ones, fix a little sack,
+and place the infants on their backs, and work. One reason, I presume
+is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mother's
+voice. Another is, the mothers fear that the poisonous vipers and
+snakes will bite them. Truly, I never knew any place where the land is
+so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low
+lands round about Savannah. The moccasin snakes, so called, and water
+rattle-snakes&mdash;the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our
+upland rattlesnakes at the north,&mdash;are found in myriads about the
+stagnant waters and swamps of the South. The females, in order to
+secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as I have said,
+often work with their infants on their backs. Females are sometimes
+called to take the hardest part of the work. On some brick yards where
+I have been, the women have been selected as the <i>moulders</i> of brick,
+instead of the men.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_2d"></a>
+II. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES.
+</div>
+<p>
+It was a general custom, wherever I have been, for the masters to give
+each of his slaves, male and female, <i>one peck of corn per week</i> for
+their food. This at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was
+worth when I was there, would amount to twelve and a half cents per
+week for board per head.
+</p>
+<p>
+It cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for
+board. The price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. This would make
+my board equal in amount to the board of <i>forty-six slaves!</i> This is
+all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about Savannah
+on the plantations. One peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out
+to each slave once every week. One man with whom I labored, however,
+being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before I
+left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a
+week, a beef's head from market. With this, they made a soup in a
+large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and
+dipping out the soup, would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as
+though it were a feast. This man permitted his slaves to eat twice a
+day while I was doing a job for him. He promised me a beaver hat and
+as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if I would
+accomplish so much for him before I returned to the north; giving me
+the entire control over his slaves. Thus you may see the temptations
+overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor
+slaves. The above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. For
+in all other places where I worked and visited; the slaves had
+<i>nothing from their masters but the corn</i>, or its equivalent in
+potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but
+<i>once a day</i>. The custom was to blow the horn early in the morning,
+as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work, when commenced; they
+continued work until about eleven o'clock, A.M., when, at the signal,
+all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made
+their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again
+at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their
+tasks were done. Some cooked their breakfast in the field while at
+work. Each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has
+done his work at night. There is generally one hand-mill on every
+plantation for the use of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. The
+substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peek of corn either in
+rice or sweet potatoes; neither of which is as good for the slaves as
+corn. They complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes,
+than when fed on corn. I was with one man a few weeks who gave me his
+hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the
+rest. The following course was taken,&mdash;Two crotched sticks were driven
+down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the
+crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole;
+then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony; when
+ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden
+plates and spoons. They dipped out and ate standing around the kettle,
+or sitting upon the ground, as best suited their convenience. When
+they had potatoes they took them out with their hands, and ate them.
+As soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow
+their food they were called to their work again. <i>This was the only
+meal they ate through the day.</i> now think of the little, almost naked
+and half starved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold Indian cake,
+or a potato! Think of the poor female, just ready to be confined,
+without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable! Think
+of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but
+the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of
+<i>home</i>. When sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers,
+in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding and in administering
+large potions of Epsom salts, when the whip and <i>cursing</i> will not
+start them from their cabins.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+III. HOUSES.
+<a name="RULE4_2e"></a>
+</div>
+<p>
+The huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. They are not as
+good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads.
+They are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no
+frame-work about them. They have no stoves or chimneys; some of them
+have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or two off at
+that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. Others have nothing
+like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is sometimes made in the
+middle of the hut. These buildings have but one apartment in them; the
+places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows;
+the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances
+with refuse boards. In warm weather, especially in the spring, the
+slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away
+the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low
+country of the south; so much so that the whites sleep under frames
+with nets over them, knit so fine that the musketoes cannot fly
+through them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but
+I should think <i>more have not</i>. During driving storms they frequently
+have to run from one hut to another for shelter. In the coldest
+weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all
+night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the
+blaze. Men, women and children all lie down together, in most
+instances. There may be exceptions to the above statements in regard
+to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, I have
+given a fair description, and I have been on a large number of
+plantations in Georgia and South Carolina up and down the Savannah
+river. Their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations,
+forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of
+slaves on them. In these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at
+night like swine, <i>without any conveniences of beadsteads, tables or
+chairs.</i> O Misery to the full! to see the aged sire beating off the
+swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in
+the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags.
+I should think males and females, both lie down at night with their
+working clothes on them. God alone knows how much the poor slaves
+suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the
+piercing winds and howling storms of winter, almost as much in Georgia
+as I do in Massachusetts.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_2f"></a>
+IV. CLOTHING.
+</div>
+<p>
+The masters [in Georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of
+clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin
+one for summer. They provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes
+for each slave in <i>winter</i>. These shoes usually begin to rip in a few
+weeks. The negroes' mode of mending them is, to <i>wire</i> them together,
+in many instances. Do our northern shoemakers know that they are
+augmenting the sufferings of the poor slaves with their almost good
+for nothing sale shoes? Inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor
+sufferers it is done unto our Saviour. The above practice of clothing
+the slave is customary to some extent. How many, however, fail of
+this, God only knows. The children and old slaves are, I should think,
+<i>exceptions</i> to the above rule. The males and females have their suits
+from the same cloth for their winter dresses. These winter garments
+appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and
+<i>sleazy</i>. The whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons
+and a short sailor-jacket, <i>without shirt, vest, hat, stockings, or
+any kind of loose garments!</i> These, if worn steadily when at work,
+would not probably last more than one or two months; therefore, for
+the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer,
+with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and
+<i>almost all</i> with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these
+frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common
+decency. The women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short
+loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, <i>without any
+under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any kind of
+over-clothes.</i> When at work in the warm weather, they usually strip
+off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat with
+some kind of covering over their breasts. Many children may be seen in
+the summer months <i>as naked as they came into the world</i>. I think, as
+a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed clothes,
+than they do for wearing apparel. It is true, that some by begging or
+buying have more clothes than above described, but the <i>masters
+provide them with no more</i>. They are miserable objects of pity. It may
+be said of many of them, "I was <i>naked</i> and ye clothed me not." It is
+enough to melt the hardest heart to see the ragged mothers nursing
+their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to
+eat. The Southern horses and dogs have enough to eat and good care
+taken of them, but Southern negroes, who can describe their misery?
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_2g"></a>
+V. PUNISHMENTS.
+</div>
+<p>
+The ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous.
+The masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral
+influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding,
+<i>cat-hauling</i>, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel
+mode of torturing. They often boast of having invented some new mode
+of torture, by which they have "tamed the rascals," What is called a
+moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. Should we whip our
+horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences,
+we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. The masters whip
+for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being
+caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking any thing from
+the master's yard without leave. For these, and the like crimes, the
+slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a
+hundred, on the bare back. One slave, who was under my care, was
+whipped, I think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handful of
+wood from his master's yard without leave. I heard an overseer
+boasting to this same master that he gave one of the boys seventy
+lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be
+done. The owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer
+had been so faithful. The apology they make for whipping so cruelly
+is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. The masters say, that
+what we call an ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves; hence
+the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are
+daily and <i>hourly</i> inflicted upon the naked bodies of these miserable
+bondmen; not by masters and negro-drivers only, but by the constables
+in the common markets and jailors in their yards.
+</p>
+<p>
+When the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have
+their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for
+the purpose: this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or
+something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as
+high as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or floor:
+and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe; then the feet are
+made fast to something prepared for them. In this distorted posture
+the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his
+implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the
+shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears, or on
+parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment.
+Occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough
+to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering
+the most horrid oaths; while the victim of his rage is crying, at
+every stroke, "Lord have mercy! Lord have mercy!" The scenes exhibited
+at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose
+heart has not turned to stone; I never could look on but a moment.
+While under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed
+with torture. Thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin
+at almost every stroke, is what the South calls a very <i>moderate
+punishment!</i> Many masters whip until they are tired&mdash;until the back is
+a gore of blood&mdash;then rest upon it: after a short cessation, get up
+and go at it again; and after having satiated their revenge in the
+blood of their victims, they sometimes <i>leave them tied, for hours
+together, bleeding at every wound</i>.&mdash;Sometimes, after being whipped,
+they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. Now and then a master,
+but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to
+jail a few days, giving orders to have them whipped, so many lashes,
+once or twice a day. Sometimes, after being whipped, some have been
+shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase
+their torments: and I have heard of some who have, in such
+circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_2h"></a>
+Such scenes of horror as above described are so common in Georgia that
+they attract no attention. To threaten them with death, with breaking
+in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is <i>common talk</i>,
+when scolding at the slaves.&mdash;Those who run away from their masters
+and are caught again generally fare the worst. They are generally
+lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly
+whipped. Some order the constables to whip them publicly in the
+<a name="RULE4_2i"></a>
+market. Constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. They
+have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they
+are as fierce as tigers. Slaves who are absent from their yards, or
+plantations, after eight o'clock P.M., and are taken by the guard in
+<a name="RULE4_2j"></a>
+market. Constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. They
+the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for
+before nine o'clock A.M. the next day, secured in prisons; and hardly
+ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cowhide. On
+<a name="RULE4_2k"></a>
+plantations, the <i>evenings</i> usually present scenes of horror. Those
+slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed
+their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night,
+undergo their torments. I have often heard the sound of the lash, the
+curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the
+air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, "put
+it on to them," "don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one
+hundred lashes," &amp;c. Whipping the women when in delicate
+circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their
+entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly
+barbarous. If negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances
+of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the
+whipping-post. I heard of such things at the south&mdash;they are
+undoubtedly facts. Children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest
+offences, and that before their mothers. A large proportion of the
+blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a
+few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and
+brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes&mdash;some have had
+their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out; while others
+have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out.
+Some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of one of their eyes by
+the careless blows of the whipper, or by some other violence.
+</p>
+<p>
+But punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of
+torture. Some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must
+stand <i>all night</i>, and they will then work them hard all day&mdash;that is,
+work them hard all day and torment them all night. Others punish by
+fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on
+<a name="RULE4_2l"></a>
+the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. This breaks the skin,
+I should presume, at every hole where it comes in contact with it.
+Others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them,
+<a name="RULE4_2m"></a>
+<i>cat-haul</i> them&mdash;that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail,
+or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until
+satisfied. This kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than
+<a name="RULE4_2n"></a>
+the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. Some are branded by a hot
+iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them.
+Some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their
+ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on
+<a name="RULE4_2p"></a>
+the ground. Others have on large iron collars or yokes upon their
+necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. Some have bells
+put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. Some
+masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with
+their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. The
+whiplash-knots, or rawhide, have sometimes by a reckless stroke
+reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels.
+One slaveholder with whom I lived, whipped one of his slaves one day,
+as many, I should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the
+<i>butt-end</i> and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly I
+was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. Not a few
+slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died
+under a "moderate correction." I wonder that ten are not killed where
+one is! Were they not much hardier than the whites many more of them
+<a name="RULE4_2o"></a>
+must die than do. One young mulatto man, with whom I was well
+acquainted, was killed by his master in his yard with <i>impunity</i>. I
+boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was
+committed, and knew the master well. He had a plantation, on which he
+enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, I was
+informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. Little notice
+was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action
+being taken against the murderer. The masters used to try to make me
+whip their negroes. They said I could not get along with them without
+flogging them&mdash;but I found I could get along better with them by
+coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. I had
+not a heart to beat and kick about those beings; although I had not
+grace in my heart the three first years I was there, yet I sympathised
+with the slaves. I never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he
+was whipped but eight or nine blows. The circumstances were as
+follows: Several negroes were put under my care, one spring, <i>who were
+fresh from Congo and Guinea</i>. I could not understand them, neither
+could they me, in one word I spoke. I therefore pointed to them to go
+to work; all obeyed me willingly but one&mdash;he refused. I told the
+driver that he must tie him up and whip him. After he had tied him, by
+the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he
+yielded. I told the driver not to strike him another blow. We untied
+him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was
+with me. This one was not a sample, however&mdash;many of them have such
+exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip
+them into brutes, that is to subdue their noble spirits. The negroes
+being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping
+them when they pleased. But they never whipped much in my presence.
+This work was usually left until I had dismissed the hands. On the
+plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the
+presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+VI. RUNAWAYS
+</div>
+<p>
+Numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters; some of whom
+doubtless perish in the swamps and other secret places, rather than
+return back again to their masters; others stay away until they almost
+famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others
+who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways.
+Sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to
+secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many
+come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. The
+slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out
+in it. The master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to
+betray the runaways. Some obtain their living in hunting after lost
+slaves. The most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them.
+This can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods,
+and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a
+little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when
+found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a
+tree. There was a man living in Savannah when I was there, who kept a
+large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway
+negroes. And he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of
+runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had
+fled, he was almost sure to catch him. And this fear of the dogs
+restrains multitudes from running off.
+</p>
+<p>
+When he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, he
+took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and
+followed by the dogs. The dogs were as true to the track of a negro,
+if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when
+he has found it. When the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must
+turn and fight them or climb a tree. If the latter, the dogs will stay
+and bark until the pursuer come. The blacks frequently deceive the
+dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. Should the hunters who
+have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not
+stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would
+at a deer. Some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or
+alive. It undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their
+property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to
+get it. Some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. I will
+mention one. He run off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a
+weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but
+was afterwards shot. He had declared, that he never would be taken
+alive. The people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the
+death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. Poor fellow, he
+fought for life and liberty like a hero; but the bullets brought him
+down. A negro can hardly walk unmolested at the south.&mdash;Every colored
+stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave,
+hence he must be interrogated by every negro hater whom he meets, and
+should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to
+jail. Some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they
+could. How little they know of their slaves! They are all sighing and
+groaning for freedom. May God hasten the time!
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+VII. CONFINEMENT AT NIGHT.
+</div>
+<p>
+When the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded
+together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. They have
+not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for
+debt, for they have liberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves
+have. The slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight
+o'clock, P.M. At this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal
+for every slave to be in his den. In the country, the signal is given
+by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when
+to be at home. After this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols
+in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the
+morning. If they catch any negroes during the night without a pass,
+they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if
+in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until
+nine o'clock, A.M., the next day, if not called for by that time, they
+are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their
+master and his jail and guard house fees paid. The guards and patrols
+receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a
+pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their
+slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business:
+notwithstanding, many venture out, watching every step they take for
+the guard or patrol, the consequence is, some are caught almost every
+night, and some nights many are taken; some, fleeing after being
+hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting their escape, others
+are crippled for life. I find I shall not be able to write out more at
+present. My ministerial duties are pressing, and if I delay this till
+the next mail, I fear it will not be in season. Your brother for those
+who are in bonds,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+HORACE MOULTON
+</div>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="SARAH_G"></a>
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF SARAH M. GRIMKÉ.
+</div>
+<p>
+Miss Grimké is a daughter of the late Judge Grimké, of the Supreme
+Court of South Carolina, and sister of the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké.
+</p>
+<p>
+As I left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home
+of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of
+tortured victims, I would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of
+those scenes with which I have been familiar; but this may not, cannot
+be; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with
+resistless power, in the name of a God of mercy, in the name of a
+crucified Savior, in the name of humanity; for the sake of the
+slaveholder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of
+the southern prison house. I feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty,
+by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims
+of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of
+American slavery,&mdash;to detail a few facts, most of which came under my
+<i>personal observation</i>. And here I may premise, that the actors in
+these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability,
+and of the first families in South Carolina, and, with one exception,
+citizens of Charleston; and that their cruelties did not in the
+slightest degree affect their standing in society.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_a"></a>
+A handsome mulatto woman, about 18 or 20 years of age, whose
+independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in
+the habit of running away: for this offence she had been repeatedly
+sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the keeper of the
+Charleston work-house. This had been done with such inhuman severity,
+as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; a finger could not
+be laid between the cuts. But the love of liberty was too strong to be
+annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, she was whipped at
+several different times, and kept a close prisoner. A heavy iron
+collar, with three long prongs projecting from it, was placed round
+her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth was extracted, to serve
+as a mark to describe her, in case of escape. Her sufferings at this
+time were agonizing; she could lie in no position but on her back,
+which was sore from scourgings, as I can testify, from personal
+inspection, and her only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket.
+These outrages were committed in a family where the mistress daily
+read the scriptures, and assembled her children for family worship.
+She was accounted, and was really, so far as almsgiving was concerned,
+a charitable woman, and tender hearted to the poor; and yet this
+suffering slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was continually
+in her presence, sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her
+other household work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her
+mutilated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared,
+exciting any feelings of compassion.
+</p>
+<p>
+A highly intelligent slave, who panted after freedom with ceaseless
+longings, made many attempts to get possession of himself. For every
+offence he was punished with extreme severity. At one time he was tied
+up by his hands to a tree, and whipped until his back was one gore of
+blood. To this terrible infliction he was subjected at intervals for
+several weeks, and kept heavily ironed while at his work. His master
+one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion
+and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not
+credited. He again repelled the charge with honest indignation. His
+master's temper rose almost to frenzy; and seizing a fork, he made a
+deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. The man being far his
+superior in strength, caught the arm, and dashed the weapon on the
+floor. His master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged
+himself, and rushed from the apartment, having made his escape, he
+fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living
+on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and
+committed to jail. Here he lay for a considerable time, allowed
+scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking
+manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master
+visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. The
+filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor
+creature had been immured in it. Although a black man, such had been
+the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he
+hardly recognized him&mdash;his complexion was so yellow, and his hair,
+naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty; an infallible
+sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. Stripes,
+imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit
+for a season; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, he was
+"as humble as a dog." After a time he made another attempt to escape,
+and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, <i>dead or
+alive</i>. He eluded every attempt to take him, and his master,
+despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he
+would return home. It is always understood that such intelligence will
+reach the runaway; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and
+mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter
+<a name="SARAH_G_b"></a>
+bondage. I believe this was the last effort to obtain his liberty. His
+heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit
+which no inflictions could subdue, bowed at the cross of Jesus, and
+with the language on his lips&mdash;"the cup that my father hath given me,
+shall I not drink it?" submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and
+wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. The
+master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the
+most influential and honored citizens of South Carolina, and to his
+equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_c"></a>
+A slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited
+the convenience of his owner, ran away. He was taken up on the
+plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then
+lived. His only object in running away was to return to her&mdash;no other
+fault was attributed to him. For this offence he was confined in the
+stocks <i>six weeks</i>, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. He
+received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely
+sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not
+permitted to return to his wife. His master, although himself a
+husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the
+slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife,
+promising to discharge his duties faithfully; his master continued
+inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. The owner of
+this slave was a professing Christian, in full membership with the
+church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his
+chamber during his last illness.
+</p>
+<p>
+A punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is
+unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance
+of mine in Charleston&mdash;I heard her say so with much satisfaction. It
+is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. Afterwards
+it was improved upon, and a strap was contrived to fasten around the
+ankle and pass around the neck; so that the least weight of the foot
+resting on the strap would choke the person. The pain occasioned by
+this unnatural position was great; and when continued, as it sometimes
+was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. I heard this same
+woman say, that she had the ears of her waiting maid <i>slit</i> for some
+petty theft. This she told me in the presence of the girl, who was
+standing in the room. She often had the helpless victims of her
+cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the
+instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe
+chastisement. Her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was
+often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. In his last illness
+I was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. The girl on whom
+he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours; and
+when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter
+agony of spirit, "Oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, I can
+see them all around me&mdash;take them away!" and amid such exclamations he
+expired. These persons were of one of the first families in
+Charleston.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_d"></a>
+A friend of mine, in whose veracity I have entire confidence, told me
+that about two years ago, a woman in Charleston with whom I was well
+acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. She was confined in a
+solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow
+and horrible death of starvation. This woman was notoriously cruel. To
+those who have read the narrative of James Williams I need only say,
+that the character of young Larrimore's wife is an exact description
+of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles
+when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether
+millstone toward her slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_e"></a>
+As I was traveling in the lower country in South Carolina, a number of
+years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of
+horror from the coachman, who called out, "Look there, Miss Sarah,
+don't you see?"&mdash;I looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human
+head stuck up on a high pole. On inquiry, I found that a runaway
+slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from
+his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves
+from running away.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_f"></a>
+On a plantation in North Carolina, where I was visiting, I happened
+one day, in my rambles, to step into a negro cabin; my compassion was
+instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. A slave,
+whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel;
+he had under his head a few filthy rags but the boards were his only
+bed, it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every
+part of the dilapidated building&mdash;he opened his languid eyes when I
+spoke, and in reply to my question, "What is the matter?" He said, "I
+am dying of a cancer in my side."&mdash;As he removed the rags which
+covered the sore, I found that it extended half round the body, and
+was shockingly neglected. I inquired if he had any nurse. "No,
+missey," was his answer, "but de people (the slaves) very kind to me,
+dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me some ting to eat;
+if dey did not, I might starve." The master and mistress of this man,
+who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their
+intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who
+were of their own grade in society: the master had for some time held
+the highest military office in North Carolina, and not long previous
+to the time of which I speak, was the Governor of the State.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_g"></a>
+On a plantation in South Carolina, I witnessed a similar case of
+suffering&mdash;an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the
+same miserably neglected situation. The "owner" of this slave was
+proverbially kind to her negroes; so much so, that the planters in the
+neighborhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might
+produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet I have seen this
+woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her
+use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of
+Bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite
+slave to the workhouse to be severely whipped.
+</p>
+<p>
+Another fact occurs to me. A young woman about eighteen, stated some
+circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought
+derogatory to his character; whether true or false, I am unable to
+say; she was threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming
+that she had only spoken the truth. Finding her incorrigible, it was
+concluded to send her to the Charleston workhouse and have her whipt;
+she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much
+because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind
+shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal
+and licentious men; she declared to me that death would be preferable;
+but her entreaties were vain, and as there was no means of escaping
+but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her
+timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily
+encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a
+state of despair.&mdash;She was apprehended after a few weeks, by two
+slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening
+they concluded to spend the night there. What inhuman treatment she
+received from them has never been revealed. They tied her with cords
+to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon
+fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by
+intoxication and fatigue; but the miserable captive slumbered not; by
+some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled
+through the lone wilderness. After a few days she was discovered in a
+wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited; she was
+speechless; a raging fever consumed her vitals, and when a physician
+saw her, he said she was dying of a disease brought on by over
+fatigue; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached
+her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad
+consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies
+of her child.
+</p>
+<p>
+A beloved friend in South Carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with
+whom I often mingled my tears, when helpless and hopeless we deplored
+together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the
+following circumstance.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="SARAH_G_h"></a>
+On the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a slave of
+pre-eminent piety. His master was not a professor of religion, but the
+superior excellence of this disciple of Christ was not unmarked by
+him, and I believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his
+piety that he did not deprive him of the few religious privileges
+within his reach. A planter was one day dining with the owner of this
+slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession
+of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. The other asserted a
+contrary opinion, adding, I have a slave who I believe would rather
+die than deny his Saviour. This was ridiculed, and the master urged to
+prove the assertion. He accordingly sent for this man of God, and
+peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the Lord Jesus Christ.
+The slave pleaded to be excused, constantly affirming that he would
+rather die than deny the Redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. His
+master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him
+terribly whipped. The fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken;
+he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at
+the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr <i>died in
+consequence of this severe infliction</i>. Oh, how bright a gem will this
+victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the
+Redeemer's brow; and that many such will cluster there, I have not the
+shadow of a doubt.
+</p>
+<p>
+SARAH M. GRIMKÉ. <i>Fort Lee, Bergen County, New Jersey, 3rd Month,
+26th</i>, 1830.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="JOHN_G"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF THE LATE REV. JOHN GRAHAM of Townsend, Mass., who resided
+in S. Carolina, from 1831, to the latter part of 1833. Mr. Graham
+graduated at Amherst College in 1829, spent some time at the
+Theological Seminary, in New Haven, Ct., and went to South Carolina,
+for his health in 1830. He resided principally on the island of St.
+Helena, S.C., and most of the time in the family of James Tripp, Esq.,
+a wealthy slave holding planter. During his residence at St. Helena,
+he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated
+preacher on the island. Mr. G. was extensively known in Massachusetts;
+and his fellow students and instructers, at Amherst College, and at
+Yale Theological Seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and
+moral worth. The following are extracts of letters, which he wrote
+while in South Carolina, to an intimate friend in Concord,
+Massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+EXTRACTS.
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Springfield, St. Helena Isl., S.C., Oct. 22, 1832.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Last night, about one o'clock, I was awakened by the report of a
+musket. I was out of bed almost instantly. On opening my window, I
+found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. He had let off his
+pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and day, at a slave, who
+had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with one of his
+house servants. He did not hit him. The ball, taken from a pine tree
+the next morning, I will show you, should I be spared by Providence
+ever to return to you. The house servant was called to the master's
+chamber, where he received 75 lashes, very severe too; and I could not
+only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly
+as I lay in my bed. What was then done with the servant I know not.
+Nothing was said of this to me in the morning and I presume it will
+ever be kept from me with care, if I may judge of kindred acts. I
+shall make no comment."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the same letter, Mr. Graham says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"You ask me of my hostess"&mdash;then after giving an idea of her character
+says: "To day, she has I verily believe laid, in a very severe manner
+too, more than 300 <i>stripes</i>, upon the house servants," (17 in
+number.)
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Darlington, Court Moons. S.C. March, 28th, 1838.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"I walked up to the Court House to day, where I heard one of the most
+interesting cases I ever heard. I say interesting, on account of its
+novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases
+are of frequent occurrence. The case was this: To know whether two
+ladies, present in court, were <i>white</i> or <i>black</i>. The ladies were
+dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look,
+having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the
+etiquette of southern behaviour.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the
+rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming,
+innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of
+putting them into the field, and thus increasing his STOCK! As well as
+the people of Concord are known to be of a peaceful disposition, and
+for their love of good order, I verily believe if a similar trial
+should be brought forward there and conducted as this was, the good
+people would drive the lawyers out of the house. Such would be their
+indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of
+trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in
+this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to
+the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties.
+Oh slavery! if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. If
+bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas
+against you, accursed thing! How many white sons and daughters have
+bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+Under date of March, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I have been doing what I
+hope never to be called to do again, and what I fear I have badly
+done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a
+very bad wound made by a wild hog. The slave was hunting wild hogs,
+when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who turning
+to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in
+the thigh. The wound is about five inches long and very deep. It was
+made by the tusk of the animal. The slaves brought him to one of the
+huts on Mr. Tripp's plantation and made every exertion to stop the
+blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping
+blood) but finding this to fail they came to me (there being no other
+white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if I
+could stop the blood. I went and found that the poor creature must
+bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. I called for a needle
+and succeeded in sewing it up as well as I could, and in stopping the
+blood. In a short time his master, who had been sent for came; and
+oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that
+fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath "<i>to pay him for
+that</i>!" I left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty
+thanks that I had saved him $500! Oh, may heaven protect the poor,
+suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty&mdash;oh
+slavery! slavery!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Under date of July, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I wish you could have been
+at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard
+what I saw and heard, not that I wish your ear and heart and soul
+pained as mine is, with every day's observation 'of wrong and outrage'
+with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and
+ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal
+language can never describe&mdash;that you might see the tender mercies of
+a hardened slaveholder, one who bears the name of being <i>one of the
+mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast</i>. Oh,
+my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but
+for what I know not. The scene this morning was truly distressing to
+me. It was this:&mdash;<i>After the blessing was asked</i> at the breakfast
+table, one of the servants, a woman grown, in giving one of the
+children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual,
+though not more than the child usually eats. Her master was angry at
+the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. He rose from
+the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other
+began to beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the
+other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table,
+it hurt his hand too much to continue it longer. He then took off his
+<i>shoe</i>, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand,
+till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and
+raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. He then
+called a great overgrown negro <i>to hold her hands behind her</i> while he
+should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. In this position he
+began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. It now became
+intolerable to bear; she <i>fell, screaming to me for help</i>. After she
+fell, he beat her until I thought she would have died in his hands.
+She got up, however, went out and washed off the blood and came in
+before we rose from table, one of the most pitiable objects I ever saw
+till I came to the South. Her ears were almost as thick as my hand,
+her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and
+whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was Etta&mdash;and
+for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and <i>thank
+her master!</i> Now, all this was done while I was sitting at breakfast
+with the rest of the family. Think you not I wished myself sitting
+with the peaceful and happy circle around your table? Think of my
+feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel
+master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may
+inflict. Think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers."
+</p>
+<p>
+In a letter dated St. Helena Island, S.C., Dec. 3, 1832, Mr. G.
+writes, "If a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too
+great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is
+only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to
+increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it.
+<a name="JOHN_G_a"></a>
+I saw TWENTY-SEVEN <i>whipped at one time</i> just because they did not do
+more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely
+drag one foot after the other."
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_3"></a>
+	TESTIMONY OF MR. WILLIAM POE
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+Mr. Poe is a native of Richmond, Virginia, and was formerly a
+slaveholder. He was for several years a merchant in Richmond, and
+subsequently in Lynchburg, Virginia. A few years since, he emancipated
+his slaves, and removed to Hamilton County, Ohio, near Cincinnati;
+where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the Presbyterian
+church. He says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to God, to the
+oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all
+their days, could move me to say a word. I will state to you a <i>few</i>
+cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if I had
+language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery,
+even in its mildest form.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_3a"></a>
+Benjamin James Harris, a wealthy tobacconist of Richmond, Virginia,
+whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. While he was whipping
+her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various
+places, and burned her severely. The verdict of the coroner's inquest
+was, "Died of excessive whipping." He was tried in Richmond, and
+acquitted. I attended the trial. Some years after, this same Harris
+whipped another slave to death. The man had not done so much work as
+was required of him. After a number of protracted and violent
+scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the
+lash. Harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks
+saw it done. The same man afterwards whipped another slave severely,
+for not doing work to please him. After repeated and severe floggings
+in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of
+pleasing him, cut off his own hand. Harris soon after became a
+bankrupt, went to New Orleans to recruit his finances, failed, removed
+to Kentucky, became a maniac, and died.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_3b"></a>
+A captain in the United States' Navy, who married a daughter of the
+collector of the port of Richmond, and resided there, became offended
+with his negro boy, took him into the meat house, put him upon a
+stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it
+over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could just
+stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position,
+flogging him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted
+that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died.
+The master was tried and acquitted.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_3c"></a>
+In Goochland County, Virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree,
+flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush
+around him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. The overseer was
+tried and imprisoned. The whole transaction may be found on the
+records of the court.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_3d"></a>
+In traveling, one day, from Petersburg to Richmond, Virginia, I heard
+cries of distress at a distance, on the road. I rode up, and found two
+white men, beating a slave. One of them had hold of a rope, which was
+passed under the bottom of a fence; the other end was fastened around
+the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face,
+with his back bared. The other was beating him furiously with a large
+hickory.
+</p>
+<p>
+A slaveholder in Henrico County, Virginia, had a slave who used
+frequently to work for my father. One morning he came into the field
+with his back completely <i>cut up</i>, and mangled from his head to his
+heels. The man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. This same
+person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him down, and
+struck out one of his eyes with a maul. The eyes of several of his
+slaves were injured by similar violence.
+</p>
+<p>
+In Richmond, Virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large
+warehouse. They got angry with a negro lad, one of their slaves, took
+him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole though
+the floor, and passed the rope up through it. Some of the family drew
+up the boy, while others whipped. This they continued until the boy
+died. The warehouse was owned by a Mr. Whitlock, on the scite of one
+formerly owned by a Mr. Philpot.
+</p>
+<p>
+Joseph Chilton, a resident of Campbell County, Virginia, purchased a
+quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, as he said, of putting it on
+one of his negro's heads, that he had sometime previous pitched or
+tarred over, for running away.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the town of Lynchburg, Virginia, there was a negro man put in
+prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he,
+as head man of a boat, received at Richmond, to be delivered at
+Lynchburg. The goods belonged to A.B. Nichols, of Liberty, Bedford
+County, Virginia. He came to Lynchburg, and desired the jailor to
+permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was <i>no
+proof against him</i>. Mr. Williams, (I think that is his name,) a pious
+Methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a
+great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of
+Nichols. Nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists
+together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit
+a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the
+slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. He then
+commenced his bloody work, and continued, at intervals, until 500
+blows were inflicted. I received this statement from Nichols himself,
+who was, by the way, a <i>son of the land of "steady habits</i>," where
+there are many like him, if we may judge from their writings, sayings,
+and doings."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="PRIV"></a>
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="FOOD"></a>
+I. FOOD.
+</div>
+<p>
+We begin with the <i>food</i> of the slaves, because if they are ill
+treated in this respect we may be sure that they will be ill treated
+in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. For a man
+habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of
+meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter
+indifference to their comfort. The father who stints his children or
+domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his
+laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when
+able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon
+as unfeeling and cruel. All mankind agree to call such a character
+inhuman. If any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of
+hunger. The Arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will
+freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at
+his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of
+his money. Even savages take pity on hunger. Who ever went famishing
+from an Indian's wigwam? As much as hunger craves, is the Indian's
+free gift even to an enemy. The necessity for food is such a universal
+want, so constant, manifest and imperative, that the heart is more
+touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that
+want than any other. He who can habitually inflict on others the pain
+of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on
+them any other pain. He can kick and cuff and flog and brand them, put
+them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep,
+lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep
+without covering.
+</p>
+<p>
+Other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted
+as soon as done&mdash;the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent
+state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation.
+But he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient
+sustenance, can plead no such palliation. The fact itself shows, that
+his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to
+their wants and sufferings&mdash;A state of mind which will naturally,
+necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions
+upon them, when it can be done with impunity.
+</p>
+<p>
+If, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not
+furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually
+inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to
+their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and
+severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men
+are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more
+ready to relieve that want than any other; but also, because it is
+more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any
+other; consequently, if the slave suffer in this respect, he must as
+the general rule, suffer <i>more</i> in other respects.
+</p>
+<p>
+We now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. This
+will be shown first from the express declarations of slaveholders, and
+other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave
+states, that the slaves generally are <i>under-fed.</i> And then, by the
+laws of slave states, and by the testimony of slaveholders and others,
+the <i>kind, quantity</i>, and <i>quality,</i> of their allowance will be given,
+and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave <i>must</i> not
+be a sufferer.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="FOOD_a"></a>
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUNGER&mdash;DECLARATIONS OF SLAVE-HOLDERS AND
+OTHERS
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slave holder, and for ten years, Member of
+Congress from Virginia, in his speech on the Missouri question. Jan
+28th, 1820.
+</p>
+<p>
+"By confining the slaves to the Southern states, where crops are
+raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you <i>doom
+them to scarcity and hunger.</i> It is proposed to hem in the blacks
+where they are ILL FED."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. George Whitefield, in his letter, to the slave holders of Md. Va.
+N.C. S.C. and Ga. published in Georgia, just one hundred years ago,
+1739.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your
+slaves <i>have not sufficient food to eat;</i> they are scarcely permitted
+to <i>pick up the crumbs,</i> that fall from their master's table."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee, and for same
+years a preacher in slave states.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger
+during their whole lives."
+</p>
+<p>
+Report of the Gradual Emancipation Society, of North Carolina, 1826.
+Signed Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary.
+</p>
+<p>
+Speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that
+state, the report says,&mdash;"The master puts the unfortunate wretches
+upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so
+that a <i>great part</i> of them go <i>half starved</i> much of the time."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a Theological Student, who resided near Natchez,
+Miss., in 1834-5.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger
+at some seasons of almost every year. There is always a <i>good deal of
+suffering</i> from hunger. On many plantations, and particularly in
+Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of <i>almost utter famishment,</i>
+during a great portion of the year."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thomas Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a Slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"From various causes this [the slave's allowance of food] is <i>often</i>
+not adequate to the support of a laboring man."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Tobias Boudinot, St Albans, Ohio, a member of the Methodist
+Church. Mr. B. for some years navigated the Mississippi.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves down the Mississippi, are <i>half-starved,</i> the boats, when
+they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for
+something to eat."
+</p>
+<p>
+President Edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the Conn. Abolition
+Society, 1791.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves are supplied with barely enough to keep them from
+<i>starving.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro' Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"As a general thing on the plantations, the slaves suffer extremely
+for the want of food."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. George Bourne, late editor of the Protestant Vindicator, N.Y.,
+who was seven years pastor of a church in Virginia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves are deprived of <i>needful</i> sustenance."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+2. KINDS OF FOOD.
+</div>
+<p>
+Hon. Robert Turnbull, a slaveholder of Charleston, South Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The subsistence of the slaves consists, from March until August, of
+corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called <i>hominy</i>, or
+baked into corn bread. The other six months, they are fed upon the
+sweet potatoe. Meat, when given, is only by way of <i>indulgence or
+favor.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver Co., Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi, in 1836-7.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and <i>sometimes</i> meat
+or molasses."
+</p>
+<p>
+Reuben G. Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+resided in South Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves had no food allowed them besides <i>corn,</i> excepting at
+Christmas, when they had beef."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, and recently of Madison
+Co., Alabama, now member, of the Presbyterian Church, Delhi, Ohio.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves, was corn-pone and a
+small allowance of meat."
+</p>
+<p>
+WILLIAM LADD, Esq., of Minot, Me., president of the American Peace
+Society, and formerly a slaveholder of Florida, gives the following
+testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The usual food of the slaves was <i>corn</i>, with a modicum of salt. In
+some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea
+water for salt in their little pots. For about eight days near
+Christmas, i.e., from the Saturday evening before, to the Sunday
+evening after Christmas day, they were allowed some <i>meat</i>. They
+always with one single exception ground their corn in a hand-mill, and
+cooked their food themselves."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a preacher of the
+Methodist Episcopal church, in Fayette county, Ohio.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In March, 1838, Mr. Thomas Larrimer, a deacon of the Presbyterian
+church in Bloomingbury, Fayette county, Ohio, Mr. G.S. Fullerton,
+merchant, and member of the same church, and Mr. William A. Ustick, an
+elder of the same church, spent a night with a Mr. Shepherd, about 30
+miles North of Charleston, S.C., on the Monk's corner road. He owned
+five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal
+and meat tubs as himself, but that 90 out of a 100 of all the slaves
+in that county <i>saw meat but once a year</i>, which was on Christmas
+holidays."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="FOOD_WADE_H"></a>
+As an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon
+slaves, in respect to the <i>kind</i> as well as the quality and quantity
+of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony
+of the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. General Hampton
+was for some time commander in chief of the army on the Canada
+frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about
+three years since, was the largest slaveholder in the United States.
+The General's testimony is contained in the following extract of a
+letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west,
+extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. His name is with
+the executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+</p>
+<p>
+"You refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this
+place, respecting the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina,
+and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the
+case&mdash;considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the
+history of slavery: 1st, That the habit of slaveholding dreadfully
+blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility
+that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. 2d, That
+the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I received my information from a lady in the west of high
+respectability and great moral worth,&mdash;but think it best to withhold
+her name, although the statement was not made in confidence.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with
+General Wade Hampton, and several others; that the conversation turned
+upon the treatment of their servants, &amp;c.; when the General undertook
+to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had
+made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. He said that he
+first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which
+they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to
+them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any
+important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed
+to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared,
+with an oath, that 'they died like rotten sheep!!' It is but justice
+to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost
+indignation; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance
+from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other
+with astonishment. I give it to you just as I received it from one who
+was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is proper to add that I had previously formed an acquaintance with
+Dr. Witherspoon, now of Alabama, if alive; whose former residence was
+in South Carolina; from whom I received a particular account of the
+manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of General
+Wade Hampton, and others in the same part of the State; and certainly
+no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such
+masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether
+millstone. The cotton seed experiment I had heard of before also, as
+having been made in other parts of the south; consequently, I was
+prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if I had not
+been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+2. QUANTITY OF FOOD
+</div>
+<p>
+The legal allowance of food for slaves in North Carolina, is in the
+words of the law, "a quart of corn per day." See Haywood's Manual,
+525. The legal allowance in Louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel]
+of corn, (in the ear,) or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of
+salt a month. In the other slave states the amount of food for the
+slaves is left to the option of the master.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thos. Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a slave holder, in his address before
+the Georgia Presbytery, 1833.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The quantity allowed by custom is <i>a peck of corn a week</i>!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The Maryland Journal, and Baltimore Advertiser, May 30, 1788.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>A single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice</i>, is the
+<i>ordinary</i> quantity of provision for a <i>hard-working</i> slave; to which
+a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though <i>rarely</i>, added."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, and Elder in the
+Presbyterian Church, Wilksbarre, Penn.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The weekly allowance to grown slaves on this plantation, where I was
+best acquainted, was <i>one peck of corn</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Wm. Ladd, of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The usual allowance of food was <i>one quart of corn a day</i>, to a full
+task hand, with a modicum of salt; kind masters allowed <i>a peck of
+corn a week</i>; some masters allowed no salt."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jarvis Brewster, in his "Exposition of the treatment of slaves in
+the Southern States," published in N. Jersey, 1815.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The allowance of provisions for the slaves, is <i>one peck of corn, in
+the grain, per week</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro, Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Georgia the planters give each slave only <i>one peck of their gourd
+seed corn per week</i>, with a small quantity of salt."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. F.C. Macy, Nantucket, Mass., who resided in Georgia in 1820.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The food of the slaves was three pecks of potatos a week during the
+potato season, and <i>one peck of corn</i>, during the remainder of the
+year."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford,
+Conn., who resided in North Carolina, eleven winters.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The subsistence of the slaves, consists of <i>seven quarts of meal</i> or
+<i>eight quarts of small rice for one week!</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+William Savery, late of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the
+Society of Friends, who travelled extensively in the slave states, on
+a Religious Visitation, speaking of the subsistence of the slaves,
+says, in his published Journal,
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>A peck of corn</i> is their (the slaves,) miserable subsistence <i>for a
+week</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The late John Parrish, of Philadelphia, another highly respected
+Minister of the Society of Friends, who traversed the South, on a
+similar mission, in 1804 and 5, says in his "Remarks on the slavery of
+Blacks;"
+</p>
+<p>
+"They allow them but <i>one peck of meal</i>, for a whole week, in some of
+the Southern states."
+</p>
+<p>
+Richard Macy, Hudson, N.Y. a Member of the Society of Friends, who has
+resided in Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which
+was dealt out to them every first day of the week. They had nothing
+allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at
+Christmas."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, of Quincy, Ill., (the testimony of a Virginian).
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves are generally allowanced: a pint of corn meal and a salt
+herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a "dab" of fat
+meat of about the same value. I have known the sour milk, and clauber
+to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on
+the plantation. This is a luxury not often afforded."
+</p>
+<p>
+Testimony of Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, Illinois. Mr. W. has been engaged in the low
+country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year,
+principally on the Mississippi, and its tributary streams in the
+south-western slave states.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Feeding is not sufficient</i>,&mdash;let facts speak. On the coast, i.e.
+Natchez and the Gulf of Mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears
+of corn, and a pint of salt per month. They may cook this in what
+manner they please, but it must be done after dark; they have no day
+light to prepare it by. Some few planters, but only a few, let them
+prepare their corn on Saturday afternoon. Planters, overseers, and
+negroes, have told me, that in <i>pinching times</i>, i.e. when corn is
+high, they did not get near that quantity. In Miss., I know some
+planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per
+week, when it was cheap. Many prepare their corn on the Sabbath, when
+they are not worked on that day, which however is frequently the case
+on sugar plantations. There are very many masters on "the coast" who
+will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they steal
+molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less
+with stolen property. But it is impossible to find out what and when,
+as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. They
+would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how
+badly they were fed, that they were almost starved; many a time I have
+set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+3. QUALITY OF FOOD.
+</div>
+<p>
+Having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the
+slaves, it is important to know something of its <i>quality</i>, that we
+may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. For, if their
+provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their
+power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thomas Clay, Esq. of Georgia, from an address to the Georgia
+Presbytery, 1834, speaking of the quality of the corn given to the
+slaves, says,
+</p>
+<p>
+"There is <i>often a defect here</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist clergyman at Marlboro, Mass. and
+five years a resident of Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The food, or 'feed' of slaves is generally of the <i>poorest</i> kind."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Western Medical Reformer," in an article on the diseases peculiar
+to negroes, by a Kentucky physician, says of the diet of the slaves;
+</p>
+<p>
+"They live on a coarse, <i>crude, unwholesome diet</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Professor A.G. Smith, of the New York Medical College; formerly a
+physician in Louisville, Kentucky.
+</p>
+<p>
+I have myself known numerous instances of large families of <i>badly
+fed</i> negroes swept off by a prevailing epidemic; and it is well known
+to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of
+preventing that horrible malady, <i>Chachexia Africana</i>, is to feed the
+negroes with <i>nutritious</i> food.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+4. NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY.
+</div>
+<p>
+In determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the
+number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their
+meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into
+consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, and member of the
+Presbyterian church, who lived in Florida, in 1834, and 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves go to the field in the morning; they carry with them corn
+meal wet with water, and at <i>noon</i> build a fire on the ground and bake
+it in the ashes. After the labors of the day are over, they take their
+<i>second</i> meal of ash-cake."
+</p>
+<p>
+President Edwards, the younger.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves eat <i>twice</i> during the day."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves received <i>two</i> meals during the day. Those who have their
+food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and
+their other meal <i>after night</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., who spent eleven winters in
+North Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The <i>breakfast</i> of the slaves was generally about <i>ten or eleven</i>
+o'clock."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, N.Y., who has lived at the south some
+years.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves have usually <i>two</i> meals a day, viz: at eleven o'clock
+and at night."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, Quincy, Illinois&mdash;the testimony of a Virginian.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves have <i>two</i> meals a day. They breakfast at from ten to
+eleven, A.M., and eat their supper at from six to nine or ten at
+night, as the season and crops may be."
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding testimony establishes the following points.
+</p>
+<p>
+1st. That the slaves are allowed, in general, <i>no meat</i>. This appears
+from the fact, that in the <i>only</i> slave states which regulate the
+slaves' rations <i>by law</i>, (North Carolina and Louisiana,) the <i>legal
+ration</i> contains <i>no meat</i>. Besides, the late Hon. R.J. Turnbull, one
+of the largest planters in South Carolina, says expressly, "meat, when
+given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." It is shown also by
+the direct testimony recorded above, of slaveholders and others, in
+all parts of the slaveholding south and west, that the general
+allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. To this
+there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are <i>only</i> exceptions;
+the number of slaveholders who furnish meat for their <i>field-hands</i>,
+is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. The
+house slaves, that is, the cooks, chambermaids, waiters, &amp;c.,
+generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of
+their masters' tables. But that the great body of the slaves, those
+that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent
+exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as
+they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning,
+under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are
+<i>in general</i> provided with <i>no meat</i>, is abundantly established by the
+preceding testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+Now we do not say that meat <i>is necessary</i> to sustain men under hard
+and long continued labor, nor that it is <i>not</i>. This is not a treatise
+on dietetics; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in
+this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist
+that it is necessary; and that working men in all parts of the country
+do <i>believe</i> that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those
+who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows.
+Further, it is notorious, that the slaveholders themselves <i>believe</i>
+the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not
+merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by
+the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for
+convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in
+those rare cases where meat is expressly prohibited, and the convict
+is, by <i>way of extra punishment</i> confined to bread and water; he is
+occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water;
+that is, to the <i>ordinary diet</i> of slaves, with this difference in
+favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is
+forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when
+exhausted with toil.
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding testimony shows also, that <i>vegetables</i> form generally
+no part of the slaves' allowance. The <i>sole</i> food of the majority is
+<i>corn</i>: at every meal&mdash;from day to day&mdash;from week to week&mdash;from month
+to month, <i>corn</i>. In South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, the sweet
+potato is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a
+part of the year.
+</p>
+<p>
+2d. The preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the <i>quantity of
+food</i> generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn
+a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. The legal
+ration of North Carolina is <i>less</i>&mdash;in Louisiana it is <i>more</i>. Of the
+slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the fore-going testimony,
+the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance
+of corn than a peck for a week; though a number testify, that within
+the circle of their knowledge, <i>seven</i> quarts was the usual allowance.
+Frequently a small quantity of meat is added; but this, as has already
+been shown, is not the general rule for <i>field-hands</i>. We may add,
+also, that in the season of "pumpkins," "cimblins," "cabbages,"
+"greens," &amp;c., the slaves on small plantations are, to some extent,
+furnished with those articles.
+</p>
+<p>
+Now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is
+necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure,
+and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the
+insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that
+all civilized nations have, in all ages, and in the most emphatic
+manner, declared, that <i>eight quarts of corn a week</i>, (the usual
+allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human
+body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are
+subjected.
+</p>
+<p>
+To show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and
+present some statistics. And first, the northern reader must bear in
+mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost
+invariably the <i>white gourd seed</i> corn, and that a quart of this kind
+of corn weighs five or six ounces <i>less</i> than a quart of "flint corn,"
+the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states;
+consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would
+be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of
+the corn commonly raised in the New England States, New York, New
+Jersey, &amp;c. Now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who
+should allow his laborers but <i>six quarts and five gills of corn for a
+week's provisions?</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is
+often <i>defective</i>. This, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary
+testimony of Thomas Clay, Esq., the Georgia planter, whose testimony
+is given above. When this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment
+contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five,
+or four, or even three quarts of "flint corn."
+</p>
+<p>
+As a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a
+quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive,
+that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn,
+would contain about one third of a pound less nutriment than though
+his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would
+amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human
+sustenance! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a
+peck of corn a week for two months! It is unnecessary to add, that
+this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too
+important to be overlooked. As one quart of the southern corn weighs
+one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would
+be about one pound and six-eighths of a pound. We now solicit the
+attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the
+civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to
+sustain human beings under labor. This testimony is to be found in the
+laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers
+and sailors, disbursements made by governments for the support of
+citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in
+prisons, &amp;c. We will begin with the United States.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="FOOD_b"></a>
+The daily ration for each United States soldier, established by act of
+Congress, May 30, 1796. was the following: one pound of beef, one
+pound of bread, half a gill of spirits; and at the rate of one quart
+of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of
+candles to every hundred rations. To those soldiers "who were on the
+frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration
+was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread.
+Laws U.S. vol. 3d, sec. 10, p. 431.
+</p>
+<p>
+After an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found
+<i>insufficient</i>, it was increased, by act of Congress, July 16, 1798,
+and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two
+ounces; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and
+candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. The preceding
+allowance was afterwards still further increased.
+</p>
+<p>
+The <i>present daily ration</i> for the United States' soldiers, is, as we
+learn from an advertisement of Captain Fulton, of the United States'
+army, in a late number of the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, as follows: one
+and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixteenths pounds of
+bread; and at the rate of <i>eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of
+sugar</i>, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of
+candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating Ottawa
+Indians, two years since, and for the emigrating Cherokees last fall.
+They were the same&mdash;one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+The daily ration for the United States' navy, is fourteen ounces of
+bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice,
+three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an
+ounce of tea, one-third of a gill molasses.
+</p>
+<p>
+The daily ration in the British army is one and a quarter pounds of
+beef, one pound of bread, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+The daily ration in the French army is one pound of beef, one and a
+half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+The common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one
+pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread.
+</p>
+<p>
+The <i>sea ration</i> among the Portuguese, has become the usual ration in
+the navies of European powers generally. It is as follows: "one and a
+half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with
+some dried fish and onions."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="FOOD_c"></a>
+PRISON RATIONS.&mdash;Before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed
+to convicts, in the principal prisons in the United States, we will
+quote the testimony of the "American Prison Discipline Society," which
+is as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to
+ONE POUND OF MEAT, ONE POUND OF BREAD, AND ONE POUND OF VEGETABLES PER
+DAY. It varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally
+equivalent to it." First Report of American Prison Discipline Society,
+page 13.
+</p>
+<p>
+The daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in
+this country, is as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+In the New Hampshire State Prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal,
+and fourteen ounces of beef, for <i>breakfast and dinner;</i> and for
+supper, a soup or porridge of potatos and beans, or peas, the
+<i>quantity not limited</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat <i>as much as
+they wish</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatos, and one gill of
+molasses, or one pint of milk.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Connecticut State Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of
+bread, two and a half pounds of potatos, half a gill of molasses, with
+salt, pepper, and vinegar.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the New York State Prison, at Auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two
+ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of
+rye, four quarts of salt, two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces
+of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred
+rations.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the New York State Prison at Sing Sing, one pound of beef, eighteen
+ounces of flour and meal, besides potatos, rye coffee, and molasses.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the New York City Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of flour;
+and three pecks of potatos to every hundred rations, with other small
+articles.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the New Jersey State Prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of
+beef, with potatos and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of
+molasses, and a bowl of mush for supper.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the late Walnut Street Prison, Philadelphia, one and a half pounds
+of bread and meal, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatos, one gill
+of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the
+preceding.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Pennsylvania Eastern Penitentiary, one pound of bread and one
+pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatos
+without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Penitentiary for the District of Columbia, Washington city, one
+pound of beef, twelve ounces of Indian meal, ten ounces of wheat
+flour, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of
+salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatos to
+every hundred rations.
+</p>
+<p>
+RATIONS IN ENGLISH PRISONS.&mdash;The daily ration of food in the
+Bedfordshire Penitentiary, is <i>two pounds of bread;</i> and if at hard
+labor, <i>a quart of soup for dinner.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Cambridge County House of Correction, three pounds of bread,
+and one pint of beer.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Millbank General Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+one pound of potatos, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth
+therefrom.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Gloucestershire Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity
+not stated. Also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and
+one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Leicestershire House of Correction, two pounds of bread, and
+three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in
+addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of
+gruel.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Buxton House of Correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one
+and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths
+of a pound of potatos, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef.
+</p>
+<p>
+Notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the Buxton Prison is
+about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting
+physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work
+the tread-mill, it was <i>entirely sufficient</i>. This question was
+considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the
+Surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice; which resulted
+in "large additions" to the rations of those who worked on the
+tread-mill. See London Morning Chronicle, Jan. 13, 1830.
+</p>
+<p>
+To the preceding we add the <i>ration of the Roman slaves</i>. The monthly
+allowance of food to slaves in Rome was called "Dimensum." The
+"Dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which
+consisted of five <i>modii</i> a month to each slave. Ainsworth, in his
+Latin Dictionary estimates the <i>modius</i>, when used for the measurement
+of grain, at <i>a peck and a half</i> our measure, which would make the
+Roman slave's allowance <i>two quarts of grain a day</i>, just double the
+allowance provided for the slave by <i>law</i> in North Carolina, and <i>six</i>
+quarts more per week than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the
+slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of
+slaveholders themselves. But it must by no means be overlooked that
+this "dimensum," or <i>monthly</i> allowance, was far from being the sole
+allowance of food to Roman slaves. In <i>addition</i> to this, they had a
+stated <i>daily</i> allowance (<i>diarium</i>) besides a monthly allowance of
+<i>money</i>, amounting to about a cent a day.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="FOOD_d"></a>
+Now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare
+the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this
+and other countries; to convicts in this and other countries; to
+bodies of emigrants rationed at public expense; and finally, with the
+fixed allowance given to Roman slaves, and we find the states of this
+Union, the <i>slave</i> states as well as the free, the United States'
+government, the different European governments, the old Roman empire,
+in fine, we may add, the <i>world</i>, ancient and modern, uniting in the
+testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from daylight till dark
+with but 1-1/2 lbs. of <i>corn</i> per day, their sole sustenance, is to
+MURDER THEM BY PIECE-MEAL. The reader will perceive by examining the
+preceding statistics that the <i>average daily</i> ration throughout this
+country and Europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance <i>at least a
+pound a day</i>; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and
+convicts in the United States, and for solders and sailors in Europe
+is <i>meat</i>, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our
+slaves is corn, only. Further, the convicts in our prisons are
+sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early
+morning and evening, from cold, rain, &amp;c.; whereas, the great body of
+the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season, from daylight
+till dark; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than
+convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to
+prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of
+the day, while the convicts have theirs prepared for them. These, with
+other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon
+the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion,
+and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer
+than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less
+exhausting toils.
+</p>
+<p>
+That the slaveholders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to
+slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working
+men, is shown by the fact, that in all the slave states, we believe
+without exception, <i>white</i> convicts at hard labor, have a much
+<i>larger</i> allowance of food than the usual one of slaves; and generally
+more than <i>one third</i> of this daily allowance is meat. This conviction
+of slaveholders shows itself in various forms. When persons wish to
+hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of
+high wages held out to masters to hire out their slaves, the
+contractors pledge themselves that a certain amount of food shall be
+given the slaves, taking care to specify a <i>larger</i> amount than the
+usual allowance, and a part of it <i>meat</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following advertisement is an illustration. We copy it from the
+"Daily Georgian," Savannah, Dec. 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+NEGROES WANTED.
+</div>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+The Contractors upon the Brunswick and Alatamaha Canal are desirous to
+hire a number of prime Negro Men, from the 1st October next, for
+fifteen months, until the 1st January, 1810. They will pay at the rate
+of eighteen dollars per month for each prime hand.
+</p>
+<p>
+These negroes will be employed in the excavation of the Canal. They
+will be provided with <i>three and a half pounds of pork or bacon, and
+ten quarts of gourd seed corn per week</i>, lodged in comfortable
+shantees and attended constantly a skilful physician. J.H. COUPER,
+P.M. NIGHTINGALE.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+But we have direct testimony to this point. The late Hon. John Taylor,
+of Caroline Co. Virginia, for a long time Senator in Congress, and for
+many years president of the Agricultural Society of the State, says in
+his "Agricultural Essays," No. 30, page 97, "BREAD ALONE OUGHT NEVER
+TO BE CONSIDERED A SUFFICIENT DIET FOR SLAVES EXCEPT AS A PUNISHMENT."
+He urges upon the planters of Virginia to give their slaves, in
+addition to bread, "salt meat and vegetables," and adds, "we shall be
+ASTONISHED to discover upon trial, that this great comfort to them is
+a profit to the master."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Managers of the American Prison Discipline Society, in their third
+Report, page 58, say, "In the Penitentiaries generally, in the United
+States, the animal food is equal to one pound of meat per day for each
+convict."
+</p>
+<p>
+Most of the actual suffering from hunger on the part of the slaves, is
+in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported
+and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. Where this is
+the case there cannot but be suffering. The contingencies of bad
+crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &amp;c. &amp;c., naturally
+occasion short and often precarious allowances. The following extract
+from a New Orleans paper of April 26, 1837, affords an illustration.
+The writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in
+Mississippi, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"They, (the planters,) are now left without provisions and the means
+of living and using their industry, for the present year. In this
+dilemma, planters whose crops have been from 100 to 700 bales, find
+themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get
+the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the
+rest of their negroes. In many places, heavy planters compel their
+slaves to fish for the means of subsistence, rather than sell them at
+such ruinous rates. There are at this moment THOUSANDS OF SLAVES in
+Mississippi, that KNOW NOT WHERE THE NEXT MORSEL IS TO COME FROM. The
+master must be ruined to save the wretches from being STARVED."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="LABOR"></a>
+II. LABOR
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="LABOR_a"></a>
+THE SLAVES ARE OVERWORKED.
+</div>
+<p>
+This is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are
+obliged to be in the field. But before furnishing testimony as to
+their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express
+declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are severely
+driven in the field.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_b"></a>
+The Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South
+Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves,
+<i>do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not
+sufficient time for natural rest</i>.&mdash;See 2 Brevard's Digest of the Laws
+of South Carolina, 243."
+</p>
+<p>
+History of Carolina.&mdash;Vol. I, page 190.
+</p>
+<p>
+"So <i>laborious</i> is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice,
+that had it been possible to obtain European servants in sufficient
+numbers, <i>thousands and tens of thousands</i> MUST HAVE PERISHED."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slaveholder, and member of Congress from
+Virginia, in his speech on the "Missouri question," Jan. 28, 1820.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Is it not obvious that the way to render their situation <i>more
+comfortable</i>, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same
+motive to force the slave to INCESSANT TOIL that there is in the
+country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation.
+It is proposed to hem in the blacks <i>where they are</i> HARD WORKED,
+that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from
+increasing.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;The proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the
+blacks.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;You would&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;doom them to HARD LABOR."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Travels in Louisiana," translated from the French by John Davies,
+Esq.&mdash;Page 81.
+</p>
+<p>
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they <i>work both night and day</i>. Abridged of their sleep, they <i>scarce
+retire to rest during the whole period</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Western Review, No. 2,&mdash;article "Agriculture of Louisiana."
+</p>
+<p>
+"The work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring
+when the process is commenced to be <i>pushed night and day</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkesbarre, Penn.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Overworked</i> I know they (the slaves) are."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theological student, near Natchez, Miss., in 1834
+and 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Every body here knows <i>overdriving</i> to be one of the most common
+occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to
+northerners."
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"During the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field
+during the whole of the daylight, and then spend a good part of the
+night in ginning and baling. The labor required is very frequently
+excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull of South Carolina, a slaveholder, speaking of the
+harvesting of cotton, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>All the pregnant women</i> even, on the plantation, and weak and
+<i>sickly</i> negroes incapable of other labour, are then <i>in
+requisition</i>."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+</div>
+<p>
+Asa A. Stone, theological student, a classical teacher near Natchez,
+Miss., 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves be
+in the field as <i>soon as it is light enough for them to see to work</i>,
+and remain there until it is <i>so dark that they cannot see</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of  Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi
+a part of 1837 and 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work <i>fifteen
+hours in the day</i>, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number
+of pounds is required of each. If this amount is not brought in at
+night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added
+to the next day's job; this course is often repeated from day to day."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Penn, a native of Georgia. "It
+was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs <i>long before
+day</i>, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops;
+such work as could be done by fire light (pitch pine was abundant,)
+was provided."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia and son of a
+slaveholder&mdash;he has recently removed to Delhi, Hamilton County, Ohio.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>From dawn till dark</i>, the slaves are required to bend to their
+work."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., a resident in North Carolina
+eleven winters.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves are obliged to work <i>from daylight till dark</i>, as long as
+they can see."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Eleazar Powel, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who lived in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and be in the field by
+<i>daylight, and continue there till dark</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves commence labor <i>by daylight</i> in the morning, and do not
+leave the field <i>till dark</i> in the evening."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Travels in Louisiana," page 87.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Both in summer and winter the slave must <i>be in the field by the
+first dawning of day</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry E. Knapp, member of a Christian church in Farmington, Ohio,
+who lived in Mississippi in 1837 and 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves were made to work, from <i>as soon as they could see</i> in the
+morning, till as late as they could see at night. Sometimes they were
+made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could
+do, as burning cotton stalks, &amp;c."
+</p>
+<p>
+A New Orleans paper, dated March 23, 1826, says: "To judge from the
+activity reigning in the cotton presses of the suburbs of St. Mary,
+and the <i>late hours</i> during which their slaves work, the cotton trade
+was never more brisk."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church at
+Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the south western slaves states a
+number of years says, "the slaves are driven to the field in the
+morning <i>about four o'clock</i>, the general calculation is to get them
+at work by daylight; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten
+o'clock, this meal is sometimes eaten '<i>bite and work</i>,' others allow
+fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the
+field. I have never known a case of stopping for an hour, in
+Louisiana; in Mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject
+to the will of the master. On cotton plantations, in cotton picking
+time, that is from October to Christmas, each hand has a certain
+quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished;
+their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy."
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the
+actual labor of the slaves <i>in the field</i>. In order to determine how
+many hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account, the time
+spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of
+one, two and sometimes three miles; also the time necessary for
+pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, overnight, their food
+for the next day; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and
+preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have
+any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, &amp;c. Besides
+this, as everyone knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many
+little errands and <i>chores</i> are to be done for their masters and
+mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and
+been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night.
+To this we may add that the slaves are <i>social</i> beings, and that
+during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the
+overseer or driver.[<a name="rnote10-3"></a><a href="#note10-3">3</a>] When they return at night, their pent up social
+feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the body
+may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled.
+Sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong
+affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows; even
+"<i>tired</i> nature" will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to
+minister to a want of its being equally permanent and imperative as
+the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the
+higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-3"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-3">3</a>: We do not mean that they are not suffered to <i>speak</i>, but,
+that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are
+generally permitted to indulge in it but little.]
+</p>
+<p>
+All these things make drafts upon <i>time</i>. To show how much of the
+slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is
+necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at
+night, we subjoin a few testimonies.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CORNELIUS JOHNSON, Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi in
+the years 1837 and 38, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"On all the plantations where I was acquainted, the slaves were kept
+in the field till dark; after which, those who had to grind their own
+corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family
+affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water,
+washing, clothes, &amp;c. &amp;c., and be in the field as soon as it was
+sufficiently light to commence work in the morning."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who has spent several
+years in the south western slave states, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is
+their own; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient
+rest, but there are other things to be considered; much of their
+making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food,
+hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety
+of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours."
+</p>
+<p>
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq. of Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida in 1834
+and 5, gives the following testimony:
+</p>
+<p>
+"After having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine
+or ten o'clock in doing <i>chores</i>, such as grinding corn, (as all the
+corn in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of
+horses, mules, &amp;c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a
+large plantation. If any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder
+the 'niggers' from their work, but must be done in the night."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkes-barre, Pa. says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The corn is ground in a handmill by the slave <i>after his task is
+done</i>&mdash;generally there is but one mill on the plantation, and as but
+one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes <i>very late at
+night</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+We now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that the
+slaves engaged in raising the large staples, are <i>overworked</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_c"></a>
+In September, 1831, the writer of this had an interview with JAMES G.
+BIRNEY, Esq., who then resided in Kentucky, having removed with his
+family from Alabama the year before. A few hours before that
+interview, and on the morning of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a
+couple of hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence, near
+Lexington. Mr. Birney remarked, that Mr. Clay had just told him, he
+had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase
+of the slave population in the far south west&mdash;estimates which he had
+presented, I think, in a speech before the Colonization Society. He
+now believed, that the births among the slaves in that quarter were
+<i>not equal to the deaths</i>&mdash;and that, of course, the slave population,
+independent of immigration from the slave-selling states, was <i>not
+sustaining itself</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Among other facts stated by Mr. Clay, was the following, which we copy
+<i>verbatim</i> from the original memorandum, made at the time by Mr.
+Birney, with which he has kindly furnished us.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Sept. 16, 1834.&mdash;Hon. H. Clay, in a conversation at his own house, on
+the subject of slavery, informed me, that Hon. Outerbridge Horsey,
+formerly a senator in Congress from the state of Delaware, and the
+owner of a sugar plantation in Louisiana, declared to him, that his
+overseer worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought
+forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_d"></a>
+"Also, that a few years since, he was at a brick yard in the environs
+of New Orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; among them
+were from <i>twenty to thirty young women</i>, in the prime of life. He was
+told by the proprietor, that there had <i>not been a child born among
+them for the last two or three years, although they all had
+husbands</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding testimony of Mr. Clay, is strongly corroborated by
+advertisements of slaves, by Courts of Probate, and by executors
+administering upon the estates of deceased persons. Some of those
+advertisements for the sale of slaves, contain the names, ages,
+accustomed employment, &amp;c., of all the slaves upon the plantation of
+the deceased. These catalogues show large numbers of young men and
+women, almost all of them between twenty and thirty-eight years old;
+and yet the number of young children is <i>astonishingly small</i>. We have
+laid aside many lists of this kind, in looking over the newspapers of
+the slaveholding states; but the two following are all we can lay our
+hands on at present. One is in the "Planter's Intelligencer,"
+Alexandria, La., March 22, 1837, containing one hundred and thirty
+slaves; and the other in the New Orleans Bee, a few days later, April
+8, 1837, containing fifty-one slaves. The former is a "Probate sale"
+of the slaves belonging to the estate of Mr. Charles S. Lee, deceased,
+and is advertised by G.W. Keeton, Judge of the Parish of Concordia,
+La. The sex, name, and age of each slave are contained in the
+advertisement which fills two columns. The following are some of the
+particulars.
+</p>
+<p>
+The whole number of slaves is <i>one hundred and thirty</i>. Of these,
+<i>only three are over forty years old</i>. There are <i>thirty-five females</i>
+between the ages of <i>sixteen and thirty-three</i>, and yet there are only
+THIRTEEN children under the age of <i>thirteen years!</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+It is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any
+other supposition, than that these thirty-five females were so
+overworked, or underfed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing.
+</p>
+<p>
+The other advertisement is that of a "Probate sale," ordered by the
+Court of the Parish of Jefferson&mdash;including the slaves of Mr. William
+Gormley. The whole number of slaves is fifty-one; the sex, age, and
+accustomed labors of each are given. The oldest of these slaves is but
+<i>thirty-nine years old</i>: of the females, <i>thirteen</i> are between the
+ages of sixteen and thirty-two, and the oldest female is but
+<i>thirty-eight</i>&mdash;and yet there are but <i>two children under eight years
+old!</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are
+over-worked, is the fact, that so few of them live to old age. A large
+majority of them are <i>old</i> at middle age, and few live beyond
+fifty-five. In one of the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred
+and thirty slaves, only <i>three</i> are over forty years old!  In the
+other, out of fifty-one slaves, only <i>two</i> are over <i>thirty-five</i>; the
+oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way in which he is designated in
+the advertisement, is an additional proof, that what to others is
+"middle age," is to the slaves in the south-west "old age:" he is
+advertised as "<i>old</i> Jeffrey."
+</p>
+<p>
+But the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so
+over-worked that it cannot <i>supply its own waste</i>, does not rest upon
+mere inferential evidence. The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge,
+La., in its report, published in 1829, furnishes a labored estimate of
+the amount of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting "a
+well-regulated sugar estate."  In this estimate, the annual net loss
+of slaves, over and above the supply by propagation, is set down at
+TWO AND A HALF PER CENT!  The late Hon. Josiah S. Johnson, a member of
+Congress from Louisiana, addressed a letter to the Secretary of the
+United States' Treasury, in 1830, containing a similar estimate,
+apparently made with great care, and going into minute details. Many
+items in this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of
+the annual <i>decrease</i> of the slaves on a plantation was the same&mdash;TWO
+AND A HALF PER CENT!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_e"></a>
+The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, who resided
+some time in Virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such
+an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is
+not confined to the far south and south-west.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as
+singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without
+the use of the whip. I was anxious to see him, and trusted that some
+discovery had been made favorable to humanity. I asked him how he was
+able to dispense with corporal punishment. He replied to me, with a
+very determined look, 'The slaves know that the work <i>must</i> be done,
+and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.'  In
+other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed
+on them, that they never incurred it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, <i>decreased</i>
+in number. I asked the cause. He replied, with perfect frankness and
+ease, 'The gang is not large enough for the estate.'  In other words,
+they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and, yet were <i>made
+to do it</i>, though with the certainty of abridging life.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. There was an
+unusual air of neatness. A superficial observer would have called the
+slaves happy. Yet they were living under a severe, subduing
+discipline, and were <i>over-worked</i> to a degree that <i>shortened
+life</i>."&mdash;<i>Channing on Slavery</i>, page 162, first edition.
+</p>
+<p>
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who spent some time in
+Florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves:
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all
+day, to labor half the night. This is usually the case on sugar
+plantations, during the sugar-boiling season; and on cotton, during
+its gathering. Beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of
+the short staple, when the crop is good, 100 pounds a day to the hand,
+the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night.
+Said Mr. &mdash;&mdash; to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of
+slaves, 'I work my niggers in a hurrying time till 11 or 12 o'clock at
+night, and have them up by four in the morning.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"Beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large
+crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at
+the south. It is very common to <i>bet</i> on the issue of a crop. A.
+lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more
+cotton than B. The wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and
+who bears the burden of it?  How many tears, yea, how many broken
+constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this
+spirit?  From the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler
+pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into
+exercise, we might conjecture many. Such is the fact. In Middle
+Florida, a <i>broken-winded</i> negro is more common than a <i>broken-winded</i>
+horse; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their
+constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they
+are exported to New Orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days
+in the cane-field and sugar house. I would not insinuate that all
+planters gamble upon their crops; but I mention the practice as one of
+the common inducements to 'push niggers.' Neither would I assert that
+all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. I give it
+as a <i>general</i> rule in the district of Middle Florida, and I have no
+reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other
+fertile sections. People there told me that the situation of the
+slaves was far better than in Mississippi and Louisiana. And from
+comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for
+other reasons, I am convinced of the truth of their statements."
+</p>
+<p>
+DR. DEMMING, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in Ashland,
+Richland county, Ohio, stated to Professor Wright, of New York city,
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_f"></a>
+"That during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the Ohio
+river, on the steamboat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with
+a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company with a number of
+cotton-planters and slave-dealers, from Louisiana, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar planters
+upon the sugar coast in Louisiana had ascertained, that, as it was
+usually necessary to employ about <i>twice</i> the amount of labor during
+the boiling season, that was required during the season of raising,
+they could, by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling
+season, accomplish the whole labor <i>with one set of hands</i>. By
+pursuing this plan, they could afford <i>to sacrifice a set of hands
+once in seven years!</i> He further stated that this horrible system was
+now practised to a considerable extent! The correctness of this
+statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on
+board."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_g"></a>
+The late MR. SAMUEL BLACKWELL, a highly respected citizen of Jersey
+city, opposite the city of New York, and a member of the Presbyterian
+church, visited many of the sugar plantations in Louisiana a few years
+since: and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar
+refinery in England, and subsequently in this country, he had not only
+every facility afforded him by the planters, for personal inspection
+of all parts of the process of sugar-making, but received from them
+the most unreserved communications, as to their management of their
+slaves. Mr. B., after his return, frequently made the following
+statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance,&mdash;"That the planters
+generally declared to him, that they were <i>obliged</i> so to over-work
+their slaves during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten
+weeks,) as to use <i>them up</i> in seven or eight years. For, said they,
+after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation,
+night and day; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of
+slaves to do the <i>extra</i> work at the time of sugar-making, as we could
+not profitably employ them the rest of the year."
+</p>
+<p>
+It is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders
+generally throughout the far south and south west, that they believe
+it for their interest to wear out the slaves by excessive toil in
+eight or ten years after they put them into the field.[<a name="rnote10-4"></a><a href="#note10-4">4</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-4"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-4">4</a>: Alexander Jones. Esq., a large planter in West Feliciana,
+Louisiana, published a communication in the "North Carolina True
+American," Nov. 25, 1838, in which, speaking of the horses employed in
+the mills on the plantations for ginning cotton, he says, they "are
+much whipped and jaded;" and adds, "In fact, this service is so severe
+on horses, as to shorten their lives in many instances, if not
+actually kill them in gear."
+</p>
+<p>
+Those who work one kind of their "live stock" so as to "shorten their
+lives," or "kill them in gear" would not stick at doing the same thing
+to another kind.]
+</p>
+<p>
+REV. DOCTOR REED, of London, who went through Kentucky, Virginia and
+Maryland in the summer of 1834, gives the following testimony:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was told confidently and from <i>excellent authority</i>, that recently
+at a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously
+discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well
+fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of <i>at
+once</i>, and exhausted in some eight years. The decision was in favor of
+the last alternative. That decision will perhaps make many shudder.
+But to my mind this is not the chief evil. The greater and original
+evil is considering the <i>slave as property</i>. If he is only property
+and my property, then I have some right to ask how I may make that
+property most available."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Visit to the American Churches," by Rev. Drs. Reed and Mattheson.
+Vol. 2 p. 173.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="JOHN_CHOULES"></a>
+REV. JOHN O. CHOULES, recently pastor of a Baptist Church at New
+Bedford, Massachusetts, now of Buffalo, New York, made substantially
+the following statement in a speech in Boston.
+</p>
+<p>
+"While attending the Baptist Triennial Convention at Richmond,
+Virginia, in the spring of 1835, as a delegate from Massachusetts, I
+had a conversation on slavery, with an officer of the Baptist Church
+in that city, at whose house I was a guest. I asked my host if he did
+not apprehend that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate
+their masters.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Why," said the gentleman, "I used to apprehend such a catastrophe,
+but God has made a providential opening, a <i>merciful safety valve</i>,
+and now I do not feel alarmed in the <i>prospect</i> of what is coming.
+'What do you mean,' said Mr. Choules, 'by providence opening a merciful
+safety valve?' Why, said the gentleman, I will tell you; the slave
+traders come from the cotton and sugar plantations of the South and
+are willing to buy up more slaves than we can part with. We must keep
+a stock for the purpose of <i>rearing</i> slaves, but we part with the most
+valuable, and at the same time, the most <i>dangerous</i>, and the demand
+is very constant and likely to be so, for when they go to these
+southern states, the average existence Is ONLY FIVE YEARS!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, a highly intelligent French gentleman, who
+resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and published a volume of
+travels, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves there:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day, their
+labors have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon; and
+then, before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their
+corn; and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand,
+would arouse them from their slumbers. Thus, of more than twenty
+negroes, who in twenty years should have doubled, the number <i>was
+reduced to four or five</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LABOR_h"></a>
+In conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and
+emphatic manner declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity
+toward their slaves in exacting from them such <i>long continued daily
+labor</i>. The Legislatures of Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, have
+passed laws providing that convicts in their state prisons and
+penitentiaries, "shall be employed in work each day in the year except
+Sundays, not exceeding <i>eight</i> hours, in the months of November,
+December, and January; <i>nine</i> hours, in the months of February and
+October, and <i>ten</i> hours in the rest of the year." Now contrast this
+<i>legal</i> exaction of labor from CONVICTS with the exaction from slaves
+as established by the preceding testimony. The reader perceives that
+the amount of time, in which by the preceding laws of Maryland,
+Virginia, and Georgia, the <i>convicts</i> in their prisons are required to
+labor, is on an average during the year but little more than NINE
+HOURS daily. Whereas, the laws of South Carolina permit the master to
+<i>compel</i> his slaves to work FIFTEEN HOURS in the twenty-four, in
+summer, and FOURTEEN in the winter&mdash;which would be in winter, from
+daybreak in the morning until <i>four hours</i> after sunset!&mdash;See 2
+Brevard's Digest, 243.
+</p>
+<p>
+The other slave states, except Louisiana, have <i>no laws</i> respecting
+the labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves
+day and night without sleep till they drop dead, <i>he violates no law!</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+The law of Louisiana provides for the slaves but TWO AND A HALF HOURS
+in the twenty-four for "rest!" See law of Louisiana, act of July 7
+1806, Martin's Digest 6. 10&mdash;12.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="CLOTH"></a>
+III. CLOTHING.
+</div>
+<p>
+We propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by
+day, and their covering by night, are inadequate, either for comfort
+or decency.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_a"></a>
+Hon. T.T. Bouldin, a slave-holder, and member of Congress from Virginia
+in a speech in Congress, Feb. 16, 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Bouldin said "<i>he knew</i> that many negroes had <i>died</i> from exposure
+to weather," and added, "they are clad in a <i>flimsy fabric, that will
+turn neither wind nor water</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+George Buchanan, M.D., of Baltimore, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves, <i>naked</i> and starved, <i>often</i> fall victims to the
+inclemencies of the weather."
+</p>
+<p>
+Wm. Savery of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the Society of
+Friends, who went through the Southern states in 1791, on a religious
+visit; after leaving Savannah, Ga., we find the following entry in his
+journal, 6th, month, 28, 1791.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We rode through many rice swamps, where the blacks were very
+numerous, great droves of these poor slaves, working up to the middle
+in water, men and women nearly <i>naked</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In every slave-holding state, <i>many slaves suffer extremely</i>, both
+while they labor and while they sleep, <i>for want of clothing</i> to keep
+them warm."
+</p>
+<p>
+John Parrish, late of Philadelphia, a highly esteemed minister in the
+Society of Friends, who travelled through the South in 1804.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in travelling through
+some of those states, to see those poor objects, [slaves,] especially
+in the inclement season, in <i>rags</i>, and <i>trembling with the cold</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+"They suffer them, both male and female, <i>to go without clothing</i> at
+the age of ten and twelve years"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, Allegany, Co., N.Y. Mr. S. has just
+returned from a residence of several years at the south, chiefly in
+Virginia, Louisiana, and among the American settlers in Texas.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The apparel of the slaves, is of the coarsest sort and <i>exceedingly
+deficient</i> in quantity. I have been on many plantations where
+children of eight and ten yeas old, were in a state of <i>perfect
+nudity</i>. Slaves are <i>in general wretchedly clad</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Wm. Ladd, Esq., of Minot, Maine, recently a slaveholder in Florida.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. one pair of
+trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh for summer; and for
+winter, one pair of trowsers, and a jacket of negro cloth, with a
+baize shirt and a pair of shoes. Some allowed hats, and some did not;
+and they were generally, I believe, allowed one blanket in two years.
+Garments of similar materials were allowed the women."
+</p>
+<p>
+A Kentucky physician, writing in the Western Medical Reformer, in
+1836, on the diseases peculiar to slaves, says.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They are <i>imperfectly clothed</i> both summer and winter."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, Inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, N.Y., who
+resided sometime in Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was at Huntsville, Alabama, in 1818-19, I frequently saw slaves on
+and around the public square, <i>with hardly a rag of clothing on them</i>,
+and in a <i>great many</i> instances with but a single garment both in
+summer and in winter; generally the only bedding of the slaves was a
+<i>blanket</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Reuben G. Macy, Hudson, N.Y. member of the Society of Friends, who
+resided in South Carolina, in 1818 and 19.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of
+'negro cloth.' The women a petticoat, a very short 'short-gown,' and
+<i>nothing else</i>, the same kind of cloth; some of the women had an old
+pair of shoes, but they <i>generally went barefoot</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of Lancaster, Pa., a native of Maryland, and
+formerly a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their clothing is often made by themselves after night, though
+sometimes assisted by the old women, who are no longer able to do
+out-door work; consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. And I have
+very frequently seen those who had not attained the age of twelve
+years <i>go naked</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 35.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is very common to see the younger class of slaves up to eight or
+ten <i>without any clothing</i>, and most generally the laboring men wear
+<i>no shirts</i> in the warm season. The perfect nudity of the younger
+slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that they seem to
+witness it with perfect indifference. I may add that the aged and
+feeble often <i>suffer from cold</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Richard Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+has lived in Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"For <i>bedding</i> each slave was allowed <i>one blanket</i>, in which they
+rolled themselves up. I examined their houses, but could not find any
+thing like <i>a bed</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no other
+covering than a <i>few filthy rags fastened above the hips</i>, reaching
+midway to the ankles. <i>I never knew any kind of covering for the head</i>
+given. Children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years are seen in
+companies on the plantations, <i>in a state of perfect nudity</i>. This was
+so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, now a member of the
+Presbyterian Church, in Delhi, Ohio.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The only bedding of the slaves generally consists of <i>two old
+blankets</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_b"></a>
+Advertisements like the following from the "New Orleans Bee," May 31,
+1837, are common in the southern papers.
+</p>
+<p>
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway, the slave SOLOMON, about 28 years of
+age; BADLY CLOTHED. The above reward will be paid on application to
+FERNANDEZ &amp; WHITING, No. 20, St. Louis St."
+</p>
+<p>
+RANAWAY from the subscriber the negress FANNY, always badly dressed,
+she is about 25 or 26 years old. JOHN MACOIN, 117 S. Ann st.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Darien (Ga.), Telegraph, of Jan. 24, 1837, in an editorial
+article, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally
+lets out some secrets, about the usual <i>clothing</i> of the slaves. The
+editor says,&mdash;"The planter looks down, with the most sovereign
+contempt, on the merchant and the storekeeper. He deems himself a
+lord, because he gets his two or three RAGGED servants, to row him to
+his plantation every day, that he may inspect the labor of his hands."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_c"></a>
+The following is an extract from a letter lately received from Rev.
+C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the <i>name</i>.
+An individual in whom I have great confidence, gave me the following
+facts. That I am not alone in placing confidence in him, I subjoin a
+testimonial from Dr. Richard Eells, Deacon of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, and Rev. Mr. Fisher, Baptist Minister of Quincy.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated to you
+some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native
+state; he is a professed follower of our Lord, and we have great
+confidence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict
+Christian principle. RICHARD EELLS. EZRA FISHER."
+</p>
+<p>
+Quincy, Jan. 9th, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY.&mdash;"I lived for thirty years in Virginia, and have travelled
+extensively through Fauquier, Culpepper, Jefferson, Stafford,
+Albemarle and Charlotte Counties; my remarks apply to these Counties.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The negro houses are miserably poor, generally they are a shelter
+from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the
+floor. There are exceptions to this rule, but they are only
+exceptions; you may sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost
+never a plank floor. The slaves are generally without <i>beds or
+bedsteads</i>; some few have cribs that they fasten up for themselves in
+the corner of the hut. Their bed-clothes are a nest of rags thrown
+upon a crib, or in the corner; sometimes there are three or four
+families in one small cabin. Where the slaveholders have more than one
+family, they put them in the same quarter till it is filled, then
+build another. I have seen exceptions to this, when only one family
+would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfortable bed-clothes.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Most of the slaves in these counties are <i>miserably clad</i>. I have
+known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot.
+The feet of many of them are frozen. As a general fact the planters do
+not serve out to their slaves, drawers, or any under clothing, or
+vests, or overcoats. Slaves sometimes, by working at night and on
+Sundays, get better things than their masters serve to them.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_d"></a>
+"Whilst these things are true of <i>field-hands</i>, it is also true that
+many slaveholders clothe their <i>waiters</i> and coachmen like gentlemen.
+I do not think there is any difference between the slaves of
+professing Christians and others; at all events, it is so small as to
+be scarcely noticeable.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_e"></a>
+"I have seen men and women at work in the field more than half naked:
+and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, they
+would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of a
+skirt to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church in
+Quincy, Illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years
+navigating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel
+boats, as a trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing
+and lodging of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In lower Tennessee, Mississippi and Louisiana, the clothing of the
+slaves is wretchedly poor; and grows worse as you go south, in the
+order of the states I have named. The only material is cotton bagging,
+i.e. bagging in which cotton is <i>baled</i>, not bagging made of cotton.
+In Louisiana, especially in the lower country, I have frequently seen
+them with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their
+nakedness. In winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of
+comfort, and frequently not even of decent covering. In Louisiana <i>the
+planters never think of serving out shoes to slaves</i>. In Mississippi
+they give one pair a year generally. I never saw or heard of an
+instance of masters allowing them <i>stockings</i>. A <i>small poor blanket
+is generally the only bed-clothing</i>, and this they frequently wear in
+the field when they have not sufficient clothing to hide their
+nakedness or to keep them warm. Their manner of sleeping varies with
+the season. In hot weather they stretch themselves anywhere and sleep.
+As it becomes cool they roll themselves in their blankets, and lay
+scattered about the cabin. In cold weather they nestle together with
+their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. As a general fact the
+earth is their only floor and bed&mdash;not one in ten have anything like a
+bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by themselves."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder in the fourth Congregational Church,
+Rochester, N.Y., who spent four years in Virginia, says, "The slave
+children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten
+years, and I think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of
+<i>disgusting</i> nudity. I have often seen them with their tow shirt
+(their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human
+appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on,
+worn off from the bottom upwards shred by shred, until nothing
+remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the
+less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms,
+leaving the principal part of the chest, as well as the limbs,
+entirely uncovered."
+</p>
+<p>
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton Co., Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark Co., Ohio, says,
+"I knew a Methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. The
+children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age,
+were <i>entirely</i> destitute of clothing. I have seen an old man
+compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his
+nakedness."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church, in
+Buffalo, N.Y., in describing a tour down and up the Mississippi river
+in the winter of 1832-3, says, "At the wood yards where the boats
+stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying
+wood. Their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any
+reference to comfort. They had no covering for their heads; the stuff
+which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in
+which brown domestic goods are done up. It was then December, and I
+thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without
+<i>stockings</i>, they must suffer from the cold."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Benjamin Clendenon, Colerain, Lancaster Co., Pa., a member of the
+Society of Friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through
+the northern part of Maryland in the winter of 1836, thus speaks of a
+place a few miles from Chestertown. "About this place there were a
+number of slaves; very few, if any, had <i>either stockings or shoes</i>;
+the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow."
+</p>
+<p>
+The late Major Stoddard of the United States' artillery, who took
+possession of Louisiana for the U.S. government, under the cession of
+1804, published a book entitled "Sketches of Louisiana," in which,
+speaking of the planters of Lower Louisiana, he says, "<i>Few of them
+allow any clothing to their slaves</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLOTH_f"></a>
+The following is an extract from the Will of the late celebrated John
+Randolph of Virginia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"To my old and faithful servants, Essex and his wife Hetty, I give and
+bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes and a blanket each,
+to be paid them annually; also an annual hat to Essex."
+</p>
+<p>
+No Virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a "kind master,"
+and "good provider" for his slaves, than John Randolph. Essex and
+Hetty were <i>favorite</i> servants, and the memory of the long
+uncompensated services of those "old and faithful servants," seems to
+have touched their master's heart. Now as this master was <i>John
+Randolph</i>, and as those servants were "faithful," and favorite
+servants, advanced in years, and worn out in his service, and as their
+allowance was, in their master's eyes, of sufficient moment to
+constitute a paragraph in his last <i>will and testament</i>, it is fair to
+infer that it would be <i>very liberal</i>, far better than the ordinary
+allowance for slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Now we leave the reader to judge what must be the <i>usual</i> allowance of
+clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, when
+Essex and Hetty, the "old" and "faithful" slaves of John Randolph,
+were provided, in his last will and testament, with but <i>one</i> suit of
+clothes annually, with but <i>one blanket</i> each for bedding, with no
+<i>stockings</i>, nor <i>socks</i>, nor <i>cloaks</i>, nor overcoats, nor
+<i>handkerchiefs</i>, nor <i>towels</i>, and with no <i>change</i> either of under or
+outside garments!
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_4"></a>
+	IV. DWELLINGS.
+</h2>
+
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_4b"></a>
+THE SLAVES ARE WRETCHEDLY SHELTERED AND LODGED.
+</div>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_4a"></a>
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby. Inspector of provisions, Skaneateles, N.Y. who
+has lived in Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but <i>one</i>
+apartment, and that <i>without floor</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="GEORGE_AVERY"></a>
+Mr. George A. Avery, elder of the 4th Presbyterian Church, Rochester,
+N.Y. who lived four years in Virginia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Amongst all the negro cabins which I saw in Va., <i>I cannot call to
+mind one</i> in which there was any other floor than the <i>earth</i>; any
+thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would
+call a <i>bed</i>, nor a solitary <i>partition</i>, to separate the sexes."
+</p>
+<p>
+William Ladd, Esq., Minot, Maine. President of the American Peace
+Society, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves
+of stakes and poles, thatched with the palmetto leaf. The door, when
+they had any, was generally of the same materials, sometimes boards
+found on the beach. They had <i>no floors</i>, no separate apartments,
+except the guinea negroes had sometimes a small inclosure for their
+'god house.' These huts the slaves built themselves after task and on
+Sundays."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Pastor Pres. Church, Castile, Greene Co., N.Y.,
+who lived in Missouri five years previous to 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves live <i>generally</i> in <i>miserable huts</i>, which are <i>without
+floors</i>, and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are herded
+promiscuously together."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational Church in Quincy,
+Illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave states.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On old plantations, the negro quarters are of frame and clapboards,
+seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or rain; their size
+varies from 8 by 10, to 10 by 12, feet, and six or eight feet high;
+sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, but I never saw a sash, or
+glass in any. In the new country, and in the woods, the quarters are
+generally built of logs, of similar dimensions."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a member of a Christian Church in Farmington,
+Ohio. Mr. J. lived in Mississippi in 1837-8.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their houses were commonly built of logs, sometimes they were framed,
+often they had no floor, some of them have two apartments, commonly
+but one; each of those apartments contained a family. Sometimes these
+families consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other
+instances persons of both sexes, were thrown together without any
+regard to family relationship."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Western Medical Reformer, in an article on the Cachexia Africana
+by a Kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They are <i>crowded</i> together in a <i>small hut</i>, and sometimes having an
+imperfect, and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from the ground,
+ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, but has resided most of
+his life in Madison, Co. Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from 10 to 12 feet square,
+often without windows, doors, or floors, they have neither chairs,
+table, or bedstead."
+</p>
+<p>
+Reuben L. Macy of Hudson, N.Y. a member of the Religious Society of
+Friends. He lived in South Carolina in 1818-19.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The houses for the field slaves were about 14 feet square, built in
+the coarsest manner, with one room, <i>without any chimney or flooring,
+with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington of Lancaster, Pa. a native of Maryland, formerly
+a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The descriptions generally given of negro quarters, are correct; the
+quarters are <i>without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the
+inclemency of the weather</i>; they are uncomfortable both in summer and
+winter."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. John Rankin, a native of Tennessee.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not
+there the means of comfortable rest; <i>but on the cold ground they must
+lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq. Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The dwellings of the slaves are usually small <i>open</i> log huts, with
+but one apartment, and very generally <i>without floors</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. W.C. Gildersleeve, Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their huts were generally put up without a nail, frequently without
+floors, and with a single apartment."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull, of South Carolina, a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves live in <i>clay cabins</i>."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="SICK"></a>
+V. TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUMAN NEGLECT WHEN SICK
+</div>
+<p>
+In proof of this we subjoin the following testimony:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="REV_CHANNING"></a>
+Rev. Dr. CHANNING of Boston, who once resided in Virginia, relates the
+following fact in his work on slavery, page 163, 1st edition.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the
+plantation of a gentleman <i>highly esteemed for his virtues</i>, and whose
+manners and conversation expressed much <i>benevolence and
+conscientiousness</i>. When I entered with him the hospital, the first
+object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably
+approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her head rested on
+something like a pillow; but <i>her body and limbs were extended on the
+hard boards.</i> The owner, I doubt not, had at least as much kindness
+as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common
+comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not
+enter his mind."
+</p>
+<p>
+This <i>dying</i> young woman "was <i>stretched on the floor</i>"&mdash;"her body and
+limbs extended upon the hard boards,"&mdash;and yet her master "was highly
+esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon Dr.
+Channing the impression of "benevolence and conscientiousness" If the
+<i>sick and dying female</i> slaves of <i>such</i> a master, suffer such
+barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of
+that inhumanity, exercised by the <i>majority</i> of slaveholders, towards
+their aged, sick, and dying victims.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following testimony is furnished by SARAH M. GRIMKÉ, a sister of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké, of Charleston, South Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When the Ladies' Benevolent Society in Charleston, S.C., of which I
+was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were
+applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons;
+one case I particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully
+burnt from having fallen into the fire; she was living with some free
+blacks who had taken her in out of compassion. On inquiry, we found
+that <i>nearly all</i> the colored persons who had solicited aid, were
+<i>slaves</i>, who being no longer able to work for their "owners," were
+thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have
+perished, but for the kindness of their friends.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar
+circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. I knew that she had
+been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female
+slaves are. I knew also that her mistress, though a professor of
+religion, had never taught her a single precept of Christianity, yet
+that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them,
+and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease,
+occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel
+treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness
+and care. Her heart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins,
+and she was inquiring, "What shall I do to be saved?" I was sitting by
+her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to
+establish her trembling spirit in the fullness of Jesus, when I heard
+the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached
+the door. I read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the
+terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. I knew
+my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid hoping that it might
+restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. In this,
+however, I was mistaken; she passed me without apparently observing
+that I was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick
+slave. She made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger
+commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past
+misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal
+destruction awaited her. No word of kindness escaped her. What had
+then roused her temper I do not know. She continued in this strain
+several minutes, when I attempted to soften her by remarking, that
+&mdash;&mdash; was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that I
+believed Jesus had granted her forgiveness. But I might as well have
+tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated
+passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. She looked at me
+with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse
+and reproach. Her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until
+nature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild shriek, and
+casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, "Oh,
+mistress, I am dying." This appeal arrested her attention, and she soon
+left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. The
+girl survived but a few days, and, I believe, saw her mistress <i>no
+more</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y., who lived some years in Virginia, gives the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in <i>chronic</i>
+cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. My opportunities for
+observation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any
+other, as the friend under whose direction I commenced my medical
+studies, enjoyed a high reputation as a <i>surgeon</i>. I rode considerably
+with him in his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and
+dressings from time to time. In confirmed cases of disease, it was
+common for the master to place the subject under the care of a
+physician or surgeon, at whose expense the patient should be kept, and
+if death ensued to the patient, or the disease was not cured, no
+compensation was to be made, but if cured a bonus of one, two, or
+three hundred dollars was to be given. No provision was made against
+the <i>barbarity</i> or <i>neglect</i> of the physician, &amp;c. I have seen
+<i>fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers</i> crowded together in
+the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the "brutes that
+perish," and driven from time to time <i>like</i> brutes into a common
+yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and experiment,
+which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might
+prompt,&mdash;unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of
+common humanity."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder, of
+Huntsville, Alabama, says in a letter now before us:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Colonel Robert H. Watkins, of Laurence county, Alabama, who owned
+about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for
+some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was
+cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. This
+Colonel Watkins was a Presidential elector in 1836."
+</p>
+<p>
+A.A. GUTHRIE, Esq., elder in the Presbyterian church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in
+attempting to visit a sick woman on Washington's Bottom, Wood county,
+Virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a group of
+colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of Francis Keen,
+Sen., they were told to ask 'aunty, in the house.'  On entering the
+hut, says my informant, I beheld such a sight as I hope never to see
+again; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said Keen&mdash;her
+whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow
+cloth, and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight
+around her person. In the hut there was neither table, chair, nor
+chest&mdash;a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its
+furniture. On this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of
+what had been bedding&mdash;all exceedingly filthy.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The woman thus situated <i>had been for more than a day in travail</i>,
+without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper
+provision&mdash;during the night she said some fellow slave woman would stay with her,
+and the aforesaid children through the day. From a woman, who was a
+slave of Keen's at the same time, my informant learned, that this poor
+woman suffered for three days, and then died&mdash;when too late to save
+her life her master sent assistance. It was understood to be a rule
+of his, to neglect his women entirely in such times of trial, unless
+they previously came and informed him, and asked for aid."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, N.Y, who has resided four years
+at the south, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed toil is exacted from
+them. Physicians are rarely called for their benefit."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who resided a number of years in Georgia, says:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the <i>aged</i> and
+<i>sick</i>. Many when sick, are suspected by their masters of <i>feigning</i>
+sickness, and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got
+fast hold of them; when the masters learn, that they are really sick,
+they are in many instances left alone in their cabins during work
+hours; not a few of the slaves are left to die without having one
+friend to wipe off the sweat of death. When the slaves are sick, the
+masters do not, as a general thing, employ physicians, but "doctor"
+them themselves, and their mode of practice in almost all cases is to
+bleed and give salts. When women are confined they have no physician,
+but are committed to the care of slave midwives. Slaves complain very
+little when sick, when they die they are frequently buried at night
+without much ceremony, and in many instances without any; their
+coffins are made by nailing together rough boards, frequently with
+their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes they are put into
+the ground without a coffin or box of any kind."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<h2>
+<a name="NAR2"></a>
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES&mdash;PART II.
+</h2>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="WILL_A"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, LATE OF ALABAMA.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. ALLAN is a son of the Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder and pastor of
+the Presbyterian Church at Huntsville, Alabama. He has recently
+become the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Chatham, Illinois.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was born and have lived most of my life in the slave states, mainly
+in the village of Huntsville, Alabama, where my parents still reside.
+I seldom went to a <i>plantation</i>, and as my visits were confined almost
+exclusively to the families of professing Christians, my <i>personal</i>
+knowledge of slavery, was consequently a knowledge of its <i>fairest</i>
+side, (if fairest may be predicated of foul.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"There was one plantation just opposite my father's house in the
+suburbs of Huntsville, belonging to Judge Smith, formerly a Senator in
+Congress from South Carolina, now of Huntsville. The name of his
+overseer was Tune. I have often seen him flogging the slaves in the
+field, and have often heard their cries. Sometimes, too, I have met
+them with the tears streaming down their faces, and the marks of the
+whip, ('whelks,') on their bare necks and shoulders. Tune was so
+severe in his treatment, that his employer dismissed him after two or
+three years, lest, it was said, he should kill off all the slaves. But
+he was immediately employed by another planter in the neighborhood.
+The following fact was stated to me by my brother, James M. Allan, now
+residing at Richmond, Henry county, Illinois, and clerk of the circuit
+<a name="WILL_A_a"></a>
+and county courts. Tune became displeased with one of the women who
+was pregnant, he made her lay down over a log, with her face towards
+the ground, and beat her so unmercifully, that she was soon after
+delivered of a <i>dead child</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My brother also stated to me the following, which occurred near my
+father's house, and within sight and hearing of the academy and public
+garden. Charles, a fine active negro, who belonged to a bricklayer in
+Huntsville, exchanged the burning sun of the brickyard to enjoy for a
+season the pleasant shade of an adjacent mountain. When his master got
+him back, he tied him by his hands so that his feet could just touch
+the ground&mdash;stripped off his clothes, took a paddle, bored full of
+holes, and paddled him leisurely all day long. It was two weeks before
+they could tell whether he would live or die. Neither of these cases
+attracted any particular notice in Huntsville.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_b"></a>
+"While I lived in Huntsville a slave was killed in the mountain near
+by. The circumstances were these. A white man (James Helton) hunting
+in the woods, suddenly came upon a black man, and commanded him to
+stop, the slave kept on running, Helton fired his rifle and the negro
+was killed.[<a name="rnote10-5"></a><a href="#note10-5">5</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-5"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-5">5</a>: This murder was committed about twelve years since. At
+that time, James G. Birney, Esq., now Corresponding Secretary of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society was the Solicitor (prosecuting attorney)
+for that judicial district. His views and feelings upon the subject of
+slavery were, even at that period, in advance of the mass of
+slaveholders, and he determined if possible to bring the murderer to
+justice. He accordingly drew up an indictment and procured the finding
+of a true bill against Helton. Helton, meanwhile, moved over the line
+into the state of Tennessee, and such was the apathy of the community,
+individual effort proved unavailing; and though the murderer had gone
+no further than to an adjoining county (where perhaps he still
+resides) he was never brought to trial.&mdash;ED.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_c"></a>
+"Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr of Carrollton, Illinois, formerly
+from Courtland, Alabama, told me last spring, that she has very often
+stopped her ears that she might not hear the screams of slaves who
+were under the lash, and that sometimes she has left her house, and
+retired to a place more distant, in order to get away from their
+agonizing cries.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have often seen groups of slaves on the public squares in
+Huntsville, who were to be sold at auction, and I have often seen
+their tears gush forth and their countenances distorted with anguish.
+A considerable number were generally sold publicly every month.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The following facts I have just taken down from the lips of Mr. L.
+Turner, a regular and respectable member of the Second Presbyterian
+Church in Springfield, our county town. He was born and brought up in
+Caroline county, Virginia. He says that the slaves are neither
+considered nor treated as human beings. One of his neighbors whose
+name was Barr, he says, on one occasion stripped a slave and lacerated
+his back with a handcard (for cotton or wool) and then washed it with
+salt and water, with pepper in it. Mr. Turner <i>saw</i> this. He further
+remarked that he believed there were <i>many</i> slaves there in advanced
+life whose backs had never been well since they began to work.
+</p>
+<p>
+"He stated that one of his uncles had killed a woman&mdash;broke her skull
+with an ax helve: she had insulted her mistress! No notice was taken
+of the affair. Mr. T. said, further, that slaves were <i>frequently
+murdered</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"He mentioned the case of one slaveholder, whom he had seen lay his
+slaves on a large log, which he kept for the purpose, strip them, tie
+them with the face downward, then have a kettle of hot water
+brought&mdash;take the paddle, made of hard wood, and perforated with
+holes, dip it into the hot water and strike&mdash;before every blow dipping
+it into the water&mdash;every hole at every blow would raise a 'whelk.'
+This was the usual punishment fur <i>running away</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another slaveholder had a slave who had often run away, and often
+been severely whipped. After one of his floggings he burnt his master's
+barn: this so enraged the man, that when he caught him he took a pair
+of pincers and pulled his toe nails out. The negro then murdered two
+of his master's children. He was taken after a desperate pursuit,
+(having been shot through the shoulder) and hung.
+</p>
+<p>
+"One of Mr. Turner's cousins, was employed as overseer on a large
+plantation in Mississippi. On a certain morning he called the slaves
+together, to give some orders. While doing it, a slave came running
+out of his cabin, having a knife in his hand and eating his breakfast.
+The overseer seeing him coming with the knife, was somewhat alarmed,
+and instantly raised his gun and shot him dead. He said afterwards,
+that he believed the slave was perfectly innocent of any evil
+intentions, he came out hastily to hear the orders whilst eating. <i>No</i>
+notice was taken of the killing.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_d"></a>
+"Mr. T. related the whipping habits of one of his uncles in Virginia.
+He was a wealthy man, had a splendid house and grounds. A tree in his
+<i>front yard</i>, was used as a <i>whipping post</i>. When a slave was to be
+punished, he would frequently invite some of his friends, have a
+table, cards and wine set out under the shade; he would then flog his
+slave a little while, and then play cards and drink with his friends,
+occasionally taunting the slave, giving him the privilege of
+confessing such and such things, at his leisure, after a while flog
+him again, thus keeping it up for hours or half the day, and sometimes
+all day. This was his <i>habit</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>February 4th.</i>&mdash;Since writing the preceding, I have been to
+Carrollton, on a visit to my uncle, Rev. Hugh Barr, who was originally
+from Tennessee, lived 12 or 14 years in Courtland, Lawrence county,
+Alabama, and moved to Illinois in 1835. In conversation with the
+family, around the fireside, they stated a multitude of horrid facts,
+that were perfectly notorious in the neighborhood of Courtland.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_e"></a>
+"William P. Barr, an intelligent young man, and member of his father's
+church in Carrollton, stated the following. Visiting at a Mr.
+Mosely's, near Courtland, William Mosely came in with a bloody knife
+in his hand, having just stabbed a negro man. The negro was sitting
+quietly in a house in the village, keeping a woman company who had
+been left in charge of the house,&mdash;when Mosely, passing along, went in
+and demanded his business there. Probably his answer was not as civil
+as slaveholding requires, Mosely rushed upon him and stabbed him. The
+wound laid him up for a season. Mosley was called to no account for
+it. When he came in with the bloody knife, he said he wished he had
+killed him.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_f"></a>
+"John Brown, a slaveholder, and a member of the Presbyterian church in
+Courtland, Alabama, stated the following a few weeks since, in
+Carrollton. A man near Courtland, of the name of Thompson, recently
+shot a negro <i>woman</i> through the head; and put the pistol so close
+that her hair was singed. He did it in consequence of some difficulty
+in his dealings with her as a concubine. He buried her in a log heap;
+she was discovered by the buzzards gathering around it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"William P. Barr stated the following, as facts well known in the
+neighborhood of Courtland, but not witnessed by himself. Two men, by
+the name of Wilson, found a fine looking negro man at 'Dandridge's
+Quarter,' without a pass; and flogged him so that he died in a short
+time. They were not punished.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Col. Blocker's overseer attempted to flog a negro&mdash;he refused to be
+flogged; whereupon the overseer seized an axe, and cleft his skull.
+The Colonel justified it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"One Jones whipped a woman to death for 'grabbling' a potato hill. He
+owned 80 or 100 negroes. His own children could not live with him.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_g"></a>
+"A man in the neighborhood of Courtland, Alabama, by the name of
+Puryear, was so proverbially cruel that among the negroes he was
+usually called 'the Devil.' Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr, was at
+Puryear's house, and saw a negro girl about 13 years old, waiting
+around the table, with a single garment&mdash;and that in cold weather;
+arms and feet bare&mdash;feet wretchedly swollen&mdash;arms burnt, and full of
+sores from exposure. All the negroes under his care made a wretched
+appearance.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Col. Robert H. Watkins had a runaway slave, who was called Jim
+Dragon. Before he was caught the last time, he had been out a year,
+within a few miles of his master's plantation. He never stole from any
+one but his master, except when necessity compelled him. He said he
+had a right to take from his master; and when taken, that he had,
+whilst out, seen his master a hundred times. Having been whipped,
+clogged with irons, and yoked, he was set at work in the field. Col.
+Watkins worked about 300 hands&mdash;generally had one negro out hunting
+runaways. After employing a physician for some time among his negroes,
+he ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to
+lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. He was a
+Presidential elector in 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_h"></a>
+"Col. Ben Sherrod, another large planter in that neighborhood, is
+remarkable for his kindness to his slaves. He said to Rev. Mr. Barr,
+that he had no doubt he should be rewarded in heaven for his kindness
+to his slaves; and yet his overseer, Walker, had to sleep with loaded
+<a name="WILL_A_i"></a>
+pistols, for fear of assassination. Three of the slaves attempted to
+kill him once, because of his <i>treatment of their wives</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_j"></a>
+"Old Major Billy Watkins was noted for his severity. I well remember,
+when he lived in Madison county, to have often heard him yell at his
+negroes with the most savage fury. He would stand at his house, and
+watch the slaves picking cotton; and if any of them straitened their
+backs for a moment, his savage yell would ring, 'bend your backs.'
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_k"></a>
+"Mrs. Barr stated, that Mrs. H&mdash;&mdash;, of Courtland, a member of the
+Presbyterian church, sent a little negro girl to jail, suspecting that
+she had attempted to put poison in the water pail. The fact was, that
+the child had found a vial, and was playing in the water. This same
+woman (in high standing too,) told the Rev. Mr. McMillan, that she
+could 'cut Arthur Tappan's throat from ear to ear.'
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_l"></a>
+"The clothing of slaves is in many cases comfortable, and in many it
+is far from being so. I have very often seen slaves, whose tattered
+rags were neither comfortable nor decent.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Their <i>huts</i> are sometimes comfortable, but generally they are
+miserable <i>hovels</i>, where male and female are herded promiscuously
+together.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_m"></a>
+"As to the <i>usual</i> allowance of food on the plantations in North
+Alabama, I cannot speak confidently, from <i>personal</i> knowledge. There
+was a slave named Hadley, who was in the habit of visiting my father's
+slaves occasionally. He had run away several times. His reason was, as
+he stated, that they would not give him any meat&mdash;said he could not
+work without meat. The last time I saw him, he had quite a heavy iron
+yoke on his neck, the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches long,
+extending out over his shoulders and bending upwards.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_n"></a>
+"<i>Legal</i> marriage is unknown among the slaves, they sometimes have a
+<a name="WILL_A_o"></a>
+marriage form&mdash;generally, however, <i>none at all</i>. The pastor of the
+Presbyterian church in Huntsville, had two families of slaves when I
+left there. One couple were married by a negro preacher&mdash;the man was
+robbed of his wife a number of months afterwards, by her '<i>owner</i>.'
+The other couple just 'took up together,' without any form of
+marriage. They are both members of churches&mdash;the man a Baptist deacon,
+<a name="WILL_A_p"></a>
+sober and correct in his deportment. They have a large family of
+children&mdash;all children of concubinage&mdash;living in a minister's family.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_A_q"></a>
+"If these statements are deemed of any value by you, in forwarding
+your glorious enterprize, you are at liberty to use them as you
+please. The great wrong is <i>enslaving a man</i>; all other wrongs are
+pigmies, compared with that. Facts might be gathered abundantly, to
+show that it is <i>slavery itself</i>, and not cruelties merely, that make
+slaves unhappy. Even those that are most kindly treated, are generally
+far from being happy. The slaves in my father's family are almost as
+kindly treated as <i>slaves</i> can be, yet they pant for liberty.
+</p>
+<p>
+"May the Lord guide you in this great movement. In behalf of the
+perishing, Your friend and brother, WILLIAM. T. ALLAN"
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="WILL_L"></a>
+NARRATIVE OF MR. WILLIAM LEFTWICH, A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Leftwich is a grandson of Gen. Jabez Leftwich, who was for some
+years a member of Congress from Virginia. Though born in Virginia, he
+has resided most of his life in Alabama. He now lives in Delhi,
+Hamilton county, Ohio, near Cincinnati.
+</p>
+<p>
+As an introduction to his letter, the reader is furnished with the
+following testimonial to his character, from the Rev. Horace Bushnell,
+pastor of the Presbyterian church in Delhi. Mr. B. says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Leftwich is a worthy member of this church, and is a young man of
+sterling integrity and veracity.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+H. BUSHNELL."
+</div>
+<p>
+The following is the letter of Mr. Leftwich, dated Dec. 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dear Brother&mdash;I am not ranked among the abolitionists, yet I cannot,
+as a friend of humanity, withhold from the public such facts in
+relation to the condition of the slaves, as have fallen under my own
+observation. That I am somewhat acquainted with slavery will be seen,
+as I narrate some incidents of my own life. My parents were
+slaveholders, and moved from Virginia to Madison county, Alabama,
+during my infancy. My mother soon fell a victim to the climate. Being
+the youngest of the children, I was left in the care of my aged
+grandfather, who never held a slave, though his sons owned from 90 to
+100 during the time I resided with him. As soon as I could carry a
+hoe, my uncle, by the name of Neely, persuaded my grandfather that I
+should be placed in his hands, and brought up in habits of industry. I
+was accordingly placed under his tuition. I left the domestic circle,
+little dreaming of the horrors that awaited me. My mother's own
+brother took me to the cotton field, there to learn habits of
+industry, and to be benefited by his counsels. But the sequel proved,
+that I was there to feel in my own person, and witness by experience
+many of the horrors of slavery. Instead of kind admonition, I was to
+endure the frowns of one, whose sympathies could neither be reached by
+the prayers and cries of his slaves, nor by the entreaties and
+sufferings of a sister's son. Let those who call slaveholders kind,
+hospitable and humane, mark the course the slaveholder pursues with
+one born free, whose ancestors fought and bled for liberty; and then
+say, if they can without a blush of shame, that he who robs the
+helpless of every <i>right</i>, can be truly kind and hospitable.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_L_a"></a>
+"In a short time after I was put upon the plantation, there was but
+little difference between me and the slaves, except being <i>white</i>, I
+ate at the master's table. The slaves were my companions in misery,
+and I well learned their condition, both in the house and field. Their
+dwellings are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square; often without
+windows, doors or floors. They have neither chairs, tables or
+bedsteads. These huts are occupied by eight, ten or twelve persons
+each. Their bedding generally consists of two old blankets. Many of
+them sleep night after night sitting upon their blocks or stools;
+others sleep in the open air. Our task was appointed, and from dawn
+till dark all must bend to their work. Their meals were taken without
+knife or plate, dish or spoon. Their food was corn <i>pone</i>, prepared in
+the coarsest manner, with a small allowance of meat. Their meals in
+the field were taken from the hands of the carrier, wherever he found
+them, with no more ceremony than in the feeding of swine. My uncle was
+his own overseer. For punishing in the field, he preferred a large
+hickory stick; and wo to him whose work was not done to please him,
+for the hickory was used upon our heads as remorselessly as if we had
+been mad dogs. I was often the object of his fury, and shall bear the
+marks of it on my body till I die. Such was my suffering and
+degradation, that at the end of five years, I hardly dared to say I
+was <i>free</i>. When thinning cotton, we went mostly on our knees. One
+day, while thus engaged, my uncle found my row behind; and, by way of
+admonition, gave me a few blows with his hickory, the marks of which I
+carried for weeks. Often I followed the example of the fugitive
+slaves, and betook myself to the mountains; but hunger and fear drove
+me back, to share with the wretched slave his toil and stripes. But I
+have talked enough about my own bondage; I will now relate a few
+facts, showing the condition of the slaves <i>generally</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My uncle wishing to purchase what is called a good 'house wench,' a
+<i>trader</i> in human flesh soon produced a woman, recommending her as
+highly as ever a jockey did a horse. She was purchased, but on trial
+was found wanting in the requisite qualifications. She then fell a
+victim to the disappointed rage of my uncle; innocent or guilty, she
+suffered greatly from his fury. He used to tie her to a peach tree in
+the yard, and whip her till there was no sound place to lay another
+stroke, and repeat it so often that her back was kept continually
+sore. Whipping the females around the legs, was a favorite mode of
+punishment with him. They must stand and hold up their clothes, while
+he plied his hickory. He did not, like some of his neighbors, keep a
+pack of hounds for hunting runaway negroes, but be kept one dog for
+that purpose, and when he came up with a runaway, it would have been
+death to attempt to fly, and it was nearly so to stand. Sometimes,
+when my uncle attempted to whip the slaves, the dog would rush upon
+them and relieve them of their rags, if not of their flesh. One object
+of my uncle's special hate was "Jerry," a slave of a proud spirit. He
+defied all the curses, rage and stripes of his tyrant. Though he was
+often overpowered&mdash;for my uncle would frequently wear out his stick
+upon his head&mdash;yet be would never submit. As he was not expert in
+picking cotton, he would sometimes run away in the fall, to escape
+abuse. At one time, after an absence of some months, he was arrested
+and brought back. As is customary, he was stripped, tied to a log, and
+the cow-skin applied to his naked body till his master was exhausted.
+Then a large log chain was fastened around one ankle, passed up his
+back, over his shoulders, then across his breast, and fastened under
+his arm. In this condition he was forced to perform his daily task.
+Add to this he was chained each night, and compelled to chop wood
+every Sabbath, to make up lost time. After being thus manacled for
+some months, he was released&mdash;but his spirit was unsubdued. Soon
+after, his master, in a paroxysm of rage, fell upon him, wore out his
+staff upon his head, loaded him again with chains, and after a month,
+sold him farther south. Another slave, by the name of Mince, who was a
+man of great strength, purloined some bacon on a Christmas eve. It was
+missed in the morning, and he being absent, was of course suspected.
+On returning home, my uncle commanded him to come to him, but he
+refused. The master strove in vain to lay hands on him; in vain he
+ordered his slaves to seize him&mdash;they dared not. At length the master
+hurled a stone at his head sufficient to have felled a bullock&mdash;but he
+did not heed it. At that instant my aunt sprang forward, and
+presenting the gun to my uncle, exclaimed, 'Shoot him! shoot him !' He
+made the attempt, but the gun missed fire, and Mince fled. He was
+taken eight or ten months after while crossing the Ohio. When brought
+back, the master, and an overseer on another plantation, took him to
+the mountain and punished him to their satisfaction in secret; after
+which he was loaded with chains and set to his task.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I here spent nearly all my life in the midst of slavery. From being
+the son of a slaveholder, I descended to the condition of a slave, and
+from that condition I rose (if you please to call it so,) to the
+station of a '<i>driver</i>.' I have lived in Alabama, Tennessee, and
+Kentucky; and I <i>know</i> the condition of the slaves to be that of
+unmixed wretchedness and degradation. And on the part of slaveholders,
+there is cruelty <i>untold</i>. The labor of the slave is constant toil,
+wrung out by fear. Their food is scanty, and taken without comfort.
+Their clothes answer the purposes neither of comfort nor decency. They
+are not allowed to read or write. Whether they may worship God or not,
+depends on the will of the master. The young children, until they can
+work, often go naked during the warm weather. I could spend months in
+detailing the sufferings, degradation and cruelty inflicted upon
+slaves. But my soul sickens at the remembrance of these things."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="LEMUEL_S"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF MR. LEMUEL SAPINGTON, A NATIVE OF MARYLAND.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Sapington, is a repentant "soul driver" or slave trader, now a
+citizen of Lancaster, Pa. He gives the following testimony in a letter
+dated, Jan. 21, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LEMUEL_S_a"></a>
+"I was born in Maryland, afterwards moved to Virginia, where I
+commenced the business of farming and trafficking in slaves. In my
+neighborhood the slaves were 'quartered.' The description generally
+given of negro quarters is correct. The quarters are without floors,
+and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather, they are
+uncomfortable both in summer and winter. The food there consists of
+potatoes, pork, and corn, which were given to them daily, by weight
+and measure. The sexes were huddled together promiscuously. Their
+clothing is made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted
+by the old women who are no longer able to do out door work,
+consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. I have frequently seen
+those of both sexes who have not attained the age of twelve years go
+naked. Their punishments are invariably cruel. For the slightest
+offence, such as taking a hen's egg, I have seen them stripped and
+suspended by their hands, their feet tied together, a fence rail of
+ordinary size placed between their ankles, and then most cruelly
+whipped, until, from head to foot, they were completely lacerated, a
+pickle made for the purpose of salt and water, would then be applied
+by a fellow-slave, for the purpose of healing the wounds as well as
+giving pain. Then taken down and without the least respite sent to
+work with their hoe.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="LEMUEL_S_b"></a>
+"Pursuing my assumed right of driving souls, I went to the Southern
+part of Virginia for the purpose of trafficking in slaves. In that
+part of the state, the cruelties practised upon the slaves, are far
+greater than where I lived. The punishments there often resulted in
+death to the slave. There was no law for the negro, but that of the
+overseer's whip. In that part of the country, the slaves receive
+nothing for food, but corn in the ear, which has to be prepared for
+baking after working hours, by grinding it with a hand-mill. This they
+take to the fields with them, and prepare it for eating, by holding it
+on their hoes, over a fire made by a stump. Among the gangs, are often
+young women, who bring their children to the fields, and lay them in a
+fence corner, while they are at work, only being permitted to nurse
+them at the option of the overseer. When a child is three weeks old, a
+woman is considered in working order. I have seen a woman, with her
+young child strapped to her back, laboring the whole day, beside a
+man, perhaps the father of the child, and he not being permitted to
+give her any assistance, himself being under the whip. The uncommon
+humanity of the driver allowing her the comfort of doing so. I was
+then selling a drove of slaves, which I had brought by water from
+Baltimore, my conscience not allowing me to drive, as was generally
+the case uniting the slaves by collars and chains, and thus driving
+them under the whip. About that time an unaccountable something, which
+I now know was an interposition of Providence, prevented me from
+prosecuting any farther this unholy traffic; but though I had quitted
+it, I still continued to live in a slave state, witnessing every day
+its evil effects upon my fellow beings. Among which was a
+heart-rending scene that took place in my father's house, which led me
+to lease a slave state, as well as all the imaginary comforts arising
+from slavery. On preparing for my removal to the state of
+Pennsylvania, it became necessary for me to go to Louisville, in
+Kentucky, where, if possible, I became more horrified with the
+impositions practiced upon the negro than before. There a slave was
+sold to go farther south, and was hand-cuffed for the purpose of
+keeping him secure. But choosing death rather than slavery, he jumped
+overboard and was drowned. When I returned four weeks afterwards his
+body, that had floated three miles below, was yet unburied. One fact;
+it is impossible for a person to pass through a slave state, if he has
+eyes open, without beholding every day cruelties repugnant to
+humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+Respectfully Yours,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+LEMUEL SAPINGTON.
+</div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_5"></a>
+	TESTIMONY OF MRS. NANCY LOWRY, A NATIVE OF KENTUCKY.
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+Mrs. Lory, is a member of the non-conformist church in Osnaburg, Stark
+County, Ohio, she is a native of Kentucky. We have received from her
+the following testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_5a"></a>
+"I resided in the family of Reuben Long, the principal part of the
+time, from seven to twenty-two years of age. Mr. Long had 16 slaves,
+among whom were three who were treated with severity, although Mr.
+Long was thought to be a very human master. These three, namely John,
+Ned, and James, had wives; John and Ned had theirs at some distance,
+but James had his with him. All three died a premature death, and it
+was generally believed by his neighbors, that extreme whipping was the
+cause. I believe so too. Ned died about the age of 25 and John 34 or
+35. The cause of their flogging was commonly staying a little over the
+time, with their wives. Mr. Long would tie them up by the wrist, so
+high that their toes would just touch the ground, and then with a
+cow-hide lay the lash upon the naked back, until he was exhausted,
+when he would sit down and rest. As soon as he had rested
+sufficiently, he would ply the cow-hide again, thus he would continue
+until the whole back of the poor victim was lacerated into one uniform
+coat of blood. Yet he was a strict professor of the Christian
+<a name="RULE4_5b"></a>
+religion, in the southern church. I frequently washed the wounds of
+John, with salt water, to prevent putrefaction. This was the usual
+course pursued after a severe flogging; their backs would be full of
+gashes, so deep the I could almost lay my finger in them. They were
+generally laid up after the flogging for several days. The last
+flogging Ned got, he was confined to the bed, which he never left till
+he was carried to his grave. During John's confinement in his last
+sickness on one occasion while attending on him, he exclaimed, 'oh,
+Nancy, Miss Nancy, I haven't much longer in this world, I feel as if
+my whole body inside and all my bones were beaten into a jelly.' Soon
+after he died. John and Ned were both professors of religion.
+</p>
+<p>
+"John Ruffner, a slaveholder, had one slave named Pincy, whom he as
+well as Mrs. Ruffner would often flog very severely. I frequently saw
+Mrs. Ruffner flog her with the broom, shovel, or any thing she could
+seize in her rage. She would knock her down and then kick and stamp
+her most unmercifully, until she would be apparently so lifeless, that
+I more than once thought she would never recover. Often Pincy would
+try to shelter herself from the blows of her mistress, by creeping
+under the bed, from which Mrs. Ruffner would draw her by the feet, and
+then stamp and leap on her body, till her breath would be gone. Often
+Pincy, would cry, 'Oh Missee, don't kill me!' 'Oh Lord, don't kill
+me!' 'For God's sake don't kill me!' But Mrs. Ruffner would beat and
+stamp away, with all the venom of a demon. The cause of Pincy's
+flogging was, not working enough, or making some mistake in baking,
+&amp;c. &amp;c. Many a night Pincy had to lie on the bare floor, by the side
+of the cradle, rocking the baby of her mistress, and if she would fall
+asleep, and suffer the child to cry, so as to waken Mrs. Ruffner, she
+would be sure to receive a flogging."
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_6"></a>
+	TESTIMONY OF MR. WM. C. GILDERSLEEVE, A NATIVE OF GEORGIA
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+MR. W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, a native of Georgia, is an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkesbarre, Pa.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_6a"></a>
+"<i>Acts of cruelty, without number, fell under my observation</i> while I
+lived in Georgia. I will mention but one. A slave of a Mr. Pinkney, on
+his way with a wagon to Savannah, 'camped' for the night by the road
+side. That night, the nearest hen-roost was robbed. On his return, the
+hen-roost was again visited, and the fowl counted one less in the
+morning. The oldest son, with some attendants made search, and came
+upon the poor fellow, in the act of dressing his spoil. He was too
+nimble for them, and made his retreat good into a dense swamp. When
+much effort to start him from his hiding place had proved
+unsuccessful, it was resolved to lay an ambush for him, some distance
+ahead. The wagon, meantime, was in charge of a lad, who accompanied
+the teamster as an assistant. The little boy lay still till nearly
+night, (in the hope probably that the teamster would return,) when he
+started with his wagon. After travelling some distance, the lost one
+made his appearance, when the ambush sprang upon him. The poor fellow
+was conducted back to the plantation. He expected little mercy. He
+begged for himself, in the most suplicating manner, 'pray massa give
+me 100 lashes and let me go.' He was then tied by the hands, to a limb
+of a large mulberry tree, which grew in the yard, so that his feet
+were raised a few inches from the ground, while a <i>sharpened stick</i>
+was driven underneath that he might rest his weight on it, or swing by
+his hands. In this condition 100 lashes were laid on his bare body. I
+stood by and witnessed the whole, without as I recollect feeling the
+least compassion. So hardening is the influence of slavery, that it
+very much destroys feeling for the slave."
+</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="HIRAM_W"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF MR. HIRAM WHITE&mdash;A NATIVE OF NORTH CAROLINA
+</h2>
+<p>
+Mr. WHITE resided thirty-two years in Chatham county, North Carolina,
+and is now a member of the Baptist Church, at Otter Creek Prairie,
+Illinois.
+</p>
+<p>
+About the 20th December 1830, a report was raised that the slaves in
+Chatham county, North Carolina, were going to rise on Christmas day,
+in consequence of which a considerable commotion ensued among the
+inhabitants; orders were given by the Governor to the militia
+captains, to appoint patrolling captains in each district, and orders
+were given for every man subject to military duty to patrol as their
+captains should direct. I went two nights in succession, and after
+that refused to patrol at all. The reason why I refused was this,
+orders were given to search every negro house for books or prints of
+any kind, and <i>Bibles</i> and <i>Hymn books</i> were particularly mentioned.
+And should we find any, our orders were to inflict punishment by
+whipping the slave until he <i>informed who</i> gave them to him, or how
+they came by them.
+</p>
+<p>
+As regards the comforts of the slaves in the vicinity of my residence,
+I can say they had nothing that would bear that name. It is true, the
+slaves in general, of a good crop year, were tolerably well fed, but
+of a bad crop year, they were, as a general thing, cut short of their
+allowance. Their houses were pole cabins, without loft or floor. Their
+beds were made of what is there called "broom-straw." The men more
+commonly sleep on benches. Their clothing would compare well with
+their lodging. Whipping was common. It was hardly possible for a man
+with a common pair of ears, if he was out of his house but a short
+time on Monday mornings, to miss of hearing the sound of the lash, and
+the cries of the sufferers pleading with their masters to desist.
+These scenes were more common throughout the time of my residence
+there, from 1799 to 1831.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="HIRAM_W_a"></a>
+Mr. Hedding of Chatham county, held a slave woman. I traveled past
+Heddings as often as once in two weeks during the winter of 1828, and
+always saw her clad in a single cotton dress, sleeves came half way to
+the elbow, and in order to prevent her running away, a child, supposed
+to be about seven years of age, was connected with her by a long chain
+fastened round her neck, and in this situation she was compelled all
+the day to grub up the roots of shrubs and sapplings to prepare ground
+for the plough. It is not uncommon for slaves to make up on Sundays
+what they are not able to perform through the week of their tasks.
+</p>
+<p>
+At the time of the rumored insurrection above named, Chatham jail was
+filled with slaves who were said to have been concerned in the plot.
+Without the least evidence of it, they were punished in divers ways;
+some were whipped, some had their <i>thumbs screwed in a vice</i> to make
+them confess, but no proof satisfactory was ever obtained that the
+negroes had ever thought of an insurrection, nor did any so far as I
+could learn, acknowledge that an insurrection had ever been projected.
+From this time forth, the slaves were prohibited from assembling
+together for the worship of God, and many of those who had previously
+been authorized to preach the gospel were prohibited.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="HIRAM_W_b"></a>
+Amalgamation was common. There was scarce a family of slaves that had
+females of mature age where there were not some mulatto children.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+HIRAM  WHITE
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Otter Creek Prairie, Jan. 22, 1839</i>.
+</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="JOHN_N"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF MR. JOHN M. NELSON&mdash;A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+</h2>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter, dated January 3, 1839, from John M. Nelson, Esq.,
+of Hillsborough. Mr. Nelson removed from Virginia to Highland county,
+Ohio, many years since, where he is extensively known and respected.
+</p>
+<p>
+I was born and raised in Augusta county, Virginia; my father was an
+elder in the Presbyterian Church, and was "owner" of about twenty
+slaves; he was what was generally termed a "good master." His slaves
+were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over worked,
+they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to
+family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these
+privileges. On <i>some occasions</i> I have seen him whip them severely,
+particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for
+what was called, "running away." For <i>this</i> they were scourged more
+severely than for any thing else. After they have been retaken, I have
+seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a
+tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the ground,
+and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs. A
+boy named Jack, particularly, I have seen served in this way more than
+once. When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to
+see one <i>tied up</i> to be whipped, and I used to intercede with tears in
+their behalf, and mingle my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing
+to take part of the punishment; I have been severely rebuked by my
+father for this kind of sympathy. Yet, such is the hardening nature of
+such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering
+slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness their stripes
+with composure, but <i>myself</i> inflict them, and that without remorse.
+One case I have often looked back to with sorrow and contrition,
+particularly since I have been convinced that "negroes are men." When
+I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, I undertook to correct
+a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed offence; I think it was
+leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger
+than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my
+striking him; this I considered the height of insolence, and cried for
+help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. My
+father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where
+switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch
+wore out he supplied me with others. After I had whipped him a while,
+he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and I kicked him in the
+face; my father said, "don't kick him, but whip him;" this I did until
+his back was literally covered with <i>welts</i>. I know I have repented,
+and trust I have obtained pardon for these things.
+</p>
+<p>
+My father owned a woman, (we used to call aunt Grace,) she was
+purchased in Old Virginia. She has told me that her old master, in his
+<i>will</i>, gave her her freedom, but at his death, his sons had sold her
+to my father: when he bought her she manifested some unwillingness to
+go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by force. This was
+before I was born; but I remember to have seen the irons, and was told
+that was what they had been used for. Aunt Grace is still living, and
+must be between seventy and eighty years of age; she has, for the last
+forty years, been an exemplary Christian. When I was a youth I took
+some pains to learn her to read; this is now a great consolation to
+her. Since age and infirmity have rendered her of little value to her
+"owners," she is permitted to read as much as she pleases; this she
+can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old family Bible, which is
+almost the only book she has ever looked into. This with some little
+mending for the black children, is all she does; she is still held as
+a slave. I well remember what a <i>heart-rending scene</i> there was in the
+family when <i>my father sold her husband</i>; this was, I suppose,
+thirty-five years ago. And yet my father was considered one of the
+best of masters. I know of few who were better, but of <i>many</i> who were
+worse.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="JOHN_N_a"></a>
+The last time I saw my father, which was in the fall of 1832, he
+promised me that he would free all his slaves at his death. He died
+however without doing it; and I have understood since, that he omitted
+it, through the influence of Rev. Dr. Speece, a Presbyterian minister,
+who lived in the family, and was a <i>warm friend of the Colonization
+Society</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="JOHN_N_b"></a>
+About the year 1809 or 10, I became a student of Rev. George Bourne;
+he was the first abolitionist I had ever seen, and the first I had
+ever heard pray or plead for the oppressed, which gave me the first
+misgivings about the <i>innocence</i> of slaveholding. I received
+impressions from Mr. Bourne which I could not get rid of,[<a name="rnote10-6"></a><a href="#note10-6">6</a>] and
+determined in my own mind that when I settled in life, it should be in
+a free state; this determination I carried into effect in 1813, when I
+removed to this place, which I supposed at that time, to be all the
+opposition to slavery that was necessary, but the moment I became
+convinced that all slaveholding was in itself <i>sinful</i>, I became an
+abolitionist, which was about four years ago.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-6"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-6">6</a>: Mr. Bourne resided seven years in Virginia, "in perils
+among false brethren; fiercely persecuted for his faithful testimony
+against slavery. More than twenty years since he published a work
+entitled 'The Book and Slavery irreconcileable.'"]
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_7"></a>
+	TESTIMONY OF ANGELINA GRIMKÉ WELD.
+</h2>
+
+<p>
+Mrs. Weld is the youngest daughter of the late Judge Grimké, of the
+Supreme Court of South Carolina, and a sister of the late Hon. Thomas
+S. Grimké, of Charleston.
+</p>
+<p>
+Fort Lee, Bergen Co., New Jersey, Fourth month 6th, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+I sit down to comply with thy request, preferred in the name of the
+Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The
+responsibility laid upon me by such a request, leaves me no option.
+While I live, and slavery lives, I <i>must</i> testify against it. If I
+should hold my peace, "the stone would cry out of the wall, and the
+beam out of the timber would answer it." But though I feel a necessity
+upon me, and "a woe unto me," if I withhold my testimony, I give it
+with a heavy heart. My flesh crieth out, "if it be possible, let
+<i>this</i> cup pass from me;" but, "Father, <i>thy</i> will be done," is, I
+trust, the breathing of my spirit. Oh, the slain of the daughter of my
+people! they lie in all the ways; their tears fall as the rain, and
+are their meat day and night; their blood runneth down like water;
+their plundered hearths are desolate; they weep for their husbands and
+children, because they are not; and the proud waves do continually go
+over them, while no eye pitieth, and no man careth for their souls.
+</p>
+<p>
+But it is not alone for the sake of my poor brothers and sisters in
+bonds, or for the cause of truth, and righteousness, and humanity,
+that I testify; the deep yearnings of affection for the mother that
+bore me, who is still a slaveholder, both in fact and in heart; for my
+brothers and sisters, (a large family circle,) and for my numerous
+other slaveholding kindred in South Carolina, constrain me to speak:
+for even were slavery no curse to its victims, the exercise of
+arbitrary power works such fearful ruin upon the hearts of
+<i>slaveholders</i>, that I should feel impelled to labor and pray for its
+overthrow with my last energies and latest breath.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7a"></a>
+I think it important to premise, that I have seen almost nothing of
+slavery on <i>plantations</i>. My testimony will have respect exclusively
+to the treatment of "<i>house-servants</i>," and chiefly those belonging to
+the first families in the city of Charleston, both in the religious
+and in the fashionable world. And here let me say, that the treatment
+of <i>plantation</i> slaves cannot be fully known, except by the poor
+sufferers themselves, and their drivers and overseers. In a multitude
+of instances, even the master can know very little of the actual
+condition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far
+less. A few facts concerning my own family will show this. Our
+permanent residence was in Charleston; our country-seat (Bellemont,)
+was 200 miles distant, in the north-western part of the state; where,
+for some years, our family spent a few months annually. Our
+<i>plantation</i> was three miles from this family mansion. There, all the
+field-slaves lived and worked. Occasionally, once a month, perhaps,
+some of the family would ride over to the plantation, but I never
+visited the <i>fields where the slaves were at work</i>, and knew almost
+nothing of their condition; but this I do know, that the overseers who
+had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and intemperate men.
+But I rejoice to know, that the general treatment of slaves in that
+region of country, was far milder than on the plantations in the lower
+country.
+</p>
+<p>
+Throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the
+planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. They
+have almost invariably <i>two residences</i>, and spend less than half the
+year on their estates. Even while spending a few months on them,
+politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits,
+company, literary pursuits, &amp;c., absorb so much of their time, that
+they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their
+slaves <i>on trust</i>, from the reports of their overseers. I make this
+statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class,) are, I
+believe, almost the only ones who visit the north with their
+families;&mdash;and northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their
+testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+But not to dwell on preliminaries, I wish to record my testimony to
+the faithfulness and accuracy with which my beloved sister, Sarah M.
+Grimké, has, in her 'narrative and testimony,' on a preceding page,
+described the condition of the slaves, and the effect upon the hearts
+of slaveholders, (even the best,) caused by the exercise of unlimited
+power over moral agents. Of the <i>particular acts</i> which she has
+stated, I have no personal knowledge, as they occurred before my
+remembrance; but of the spirit that prompted them, and that constantly
+displays itself in scenes of similar horror, the recollections of my
+childhood, and the effaceless imprint upon my riper years, with the
+breaking of my heart-strings, when, finding that I was powerless to
+shield the victims, I tore myself from my home and friends, and became
+an exile among strangers&mdash;all these throng around me as witnesses, and
+their testimony is graven on my memory with a pen of fire.
+</p>
+<p>
+Why I did not become totally hardened, under the daily operation of
+this system, God only knows; in deep solemnity and gratitude, I say,
+it was the <i>Lord's</i> doing, and marvellous in mine eyes. Even before my
+heart was touched with the love of Christ, I used to say, "Oh that I
+had the wings of a dove, that I might flee away and be at rest;" for I
+felt that there could be no rest for me in the midst of such outrages
+and pollutions. And yet I saw <i>nothing</i> of slavery in its most vulgar
+and repulsive forms. I saw it in the city, among the fashionable and
+the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, and decked out
+for show. A few <i>facts</i> will unfold the state of society in the circle
+with which I was familiar far better than any general assertions I can
+make.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7b"></a>
+I will first introduce the reader to a woman of the highest
+respectability&mdash;one who was foremost in every benevolent enterprise,
+and stood for many years, I may say, at the <i>head</i> of the fashionable
+Elite of the city of Charleston, and afterwards at the head of the
+moral and religious female society there. It was after she had made a
+profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable world, that I
+knew her; therefore I will present her in her religious character.
+This lady used to keep cowhides, or small paddles, (called 'pancake
+sticks,') in four different apartments in her house; so that when she
+wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might
+not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of torture. For many
+years, one or other, and <i>often</i> more of her slaves, were flogged
+<i>every day</i>; particularly the young slaves about the house, whose
+faces were slapped, or their hands beat with the 'pancake stick; for
+every trifling offence&mdash;and often for no fault at all. But the
+floggings were not all; the scolding, and abuse daily heaped upon them
+all, were worse: 'fools' and 'liars,' 'sluts' and 'husseys,'
+'hypocrites' and 'good-for-nothing creatures'; were the common
+epithets with which her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves,
+adults as well as children. Very often she would take a position at
+her window, in an upper story, and scold at her slaves while working
+in the garden, at some distance from the house, (a large yard
+intervening,) and occasionally order a flogging. I have known her thus
+on the watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a
+voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her; and this without the
+least apparent feeling of shame. Indeed, it was no disgrace among
+slaveholders, and did not in the least injure her standing, either as
+a lady or a Christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved.
+After the 'revival' in Charleston, in 1825, she opened her house to
+<a name="RULE4_7c"></a>
+social prayer-meetings. The room in which they were held in the
+evening, and where the voice of prayer was heard around the family
+altar, and where she herself retired for private devotion thrice each
+day, was the very place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped
+with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the infliction; and the
+wail of the sufferer would be heard, where, perhaps only a few hours
+previous, rose the voices of prayer and praise. This mistress would
+occasionally send her slaves, male and female, to the Charleston
+work-house to be punished. One poor girl, whom she sent there to be
+flogged, and who was accordingly stripped <i>naked</i> and whipped, showed
+me the deep gashes on her back&mdash;I might have laid my whole finger in
+them&mdash;<i>large pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the
+<a name="RULE4_7d"></a>
+torturing lash</i>. She sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned
+and worked on the tread-mill. This girl was confined several days, and
+forced to work the mill while in a state of suffering from another
+cause. For ten days or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from
+the violent exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the
+machine. She spoke to me with intense feeling of this outrage upon
+her, as a <i>woman</i>. Her men servants were sometimes flogged there; and
+so exceedingly offensive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated
+backs, for days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of
+the house&mdash;the smell arising from their wounds being too horrible to
+be endured. They were always stiff and sore for some days, and not in
+a condition to be seen by visitors.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7e"></a>
+This professedly Christian woman was a most awful illustration of the
+ruinous influence of arbitrary power upon the temper&mdash;her bursts of
+passion upon the heads of her victims were dreaded even by her own
+children, and very often, all the pleasure of social intercourse
+around the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the cook into
+her presence, and storming at him, when the dinner or breakfast was
+not prepared to her taste, and in the presence of all her children,
+commanding the waiter to slap his face. <i>Fault-finding</i>, was with her
+the constant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that peace
+which should hover around the social board, and smile on every face.
+It was common for her to order brothers to whip their own sisters, and
+sisters their own brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor
+more than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants.
+This may seem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner, but these
+seeming contradictions vanish when we consider that over <i>them</i> she
+possessed no arbitrary power, they were always presented to her mind
+as unfortunate sufferers, towards whom her sympathies most freely
+flowed; she was ever ready to wipe the tears from <i>their</i> eyes, and
+open wide her purse for <i>their</i> relief, but the others were her
+<i>vassals</i>, thrust down by public opinion beneath her feet, to be at
+her beck and call, ever ready to serve in all humility, her, whom God
+in his providence had set over them&mdash;it was their <i>duty</i> to abide in
+abject submission, and hers to <i>compel</i> them to do so&mdash;<i>it was thus
+that she reasoned</i>. Except at family prayers, none were permitted to
+<i>sit</i> in her presence, but the seamstresses and waiting maids, and
+they, however delicate might be their circumstances, were forced to
+sit upon low stools, without backs, that they might be constantly
+reminded of their inferiority. A slave who waited in the house, was
+guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, and kept
+dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave of a lady who lived
+at a little distance.)  When the family sat down to the table, the
+mistress began to scold the waiter for the offence&mdash;he attempted to
+excuse himself&mdash;she ordered him to hold his tongue&mdash;he ventured
+another apology; her son then rose from the table in a rage, and beat
+the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully that the blood gushed
+from his mouth, and nose, and ears. This mistress was a <i>professor of
+religion</i>; her daughter who related the circumstance, was a <i>fellow
+member</i> of the Presbyterian church <i>with the poor outraged
+slave</i>&mdash;instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous abuse of her
+brother in the church, she justified the deed, and said "he got just
+what he deserved."  I solemnly believe this to be a true picture of
+<i>slaveholding religion</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is another illustration of it:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7f"></a>
+A mistress in Charleston sent a grey headed female slave to the
+workhouse, and had her severely flogged. The poor old woman went to
+an acquaintance of mine and begged her to buy her, and told her how
+cruelly she had been whipped. My friend examined her <i>lacerated back</i>,
+and out of compassion did purchase her. The circumstance was
+mentioned to one of the former owner's relatives, who asked her if it
+were true. The mistress told her it was, and said that she had made
+the severe whipping of this aged woman a <i>subject of prayer</i>, and that
+she believed she had done right to have it inflicted upon her. The
+last 'owner' of the poor old slave, said she, had no fault to find
+with her as a servant.
+</p>
+<p>
+I remember very well that when I was a child, our next door neighbor
+whipped a young woman so brutally, that in order to escape his blows
+she rushed through the drawing-room window in the second story, and
+fell upon the street pavement below and broke her hip. This
+circumstance produced no excitement or inquiry.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following circumstance occurred in Charleston, in 1828:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7g"></a>
+A slaveholder, after flogging a little girl about thirteen years old,
+set her on a table with her feet fastened in a pair of stocks. He then
+locked the door and took out the key. When the door was opened she
+was found dead, having fallen from the table. When I asked a
+prominent lawyer, who belonged to one of the first families in the
+State, whether the murderer of this helpless child could not be
+indicted, he coolly replied, that the slave was Mr. &mdash;&mdash;'s property,
+and if he chose to suffer the <i>loss</i>, no one else had any thing to do
+with it. The loss of <i>human life</i>, the distress of the parents and
+other relatives of the little girl, seemed utterly out of his
+thoughts: it was the loss of <i>property</i> only that presented itself to
+his mind.
+</p>
+<p>
+I knew a gentleman of great benevolence and generosity of character,
+so essentially to injure the eye of a little boy, about ten years old,
+as to destroy its sight, by the blow of a cowhide, inflicted whilst he
+was whipping him.[<a name="rnote10-7"></a><a href="#note10-7">7</a>]  I have heard the same individual speak of
+"breaking down the spirit of a slave under the lash" as perfectly
+right.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7h"></a>
+<a name="note10-7"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-7">7</a>: The Jewish law would have set this servant free, for his
+eye's sake, but he was held in slavery and sold from hand to hand,
+although, besides this title to his liberty according to Jewish law,
+he was a <i>mulatto</i>, and therefore free under the Constitution of the
+United States, in whose preamble our fathers declare that they
+established it expressly to "secure the blessings of <i>liberty</i> to
+themselves and <i>their posterity</i>."&mdash;Ed.]
+</p>
+<p>
+I also know that an aged slave of his, (by marriage,) was allowed to
+get a scanty and precarious subsistence, by begging in the streets of
+Charleston&mdash;he was too old to work, and therefore <i>his allowance was
+stopped</i>, and he was turned out to make his living by begging.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7i"></a>
+When I was about thirteen years old, I attended a seminary, in
+Charleston, which was superintended by a man and his wife of superior
+education. They had under their instruction the daughters of nearly
+all the aristocracy. Their cruelty to their slaves, both male and
+female, I can never forget. I remember one day there was called into
+the school room to open a window, a boy whose head had been shaved in
+order to disgrace him, and he had been so dreadfully whipped that he
+could hardly walk. So horrible was the impression produced upon my
+mind by his heart-broken countenance and crippled person that I
+fainted away. The sad and ghastly countenance of one of their female
+mulatto slaves who used to sit on a low stool at her sewing in the
+piazza, is now fresh before me. She often told me, secretly, how
+cruelly she was whipped when they sent her to the work house. I had
+known so much of the terrible scourgings inflicted in that house of
+blood, that when I was once obliged to pass it, the very sight smote
+me with such horror that my limbs could hardly sustain me. I felt as
+if I was passing the precincts of hell. A friend of mine who lived in
+the neighborhood, told me she often heard the screams of the slaves
+under their torture.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7j"></a>
+I once heard a physician of a high family, and of great respectability
+in his profession, say, that when he sent his slaves to the work-house
+to be flogged, he always went to see it done, that he might be sure
+they were properly, i.e. <i>severely</i> whipped. He also related the
+following circumstance in my presence. He had sent a youth of about
+eighteen to this horrible place to be whipped and <i>afterwards</i> to be
+worked upon the treadmill. From not keeping the step, which probably
+he COULD NOT do, in consequence of the lacerated state of his body;
+his arm got terribly torn, from the shoulder to the wrist. This
+physician said, he went every day to attend to it himself, in order
+that he might use those restoratives, which <i>would inflict the
+greatest possible pain</i>. This poor boy, after being imprisoned there
+for some weeks, was then brought home, and compelled to wear iron
+clogs on his ankles for one or two months. I saw him with those irons
+on one day when I was at the house. This man was, when young,
+remarkable in the fashionable world for his elegant and fascinating
+manners, but the exercise of the slaveholder's power has thrown the
+fierce air of tyranny even over these.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7k"></a>
+I heard another man of equally high standing say, that he believed he
+suffered far more than his waiter did whenever he flogged him for he
+felt the <i>exertion</i> for days afterward, but he could not let his
+servant go on in the neglect of his business, it was <i>his duty</i> to
+chastise him. "His duty" to flog this boy of seventeen so severely
+that he felt <i>the exertion</i> for days after! and yet he never felt it
+to be his duty to instruct him, or have him instructed, even in the
+common principles of morality. I heard the mother of this man say it
+would be no surprise to her, if he killed a slave some day, for, that,
+when transported with passion he did not seem to care what he did. He
+once broke a <i>large</i> stick over the back of a slave and at another
+time the ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over the <i>head</i> of
+another. This last was attacked with epileptic fits some months after,
+and has ever since been subject to them, and occasionally to violent
+fits of insanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7l"></a>
+Southern mistresses sometimes flog their slaves themselves though
+generally one slave is compelled to flog another. Whilst staying at a
+friend's house some years ago, I one day saw the mistress with a
+cow-hide in her hand, and heard her scolding in an under tone, her
+waiting man, who was about twenty-five years old. Whether she actually
+inflicted the blows I do not know, for I hastened out of sight and
+hearing. It was not the first time I had seen a mistress thus engaged.
+I knew she was a cruel mistress, and had heard her daughters
+disputing, whether their mother did right or wrong, to send the slave
+<i>children</i>, (whom she sent out to sweep chimneys) to the work house to
+be whipped if they did not bring in their wages regularly. This woman
+moved in the most fashionable circle in Charleston. The income of this
+family was derived mostly from the hire of their slaves, about one
+<a name="RULE4_7m"></a>
+hundred in number. Their luxuries were blood-bought luxuries indeed.
+And yet what stranger would ever have inferred their cruelties from
+the courteous reception and bland manners of the parlor. Every thing
+cruel and revolting is carefully concealed from strangers, especially
+<a name="RULE4_7n"></a>
+those from the north. Take an instance. I have known the master and
+mistress of a family send to their friends to <i>borrow</i> servants to
+wait on company, because their own slaves had been so cruelly flogged
+in the work house, that they could not walk without limping at every
+step, and their putrified flesh emitted such an intolerable smell that
+they were not fit to be in the presence of company. How can
+northerners know these things when they are hospitably received at
+southern tables and firesides? I repeat it, no one who has not been an
+<i>integral part</i> of a slaveholding community, can have any idea of its
+abominations. It is a whited sepulchre full of dead men's bones and
+all uncleanness. Blessed be God, the Angel of <i>Truth</i> has descended
+and rolled away the stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits
+upon it. The abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before
+all Israel and the sun. Yes, the Angel of Truth <i>sits upon this
+stone</i>, and it can never be rolled back again.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7p"></a>
+The utter disregard of the comfort of the slaves, in <i>little</i> things,
+can scarcely be conceived by those who have not been a <i>component
+part</i> of slaveholding communities. Take a few particulars out of
+hundreds that might be named. In South Carolina musketoes swarm in
+myriads, more than half the year&mdash;they are so excessively annoying at
+night, that no family thinks of sleeping without nets or
+"musketoe-bars" hung over their bedsteads, yet slaves are never
+provided with them, unless it be the favorite old domestics who get
+the cast-off pavilions; and yet these very masters and mistresses will
+be so kind to their <i>horses</i> as to provide them with <i>fly nets</i>.
+Bedsteads and bedding too, are rarely provided for any of the
+slaves&mdash;if the waiters and coachmen, waiting maids, cooks, washers,
+&amp;c., have beds at all, they must generally get them for themselves.
+Commonly they lie down at night on the bare floor, with a small
+blanket wrapped round them in winter, and in summer a coarse osnaburg
+sheet, or nothing. Old slaves generally have beds, but it is because
+when younger <i>they have provided them for themselves.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7o"></a>
+Only two meals a day are allowed the house slaves&mdash;the <i>first at
+twelve o'clock</i>. If they eat before this time, it is by stealth, and I
+am sure there must be a good deal of suffering among them from
+<i>hunger</i>, and particularly by children. Besides this, they are often
+kept from their meals by way of punishment. No table is provided for
+them to eat from. They know nothing of the comfort and pleasure of
+gathering round the social board&mdash;each takes his plate or tin pan and
+iron spoon and holds it in the hand or on the lap. I <i>never</i> saw
+slaves seated round a <i>table</i> to partake of any meal.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the general rule, no lights of any kind, no firewood&mdash;no towels,
+basins, or soap, no tables, chairs, or other furniture, are provided.
+Wood for cooking and washing <i>for the family</i> is found, but when the
+master's work is done, the slave must find wood for himself if he has
+a fire. I have repeatedly known slave children kept the whole winter's
+evening, sitting on the stair-case in a cold entry, just to be at hand
+to snuff candles or hand a tumbler of water from the side-board, or go
+on errands from one room to another. It may be asked why they were not
+permitted to stay in the parlor, when they would be still more at
+hand. I answer, because waiters are not allowed to <i>sit</i> in the
+presence of their owners, and as children who were kept running all
+day, would of course get very tired of standing for two or three
+hours, they were allowed to go into the entry and sit on the staircase
+until rung for. Another reason is, that even slaveholders at times
+find the presence of slaves very annoying; they cannot exercise entire
+freedom of speech before them on all subjects.
+</p>
+<p>
+I have also known instances where seamstresses were kept in cold
+entries to work by the stair case lamps for one or two hours, every
+evening in winter&mdash;they could not see without standing up all the
+time, though the work was often too large and heavy for them to sew
+upon it in that position without great inconvenience, and yet they
+were expected to do their work as <i>well</i> with their cold fingers, and
+standing up, as if they had been sitting by a comfortable fire and
+provided with the necessary light. House slaves suffer a great deal
+also from not being allowed to leave the house without permission. If
+they wish to go even for a draught of water, they must <i>ask leave</i>,
+and if they stay longer than the mistress thinks necessary, they are
+liable to be punished, and often are scolded or slapped, or kept from
+going down to the next meal.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7q"></a>
+It frequently happens that relatives, among slaves, are separated for
+weeks or months, by the husband or brother being taken by the master
+on a journey, to attend on his horses and himself.&mdash;When they return,
+the white husband seeks the wife of his love; but the black husband
+must wait to see <i>his</i> wife, until mistress pleases to let her
+chambermaid leave her room. Yes, such is the despotism of slavery,
+that wives and sisters dare not run to meet their husbands and
+brothers after such separations, and hours sometimes elapse before
+they are allowed to meet; and, at times, a fiendish pleasure is taken
+in keeping them asunder&mdash;this furnishes an opportunity to vent
+feelings of spite for any little neglect of "duty."
+</p>
+<p>
+The sufferings to which slaves are subjected by separations of various
+kinds, cannot be imagined by those unacquainted with the working out
+of the system behind the curtain. Take the following instances.
+</p>
+<p>
+Chambermaids and seamstresses often sleep in their mistresses'
+apartments, but with no bedding at all. I know an instance of a woman
+who has been married eleven years, and yet has never been allowed to
+sleep out of her mistress's chamber.&mdash;This is a <i>great</i> hardship to
+slaves. When we consider that house slaves are rarely allowed social
+intercourse during <i>the day</i>, as their work generally <i>separates</i>
+them; the barbarity of such an arrangement is obvious. It is
+peculiarly a hardship in the above case, as the husband of the woman
+does not "belong" to her "owner;" and because he is subject to
+dreadful attacks of illness, and can have but little attention from
+his wife in the <i>day</i>. And yet her mistress, who is an old lady, gives
+her the highest character as a faithful servant, and told a friend of
+mine, that she was "entirely dependent upon her for <i>all</i> her
+comforts; she dressed and undressed her, gave her all her food, and
+was so <i>necessary</i> to her that she could not do without her." I may
+add, that this couple are tenderly attached to each other.
+</p>
+<p>
+I also know an instance in which the husband was a slave and the wife
+was free: during the illness of the former, the latter was <i>allowed</i>
+to come and nurse him; she was obliged to leave the work by which she
+had made a living, and come to stay with her husband, and thus lost
+weeks of her time, or he would have suffered for want of proper
+attention; and yet his "owner" made her no compensation for her
+services. He had long been a faithful and a favorite slave, and his
+owner was a woman very benevolent to the poor whites.&mdash;She went a
+great deal among these, as a visiting commissioner of the Ladies'
+Benevolent Society, and was in the constant habit of <i>paying the
+relatives of the poor whites</i> for nursing <i>their</i> husbands, fathers,
+and other relations; because she thought it very hard, when their time
+was taken up, so that they could not earn their daily bread, that they
+should be left to suffer. Now, such is the stupifying influence of the
+"<i>chattel</i> principle" on the minds of slaveholders, that I do not
+suppose it ever occurred to her that this poor <i>colored</i> wife ought to
+be paid for her services, and particularly as she was spending her
+time and strength in taking care of her "<i>property</i>." She no doubt
+only thought how kind she was, to <i>allow</i> her to come and stay so long
+in her yard; for, let it be kept in mind, that slaveholders have
+unlimited power to separate husbands and wives, parents and children,
+however and whenever they please; and if this mistress had chosen to
+do it, she could have debarred this woman from all intercourse with
+her husband, by forbidding her to enter her premises.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7r"></a>
+Persons who own plantations and yet live in cities, often take
+children from their parents as soon as they are weaned, and send them
+into the country; because they do not want the time of the mother
+taken up by attendance upon her own children, it being too valuable to
+the mistress. As a <i>favor</i>, she is, in some cases, permitted to go to
+see them once a year. So, on the other hand, if field slaves happen to
+have children of an age suitable to the convenience of the master,
+they are taken from their parents and brought to the city. Parents are
+almost never consulted as to the disposition to be made of their
+children; they have as little control over them, as have domestic
+animals over the disposal of their young. Every natural and social
+feeling and affection are violated with indifference; slaves are
+treated as though they did not possess them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Another way in which the feelings of slaves are trifled with and often
+deeply wounded, is by changing their names; if, at the time they are
+brought into a family, there is another slave of the same name; or if
+the owner happens, for some other reason, not to like the name of the
+new comer. I have known slaves very much grieved at having the names
+of their children thus changed, when they had been called after a dear
+relation. Indeed it would be utterly impossible to recount the
+multitude of ways in which the <i>heart</i> of the slave is continually
+lacerated by the total disregard of his feelings as a social being and
+a human creature.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7s"></a>
+The slave suffers also greatly from being continually watched. The
+system of espionage which is constantly kept up over slaves is the
+most worrying and intolerable that can be imagined. Many mistresses
+are, in fact, during the absence of their husbands, really their
+drivers; and the pleasure of returning to their families often, on the
+part of the husband, is entirely destroyed by the complaints preferred
+against the slaves when he comes home to his meals.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_7t"></a>
+A mistress of my acquaintance asked her servant boy, one day, what was
+the reason she could not get him to do his work whilst his master was
+away, and said to him, "Your master works a great deal harder than you
+do; he is at his office all day, and often has to study his law cases
+at night." "Master," said the boy, "is working for himself, and for
+you, ma'am, but I am working for <i>him</i>". The mistress turned and
+remarked to a friend, that she was so struck with the truth of the
+remark, that she could not say a word to him. But I forbear&mdash;the
+sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they are
+<a name="RULE4_7u"></a>
+<i>indescribable</i>. I may paint the agony of kindred torn from each
+other's arms, to meet no more in time; I may depict the inflictions of
+the blood-stained lash, but I cannot describe the daily, hourly,
+ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that is constantly trampled
+under the foot of despotic power. This is a part of the horrors of
+slavery which, I believe, no one has ever attempted to delineate; I
+wonder not at it, it mocks all power of language. Who can describe the
+anguish of that mind which feels itself impaled upon the iron of
+arbitrary power&mdash;its living, writhing, helpless victim! every human
+susceptibility tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and
+bleeding&mdash;always feeling the death-weapon in its heart, and yet not so
+deep as to <i>kill</i> that humanity which is made the curse of Its
+existence.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the course of my testimony I have entered somewhat into the
+<i>minutiae</i> of slavery, because this is a part of the subject often
+overlooked, and cannot be appreciated by any but those who have been
+witnesses, and entered into sympathy with the slaves as human beings.
+Slaveholders think nothing of them, because they regard their slaves
+as <i>property</i>, the mere instruments of their convenience and pleasure.
+<i>One who is a slaveholder at heart never recognises a human being in a
+slave</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+As thou hast asked me to testify respecting the <i>physical condition</i>
+of the slaves merely, I say nothing of the awful neglect of their
+<i>minds and souls</i> and the systematic effort to imbrute them. A wrong
+and an impiety, in comparison with which all the other unutterable
+wrongs of slavery are but as the dust of the balance.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+ANGELINA G. WELD.
+</div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_8"></a>
+	GENERAL TESTIMONY
+</h2>
+
+<div class="centered">
+TO THE CRUELTIES INFLICTED UPON SLAVES.
+</div>
+<p>
+Before presenting to the reader particular details of the cruelties
+inflicted upon American slaves, we will present in brief the
+well-weighed declarations of slaveholders and other residents of slave
+states, testifying that the slaves are treated with barbarous
+inhumanity. All <i>details</i> and particulars will be drawn out under
+their appropriate heads. We propose in this place to present testimony
+of a <i>general character</i>&mdash;the solemn declarations of slaveholders and
+others, that the slaves are treated with great cruelty.
+</p>
+<p>
+To discredit the testimony of witnesses who insist upon convicting
+themselves, would be an anomalous scepticism.
+</p>
+<p>
+To show that American slavery has <i>always</i> had one uniform character
+of diabolical cruelty, we will go back one hundred years, and prove it
+by unimpeachable witnesses, who have given their deliberate testimony
+to its horrid barbarity, from 1739 to 1839.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD.
+</div>
+<p>
+In a letter written by him in Georgia, and addressed to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina and
+Georgia, in 1739.&mdash;See Benezet's "Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies."
+</p>
+<p>
+"As I lately passed through your provinces on my way hither, I was
+sensibly touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor
+negroes.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular <i>exceptions</i> there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are <i>some</i>,) I fear the <i>generality</i> of
+you that own negroes <i>are liable to such a charge</i>. Not to mention
+what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel
+<i>taskmasters</i>, who by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed their
+backs and made long furrows, and at length brought them to the grave!
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>The blood of them, spilt for these many years, in your respective
+provinces, will ascend up to heaven against you!</i>" The following is
+the testimony of the celebrated JOHN WOOLMAN, an eminent minister of
+the Society of Friends, who traveled extensively in the slave state.
+We copy it from a "Memoir of JOHN WOOLMAN, chiefly extracted from a
+Journal of his Life and Travels." It was published in Philadelphia, by
+the "Society of Friends."
+</p>
+<p>
+"The following reflections, were written in 1757, while he was
+traveling on a religious account among slaveholders."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Many of the white people in these provinces, take little or no care
+of negro marriages; and when negroes marry, after their own way, some
+make so little account of those marriages, that, with views of outward
+interest, they often part men from their wives, by selling them far
+asunder; which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Many whose labor is heavy, being followed at their business in the
+field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose,&mdash;have, in common,
+little else allowed them but <i>one peck</i> of Indian corn and some salt
+for one week, with a few potatoes. (The potatoes they commonly raise
+by their labor on the first day of the week.) The correction ensuing
+on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is
+often <i>very severe</i>, and sometimes <i>desperate</i>. Men and women have
+many times <i>scarce clothes enough to hide their nakedness</i>&mdash;and boys
+and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often <i>quite naked</i> among
+their masters' children. Some use endeavors to instruct those (negro
+children) they have in reading; but in common, this is not only
+neglected, but disapproved."&mdash;p. 12.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF THE 'MARYLAND JOURNAL AND BALTIMORE ADVERTISER,' OF MAY
+30, 1788.
+</div>
+<p>
+"In the ordinary course of the business of the country, the punishment
+of relations frequently happens on the same farm, and in view of each
+other: the father often sees his beloved son&mdash;the son his venerable
+sire&mdash;the mother her much loved daughter&mdash;the daughter her
+affectionate parent&mdash;the husband sees the wife of his bosom, and she
+the husband of her affection, <i>cruelly bound up</i> without delicacy or
+mercy, and without daring to interpose in each other's behalf, and
+punished with all the <i>extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigor
+of unrelenting severity</i>. Let us reverse the case, and suppose it ours:
+ALL IS SILENT HORROR!"
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF THE HON. WILLIAM PINCKNEY, OF MARYLAND.
+</div>
+<p>
+In a speech before the Maryland House of Delegates, in 1789, Mr. P.
+calls slavery in that state, "a speaking picture of <i>abominable
+oppression</i>;" and adds: "It will not do thus to ... act like
+<i>unrelenting tyrants</i>, perpetually sermonizing it with liberty as our
+text, and actual <i>oppression</i> for our commentary. Is she [Maryland]
+not ... the foster mother of <i>petty despots</i>,&mdash;the patron of <i>wanton
+oppression?</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from a speech of Mr. RICE, in the Convention for forming the
+Constitution of Kentucky, in 1790:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The master may, and <i>often does, inflict upon him all the severity of
+punishment the human body is capable of bearing."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+President Edwards, the Younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, 1791, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"From these drivers, for every imagined, as well as real neglect or
+want of exertion, they receive the lash&mdash;the smack of which is all day
+long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the
+vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only
+to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at
+almost every stroke.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals
+suffer still more severely. <i>Many, many are knocked down; some have
+their eyes beaten out: some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopped
+off</i>; and many, for a very small, or for no crime at all, have been
+beaten to death, merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or
+overseer."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from an oration, delivered at Baltimore, July 4, 1797, by
+GEORGE BUCHANAN, M.D., member of the American Philosophical Society.
+</p>
+<p>
+Their situation (the slaves') is <i>insupportable</i>; misery inhabits
+their cabins, and pursues them in the field. Inhumanly beaten, they
+<i>often</i> fall sacrifices to the turbulent tempers of their masters! Who
+is there, unless inured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the
+inhuman punishments <i>daily inflicted</i> upon the unfortunate blacks,
+without feeling for them? Can a man who calls himself a Christian,
+coolly and deliberately tie up, <i>thumb-screw, torture with pincers</i>,
+and beat unmercifully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of
+duty?&mdash;p. 14.
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF HON. JOHN RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE&mdash;A SLAVEHOLDER.
+</p>
+<p>
+In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: "Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this <i>infernal</i> traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post-horses <i>whipped to death</i> in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+<i>The hand-cuff; the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide!</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+MAJOR STODDARD, of the United States' army, who took possession of
+Louisiana in behalf of the United States, under the cession of 1804,
+in his Sketches of Louisiana, page 332, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The feelings of humanity are outraged&mdash;the most odious tyranny
+exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and nakedness prevail
+amidst plenty.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;Cruel, and even unusual punishments are daily
+inflicted on these wretched creatures, enfeebled with hunger, labor
+and the lash. The scenes of misery and distress constantly witnessed
+along the coast of the Delta, [of the Mississippi,] the wounds and
+lacerations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, torture
+the feelings of the passing stranger, and wring blood from the heart."
+</p>
+<p>
+Though only the third of the following series of resolutions is
+directly relevant to the subject now under consideration, we insert
+the other resolutions, both because they are explanatory of the third,
+and also serve to reveal the public sentiment of Indiana, at the date
+of the resolutions. As a large majority of the citizens of Indiana at
+that time, were <i>natives of slave states</i>, they well knew the actual
+condition of the slaves.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+1. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, by the Legislative Council and House of
+Representatives of Indiana Territory, that a suspension of the sixth
+article of compact between the United States and the territories and
+states north west of the river Ohio, passed the 13th day of January,
+1783, for the term of ten years, would be highly advantageous to the
+territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the
+good citizens of the same."
+</p>
+<p>
+2. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the abstract question of liberty and
+slavery, is not considered as involved in a suspension of the said
+article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the United States would
+not be augmented by the measure."
+</p>
+<p>
+3. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the suspension of the said article
+would be equally advantageous to the territory, to the states from
+whence the negroes would be brought, and <i>to the negroes themselves.</i>
+The states which are overburthened with negroes which they cannot
+comfortably support;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;and THE NEGRO HIMSELF WOULD EXCHANGE A SCANTY
+PITTANCE OF THE COARSEST FOOD, for a plentiful and nourishing diet;
+and a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of
+emancipation, for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his
+wishes."
+</p>
+<p>
+4. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that a copy of these resolutions be
+delivered to the delegate to Congress from this territory, and that he
+be, and he hereby is, instructed to use his best endeavors to obtain a
+suspension of the said article."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.B. THOMAS, <i>Speaker of the House of Representatives.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+PIERRE MINARD, <i>President pro tem. of the Legislative Council.
+Vincennes, Dec.</i> 20, 1806.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Forwarded to the Speaker the United States' Senate, by WILLIAM HENRY
+HARRISON, Governor"&mdash;<i>American State Papers</i> vol 1. p. 467.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+MONSIEUR C.C. ROBIN, who resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and
+published a volume containing the results of his observations there,
+thus speaks of the condition of the slaves:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"While they are at labor, the manager, the master, or the driver has
+commonly the whip in hand to strike the idle. But those of the negroes
+who are judged guilty of serious faults, are punished twenty,
+twenty-five, forty, fifty, or one hundred lashes. The manner of this
+cruel execution is as follows: four stakes are driven down, making a
+long square; the culprit is extended naked between these stakes, face
+downwards; his hands and his feet are bound separately, with strong
+cords, to each of the stakes, so far apart that his arms and legs,
+stretched in the form of St. Andrew's cross, give the poor wretch no
+chance of stirring. Then the executioner, who is ordinarily a negro,
+armed with the long whip of a coachman, strikes upon the reins and
+thighs. The crack of his whip resounds afar, like that of an angry
+cartman beating his horses. The blood flows, the long wounds cross
+each other, strips of skin are raised without softening either the
+hand of the executioner or the heart of the master, who cries 'sting
+him harder.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"The reader is moved; so am I: my agitated hand refuses to trace the
+bloody picture, to recount how many times the piercing cry of pain has
+interrupted my silent occupations; how many times I have shuddered at
+the faces of those barbarous masters, where I saw inscribed the number
+of victims sacrificed to their ferocity.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The women are subjected to these punishments as rigorously as the
+men&mdash;not even pregnancy exempts them; in that case, before binding
+them to the stakes, a hole is made in the ground to accommodate the
+enlarged form of the victim.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is remarkable that the white creole women are ordinarily more
+inexorable than the men. Their slow and languid gait, and the trifling
+services which they impose, betoken only apathetic indolence; but
+should the slave not promptly obey, should he even fail to divine the
+meaning of their gestures, or looks, in an instant they are armed with
+a formidable whip; it is no longer the arm which cannot sustain the
+weight of a shawl or a reticule&mdash;it is no longer the form which but
+feebly sustains itself. They themselves order the punishment of one of
+these poor creatures, and with a dry eye see their victim bound to
+four stakes; they count the blows, and raise a voice of menace, if the
+arm that strikes relaxes, or if the blood does not flow in sufficient
+abundance. Their sensibility changed to fury must needs feed itself
+for a while on the hideous spectacle; they must, as if to revive
+themselves, hear the piercing shrieks, and see the flow of fresh
+blood; there are some of them who, in their frantic rage, pinch and
+bite their victims.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is by no means wonderful that the laws designed to protect the
+slave, should be little respected by the generality of such masters. I
+have seen some masters pay those unfortunate people the miserable
+overcoat which is their due; but others give them nothing at all, and
+do not even leave them the hours and Sundays granted to them by law. I
+have seen some of those barbarous masters leave them, during the
+winter, in a state of revolting nudity, even contrary to their own
+true interests, for they thus weaken and shorten the lives upon which
+repose the whole of their own fortunes. I have seen some of those
+negroes obliged to conceal their nakedness with the long moss of the
+country. The sad melancholy of these wretches, depicted upon their
+countenances, the flight of some, and the death of others, do not
+reclaim their masters; they wreak upon those who remain, the vengeance
+which they can no longer exercise upon the others."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+WHITMAN MEAD, Esq. of New York, in his journal, published nearly a
+quarter of a century ago, under date of
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"SAVANNAH, January 28, 1817.
+</p>
+<p>
+"To one not accustomed to such scenes as slavery presents, the
+condition of the slaves is <i>impressively shocking.</i> In the course of
+my walks, I was every where witness to their wretchedness. Like the
+brute creatures of the north, they are driven about at the pleasure of
+all who meet them: <i>half naked and half starved</i>, they drag out a
+pitiful existence, apparently almost unconscious of what they suffer.
+A threat accompanies every command, and a bastinado is the usual
+reward of disobedience."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JOHN RANKIN,
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>A native of Tennessee, educated there, and for a number of years a
+preacher in slave states&mdash;now pastor of a church in Ripley, Ohio.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and tied across
+barrels, or large bags, <i>and tortured with the lash during hours, and
+even whole days, until their flesh is mangled to the very bones</i>.
+Others are stripped and hung up by the arms, their feet are tied
+together, and the end of a heavy piece of timber is put between their
+legs in order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the
+torturing lash&mdash;and in this situation they are often whipped until
+their bodies are covered <i>with blood and mangled flesh</i>&mdash;and in order
+to add the greatest keenness to their sufferings, their wounds are
+washed with <i>liquid salt</i>! And some of the miserable creatures are
+permitted to hang in that position until they actually <i>expire</i>; some
+die under the lash, others linger about for a time, and at length die
+of their wounds, and many survive, and endure again similar torture.
+These bloody scenes are <i>constantly exhibiting in every slave holding
+country&mdash;thousands of whips are every day stained in African blood</i>!
+Even the poor <i>females</i> are not permitted to escape these shocking
+cruelties."&mdash;<i>Rankin's Letters.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+These letters were published fifteen years ago.&mdash;They were addressed
+to a brother in Virginia, who was a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_8a"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
+</div>
+<p>
+"We have heard of slavery as it exists in Asia, and Africa, and
+Turkey&mdash;we have heard of the feudal slavery under which the peasantry
+of Europe have groaned from the days of Alaric until now, but
+excepting only the horrible system of the West India Islands, we have
+never heard of slavery in any country, ancient or modern, Pagan,
+Mohammedan, or <i>Christian! so terrible in its character</i>, as the
+slavery which exists in these United States."&mdash;<i>Seventh Report
+American Colonization Society,</i> 1824.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="RULE4_8b"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF THE GRADUAL EMANCIPATION SOCIETY OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Signed by Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the eastern part of the state, the slaves considerably outnumber
+the free population. Their situation is there wretched beyond
+description. Impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already
+attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur
+and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short
+allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great
+part of them go half naked and half starved much of the time.
+Generally, throughout the state, the African is an <i>abused, a
+monstrously outraged creature."&mdash;See Minutes of the American
+Convention, convened in Baltimore, Oct.</i> 25, 1826.
+</p>
+<p>
+FROM NILES' BALTIMORE REGISTER FOR 1829, VOL 35, p. 4.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dealing in slaves has become a <i>large business</i>. Establishments are
+made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle. These places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with <i>iron thumb-screws and gags</i>, and ornamented with
+<i>catskins and other whips&mdash;often times bloody</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge RUFFIN, of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, in one of his
+judicial decisions, says&mdash;"The slave, to remain a slave, must feel
+that there is NO APPEAL FROM HIS MASTER. No man can anticipate the
+provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of
+the master, prompting him to BLOODY VENGEANCE on the turbulent
+traitor, a vengeance <i>generally</i> practiced with impunity, by reason of
+its PRIVACY."&mdash;See <i>Wheeler's Law of Slavery</i> p. 247.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. MOORE, of VIRGINIA, in his speech before the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 15, 1832, says: "It must be confessed, that although the
+treatment of our slaves is in the general, as mild and humane as it
+can be, that it must always happen, that there will be found hundreds
+of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their
+dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of
+cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is <i>almost
+intolerable</i>, and at which humanity revolts."
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF B. SWAIN, ESQ., OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+</div>
+
+<p>
+"Let any man of spirit and feeling, for a moment cast his thoughts
+over this land of slave&mdash;think of the <i>nakedness</i> of some, the
+<i>hungry yearnings</i> of others, the <i>flowing tears and heaving sighs</i> of
+parting relations, the <i>wailings and wo, the bloody cut of the keen
+lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies</i>&mdash;and all
+this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other
+depraved feelings of the human heart.... THE WORST IS NOT GENERALLY
+KNOWN. Were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once
+into view, a peal of seven-fold thunder could scarce strike greater
+alarm."&mdash;<i>See "Swain's Address,"</i> 1830.
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="JAMES_FINLEY"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF DR. JAMES C. FINLEY,
+</div>
+
+<p>
+<i>Son of Dr. Finley, one of the founders of the Colonization Society,
+and brother of R.S. Finley, agent of the American Colonization
+Society.</i> Dr. J.C. Finley was formerly one of the editors of the
+Western Medical Journal, at Cincinnati, and is well known in the west
+as utterly hostile to immediate abolition.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In almost the last conversation I had with you before I left
+Cincinnati, I promised to give you some account of some scenes of
+atrocious cruelty towards slaves, which I witnessed while I lived at
+the south. I almost regret having made the promise, for not only are
+they <i>so atrocious</i> that you will with difficulty believe them, but I
+also fear that they will have the effect of driving you into that
+<i>abolitionism</i>, upon the borders of which you have been so long
+hesitating. The people of the north <i>are ignorant of the horrors of
+slavery</i>&mdash;of the <i>atrocities</i> which it commits upon the unprotected
+slave.&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+</p>
+<p>
+"I do not know that any thing could be gained by particularizing the
+scenes of <i>horrible barbarity</i>, which fell under my observation during
+my <i>short</i> residence in one of the wealthiest, most intelligent, and
+most moral parts of Georgia. Their <i>number</i> and <i>atrocity</i> are such,
+that I am confident they would gain credit with none but
+<i>abolitionists</i>. Every thing will be conveyed in the remark, that in a
+state of society calculated to foster the worst passions of our
+nature, the slave derives <i>no protection</i> either from <i>law</i> or <i>public
+opinion</i>, and that ALL the cruelties which the Russians are reported
+to have acted towards the Poles, after their late subjugation, ARE
+SCENES OF EVERY-DAY OCCURRENCE in the southern states. This statement,
+incredible as it may seem, falls short, very far short of the truth."
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing is extracted from a letter written by Dr. Finley to Rev.
+Asa Mahan, his former pastor, then of Cincinnati, now President of
+Oberlin Seminary.
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, OF ILLINOIS, <i>Son of a
+Slaveholder, Rev. Dr. Allan of Huntsville, Ala.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"At our house it is so common to hear their (the slaves') screams,
+that we think nothing of it: and lest any one should think that in
+<i>general</i> the slaves are well treated, let me be distinctly
+understood:&mdash;<i>cruelty</i> is the <i>rule</i>, and <i>kindness</i> the <i>exception</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter dated July 2d, 1834, from Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St.
+Louis, Missouri, to Arthur Tappan, Esq. of this city:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am not an advocate of the immediate and unconditional emancipation
+of the slaves of our country, yet <i>no man has ever yet depicted the
+wretchedness of the situation of the slaves in colors as dark for the
+truth</i>.... I know that many good people <i>are not aware of the
+treatment to which slaves are usually subjected</i>, nor have they any
+just idea of the extent of the evil."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="RULE4_8c"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JAMES A. THOME, <i>A native of Kentucky&mdash;Son of Arthur
+Thome Esq., till recently a Slaveholder.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Slavery is the parent of more suffering than has flowed from any one
+source since the date of its existence. Such sufferings too!
+<i>Sufferings inconceivable and innumerable&mdash;unmingled wretchedness</i>
+from the ties of nature rudely broken and destroyed, the <i>acutest
+bodily tortures, groans, tears and blood</i>&mdash;lying forever in weariness
+and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and in thirst, in cold and
+nakedness.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brethren of the North, be not deceived. <i>These sufferings still
+exist</i>, and despite the efforts of their cruel authors to hush them
+down, and confine them within the precincts of their own plantations,
+they will ever and anon, struggle up and reach the ear of
+humanity."&mdash;<i>Mr. Thome's Speech at New York, May,</i> 1834.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF THE MARYVILLE (TENNESSEE) INTELLIGENCER, OF OCT. 4, 1835.
+</div>
+<p>
+The Editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves which are
+taken by the internal trade to the South West, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in their condition.
+With <i>heavy galling chains</i>, riveted upon your person; <i>half-naked,
+half-starved</i>; your back <i>lacerated</i> with the 'knotted Whip;'
+traveling to a region where your <i>condition through time will be
+second only to the wretched creatures in Hell</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This depicting is not visionary. Would to God that it was."
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD OF KENTUCKY; <i>A large majority of
+whom are slaveholders.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"This system licenses and produces <i>great cruelty</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be
+inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and he has no redress.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There are now in our whole land two millions of human beings,
+exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and every injury short of
+maiming or death, which their fellow men may choose to inflict. <i>They
+suffer all</i> that can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping
+avarice, by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger.
+Their happiness is the sport of every whim, and the prey of every
+passion that may, occasionally, or habitually, infest the master's
+bosom. If we could calculate the amount of wo endured by ill-treated
+slaves, it would overwhelm every compassionate heart&mdash;it would move
+even the obdurate to sympathy. There is also a vast sum of suffering
+inflicted upon the slave by humane masters, as a punishment for that
+idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Brutal stripes</i> and all the varied kinds of personal indignities,
+are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses."
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. N.H. HARDING, Pastor of the Presbyterian Church,
+in Oxford, North Carolina, a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am greatly surprised that you should in any form have been the
+apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and
+benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness,
+and cold hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils,
+both to the oppressor and the oppressed, THE ONE THOUSANDTH PART OF
+WHICH HAS NEVER BEEN BROUGHT TO LIGHT."
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. ASA A. STONE, a theological student, who lived near Natchez,
+(Mi.,) in 1834 and 5, sent the following with other testimony, to be
+published under his own name, in the N.Y. Evangelist, while he was
+still residing there.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Floggings for all offences, including deficiencies in work, are
+<i>frightfully common</i>, and <i>most terribly severe.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after a severe
+whipping.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH, Centreville, Allegany Co., N.Y. who
+lived four years at the South.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They are badly clothed, badly fed, wretchedly lodged, unmercifully
+whipped, from month to month, from year to year, from childhood to old
+age."
+</p>
+<p>
+REV. JOSEPH M. SADD, Castile, Genessee CO. N.Y. who was till recently
+a preacher in Missouri, says,
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is true that barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon them, such as
+terrible lacerations with the whip, and excruciating tortures are
+sometimes experienced from the thumb screw."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from SARAH M. GRIMKÉ, dated 4th Month, 2nd, 1839
+</p>
+<p>
+"If the following extracts from letters which I have received from
+South Carolina, will be of any use thou art at liberty to publish
+them. I need not say, that the names of the writers are withheld of
+necessity, because such sentiments if uttered at the south would peril
+their lives."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+EXTRACTS
+</div>
+<p>
+&mdash;South Carolina, 4th Month, 5th, 1835. "With regard to slavery I
+must confess, though we had heard a great deal on the subject, we
+found on coming South the <i>half</i>, the <i>worst</i> half too, had not been
+told us; not that we have ourselves seen much oppression, though truly
+we have felt its deadening influence, but the accounts we have
+received from every tongue that nobly dares to speak upon the subject,
+are indeed <i>deplorable</i>. To quote the language of a lady, who with
+true Southern hospitality, received us at her mansion. "The <i>northern</i>
+people don't know anything of slavery at all, they think it is
+<i>perpetual bondage merely</i>, but of the <i>depth of degradation</i> that
+that word involves, they have no conception; if they had any just idea
+of it, they would I am sure use every effort until an end was put to
+such a shocking system.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another friend writing from South Carolina, and who sustains herself
+the legal relation of slaveholder, in a letter dated April 4th, 1838,
+says&mdash;'I have some time since, given you my views on the subject of
+slavery, which so much engrosses your attention. I would most
+willingly forget what I have seen and heard in my own family, with
+regard to the slaves. <i>I shudder when I think of it</i>, and increasingly
+feel that slavery is a curse since it leads to such <i>cruelty</i>.'"
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="PUNISH"></a>
+	PUNISHMENTS.
+</h2>
+
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="PUNISH_a"></a>
+I. FLOGGINGS.
+</div>
+<p>
+The slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &amp;c.; red pepper
+and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh; hot brine and turpentine
+are poured into their gashes; and innumerable other tortures inflicted
+upon them.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PUNISH_b"></a>
+We will in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the
+slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate and
+mangle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent
+scars and ridges; after establishing this, we will present a mass of
+testimony, concerning a great variety of other tortures. The
+testimony, for the most part, will be that of the slaveholders
+themselves, and in their own chosen words. A large portion of it will
+be taken from the advertisements, which they have published in their
+own newspapers, describing by the scars on their bodies made by the
+whip, their own runaway slaves. To copy these advertisements <i>entire</i>
+would require a great amount of space, and flood the reader with a
+vast mass of matter irrelevant to the <i>point</i> before us; we shall
+therefore insert only so much of each, as will intelligibly set forth
+the precise point under consideration. In the column under the word
+"witnesses," will be found the name of the individual, who signs the
+advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his or her place of
+residence, and the name and date of the paper, in which it appeared,
+and generally the name of the place where it is published. Opposite
+the name of each witness, will be an extract, from the advertisement,
+containing his or her testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. D. Judd, jailor, Davidson Co., Tennessee, in the "Nashville
+Banner," Dec. 10th, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail as a runaway, a negro woman named Martha, 17 or 18
+years of age, has <i>numerous scars of the whip on her back</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Robert Nicoll, Dauphin st. between Emmanuel and Conception st's,
+Mobile, Alabama, in the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ten dollars reward for my woman Siby, <i>very much scarred about the
+neck and ears by whipping</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Bryant Johnson, Fort Valley Houston Co., Georgia, in the "Standard
+of Union," Milledgeville Ga. Oct. 2, 1838. "Ranaway, a negro woman,
+named Maria, <i>some scars on her back occasioned by the whip</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James T. De Jarnett, Vernon, Autauga Co., Alabama, in the
+"Pensacola Gazette," July 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Stolen a negro woman, named Celia. On examining her back you will
+find marks <i>caused by the whip</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Maurice Y. Garcia, Sheriff of the County of Jefferson, La., in the
+"New Orleans Bee,"  August, 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, <i>having large marks of the whip,</i> on
+his shoulders and other parts of his body."
+</p>
+<p>
+R.J. Bland, Sheriff of Claiborne Co, Miss., in the "Charleston (S.C.)
+Courier." August, 28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed a negro boy, named Tom, is <i>much marked with the
+whip</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Noe, Red River Landing, La., in the "Sentinel," Vicksburg,
+Miss., August 22, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow named Dick&mdash;has <i>many scars on his back from
+being whipped."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+William Craze, jailor, Alexandria, La. in the "Planter's
+Intelligencer." Sept. 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave&mdash;his back is <i>very badly scarred."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+John A. Rowland, jailor, Lumberton, North Carolina, in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 20, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed, a mulatto fellow&mdash;his back shows <i>lasting impressions of
+the whip,</i> and leaves no doubt of his being A SLAVE"
+</p>
+<p>
+J.K. Roberts, sheriff, Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," Dec. 9, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro man&mdash;his back <i>much marked</i> by the whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. H. Varillat, No. 23 Girod street, New Orleans&mdash;in the "Commercial
+Bulletin," August 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro slave named Jupiter&mdash;has a <i>fresh mark</i> of a
+cowskin on one of his cheeks."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Cornelius D. Tolin, Augusta, Ga., in the "Chronicle and Sentinel,"
+Oct. 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Johnson&mdash;he has a <i>great many marks of the
+whip</i> on his back."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.H. Brasseale, sheriff; Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," June 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave named James&mdash;<i>much scarred</i> with a
+whip on his back."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Ga., in the "Georgia Messenger," July 27,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain&mdash;he is marked <i>on the back with the whip."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Wotton, Rockville, Montgomery county, Maryland, in the
+"Baltimore Republican," Jan. 13, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Bill&mdash;has <i>several</i> LARGE SCARS on his back from a <i>severe</i>
+whipping in <i>early life."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+D.S. Bennett, sheriff, Natchitoches, La., in the "Herald," July 21,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself Joe&mdash;said negro
+bears <i>marks of the whip."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Messrs. C.C. Whitehead, and R.A. Evans, Marion, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville (Ga.) "Standard of Union," June 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro fellow John&mdash;from being whipped, has <i>scars on his
+back, arms, and thighs."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Samuel Stewart, Greensboro', Ala., in the "Southern Advocate,"
+Huntsville, Jan. 6, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a boy named Jim&mdash;with the marks of the <i>whip</i> on the small
+of the back, reaching round to the flank."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Walker, No. 6, Banks' Arcade New Orleans, in the "Bulletin,"
+August 11, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the mulatto boy Quash&mdash;<i>considerably marked</i> on the back and
+other places with the lash."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jesse Beene, Cahawba, Ala., in the "State Intelligencer,"
+Tuskaloosa, Dec. 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro man Billy&mdash;he has the <i>marks of the</i> whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Turner, Thomaston, Upson county, Georgia&mdash;in the "Standard of
+Union," Milledgeville, June 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Left, my negro man named George&mdash;has <i>marks of the whip very plain on
+his thighs."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+James Derrah, deputy sheriff; Claiborne county, Mi., in the "Port
+Gibson Correspondent," April 15, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, negro man Toy&mdash;he has been <i>badly whipped."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+S.B. Murphy, sheriff, Wilkinson county, Georgia&mdash;in the Milledgeville
+"Journal," May 15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brought to jail, a negro man named George&mdash;he has a <i>great many scars
+from the lash."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. L.E. Cooner, Branchville Orangeburgh District, South Carolina&mdash;in
+the Macon "Messenger," May 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"One hundred dollars reward, for my negro Glasgow, and Kate, his wife.
+Glasgow is 24 years old&mdash;has <i>marks of the whip</i> on his back. Kate is
+26&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on her cheek, <i>and several marks of a whip."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+John H. Hand, jailor, parish of West Feliciana, La., in the St.
+"Francisville Journal," July 6, 1837
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy named John, about 17 years old&mdash;his
+back <i>badly marked</i> with the <i>whip</i>, his upper lip and chin <i>severely
+bruised."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern
+papers, mostly in the year 1838. They are the mere <i>samples</i> of
+hundreds of similar ones published during the same period, with which,
+as the preceding are quite sufficient to show the <i>commonness</i> of
+inhuman floggings in the slave states, we need not burden the reader.
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing testimony is, as the reader perceives, that of the
+slaveholders themselves, voluntarily certifying to the outrages which
+their own hands have committed upon defenceless and innocent men and
+women, over whom they have assumed authority. We have given to <i>their</i>
+testimony precedence over that of all other witnesses, for the reason
+that when men testify against <i>themselves</i> they are under no
+temptation to exaggerate.
+</p>
+<p>
+We will now present the testimony of a large number of individuals,
+with their names and residences,&mdash;persons who witnessed the
+inflictions to which they testify. Many of them have been
+slaveholders, and <i>all</i> residents for longer or shorter periods in
+slave states.
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. JOHN H. CURTISS, a native of Deep Creek, Norfolk county,
+Virginia, now a local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Portage co., Ohio, testifies as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1829 or 30, one of my father's slaves was accused of taking the
+key to the office and stealing four or five dollars: he denied it. A
+constable by the name of Hull was called; he took the Negro, very
+deliberately tied his hands, and whipped him till the blood ran freely
+down his legs. By this time Hull appeared tired, and stopped; he then
+took a rope, put a slip noose around his neck, and told the negro he
+was going to <i>kill</i> him, at the same time drew the rope and began
+whipping: the Negro fell; his cheeks looked as though they would burst
+with strangulation. Hull whipped and kicked him, till I really thought
+he was going to kill him; when he ceased, the negro was in a complete
+gore of blood from head to foot."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class-leader in the Methodist Church, at St.
+Alban's, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, testifies as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the year 1821 or 2, I saw a slave hung for killing his master. The
+master had whipped the slave's mother to DEATH, and, locking him in a
+room, threatened him with the same fate; and, cowhide in hand, had
+begun the work, when the slave joined battle and slew the master."
+</p>
+<p>
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton county, Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark county, Ohio,
+gives the following testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"While a resident of Southampton county, Virginia, I knew two men,
+after having been severely treated, endeavor to make their escape. In
+this they failed&mdash;were taken, tied to trees, and whipped to <i>death</i> by
+their overseer. I lived a mile from the negro quarters, and, at that
+distance, could frequently hear the screams of the poor creatures when
+beaten, and could also hear the blows given by the overseer with some
+heavy instrument."
+</p>
+<p>
+Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam, Ohio, gives the following testimony of
+Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of that place, a captain and supercargo of boats
+descending the Mississippi river:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"At Bayou Sarah, I saw a slave <i>staked out,</i> with his face to the
+ground, and whipped with a large whip, which laid open the flesh for
+about two and a half inches <i>every stroke.</i> I stayed about five
+minutes, but could stand it no longer, and left them whipping."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. STEPHEN E. MALTBY, inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, New York,
+who has resided in Alabama, speaking of the condition of the slaves,
+says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have seen them cruelly whipped. I will relate one instance. One
+Sabbath morning, before I got out of my bed, I heard an outcry, and
+got up and went to the window, when I saw some six or eight boys, from
+eight to twelve years of age, near a rack (made for tying horses) on
+the public square. A man on horseback rode up, got off his horse, took
+a cord from his pocket, <i>tied one of the boys</i> by the <i>thumbs</i> to the
+rack, and with his horsewhip lashed him most severely. He then untied
+him and rode off without saying a word.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was a general practice, while I was at Huntsville, Alabama, to
+have a patrol every night; and, to my knowledge, this patrol was in
+the habit of traversing the streets with cow-skins, and, if they found
+any slaves out after eight o'clock without a pass, to whip them until
+they were out of reach, or to confine them until morning."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J.G. BALDWIN, of Middletown, Connecticut, a member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, gives the following testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I traveled at the south in 1827: when near Charlotte, N.C. a free
+colored man fell into the road just ahead of me, and went on
+peaceably.&mdash;When passing a public-house, the landlord ran out with a
+large cudgel, and applied it to the head and shoulders of the man with
+such force as to shatter it in pieces. When the reason of his conduct
+was asked, he replied, that he owned slaves, and he would not permit
+free blacks to come into his neighborhood.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Not long after, I stopped at a public-house near Halifax, N.C.,
+between nine and ten o'clock P.M., to stay over night. A slave sat
+upon a bench in the bar-room asleep. The master came in, seized a
+large horsewhip, and, without any warning or apparent provocation,
+laid it over the face and eyes of the slave. The master cursed, swore,
+and swung his lash&mdash;the slave cowered and trembled, but said not a
+word. Upon inquiry the next morning, I ascertained that the only
+offence was falling asleep, and this too in consequence of having been
+up nearly all the previous night, in attendance upon company."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, of Castile, N.Y., who has lately left Missouri,
+where he was pastor of a church for some years, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In one case, near where we lived, a runaway slave, when brought back,
+was most cruelly beaten&mdash;bathed in the <i>usual</i> liquid&mdash;laid in the
+sun, and a physician employed to heal his wounds:&mdash;then the same
+process of punishment and healing was <i>repeated</i>, <i>and repeated
+again</i>, and then the poor creature was sold for the New Orleans
+market. This account we had from the <i>physician himself</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. ABRAHAM BELL, of Poughkeepsie, New York, a member of the Scotch
+Presbyterian Church, was employed, in 1837 and 38, in levelling and
+grading for a rail-road in the state of Georgia: he had under his
+direction, during the whole time, thirty slaves. Mr. B. gives the
+following testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>All</i> the slaves had their backs scarred, from the oft-repeated
+whippings they had received."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ALONZO BARNARD, of Farmington, Ohio, who was in Mississippi in
+1837 and 8, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slaves were often severely whipped. I saw one <i>woman</i> very
+severely whipped for accidentally cutting up a stalk of cotton.[<a name="rnote10-8"></a><a href="#note10-8">8</a>]
+When they were whipped they were commonly <i>held down by four men</i>: if
+these could not confine them, they were fastened by stakes driven
+firmly into the ground, and then lashed often so as to draw blood at
+each blow. I saw one woman who had lately been delivered of a child in
+consequence of cruel treatment."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-8"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-8">8</a>: Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of Farmington, Ohio, was also a
+witness to this inhuman outrage upon an unprotected woman, for the
+unintentional destruction of a stalk of cotton! In his testimony he is
+more particular, and says, that the number of lashes inflicted upon
+her by the overseer was "ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY."]
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church at Buffalo,
+N. Y. says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"There was a steam cotton press, in the vicinity of my boarding-house
+at New Orleans, which was driven night and day, without intermission.
+My curiosity led me to look at the interior of the establishment.
+There I saw several slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags, fastening
+ropes lading carts, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The presiding genius of the place was a driver, who held a rope four
+feet long in his hand, which he wielded with cruel dexterity. He used
+it in single blows, just as the men were lifting to <i>tighten</i> the bale
+cords. It seemed to me that he was desirous to edify me with a
+specimen of his authority; at any rate the cruelty was horrible."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JOHN VANCE, a member of the Baptist Church, in St. Albans, Licking
+county, Ohio, who moved from Culpepper county, Va., his native state
+in 1814, testifies as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1826, I saw a woman by the name of Mallix, flog her female slave
+with a horse-whip so horribly that she was washed in salt and water
+several days, to keep her bruises from mortifying.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1811, I was returning from mill, in Shenandoah county, when I
+heard the cry of murder, in the field of a man named Painter. I rode
+to the place to see what was going on. Two men, by the names of John
+Morgan and Michael Siglar, had heard the cry and came running to the
+place. I saw Painter beating a negro with a tremendous club, or small
+handspike, swearing he would kill him: but he was rescued by Morgan
+and Siglar. I learned that Painter had commenced flogging the slave
+for not getting to work soon enough. He had escaped, and taken refuge
+under a pile of rails that were on some timbers up a little from the
+ground. The master had put fire to one end, and stood at the other
+with his club, to kill him as he came out. The pile was still burning.
+Painter said he was a turbulent fellow and he <i>would</i> kill him. The
+apprehension of P. was TALKED ABOUT, but, as a compromise, the negro
+was sold to another man."
+</p>
+<p>
+EXTRACT FROM THE PUBLISHED JOURNAL OF THE LATE WM. SAVER, of
+Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the Religious Society of
+Friends:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"6th mo. 22d, 1791. We passed on to Augusta, Georgia. They can
+scarcely tolerate us, on account of our abhorrence of slavery. On the
+28th we got to Savannah, and lodged at one Blount's, a hard-hearted
+slaveholder. One of his lads, aged about fourteen, was ordered to go
+and milk the cow: and falling asleep, through weariness, the master
+called out and ordered him a flogging. I asked him what he meant by a
+flogging. He replied, the way we serve them here is, we cut their
+backs until they are raw all over, and then salt them. Upon this my
+feelings were roused; I told him that was too bad, and queried if it
+were possible; he replied it was, with many curses upon the blacks. At
+supper this unfeeling wretch <i>craved a blessing</i>!
+</p>
+<p>
+"Next morning I heard some one begging for mercy, and also the lash as
+of a whip. Not knowing whence the sound came, I rose, and presently
+found the poor boy tied up to a post, his toes scarcely touching the
+ground, and a negro whipper. He had already cut him in an unmerciful
+manner, and the blood ran to his heels. I stepped in between them, and
+ordered him untied immediately, which, with some reluctance and
+astonishment, was done. Returning to the house I saw the landlord, who
+then showed himself in his true colors, the most abominably wicked man
+I ever met with, full of horrid execrations and threatenings upon all
+northern people; but I did not spare him; which occasioned a bystander
+to say, with an oath, that I should be "popped over." We left them,
+and were in full expectation of their way-laying or coming after us,
+but the Lord restrained them. The next house we stopped at we found
+the same wicked spirit."
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. ELIJAH ELLSWORTH, of Richfield, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Eight or ten years ago I was in Putnam county, in the state of
+Georgia, at a Mr. Slaughter's, the father of my brother's wife. A
+negro, that belonged to Mr. Walker, (I believe,) was accused of
+stealing a pedlar's trunk. The negro denied, but, without ceremony,
+was lashed to a tree&mdash;the whipping commenced&mdash;six or eight men took
+turns&mdash;the poor fellow begged for mercy, but without effect, until he
+was literally <i>cut to pieces, from his shoulders to his hips</i>, and
+covered with a gore of blood. When he said the trunk was in a stack of
+fodder, he was unlashed. They proceeded to the stack, but found no
+trunk. They asked the poor fellow, what he lied about it for; he said,
+"Lord, Massa, to keep from being whipped to death; I know nothing
+about the trunk." They commenced the whipping with redoubled vigor,
+until I really supposed he would be whipped to death on the spot; and
+such shrieks and crying for mercy! Again he acknowledged, and again
+they were defeated in finding, and the same reason given as before.
+Some were for whipping again, others thought he would not survive
+another, and they ceased. About two months after, the trunk was found,
+and it was then ascertained who the thief was: and the poor fellow,
+after being nearly beat to death, and twice made to lie about it, was
+as innocent as I was."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following statements are furnished by Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the summer of 1837, Mr. JOHN H. MOOREHEAD, a partner of mine,
+descended the Mississippi with several boat loads of flour. He told me
+that floating in a place in the Mississippi, where he could see for
+miles a head, he perceived a concourse of people on the bank, that for
+at least a mile and a half above he saw them, and heard the screams of
+some person, and from a great distance, the crack of a whip, he run
+near the shore, and saw them whipping a black man, who was on the
+ground, and at that time nearly unable to scream, but the whip
+continued to be applied without intermission, as long as he was in
+sight, say from one mile and a half, to two miles below&mdash;he probably
+saw and heard them for one hour in all. He expressed the opinion that
+the man could not survive.
+</p>
+<p>
+"About four weeks since I had a conversation with Mr. Porter, a
+respectable citizen of Morgan county of this state, of about fifty
+years of age. He told me that he formerly traveled about five years in
+the southern states, and that on one occasion he stopped at a private
+house, to stay all night; (I think it was in Virginia,) while he was
+conversing with the man, his wife came in, and complained that the
+wench had broken some article in the kitchen, and that she must be
+whipped. He took the <i>woman</i> into the door yard, stripped her clothes
+down to her hips&mdash;tied her hands together, and drawing them up to a
+limb, so that she could just touch the ground, took a very large
+cowskin whip, and commenced flogging; he said that every stroke at
+first raised the skin, and immediately the blood came through; this he
+continued, until the blood stood in a puddle down at her feet. He then
+turned to my informant and said, 'Well, Yankee, what do you think of
+that?'"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="W_DUSTIN"></a>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. W. DUSTIN, a member of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church, and, when the letter was written, 1835, a student of
+Marietta College, Ohio.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"I find by looking over my journal that the murdering, which I spoke
+of yesterday, took place about the first of June, 1834.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Without commenting upon this act of cruelty, or giving vent to my own
+feelings, I will simply give you a statement of the fact, as known
+from <i>personal</i> observation.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dr. K. a man of wealth, and a practising physician in the county of
+Yazoo, state of Mississippi, personally known to me, having lived in
+the same neighborhood more than twelve months, after having scourged
+one of his negroes for running away, declared with an oath, that if he
+ran away again, he would kill him. The negro, so soon as an
+opportunity offered, ran away again. He was caught and brought back.
+Again he was scourged, until his flesh, mangled and torn, and thick
+mingled with the clotted blood, rolled from his back. He became
+apparently insensible, and beneath the heaviest stroke would scarcely
+utter a groan. The master got tired, laid down his whip and nailed the
+negro's ear to a tree; in this condition, nailed fast to the rugged
+wood, he remained all night!
+</p>
+<p>
+"Suffice it to say, in the conclusion, that the next day he was found
+DEAD!
+</p>
+<p>
+"Well, what did they do with the master? The sum total of it is this:
+he was taken before a magistrate and gave bonds, for his appearance at
+the next court. Well, to be sure he had plenty of cash, so he paid up
+his bonds and moved away, and there the matter ended.
+</p>
+<p>
+"If the above fact will be of any service to you in exhibiting to the
+world the condition of the unfortunate negroes, you are at liberty to
+make use of it in any way you think best.
+</p>
+<p>
+Yours, fraternally, M. DUSTIN."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, a member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and the assessor of that town, has furnished the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I went down the Mississippi in December, 1838 and saw twelve of
+fourteen negroes punished on one plantation, by stretching them on a
+ladder and tying them to it; then stripping off their clothes, and
+whipping them on the naked flesh with a heavy whip, the lash seven or
+eight feet long: most of the strokes cut the skin. I understood they
+were whipped for not doing the tasks allotted to them."
+</p>
+<p>
+FROM THE PHILANTHROPIST, Cincinnati, Ohio, Feb. 26, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A very intelligent lady the widow of a highly respectable preacher of
+the gospel of the Presbyterian Church, formerly a resident of a free
+state, and a colonizationist, and a strong antiabolitionist, who,
+although an enemy to slavery, was opposed to abolition on the ground
+that it was for carrying things too rapidly, and without regard to
+circumstances, and especially who believed that abolitionists
+exaggerated with regard to the evils of slavery, and used to say that
+such men ought to go to slave states and see for themselves, to be
+convinced that they did the slaveholders injustice, has gone and seen
+for herself. Hear her testimony."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<i>Kentucky, Dec.</i> 25, 1835.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dear Mrs. W.&mdash;I am still in the land of oppression and cruelty, but
+hope soon to breathe the air of a free state. My soul is sick of
+slavery, and I rejoice that my time is nearly expired: but the scenes
+that I have witnessed have made an impression that never can be
+effaced, and have inspired me with the determination to unite my
+feeble efforts with those who are laboring to suppress this horrid
+system. I am <i>now</i> an <i>abolitionist</i>. You will cease to be surprised
+at this, when I inform you, that I have just seen a poor slave who was
+beaten by his inhuman master until he could neither walk nor stand. I
+saw him from my window carried from the barn where he had been
+whipped to the cabin, by two negro men; and he now lies there, and if
+he recovers, will be a sufferer for months, and probably for life. You
+will doubtless suppose that he committed some great crime; but it was
+not so. He was called upon by a young man (the son of his master,) to
+do something, and not moving as quickly as his young master wished him
+to do, he drove him to the barn, knocked him down, and jumped upon
+him, stamped, and then cowhided him until he was almost dead. This is
+not the first act of cruelty that I have seen, though it is the
+<i>worst</i>; and I am convinced that those who have described the
+cruelties of slaveholders, have not exaggerated."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GERRIT SMITH, Esq., of Peterboro'. N. Y.
+Peterboro', December 1, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<i>To the Editor of the Union Herald</i>: "My dear Sir:&mdash;You will be happy
+to hear, that the two fugitive slaves, to whom in the brotherly love
+of your heart, you gave the use of your horse, are still making
+undisturbed progress towards the <i>monarchical</i> land whither
+<i>republican</i> slaves escape for the enjoyment of liberty. They had
+eaten their breakfast, and were seated in my wagon, before day-dawn,
+this morning.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fugitive slaves have before taken my house in their way, but never
+any, whose lips and persons made so forcible an appeal to my
+sensibilities, and kindled in me so much abhorrence of the
+hell-concocted system of American slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The fugitives exhibited their bare backs to myself and a number of my
+neighbors. Williams' back is comparatively scarred. But, I speak
+within bounds, when I say, that one-third to one-half of the whole
+surface of the back and shoulders of poor Scott, <i>consists of scars
+and wales resulting from innumerable gashes.</i> His natural complexion
+being yellow and the callous places being nearly black, his back and
+shoulders remind you of a spotted animal."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The LOUISVILLE REPORTER (Kentucky,) Jan. 15, 1839, contains the report
+of a trial for inhuman treatment of a female slave. The following is
+some of the testimony given in court.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Dr. CONSTANT testified that he saw Mrs. Maxwell at the kitchen door,
+whipping the negro severely, without being particular whether she
+struck her in the face or not. The negro was lacerated by the whip,
+and the blood flowing. Soon after, on going down the steps, he saw
+quantities of blood on them, and on returning, saw them again. She had
+been thinly clad&mdash;barefooted in very cold weather. Sometimes she had
+shoes&mdash;sometimes not. In the beginning of the winter she had linsey
+dresses, since then, calico ones. During the last four months, had
+noticed many scars on her person. At one time had one of her eyes tied
+up for a week. During the last three months seemed declining, and had
+become stupified. Mr. Winters was passing along the street, heard
+cries, looked up through the window that was hoisted, saw the boy
+whipping her, as much as forty or fifty licks, while he staid. The
+girl was stripped down to the hips. The whip seemed to be a cow-hide.
+Whenever she turned her face to him, he would hit her across the face
+either with the butt end or small end of the whip to make her turn her
+back round square to the lash, that he might get a fair blow at her.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Say had noticed several wounds on her person, chiefly bruises.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Captain Porter, keeper of the work-house, into which Milly had been
+received, thought the injuries on her person very bad&mdash;some of them
+appeared to be burns&mdash;some bruises or stripes, as of a cow-hide."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+LETTER OF REV. JOHN RANKIN, of Ripley, Ohio, to the Editor of the
+Philanthropist.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+RIPLEY, Feb. 20, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some time since, a member of the Presbyterian Church of Ebenezer,
+Brown county, Ohio, landed his boat at a point on the Mississippi. He
+saw some disturbance among the colored people on the bank. He stepped
+up, to see what was the matter. A black man was stretched naked on
+the ground; his hands were tied to a stake, and one held each foot. He
+was doomed to receive fifty lashes; but by the time the overseer had
+given him twenty-five with his great whip, the blood was standing
+round the wretched victim in little puddles. It appeared just as if it
+had rained blood.&mdash;Another observer stepped up, and advised to defer
+the other twenty-five to another time, lest the slave might die; and
+he was released, to receive the balance when he should have so
+recruited as to be able to bear it and live. The offence was, coming
+one hour too late to work."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. RANKIN, who is a native of Tennessee, in his letters on slavery,
+published fifteen years since, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A respectable gentleman, who is now a citizen of Flemingsburg,
+Fleming county, Kentucky, when in the state of South Carolina, was
+invited by a slaveholder, to walk with him and take a view of his
+farm. He complied with the invitation thus given, and in their walk
+they came to the place where the slaves were at work, and found the
+overseer whipping one of them very severely for not keeping pace with
+his fellows&mdash;in vain the poor fellow alleged that he was sick, and
+could not work. The master seemed to think all was well enough, hence
+he and the gentleman passed on. In the space of an hour they returned
+by the same way, and found that the poor slave, who had been whipped
+as they first passed by the field of labor, was actually dead! This I
+have from unquestionable authority."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from a MEMBER OF CONGRESS, to the Editor of the
+New York American, dated Washington, Feb. 18, 1839. The name of the
+writer is with the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Three days ago, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the new Patent
+Building were alarmed by an outcry in the street, which proved to be
+that of a slave who had just been knocked down with a brick-bat by his
+pursuing master. Prostrate on the ground, with a large gash in his
+head, the poor slave was receiving the blows of his master on one
+side, and the kicks of his master's son on the other. His cries
+brought a few individuals to the spot; but no one dared to interfere,
+save to exclaim&mdash;You will kill him&mdash;which was met by the response, "He
+is mine, and I have a right to do what I please with him." The
+heart-rending scene was closed from <i>public</i> view by dragging the poor
+bruised and wounded slave from the public street into his master's
+stable. What followed is not known. The outcries were heard by members
+of Congress and others at the distance of near a quarter of a mile
+from the scene.
+</p>
+<p>
+"And now, perhaps, you will ask, is not the city aroused by this
+flagrant cruelty and breach of the peace? I answer&mdash;not at all. Every
+thing is quiet. If the occurrence is mentioned at all, it is spoken of
+in whispers."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<i>From the Mobile Examiner, August</i> 1, 1837.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"POLICE REPORT&mdash;MAYOR'S OFFICE.
+<i>Saturday morning, August</i> 12, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"His Honor the Mayor presiding.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. MILLER, of the foundry, brought to the office this morning a
+small negro girl aged about eight or ten years, whom he had taken into
+his house some time during the previous night. She had crawled under
+the window of his bed room to screen herself from the night air, and
+to find a warmer shelter than the open canopy of heaven afforded. Of
+all objects of pity that have lately come to our view, this poor
+little girl most needs the protection of authority, and the sympathies
+of the charitable. From the cruelty of her master and mistress, she
+has been whipped, worked and starved, until she is now a breathing
+skeleton, hardly able to stand upon her feet.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The back of the poor little sufferer, (which we ourselves saw,) <i>was
+actually cut into strings, and so perfectly was the flesh worn from
+her limbs,</i> by the wretched treatment she had received, that <i>every
+joint showed distinctly its crevices</i> and protuberances through the
+skin. Her little lips clung closely over her teeth&mdash;her cheeks were
+sunken and her head narrowed, and when her eyes were closed, the lids
+resembled film more than flesh or skin.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We would desire of our northern friends such as choose to publish to
+the world their own version of the case we have related, not to forget
+to add, in conclusion, that the owner of this little girl is a
+foreigner, speaks against slavery as an institution, and reads his
+Bible to his wife, with the view of finding proofs for his opinions."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Rev. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, gives the following testimony
+in a recent letter:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I had a class-mate at the Andover Theological Seminary, who spent a
+season at the south,&mdash;in Georgia, I think&mdash;who related the following
+fact in an address before the Seminary. It occasioned very deep
+sensation on the part of opponents. The gentleman was Mr. Julius C.
+Anthony, of Taunton, Mass. He graduated at the Seminary in 1835. I do
+not know where he is now settled. I have no doubt of the fact, as be
+was an <i>eye-witness</i> of it. The man with whom he resided had a very
+athletic slave&mdash;a valuable fellow&mdash;a blacksmith. On a certain day a
+small strap of leather was missing. The man's little son accused this
+slave of stealing it. He denied the charge, while the boy most
+confidently asserted it. The slave was brought out into the yard and
+bound&mdash;his hands below his knees, and a stick crossing his knees, so
+that he would lie upon either side in form of the letter S. One of the
+overseers laid on fifty lashes&mdash;he still denied the theft&mdash;was turned
+over and fifty more put on. Sometimes the master and sometimes the
+overseers whipping&mdash;as they relieved each other to take breath. Then
+he was for a time left to himself, and in the course of the day
+received FOUR HUNDRED LASHES&mdash;still denying the charge, Next morning
+Mr. Anthony walked out&mdash;the sun was just rising&mdash;he saw the man
+greatly enfeabled, leaning against a stump. It was time to go to
+work&mdash;he attempted to rise, but fell back&mdash;again attempted, and again
+fell back&mdash;still making the attempt, and still falling back, Mr.
+Anthony thought, nearly <i>twenty times</i> before he succeeded in
+standing&mdash;he then staggered off to his shop. In course of the morning
+Mr. A. went to the door and looked in. Two overseers were standing by.
+The slave was feverish and sick&mdash;his skin and mouth dry and parched.
+He was very thirsty. One of the overseers, while Mr. A, was looking at
+him, inquired of the other whether it were not best to give him a
+little water. 'No. damn him, he will do well enough,' was the reply
+from the other overseer. This was all the relief gained by the poor
+slave. A few days after, the slaveholder's <i>son confessed that he
+stole the strap himself.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church at
+Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, has just forwarded a letter, from
+which the following is an extract:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"GEORGE ROEBUCK, an old and respectable farmer, near Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, a member of the Methodist Episcopal church,
+says, that almost forty-three years ago, he saw in Bath county,
+Virginia, a slave girl with a sore between the shoulders of the size
+and shape of a <i>smoothing iron.</i> The girl was 'owned' by one M'Neil. A
+slaveholder who boarded at M'Neil's stated that Mrs. M'Neil had placed
+the aforesaid iron when hot, between the girl's shoulders, and
+produced the sore.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Roebuck was once at this M'Neil's father's, and whilst the old man
+was at morning prayer, he heard the son plying the whip upon a slave
+out of doors.
+</p>
+<p>
+"ELI WEST, of Concord township, Fayette county, Ohio, formerly of
+North Carolina, a farmer and an exhorter in the Methodist Protestant
+church, says, that many years since he went to live with an uncle who
+owned about fifty negroes. Soon after his arrival, his uncle ordered
+his waiting boy, who was <i>naked</i>, to be tied&mdash;his hands to horse rack,
+and his feet together, with a rail passed between his legs, and held
+down by a person at each end. In this position he was whipped, from
+neck to feet, till covered with blood; after which he was <i>salted.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"His uncle's slaves received one quart of corn each day, and that
+only, and were allowed one hour each day to cook and eat it. They had
+no meat but once in the year. Such was the general usage in that
+country.
+</p>
+<p>
+"West, after this, lived one year with Esquire Starky and mother. They
+had two hundred slaves, who received the usual treatment of
+starvation, nakedness, and the cowhide. They had one lively negro
+woman who bore no children. For this neglect, her mistress had her
+back made naked and a severe whipping inflicted. But as she continued
+barren, she was sold to the 'negro buyers.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"THOMAS LARRIMER, a deacon in the Presbyterian church at Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, and a respectable farmer, says, that in April,
+1837, as he was going down the Mississippi river, about fifty miles
+below Natchez, he saw ahead, on the left side of the river, a colored
+person tied to a post, and a man with a driver's whip, the lash about
+eight or ten feet long. With this the man commenced, with much
+deliberation, to whip, with much apparent force, and continued till he
+got out of sight.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When coming up the river forty or fifty miles below Vicksburg, a
+Judge Owens came on board the steamboat. He was owner of a cotton
+plantation below there, and on being told of the above whipping, he
+said that slaves were often whipped to death for great offences, such
+as <i>stealing,</i> &amp;c.&mdash;but that when death followed, the overseers were
+generally severely <i>reproved!</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"About the same time, he spent a night at Mr. Casey's, three miles
+from Columbia, South Carolina. Whilst there they heard him giving
+orders as to what was to be done, and amongst other things, "That
+nigger must be buried." On inquiry, he learnt that a gentleman
+traveling with a servant, had a short time previous called there, and
+said his servant had just been taken ill, and he should be under the
+necessity of leaving him. He did so. The slave became worst, and
+Casey called in a physician, who pronounced it an old case, and said
+that he must shortly die. The slave said, if that was the case he
+would now tell the truth. He had been attacked, a long time since,
+with a difficulty in the side&mdash;his master swore he would 'have his own
+out of him' and started off to sell him, with a threat to kill him if
+he told he had been sick, more than a few days. They saw them making
+a rough plank box to bury him in.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In March, 1833, twenty-five or thirty miles south of Columbia, on the
+great road through Sumpterville district, they saw a large company of
+female slaves carrying rails and building fence. Three of them were
+far advanced in pregnancy.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the month of January, 1838, he put up with a drove of mules and
+horses, at one Adams', on the Drovers' road, near the south border of
+Kentucky. His son-in-law, who had lived in the south, was there. In
+conversation about picking cotton, he said, 'some hands cannot get the
+sleight of it. I have a girl who to-day has done as good a day's work
+at grubbing as any <i>man</i>, but I could not make her a hand at
+cotton-picking. I whipped her, and if I did it once I did it five
+hundred times, but I found she <i>could</i> not; so I put her to carrying
+rails with the men. After a few days I found her shoulders were so
+<i>raw</i> that every rail was <i>bloody</i> as she laid it down. I asked her if
+she would not rather pick cotton than carry rails. 'No,' said she, 'I
+don't get whipped now.'"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+WILLIAM A. USTICK, an elder of the Presbyterian church at
+Bloomingburg, and Mr. G.S. Fullerton, a merchant and member of the
+same church, were with Deacon Larrimer on this journey, and are
+witnesses to the preceding facts.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, and formerly
+secretary of the Colonization society in that village, has recently
+communicated the facts that follow. We quote from his letter.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The following horrid flagellation was witnessed in part, till his
+soul was sick, by MR. GLIDDEN, an inhabitant of Marietta, Ohio, who
+went down the Mississippi river, with a boat load of produce in the
+autumn of 1837; it took place at what is called 'Matthews' or
+'Matheses Bend' in December, 1837. Mr. G. is worthy of credit.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A negro was tied up, and flogged until the blood ran down and filled
+his shoes, so that when he raised either foot and set it down again,
+the blood would run over their tops. I could not look on any longer,
+but turned away in horror; the whipping was continued to the number of
+500 lashes, as I understood; a quart of spirits of turpentine was then
+applied to his lacerated body. The same negro came down to my boat, to
+get some apples, and was so weak from his wounds and loss of blood,
+that he could not get up the bank, but fell to the ground. The crime
+for which the negro was whipped, was that of telling the other
+negroes, that <i>the overseer had lain with his wife."</i>
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. Hall adds:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The following statement is made by a young man from Western Virginia.
+He is a member of the Presbyterian Church, and a student in Marietta
+College. All that prevents the introduction of his <i>name,</i> is the
+peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence, on his
+return to Virginia. His character for integrity and veracity is above
+suspicion.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="DRIVING"></a>
+"On the night of the great meteoric shower, in Nov. 1833. I was at
+Remley's tavern, 12 miles west of Lewisburg, Greenbrier Co., Virginia.
+A drove of 50 or 60 negroes stopped at the same place that night.
+They usually 'camp out,' but as it was excessively muddy, they were
+permitted to come into the house. So far as my knowledge extends,
+'droves,' on their way to the south, eat but twice a day, early in the
+morning and at night. Their supper was a compound of 'potatoes and
+meal,' and was, without exception, the <i>dirtiest, blackest looking
+mess I ever saw.</i> I remarked at the time that the food was not as
+clean, in appearance, as that which was given to a <i>drove of hogs</i>, at
+the same place the night previous. Such as it was, however, a black
+woman brought it on her head, in a tray or trough two and a half feet
+long, where the men and women were promiscuously herded. The slaves
+rushed up and seized it from the trough in handfulls, before the woman
+could take it off her head. They jumped at it as if half-famished.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to
+occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females,
+promiscuously. They were so thick on the floor, that in passing
+through the room it was necessary to step over them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There were three drivers, one of whom staid in the room to watch the
+drove, and the other two slept in an adjoining room. Each of the
+latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the
+common practice of the drivers generally. There is no doubt about this
+particular instance, <i>for they were seen together</i>. The mud was so
+thick on the floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to
+take a shovel, the next morning, and clear it out. Six or eight in
+this drove were chained; all were for the south.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="DRIVING_a"></a>
+In the autumn of the same year I saw a drove of upwards of a hundred,
+between 40 and 50 of them were fastened to one chain, the links being
+made of iron rods, as thick in diameter as a man's little finger. This
+drove was bound westward to the Ohio river, to be shipped to the
+south. I have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost
+without exception, were chained. I never saw but one drove, that went
+on their way making merry. In that one they were blowing horns,
+singing, &amp;c., and appeared as if they had been drinking whisky.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They generally appear extremely dejected. I have seen in the course
+of five years, on the road near where I reside, 12 or 15 droves at
+least, passing to the south. They would average 40 in each drove. Near
+the first of January, 1834, I started about sunrise to go to
+Lewisburg. It was a bitter cold morning. I met a drove of negroes, 30
+or 40 in number, remarkably ragged and destitute of clothing. One
+little boy particularly excited my sympathy. He was some distance
+behind the others, not being able to keep up with the rest. Although
+he was shivering with cold and crying, the driver was pushing him up
+in a trot to overtake the main gang. All of them looked as if they
+were half-frozen. There was one remarkable instance of tyranny,
+exhibited by a boy, not more than eight years old, that came under my
+observation, in a family by the name of D&mdash;&mdash;n, six miles from
+Lewisburg. This youngster would swear at the slaves, and exert all the
+strength he possessed, to flog or beat them, with whatever instrument
+or weapon he could lay hands on, provided they did not obey him
+<i>instanter</i>. He was encouraged in this by his father, the master of
+the slaves. The slaves often fled from this young tyrant in terror."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. Hall adds:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The following extract is from a letter, to a student in Marietta
+College, by his friend in Alabama. With the writer, Mr. Isaac Knapp, I
+am perfectly acquainted. He was a student in the above College, for
+the space of one year, before going to Alabama, was formerly a
+resident of Dummerston, Vt. He is a professor of religion, and as
+worthy of belief as any member of the community. Mr. K. has returned
+from the South, and is now a member of the same college.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CRUELTY"></a>
+"In Jan. (1838) a negro of a widow Phillips, ranaway, was taken up,
+and confined in Pulaski jail. One Gibbs, overseer for Mrs. P., mounted
+on horseback, took him from confinement, compelled him to run back to
+Elkton, a distance of fifteen miles, whipping him all the way. When he
+reached home, the negro exhausted and worn out, exclaimed, 'you have
+broke my heart,' i.e. you have killed me. For this, Gibbs flew into a
+violent passion, tied the negro to a stake, and, in the language of a
+witness, '<i>cut his back to mince-meat</i>.' But the fiend was not
+satisfied with this. He burnt his legs to a blister, with hot embers,
+and then chained him <i>naked</i>, in the open air, weary with running,
+weak from the loss of blood, and smarting from his burns. It was a
+cold night&mdash;and <i>in the morning the negro was dead</i>. Yet this monster
+escaped without even <i>the shadow</i> of a trial. 'The negro,' said the
+doctor, 'died, by&mdash;he knew not what; any how, Gibbs did not kill
+him.'[<a name="rnote10-9"></a><a href="#note10-9">9</a>]  A short time since, (the letter is dated, April, 1838.)
+'Gibbs whipped another negro unmercifully because the horse, with
+which he was ploughing, broke the reins and ran. He then raised his
+whip against Mr. Bowers, (son of Mrs. P.) who shot him. Since I came
+here,' (a period of about six months,) there have been eight white men
+and two negroes killed, within 30 miles of me."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-9"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-9">9</a>: Mr. Knapp, gives me some further verbal particulars about
+this affair. He says that his informant saw the negro dead the next
+morning, that his legs were blistered, and that the negroes affirmed
+that Gibbs compelled them to throw embers upon him. But Gibbs denied
+it, and said the blistering was the effect of frost, as the negro was
+much exposed to before being taken up. Mr. Bowers, a son of Mrs.
+Phillips by a former husband, attempted to have Gibbs brought to
+justice, but his mother justified Gibbs, and nothing was therefore
+done about it. The affair took place in Upper Elkton, Tennessee, near
+the Alabama line.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is from Mr. Knapp's own lips, taken down a day or two
+since.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Buster, with whom I boarded, in Limestone Co., Ala., related to me
+the following incident: 'George a slave belonging to one of the
+estates in my neighborhood, was lurking about my residence without a
+pass. We were making preparations to give him a flogging, but he
+escaped from us. Not long afterwards, meeting a patrol which had just
+taken a negro in custody without a pass, I inquired, Who have you
+there? on learning that it was <i>George</i>, well, I rejoined, there is a
+small matter between him and myself that needs adjustment, so give me
+the raw hide, which I accordingly took, and laid 60 strokes on his
+back, to the utmost of my strength.' I was speaking of this barbarity,
+afterwards, to Mr. Bradley, an overseer of the Rev. Mr. Donnell, who
+lives in the vicinity of Moresville, Ala., 'Oh,' replied he, 'we
+consider <i>that</i> a very light whipping here' Mr. Bradley is a professor
+of religion, and is esteemed in that vicinity a very pious, exemplary
+Christian.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. C. STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois,
+dated Jan. 1, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I do not feel at liberty to disclose the name of the brother who has
+furnished the following facts. He is highly esteemed as a man of
+scrupulous veracity. I will confirm my own testimony by the
+certificate of Judge Snow and Mr. Keyes, two of the oldest and most
+respectable settlers in Quincy."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Quincy, Dec. 29, 1838
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dear Sir,&mdash;We have been long acquainted with the Christian brother
+who has named to you some facts that fell under his observation while
+a resident of slave states. He is a member of a Christian church, in
+good standing; and is a man of strict integrity of character.
+</p>
+<p>
+Henry H. Snow, Willard Keyes.
+<br>
+Rev. C. Stewart Renshaw."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="CRUELTY_a"></a>
+"My informant spent thirty years of his life in Kentucky and Missouri.
+Whilst in Kentucky he resided in Hardin co. I noted down his testimony
+very nearly in his own words, which will account for their
+<i>evidence-like</i> form. On the general condition of the slaves in
+Kentucky, through Hardin co., he said, their houses were very
+uncomfortable, generally without floors, other than the earth: many
+had puncheon floors, but he never remembers to have seen a plank
+floor. In regard to clothing they were very badly off. In summer
+they cared little for clothing; but in winter they almost froze. Their
+rags might hide their nakedness from the sun in summer, but would not
+protect them from the cold in winter. Their bed-clothes were tattered
+rags, thrown into a corner by day, and drawn before the fire by night.
+'The only thing,' said he, 'to which I can compare them, in winter, is
+<i>stock without a shelter.'</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"He made the following comparison between the condition of slaves in
+Kentucky and Missouri. So far as he was able to compare them, he said,
+that in Missouri the slaves had better <i>quarters</i>-but are not so well
+clad, and are more severely punished than in Kentucky. In both states,
+the slaves are huddled together, without distinction of sex, into the
+same quarter, till it is filled, then another is built; often two or
+three families in a log hovel, twelve feet square.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is proper to state, that the sphere of my informant's observation
+was mainly in the region of Hardin co., Kentucky, and the eastern part
+of Missouri, and not through those states generally.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Whilst at St. Louis, a number of years ago, as he was going to work
+with Mr. Henry Males, and another carpenter, they heard groans from a
+barn by the road-side: they stopped, and looking through the cracks of
+the barn, saw a negro bound hand and foot to a post, so that his toes
+just touched the ground; and his master, Captain Thorpe, was
+inflicting punishment; he had whipped him till exhausted,&mdash;rested
+himself, and returned again to the punishment. The wretched sufferer
+was in a most pitiable condition, and the warm blood and dry dust of
+the barn had formed a mortar up to his instep. Mr. Males jumped the
+fence, and remonstrated so effectually with Capt. Thorpe, that he
+ceased the punishment. It was six weeks before that slave could put on
+his shirt!
+</p>
+<p>
+"John Mackey, a rich slaveholder, lived near Clarksville, Pike co.,
+Missouri, some years since. He whipped his slave Billy, a boy fourteen
+years old, till he was sick and stupid; he then sent him home. Then,
+for his stupidity, whipped him again, and fractured his skull with an
+axe-helve. He buried him away in the woods; dark words were whispered,
+and the body was disinterred. A coroner's inquest was held, and Mr. R.
+Anderson, the coroner, brought in a verdict of death from fractured
+skull, occasioned by blows from an axe-handle, inflicted by John
+Mackey. The case was brought into court, but Mackey was rich, and his
+murdered victim was his SLAVE; after expending about $500 be walked
+free.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CRUELTY_b"></a>
+"One Mrs. Mann, living near &mdash;&mdash;, in &mdash;&mdash; co., Missouri was known to
+be very cruel to her slaves. She had a bench made purposely to whip
+them upon; and what she called her "six pound paddle," an instrument
+of prodigious torture, bored through with holes; this she would wield
+with both hands as she stood over her prostrate victim.
+</p>
+<p>
+"She thus punished a hired slave woman named Fanny, belonging to Mr.
+Charles Trabue, who lives neat Palmyra, Marion co., Missouri; on the
+morning after the punishment Fanny was a corpse; she was silently and
+quickly buried, but rumor was not so easily stopped. Mr. Trabue heard
+of it, and commenced suit for his <i>property</i>. The murdered slave was
+disinterred, and an inquest held; her back was a mass of jellied
+muscle; and the coroner brought in a verdict of death by the 'six
+pound paddle.'  Mrs. Mann fled for a few months, but returned again,
+and her friends found means to protract the suit.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This same Mrs. Mann had another hired slave woman living with her,
+called Patterson's Fanny, she belonged to a Mr. Patterson; she had a
+young babe with her, just beginning to creep. One day, after washing,
+whilst a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the kitchen, Mrs. Mann came
+out in haste, and sent Fanny to do something out of doors. Fanny tried
+to beg off&mdash;she was afraid to leave her babe, lest it should creep to
+the tub and get hurt&mdash;Mrs. M. said she would watch the babe, and sent
+her off. She went with much reluctance, and heard the child struggle
+as she went out the door. Fearing lest Mrs. M. should leave the babe
+alone, she watched the room, and soon saw her pass out of the opposite
+door. Immediately Fanny hurried in, and looked around for her babe,
+she could not see it, she looked at the tub&mdash;there her babe was
+floating, a strangled corpse. The poor woman gave a dreadful scream;
+and Mrs. M. rushed into the room, with her hands raised, and
+exclaimed, 'Heavens, Fanny! have you drowned your child?' It was vain
+for the poor bereaved one to attempt to vindicate herself: in vain she
+attempted to convince them that the babe had not been alone a moment,
+and could not have drowned itself; and that she had not been in the
+house a moment, before she screamed at discovering her drowned babe.
+All was false! Mrs. Mann declared it was all pretence&mdash;that Fanny had
+drowned her own babe, and now wanted to lay the blame upon her! and
+Mrs. Mann was a white woman&mdash;of course her word was more valuable than
+the oaths of all the slaves of Missouri. No evidence but that of
+slaves could be obtained, or Mr. Patterson would have prosecuted for
+his 'loss of property.'  As it was, every one believed Mrs. M. guilty,
+though the affair was soon hushed up."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from Col. THOMAS ROGERS, a native of Kentucky, now
+an elder in the Presbyterian Church at New Petersburg, Highland co.,
+Ohio.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"When a boy, in Bourbon co., Kentucky, my father lived near a
+slaveholder of the name of Clay, who had a large number of slaves; I
+remember being often at their quarters; not one of their shanties, or
+hovels, had any floor but the earth. Their clothing was truly neither
+fit for covering nor decency. We could distinctly, of a still morning,
+hear this man whipping his blacks, and hear their screams from my
+father's farm; this could be heard almost any still morning about the
+dawn of day. It was said to be his usual custom to repair, about the
+break of day, to their cabin doors, and, as the blacks passed out, to
+give them as many strokes of his cowskin as opportunity afforded; and
+he would proceed in this manner from cabin to cabin until they were
+all out. Occasionally some of his slaves would abscond, and upon being
+retaken they were punished severely; and some of them, it is believed,
+died in consequence of the cruelty of their usage. I saw one of this
+man's slaves, about seventeen years old, wearing a collar, with long
+iron horns extending from his shoulders far above his head.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the winter of 1828-29 I traveled through part of the states of
+Maryland and Virginia to Baltimore. At Frost Town, on the national
+road, I put up for the night. Soon after, there came in a slaver with
+his drove of slaves; among them were two young men, chained together.
+The bar room was assigned to them for their place of lodging&mdash;those in
+chains were guarded when they had to go out. I asked the 'owner' why
+he kept these men chained; he replied, that they were stout young
+fellows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to
+manage them. I then left the room, and shortly after heard a
+<i>scream</i>, and when the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly
+told her not to trouble herself, he was only chastising one of his
+women. It appeared that three days previously her child had died on
+the road, and been thrown into a hole or crevice in the mountain, and
+a few stones thrown over it; and the mother weeping for her child was
+chastised by her master, and told by him, she 'should have something
+to cry for.' The name of this man I can give if called for.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When engaged in this journey I spent about one month with my
+relations in Virginia. It being shortly after new year, <i>the time of
+hiring</i> was over; but I saw the pounds, and the scaffolds which
+remained of the pounds, in which the slaves had been penned up"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+M. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the
+southwestern slave states a number of years, has furnished the
+following statement.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The great mass of the slaves are under drivers and overseers. I never
+saw an overseer without a whip; the whip usually carried is a short
+loaded stock, with a heavy lash from five to six feet long. When they
+whip a slave they make him pull off his shirt, if he has one, then
+make him lie down on his face, and taking their stand at the length of
+the lash, they inflict the punishment. Whippings are so <i>universal</i>
+that a negro that has not been whipped is talked of in all the region
+as a wonder. By whipping I do not mean a few lashes across the
+shoulders, but a set flogging, and generally <i>lying down.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"On sugar plantations generally, and on some cotton plantations, they
+have negro drivers, who are in such a degree responsible for their
+gang, that if they are at fault, the driver is whipped. The result is,
+the gang are constantly driven by him to the extent of the influence
+of the lash; and it is uniformly the case that gangs dread a negro
+driver more than a white overseer.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I spent a winter on widow Culvert's plantation, near Rodney,
+Mississippi, but was not in a situation to see extraordinary
+punishments. Bellows, the overseer, for a trifling offence, took one
+of the slaves, stripped him, and with a piece of burning wood applied
+to his posteriors, burned him cruelly; while the poor wretch screamed
+in the greatest agony. The principal preparation for punishment that
+Bellows had, was single handcuffs made of iron, with chains, by which
+the offender could be chained to four stakes on the ground. These are
+very common in all the lower country. I noticed one slave on widow
+Calvert's plantation, who was whipped from twenty-five to fifty lashes
+every fortnight during the whole winter. The expression 'whipped to
+death,' as applied to slaves, is common at the south.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Several years ago I was going below New Orleans, in what is called
+the Plaquemine country, and a planter sent down in my boat a runaway
+he had found in New Orleans, to his plantation at Orange 5 Points. As
+we came near the Points he told me, with deep feeling, that he
+expected to be whipped almost to death: pointing to a graveyard, he
+said, 'There lie five who were whipped to death.' Overseers generally
+keep some of the women on the plantation; I scarce know an exception
+to this. Indeed, their intercourse with them is very much
+promiscuous,&mdash;they show them not much, if any favor. Masters
+frequently follow the example of their overseers in this thing.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"GEORGE W. WESTGATE."
+</div>
+</blockquote>
+<h2>
+<a name="TORTURE"></a>
+II. TORTURES, BY IRON COLLARS, CHAINS, FETTERS, HANDCUFFS, &amp;c.
+</h2>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_a"></a>
+The slaves are often tortured by iron collars, with long prongs or
+"horns" and sometimes bells attached to them&mdash;they are made to wear
+chains, handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron
+upon their limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their
+mouths, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+In proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves,
+under their own names; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from
+their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing
+their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs,
+chains, fetters, &amp;c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists,
+ankles, and other parts of their bodies. To publish the <i>whole</i> of
+each advertisement, would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader;
+we shall consequently, as heretofore, give merely the name of the
+advertiser, the name and date of the newspaper containing the
+advertisement, with the place of publication, and only so much of the
+advertisement as will give the particular <i>fact</i>, proving the truth of
+the assertion contained in the <i>general head</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_b"></a>
+William Toler, sheriff of Simpson county, Mississippi, in the
+"Southern Sun," Jackson, Mississippi, September 22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a yellow boy named Jim&mdash;had on a <i>large lock
+chain around his neck."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James R. Green, in the "Beacon," Greensborough, Alabama, August
+23, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Squire&mdash;had on a <i>chain locked with a
+house-lock, around his neck."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hazlet Loflano, in the "Spectator," Staunton, Virginia, Sept. 27,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro named David&mdash;with some <i>iron hobbles around each
+ankle."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. T. Enggy, New Orleans, Gallatin street, between Hospital and
+Barracks, N.O. "Bee," Oct. 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negress Caroline&mdash;had on a <i>collar with one prong turned
+down."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Henderson, Washington, county, Mi., in the "Grand Gulf
+Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a black woman, Betsey&mdash;had an <i>iron bar on her right leg."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+William Dyer sheriff, Claiborne, Louisiana, in the "Herald,"
+Natchitoches, (La.) July 26, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Ambrose&mdash;has a <i>ring of iron
+around his neck."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Owen Cooke, "Mary street, between Common and Jackson streets," New
+Orleans, in the N.O. "Bee," September 12, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my slave Amos, had a <i>chain</i> attached to one of his legs"
+</p>
+<p>
+H.W. Rice, sheriff, Colleton district, South Carolina, in the
+"Charleston Mercury," September 1, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Patrick, about forty-five years old,
+and is <i>handcuffed.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+W.P. Reeves, jailor, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the "Memphis
+Enquirer, June 17, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro&mdash;had on his right leg an <i>iron band</i> with
+one link of a chain."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Lauderdale county, Ala., in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," August 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Charles&mdash;had on a <i>drawing chain,</i>
+fastened around his ankle with a house lock."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. A. Murat, Baton Rouge, in the New Orleans "Bee," June 20, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro Manuel, <i>much marked with irons."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jordan Abbott, in the "Huntsville Democrat," Nov. 17, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named Daniel, about nineteen years old, and was
+<i>handcuffed."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. Macoin, No. 177 Ann street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," August
+ll, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negress Fanny&mdash;had on an <i>iron band about her neck."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Menard Brothers, parish of Bernard, Louisiana, In the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro named John&mdash;having an <i>iron around his right foot."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Messrs. J.L. and W.H. Bolton, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the
+"Memphis Enquirer," June 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded, a colored boy named Peter&mdash;had an <i>iron round his neck</i>
+when he went away."
+</p>
+<p>
+H. Gridly, sheriff of Adams county, Mi., in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Times," September, 1834.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro boy&mdash;had on a <i>large neck iron</i> with a
+<i>huge pair of horns and a large bar or band of iron</i> on his left leg."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lambre, in the "Natchitoches (La.) Herald," March 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Teams&mdash;he had on his neck an <i>iron collar."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ferdinand Lemos, New Orleans, in the "Bee," January 29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro George&mdash;he had on <i>his neck an iron collar,</i> the
+branches of which had been taken off"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. T.J. De Yampert, merchant, Mobile, Alabama, of the firm of De
+Yampert, King &amp; Co., in the "Mobile Chronicle," June 15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro boy about <i>twelve</i> years old&mdash;had round his neck <i>a
+chain dog-collar</i>, with 'De Yampert' engraved on it."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.H. Hand, jailor, St. Francisville, La., in the "Louisiana
+Chronicle," July 26, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, slave John&mdash;has several scars on his wrists,
+occasioned, as he says, by <i>handcuffs."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Charles Curener, New Orleans, in the "Bee," July 2, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro, Hown&mdash;has a ring of iron on his left foot. Also,
+Grise, his <i>wife,</i> having a <i>ring and chain on the left leg."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. P.T. Manning, Huntsville, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Advocate,"
+Oct. 23, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named James&mdash;said boy was <i>ironed</i> when he left
+me."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William L. Lambeth, Lynchburg, Virginia, in the "Moulton [Ala.]
+Whig," January 30, 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Jim&mdash;had on when he escaped a pair of <i>chain handcuffs."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. D.F. Guex, Secretary of the Steam Cotton Press Company, New
+Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," May 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Edmund Coleman&mdash;it is supposed he must have <i>iron shackles
+on his ankles</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Democrat,"
+March 8, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway &mdash;&mdash;, a mulatto&mdash;had on when he left, a <i>pair of handcuffs</i>
+and a <i>pair of drawing chains</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+B.W. Hodges, jailor, Pike county, Alabama, in the "Montgomery
+Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a man who calls his name John&mdash;he has a <i>clog of
+iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+P. Bayhi captain of police, in the N.O. "Bee," June 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Detained at the police jail, the negro wench Myra&mdash;has several marks
+of <i>lashing</i>, and has <i>irons on her feet</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Charles Kernin, parish of Jefferson, Louisiana, in the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 11, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Betsey&mdash;when she left she had on her <i>neck an iron collar</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of
+similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states
+every month.
+</p>
+<p>
+To the preceding testimony of slaveholders, published by themselves,
+and vouched for by their own signatures, we subjoin the following
+testimony of other witnesses to the same point.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_c"></a>
+JOHN M. NELSON, Esq., a native of Virginia, now a highly respected
+citizen of highland county, Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian
+Church in Hillsborough, in a recent letter states the following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Staunton, Va., at the horse of Mr. Robert M'Dowell, a merchant of
+that place, I once saw a colored woman, of intelligent and dignified
+appearance, who appeared to be attending to the business of the house,
+with an <i>iron collar</i> around her neck, with horns or prongs extending
+out on either side, and up, until they met at something like a foot
+above her head, at which point there was a bell attached. This <i>yoke</i>,
+as they called it, I understood was to prevent her from running away,
+or to punish her for having done so. I had frequently seen <i>men</i> with
+iron collars, but this was the first instance that I recollect to have
+seen a <i>female</i> thus degraded."
+</p>
+<p>
+Major HORACE NYE, an elder in the Presbyterian Church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, in a letter, dated Dec. 5, 1838, makes the
+following statement:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of this place, who is frequently employed by our
+citizens as captain and supercargo of descending boats, whose word may
+be relied on, has just made to me the following statement:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"While laying at Alexandria, on Red River, Louisiana, he saw a slave
+brought to a blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron fastened round his
+neck, with two pieces rivetted to the sides, meeting some distance
+above his head. At the top of the arch, thus formed, was attached a
+large cow-bell, the motion of which, while walking the streets, made
+it necessary for the slave to hold his hand to one of its sides, to
+steady it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In New Orleans he saw several with iron collars, with horns attached
+to them. The first he saw had three prongs projecting from the collar
+ten or twelve inches, with the letter S on the end of each. He says
+iron collars are quite frequent there."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+To the preceding Major Nye adds:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"When I was about twelve years of age I lived at Marietta, in this
+state: I knew little of slaves, as there were few or none, at that
+time, in the part of Virginia opposite that place. But I remember
+seeing a slave who had run away from some place beyond my knowledge at
+that time: he had an iron collar round his neck, to which was a strap
+of iron rivetted to the collar, on each side, passing over the top of
+the head; and another strap, from the back side to the top of the
+first&mdash;thus inclosing the head on three sides. I looked on while the
+blacksmith severed the collar with a file, which, I think, took him
+more than an hour."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. JOHN DUDLEY, Mount Morris, Michigan, resided as a teacher at the
+missionary station, among the Choctaws, in Mississippi, during the
+years 1830 and 31. In a letter just received Mr. Dudley says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"During the time I was on missionary ground, which was in 1830 and 31,
+I was frequently at the residence of the agent, who was a
+slaveholder.&mdash;I never knew of his treating his own slaves with
+cruelty; but the poor fellows who were escaping, and lodged with him
+when detected, found no clemency. I once saw there a fetter for '<i>the
+d&mdash;&mdash;d runaways</i>,' the weight of which can be judged by its size. It
+was at least three inches wide, half an inch thick, and something over
+a foot long. At this time I saw a poor fellow compelled to work in the
+field, at 'logging,' with such a galling fetter on his ankles. To
+prevent it from wearing his ankles, a string was tied to the centre,
+by which the victim suspended it when he walked, with one hand, and
+with the other carried his burden. Whenever he lifted, the fetter
+rested on his bare ankles. If he lost his balance and made a misstep,
+which must very often occur in lifting and rolling logs, the torture
+of his fetter was severe. Thus he was doomed to work while wearing the
+torturing iron, day after day, and at night he was confined in the
+runaways' jail. Some time after this, I saw the same dejected,
+heart-broken creature obliged to wait on the other hands, who were
+husking corn. The privilege of sitting with the others was too much
+for him to enjoy; he was made to hobble from house to barn and barn to
+house, to carry food and drink for the rest. He passed round the end
+of the house where I was sitting with the agent: he seemed to take no
+notice of me, but fixed his eyes on his tormentor till he passed quite
+by us."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and an assessor of that town, testifies as follows :&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I stayed in New Orleans three weeks: during that time there used to
+pass by where I stayed a number of slaves, each with an iron band
+around his ankle, a chain attached to it, and an eighteen pound ball
+at the end. They were employed in wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow;
+they would put the ball into the barrow when they moved.&mdash;I recollect
+one day, that I counted nineteen of them, sometimes there were not as
+many; they were driven by a slave, with a long lash, as if they were
+beasts. These, I learned, were runaway slaves from the plantations
+above New Orleans.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There was also a negro woman, that used daily to come to the market
+with milk; she had an iron band around her neck, with three rods
+projecting from it, about sixteen inches long, crooked at the ends."
+</p>
+<p>
+For the fact which follows we are indebted to Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a
+teacher in Marietta College, Ohio. We quote his letter.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Mr. Curtis, a journeyman cabinet-maker, of Marietta, relates the
+following, of which he was an eye witness. Mr. Curtis is every way
+worthy of credit.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In September, 1837, at 'Milligan's Bend,' in the Mississippi river, I
+saw a negro with an iron band around his head, locked behind with a
+padlock. In the front, where it passed the mouth, there was a
+projection inward of an inch and a half, which entered the mouth.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The overseer told me, he was so addicted to running away, it did not
+do any good to whip him for it. He said he kept this gag constantly on
+him, and intended to do so as long as he was on the plantation: so
+that, if he ran away, he could not eat, and would starve to death. The
+slave asked for drink in my presence; and the overseer made him lie
+down on his back, and turned water on his face two or three feet high,
+in order to torment him, as he could not swallow a drop.&mdash;The slave
+then asked permission to go to the river; which being granted, he
+thrust his face and head entirely under the water, that being the only
+way he could drink with his gag on. The gag was taken off when he took
+his food, and then replaced afterwards."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. SOPHIA LITTLE, of Newport, Rhode Island,
+daughter of Hon. Asher Robbins, senator in Congress for that state.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"There was lately found, in the hold of a vessel engaged in the
+southern trade, by a person who was clearing it out, an iron collar,
+with three horns projecting from it. It seems that a young female
+slave, on whose slender neck was riveted this fiendish instrument of
+torture, ran away from her tyrant, and begged the captain to bring her
+off with him. This the captain refused to do; but unriveted the collar
+from her neck, and threw it away in the hold of the vessel. The collar
+is now at the anti-slavery office, Providence. To the truth of these
+facts Mr. William H. Reed, a gentleman of the highest moral character,
+is ready to vouch.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Reed is in possession of many facts of cruelty witnessed by
+persons of veracity; but these witnesses are not willing to give their
+names. One case in particular he mentioned. Speaking with a certain
+captain, of the state of the slaves at the south, the captain
+contended that their punishments were often very <i>lenient</i>; and, as an
+instance of their excellent clemency, mentioned, that in one instance,
+not wishing to whip a slave, they sent him to a blacksmith, and had an
+iron band fastened around him, with three long projections reaching
+above his head; and this he wore some time."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. JONATHON F. BALDWIN, of Lorain county,
+Ohio. Mr. B. was formerly a merchant in Massillon, Ohio, and an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church there.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Dear Brother,&mdash;In conversation with Judge Lyman, of Litchfield
+county, Connecticut, last June, he stated to me, that several years
+since he was in Columbia, South Carolina, and observing a colored man
+lying on the floor of a blacksmith's shop, as he was passing it, his
+curiosity led him in. He learned the man was a slave and rather
+unmanageable. Several men were attempting to detach from his ankle an
+iron which had been bent around it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The iron was a piece of a flat bar of the ordinary size from the
+forge hammer, and bent around the ankle, the ends meeting, and forming
+a hoop of about the diameter of the leg. There was one or more strings
+attached to the iron and extending up around his neck, evidently so to
+suspend it as to prevent its galling by its weight when at work, yet
+it had galled or griped till the leg had swollen out beyond the iron
+and inflamed and suppurated, so that the leg for a considerable
+distance above and below the iron, was a mass of putrefaction, the
+most loathsome of any wound he had ever witnessed on any living
+creature. The slave lay on his back on the floor, with his leg on an
+anvil which sat also on the floor, one man had a chisel used for
+splitting iron, and another struck it with a sledge, to drive it
+between the ends of the hoop and separate it so that it might be taken
+off. Mr. Lyman said that the man swung the sledge over his shoulders
+as if splitting iron, and struck many blows before he succeeded in
+parting the ends of the iron at all, the bar was so large and
+stubborn&mdash;at length they spread it as far as they could without
+driving the chisel so low as to ruin the leg. The slave, a man of
+twenty-five years, perhaps, whose countenance was the index of a mind
+ill adapted to the degradations of slavery, never uttered a word or a
+groan in all the process, but the copious flow of sweat from every
+pore, the dreadful contractions and distortions of every muscle in his
+body, showed clearly the great amount of his sufferings; and all this
+while, such was the diseased state of the limb, that at every blow,
+the bloody, corrupted matter gushed out in all directions several
+feet, in such profusion as literally to cover a large area around the
+anvil. After various other fruitless attempts to spread the iron, they
+concluded it was necessary to weaken by filing before it could be got
+off which he left them attempting to do."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAM DROWN, a well known citizen of Rhode Island, formerly of
+Providence, who has traveled in nearly all the slave states, thus
+testifies in a recent letter:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I recollect seeing large gangs of slaves, generally a considerable
+number in each gang, being chained, passing westward over the
+mountains from Maryland, Virginia, &amp;c. to the Ohio. On that river I
+have frequently seen flat boats loaded with them, and their keepers
+armed with pistols and dirks to guard them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"At New Orleans I recollect seeing gangs of slaves that were driven
+out every day, the Sabbath not excepted, to work on the streets.
+These had heavy chains to connect two or more together, and some had
+iron collars and yokes, &amp;c. The noise as they walked, or worked in
+their chains, was truly dreadful!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, pastor of the Congregational Church at Bedford,
+New Hampshire, who was for some years a resident of Mississippi and
+Louisiana, gives the following fact, in a letter dated January 9,
+1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_d"></a>
+"In 1819, while employed as an instructor at Second Creek, near
+Natchez, Mississippi, I resided on a plantation where I witnessed the
+following circumstance. One of the slaves was in the habit of running
+away. He had been repeatedly taken, and repeatedly whipped, with
+great severity, but to no purpose. He would still seize the first
+opportunity to escape from the plantation. At last his owner
+declared, I'll fix him, I'll put a stop to his running away. He
+accordingly took him to a blacksmith, and had an <i>iron head-frame</i>
+made for him, which may be called lock-jaw, from the use that was made
+of it. It had a lock and key, and was so constructed, that when on the
+head and locked, the slave could not open his mouth to take food, and
+the design was to prevent his running away. But the device proved
+unavailing. He was soon missing, and whether by his own desperate
+effort, or the aid of others, contrived to sustain himself with food;
+but he was at last taken, and if my memory serves me, his life was
+soon terminated by the cruel treatment to which he was subjected."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Western Luminary, a religious paper published at Lexington,
+Kentucky, in an editorial article, in the summer of 1833, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A few weeks since we gave an account of a company of men, women and
+children, part of whom were manacled, passing through our streets.
+Last week, a number of slaves were driven through the main street of
+our city, among whom were a number manacled together, two abreast, all
+connected by, and supporting a <i>heavy iron chain</i>, which extended the
+whole length of the line."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF A VIRGINIAN.
+</div>
+<p>
+The <i>name</i> of this witness cannot be published, as it would put him in
+peril; but his <i>credibility</i> is vouched for by the Rev. Ezra Fisher,
+pastor of the Baptist Church, Quincy, Illinois, and Dr. Richard Eels,
+of the same place. These gentlemen say of him, "We have great
+confidence in his integrity, discretion, and strict Christian
+principle."  He says&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_e"></a>
+"About five years ago, I remember to have passed, in <i>a single day</i>,
+four droves of slaves for the south west; the largest drove had 350
+slaves in it, and the smallest upwards of 200. I counted 68 or 70 in
+a single <i>coffle</i>. The '<i>coffle chain</i>' is a chain fastened at one
+end to the centre of the bar of a pair of hand cuffs, which are
+fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another
+slave, they standing abreast, and the chain between them. These are
+the head of the coffle. The other end is passed through a ring in the
+bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two
+and two together, walk up, and the coffle chain is passed, and they go
+up towards the head of the coffle. Of course they are closer or wider
+apart in the coffle, according to the number to be coffled, and to the
+length of the chain. <i>I have seen HUNDREDS of droves and
+chain-coffles of this description</i>, and every coffle was a scene of
+misery and wo, of tears and brokenness of heart."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, gives, in a late
+letter, the following statement of a fellow student, from Kentucky, of
+whom he says, "he is a professor of religion, and worthy of entire
+confidence."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_f"></a>
+"I have seen at least <i>fifteen</i> droves of 'human cattle,' passing by
+us on their way to the south; and I do not recollect an exception,
+where there were not more or less of them <i>chained</i> together."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE P.C. HUSSEY, of Fayetteville, Franklin county,
+Pennsylvania, writes thus:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was born and raised in Hagerstown, Washington county, Maryland,
+where slavery is perhaps milder than in any other part of the slave
+states; and yet I have seen <i>hundreds</i> of colored men and women
+chained together, two by two, and driven to the south. I have seen
+slaves tied up and lashed till the blood ran down to their heels."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GIDDINGS, member of Congress from Ohio, in his speech in the House
+of Representatives, Feb. 13, 1839, made the following statement:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_g"></a>
+"On the beautiful avenue in front of the Capitol, members of Congress,
+during this session, have been compelled to turn aside from their
+path, to permit a coffle of slaves, males and females, <i>chained to
+each other by their necks</i>, to pass on their way to this <i>national
+slave market</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_h"></a>
+Testimony of JAMES K. PAULDING, Esq. the present Secretary of the
+United States' Navy.
+</p>
+<p>
+In 1817, Mr. Paulding published a work, entitled 'Letters from the
+South, written during an excursion in the summer of 1816.'  In the
+first volume of that work, page 128, Mr. P. gives the following
+description:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The sun was shining out very hot&mdash;and in turning the angle of the
+road, we encountered the following group: first, a little cart drawn
+by one horse, in which five or six half naked black children were
+tumbled like pigs together. The cart had no covering, and they seemed
+to have been broiled to sleep. Behind the cart marched three black
+women, with head, neck and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or
+stockings: next came three men, bare-headed, and <i>chained together
+with an ox-chain</i>. Last of all, came a white man on horse back,
+carrying his pistols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the
+impudence to look us in the face without blushing. At a house where we
+stopped a little further on, we learned that he had bought these
+miserable beings in Maryland, and was marching them in this manner to
+one of the more southern states. Shame on the State of Maryland! and I
+say, shame on the State of Virginia! and every state through which
+this wretched cavalcade was permitted to pass! I do say, that when
+they (the slaveholders) permit such flagrant and indecent outrages
+upon humanity as that I have described; when they sanction a villain
+in thus marching half naked women and men, loaded with chains, without
+being charged with any crime but that of being <i>black</i> from one
+section of the United States to another, hundreds of miles in the face
+of day, they disgrace themselves, and the country to which they
+belong."[<a name="rnote10-10"></a><a href="#note10-10">10</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_i"></a>
+<a name="note10-10"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-10">10</a>: The fact that Mr. Paulding, in the reprint of these
+"Letters," in 1835, struck out this passage with all others
+disparaging to slavery and its supporters, does not impair the force
+of his testimony, however much it may sink the man. Nor will the next
+generation regard with any more reverence, his character as a prophet,
+because in the edition of 1835, two years after the American
+Antislavery Society was formed, and when its auxiliaries were numbered
+by hundreds, he inserted a <i>prediction</i> that such movements would be
+made at the North, with most disastrous results. "Wot ye not that such
+a man as I can certainly divine!" Mr. Paulding has already been taught
+by Judge Jay, that he who aspires to the fame of an oracle, without
+its inspiration, must resort to other expedients to prevent detection,
+than the clumsy one of <i>antedating</i> his responses.]
+</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="TORTURE_j"></a>
+III. BRANDINGS, MAIMINGS, GUY-SHOT WOUNDS, &amp;c.
+</h2>
+<p>
+The slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms
+and <i>shot</i>, hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with
+knives, dirks, &amp;c.; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out,
+their bones dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and
+toes cut off, their faces and other parts of their persons disfigured
+with scars and gashes, <i>besides</i> those made with the lash.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_k"></a>
+We shall adopt, under this head, the same course as that pursued under
+previous ones,&mdash;first give the testimony of the slaveholders
+themselves, to the mutilations, &amp;c. by copying their own graphic
+descriptions of them, in advertisements published under their own
+names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, and,
+generally, in their own immediate vicinity. We shall, as heretofore,
+insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to make
+the point intelligible.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Micajah Ricks, Nash County, North Carolina, in the Raleigh
+"Standard," July 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went
+off, <i>I burnt her with a hot iron</i>, on the left side of her face,<i> I
+tried to make the letter M.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Asa B. Metcalf, Kingston, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier,"
+June 15, 1832.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Mary, a black woman, has a <i>scar</i> on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, <i>caused by a rifle ball.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Overstreet, Benton, Yazoo Co. Mi. in the "Lexington
+(Kentucky) Observer," July 22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro man named Henry, <i>his left eye out</i>, some scars from
+a <i>dirk</i> on and under his left arm, and <i>much scarred</i> with the whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R.P. Carney, Clark Co. Ala., in the Mobile Register, Dec. 22, 1832
+</p>
+<p>
+One hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow Pompey, 40 years old, he
+is <i>branded</i> on the <i>left jaw</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. Guyler, Savannah Georgia, in the "Republican," April 12, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Laman, an old negro man, grey, has <i>only one eye</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.A. Brown, jailor, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Jan.
+12, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail a negro man, has <i>no toes</i> on his left foot."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. Scrivener, Herring Bay, Anne Arundel Co. Maryland, in the
+Annapolis Republican, April 18, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway negro man Elijah, has a scar on his left cheek, apparently
+occasioned by <i>a shot</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Madame Burvant corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, New Orleans,
+in the "Bee," Dec. 21, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro woman named Rachel, has <i>lost all her toes</i> except
+the large one."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. O.W. Lains, In the "Helena, (Ark.) Journal," June 1, 1833.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Sam, he was <i>shot</i> a short time since, through the hand, and
+has <i>several shots in his left arm and side</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R.W. Sizer, in the "Grand Gulf, [Mi.] Advertiser," July 8, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway my negro man Dennis, said negro has been <i>shot</i> in the left
+arm between the shoulders and elbow, which has paralyzed the left
+hand."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nicholas Edmunds, in the "Petersburgh [Va.] Intelligencer," May
+22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway my negro man named Simon, <i>he has been shot badly</i> in his
+back and right arm."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. Bishop, Bishopville, Sumpter District, South Carolina, in the
+"Camden [S.C.] Journal," March 4, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro named Arthur, has a considerable <i>scar</i> across his
+<i>breast and each arm</i>, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the
+goodness of God."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. S. Neyle, Little Ogeechee, Georgia, in the "Savannah Republican,"
+July 3, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway George, he has a <i>sword cut</i> lately received on his left
+arm."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mrs. Sarah Walsh, Mobile, Ala. in the "Georgia Journal," March 27,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Twenty five dollars reward for my man Isaac, he has a scar on his
+forehead caused by a <i>blow</i>, and one on his back made by <i>a shot from
+a pistol</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J.P. Ashford, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August 24,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+<i>good many teeth missing</i>, the letter A <i>is branded on her cheek and
+forehead</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ely Townsend, Pike Co. Ala. in the "Pensacola Gazette," Sep. 16,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway negro Ben, has a scar on his right hand, his thumb and fore
+finger being injured by being <i>shot</i> last fall, a part of <i>the bone
+came out</i>, he has also one or two <i>large scars</i> on his back and hips."
+</p>
+<p>
+S.B. Murphy, jailer, Irvington, Ga. in the "Milledgeville Journal,"
+May 29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed a negro man, is <i>very badly shot in the right side</i> and
+right hand."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. A. Luminais, Parish of St. John Louisiana, in the New Orleans
+"Bee," March 3, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Detained at the jail, a mulatto named Tom, has a <i>scar</i> on the right
+cheek and appears to have been <i>burned with powder</i> on the face."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Isaac Johnson, Pulaski Co. Georgia, in the "Milledgeville
+Journal," June 19, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro man named Ned, <i>three of his fingers</i> are drawn into
+the palm of his hand by a <i>cut</i>, has a <i>scar</i> on the back of his neck
+nearly half round, done by a <i>knife</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Thomas Hudnall, Madison Co. Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register,"
+September 5, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro named Hambleton, <i>limps</i> on his left foot where he
+was <i>shot</i> a few weeks ago, while runaway."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John McMurrain, Columbus, Ga. in the "Southern Sun," August 7,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro boy named Mose, he has a <i>wound</i> in the right
+shoulder near the back bone, which was occasioned by a <i>rifle shot</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Moses Orme, Annapolis, Maryland, in the "Annapolis Republican,"
+June 20, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway my negro man Bill, he has a <i>fresh wound in his head</i> above
+his ear."
+</p>
+<p>
+William Strickland, Jailor, Kershaw District, S.C. in the "Camden
+[S.C.] Courier," July 8, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail a negro, says his name is Cuffee, he is lame in one
+knee, occasioned <i>by a shot</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Editor of the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Joshua, his thumb is off of his left hand."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Bateman, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway William, <i>scar</i> over his left eye, one between his eye brows,
+one on his breast, and his right leg has been <i>broken</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. B.G. Simmons, in the "Southern Argus," May 30, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Mark, his left arm has been <i>broken</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Artop, in the "Macon [Ga.] Messenger, May 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Caleb, 50 years old, has an awkward gait occasioned by his
+being <i>shot</i> in the thigh."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.L. Jolley, Sheriff of Clinton, Co. Mi. in the "Clinton Gazette,"
+July 23, 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail a negro man, says his name is Josiah, his back
+very much scarred by the whip, and <i>branded on the thigh and hips, in
+three or four places</i>, thus (J.M.) the <i>rim of his right ear has been
+bit or cut off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Thomas Ledwith, Jacksonville East Florida, in the "Charleston
+[S.C.] Courier, Sept. 1, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward, he has a <i>scar</i> on the
+corner of his mouth, two <i>cuts</i> on and under his arm, and the <i>letter
+E on his arm</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Joseph James, Sen., Pleasant Ridge, Paulding Co. Ga., in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Nov. 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro boy Ellie, has a <i>scar</i> on one of his arms <i>from the
+bite of a dog</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. W. Riley, Orangeburg District, South Carolina, in the "Columbia
+[S.C.] Telescope," Nov. 11, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway a negro man, has a <i>scar</i> on the ankle produced by a <i>burn</i>,
+and a <i>mark on his arm</i> resembling the letter S."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Samuel Mason, Warren Co, Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register," July 18,
+1838."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Allen, he has a scar on his breast, also a
+scar under the left eye, and has <i>two buck shot in his right arm</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. F.L.C. Edwards, in the "Southern Telegraph", Sept. 25, 1837
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the plantation of James Surgette, the following negroes,
+Randal, <i>has one ear cropped</i>; Bob, <i>has lost one eye</i>, Kentucky Tom,
+<i>has one jaw broken</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stephen M. Jackson, in the "Vicksburg Register", March 10, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Anthony, <i>one of his ears cut off</i>, and his left hand cut
+with an axe."
+</p>
+<p>
+Philip Honerton, deputy sheriff of Halifax Co. Virginia, Jan. 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed, a negro man, has a <i>scar</i> on his right side by a burn,
+one on his knee, and one on the calf of his leg <i>by the bite of a
+dog</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Stearns &amp; Co. No. 28, New Levee, New Orleans, in the "Bee", March 22,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded, the mulatto boy Tom, his fingers <i>scarred</i> on his right
+hand, and has a <i>scar</i> on his right cheek"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John W. Walton, Greensboro, Ala. in the "Alabama Beacon", Dec. 13,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway my black boy Frazier, with a <i>scar</i> below and one above his
+right ear."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R. Furman, Charleston, S.C. in the "Charleston Mercury" Jan. 12,
+1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Dick, about 19, has lost the small toe of one foot."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Tart, Sen. in the "Fayetteville [N.C.] Observer", Dec. 26,
+1838
+</p>
+<p>
+"Stolen a mulatto boy, <i>ten</i> years old, he has a <i>scar</i> over his eye
+which was made by an axe."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Richard Overstreet, Brook Neal, Campbell Co. Virginia, in the
+"Danville [Va.] Reporter", Dec. 21, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded my negro man Coleman, has a <i>very large scar</i> on one of his
+legs, also one on <i>each</i> arm, by a burn, and his heels have been
+frosted."
+</p>
+<p>
+The editor of the New Orleans "Bee" in that paper, August 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fifty dollars reward, for the negro Jim Blake&mdash;has a <i>piece cut out
+of each ear</i>, and the middle finger of the left hand <i>cut off</i> to the
+second joint."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Bryant Jonson, Port Valley, Houston county, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville "Union", Oct. 2, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Maria&mdash;has a scar on one side of her
+cheek, by a <i>cut</i>&mdash;some scars on her back."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Leonard Miles, Steen's Creek, Rankin county, Mi. in the "Southern
+Sun", Sept. 22, 1838
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Gabriel&mdash;has <i>two or three scars across his neck</i> made with
+a knife."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Bezou, New Orleans, in the "Bee" May 23, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the mulatto wench Mary&mdash;has a <i>cut on the left arm, a scar
+on the shoulder, and two upper teeth missing</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Kimborough, Memphis, Tenn. in the "Memphis Enquirer" July
+13, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro boy, named Jerry&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on his right check
+two inches long, from the cut of a knife."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Georgia, in the "Georgia Messenger", July
+27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain&mdash;has <i>holes in his ears, a scar</i> on the
+right side of his forehead&mdash;has been <i>shot in the hind parts of his
+legs</i>&mdash;is marked on the back with the whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. B.G. Barrer, St. Louis, Missouri, in the "Republican", Sept. 6,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jarret&mdash;<i>has a scar</i> on the under part of
+one of his arms, occasioned by a wound from a knife."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John D. Turner, near Norfolk, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald",
+June 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro by the name of Joshua&mdash;he has a cut across one of
+his ears, which he will conceal as much as possible&mdash;one of his
+ankles is <i>enlarged by an ulcer</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Stansell, Picksville, Ala. in the "Huntsville Democrat",
+August 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro boy Harper&mdash;has a scar on one of his hips in the form
+of a G."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_l"></a>
+Hon. Ambrose H. Sevier Senator, in Congress, from Arkansas in the
+"Vicksburg Register", of Oct. 18.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Bob, a slave&mdash;has a <i>scar across his breast</i>, another on the
+<i>right side of his head</i>&mdash;his back is <i>much scarred</i> with the whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R.A. Greene, Milledgeville, Georgia, in the "Macon Messenger" July
+27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my negro man Jim&mdash;he is
+much marked with <i>shot</i> in his right thigh,&mdash;the shot entered on the
+outside, half way between the hip and knee joints."
+</p>
+<p>
+Benjamin Russel, deputy sheriff, Bibb county, Ga. in the "Macon
+Telegraph", December 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brought to jail, John&mdash;<i>left ear cropt.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_m"></a>
+Hon. H Hitchcock, Mobile, judge of the Supreme Court, in the
+"Commercial Register", Oct. 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the slave Ellis&mdash;he has <i>lost one of his ears</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mrs. Elizabeth L. Carter, near Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, in the "National Intelligencer", Washington, D.C. June 10,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man, Moses&mdash;he has <i>lost a part</i> of one of his
+ears."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William D. Buckels, Natchez, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," July
+28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Taken up, a negro man&mdash;is <i>very much scarred</i> about the face and
+body, and has the left <i>ear bit off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Walter R. English, Monroe county, Ala. in the "Mobile Chronicle,"
+Sept. 2, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my slave Lewis&mdash;he has lost a <i>piece of one ear</i>, and a
+<i>part of one of his fingers</i>, a <i>part of one of his toes</i> is also
+lost."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Saunders, Grany Spring, Hawkins county, Tenn. in the
+"Knoxville Register," June 6, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a black girl named Mary&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on her cheek, and the
+end of one of her toes <i>cut off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Jenkins, St Joseph's, Florida, captain of the steamboat
+Ellen, "Apalachicola Gazette," June 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Caesar&mdash;he has <i>but one eye</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Peter Hanson, Lafayette city, La., in the New Orleans "Bee," July
+28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negress Martha&mdash;she has <i>lost her right eye</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Orren Ellis, Georgeville, Mi. in the "North Alabamian," Sept. 15,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, George&mdash;has had the lower part of <i>one of his ears bit
+off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Zadock Sawyer, Cuthbert, Randolph county, Georgia, in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro Tom&mdash;has a piece <i>bit off the top of his right
+ear</i>, and his little finger is <i>stiff</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Abraham Gray, Mount Morino, Pike county, Ga. in the "Milledgeville
+Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my mulatto woman Judy&mdash;she has had her <i>right arm broke</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+S.B. Tuston, jailer, Adams county, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," June
+15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man named Bill&mdash;has had the <i>thumb of
+his left hand split</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Joshua Antrim, Nineveh, Warren county, Virginia, in the
+"Winchester Virginian," July 11, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a mulatto man named Joe&mdash;his fingers on the left hand are
+<i>partly amputated</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.B. Randall, jailor,  Marietta, Cobb county, Ga., in the "Southern
+Recorder;" Nov. 6, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Lodged in jail, a negro man named Jupiter&mdash;is very <i>lame in his left
+hip</i>, so that he can hardly walk&mdash;has lost a joint of the middle
+finger of his left hand."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John N. Dillahunty, Woodville, Mi., in the "N.O. Commercial
+Bulletin," July 21, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Bill&mdash;has a scar over one eye, also one on his leg, from
+<i>the bite of a dog</i>&mdash;has a <i>burn on his buttock, from a piece of hot
+iron in shape of a T</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+William K. Ratcliffe, sheriff, Franklin county, Mi. in the "Natchez
+Free Trader," August 23, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Mike&mdash;<i>his left ear off</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Preston Halley, Barnwell, South Carolina, in the "Augusta [Ga.]
+Chronicle," July 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro man Levi&mdash;his left hand has been <i>burnt</i>, and I
+think the end of his fore finger <i>is off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Welcome H. Robbins, St. Charles county, Mo. in the "St. Louis
+Republican," June 30, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro named Washington&mdash;has <i>lost a part of his middle
+finger and the end of his little finger</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+G. Gourdon &amp; Co. druggists, corner of Rampart and Hospital streets,
+New Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," Sept. 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro named David Drier&mdash;has <i>two toes cut</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. William Brown, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Edmund&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on his right temple, and under his
+right eye, and <i>holes in both ears</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James McDonnell, Talbot county, Georgia, in the "Columbus
+Enquirer," Jan. 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Runaway, a negro boy <i>twelve or thirteen</i> years old&mdash;has a scar on
+his left cheek <i>from the bite of a dog</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John W. Cherry, Marengo county, Ala. in the "Mobile Register,"
+June 15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my negro man John&mdash;he has a considerable
+scar on his <i>throat</i>, done with a <i>knife</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Thos. Brown, Roane co. Tenn. in the "Knoxville Register," Sept 12,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Twenty-five dollars reward, for my man John&mdash;the <i>tip</i> of his nose is
+<i>bit off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Messrs. Taylor, Lawton &amp; Co., Charleston, South Carolina, in the
+"Mercury," Nov. 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow called Hover&mdash;has a <i>cut</i> above the right
+eye."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Louis Schmidt, Faubourg, Sivaudais, La. in the New Orleans "Bee,"
+Sept. 5, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro man Hardy&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on the upper lip, and
+another made with a <i>knife</i> on his neck."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.M. Whitehead, Natchez, in the "New Orleans Bulletin," July 21,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Henry&mdash;has half of one <i>ear bit off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Conrad Salvo, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," August
+10, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro man Jacob&mdash;he has but <i>one eye</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+William Baker, jailer, Shelby county, Ala., in the "Montgomery (Ala.)
+Advertiser," Oct. 5, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, Ben&mdash;his <i>left thumb off</i> at the first joint."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. S.N. Hite, Camp street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Feb. 19, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave Sally&mdash;walks as though
+<i>crippled</i> in the back."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stephen M. Richards, Whitesburg, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," Sept 8, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Dick&mdash;has a <i>little finger off</i> the right
+hand."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. A. Brose, parish of St. Charles, La. in the "New Orleans Bee,"
+Feb. 19, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro Patrick&mdash;has his little finger of the right hand
+<i>cut close to the hand</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Needham Whitefield, Aberdeen, Mi. in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Enquirer," June 15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Joe Dennis&mdash;has a small <i>notch</i> in one of his ears."
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. M.J. Keith, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Nov.
+27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Dick&mdash;has <i>lost the little toe</i> of one of his feet."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R. Faucette, Haywood, North Carolina, in the "Raleigh Register,"
+April 30, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Escaped, my negro man Eaton&mdash;his <i>little finger</i> of the right hand
+has been <i>broke</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. G.C. Richardson, Owen Station, Mo., in the St. Louis "Republican,"
+May 5, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro man named Top&mdash;has had one of his <i>legs broken</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. E. Han, La Grange, Fayette county, Tenn. in the Gallatin "Union,"
+June 23, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro boy Jack&mdash;has a small <i>crop out of his left ear</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+D. Herring, warden of Baltimore city jail, in the "Marylander," Oct 6,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man&mdash;has <i>two scars</i> on his forehead,
+and the <i>top of his left ear cut off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Marks, near Natchitoches, La. in the "Natchitoches Herald,"
+July 21, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Stolen, a negro man named Winter&mdash;has a <i>notch</i> cut out of the left
+ear, and the mark of <i>four or five buck shot</i> on his legs."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Barr, Amelia Court House, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald,"
+Sept. 12, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man&mdash;<i>scar back of his left eye</i>, as if from the <i>cut</i>
+of a knife."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Isaac Michell, Wilkinson county, Georgia, in the "Augusta
+Chronicle," Sept 21, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro man Buck&mdash;has a very <i>plain mark</i> under his ear on his
+jaw, about the size of a dollar, having been <i>inflicted by a knife.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. P. Bayhi, captain of the police, Suburb Washington, third
+municipality, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Oct. 13, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Detained at the jail, the negro boy Hermon&mdash;has a scar below his left
+ear, from the <i>wound of a knife</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Willie Paterson, Clinton, Jones county, Ga. in the "Darien
+Telegraph," Dec. 5, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man by the name of John&mdash;he has a <i>scar</i> across his
+cheek, and one on his right arm, apparently done with a <i>knife</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Samuel Ragland, Triana, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Advocate," Dec. 23, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Isham&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> upon the breast and upon the under lip,
+from the <i>bite of a dog</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Moses E. Bush, near Clayton, Ala. in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," July 5, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man&mdash;has a <i>scar</i> on his hip and on his breast, and
+<i>two front teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+C.W. Wilkins, sheriff Baldwin Co. Ala. in the "Mobile Advertiser,"
+Sept. 24, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro man, he is <i>crippled</i> in the right leg."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James H. Taylor, Charleston South Carolina, in the "Courier,"
+August 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded, a colored boy, named Peter, <i>lame</i> in the right leg."
+</p>
+<p>
+N.M.C. Robinson, jailer, Columbus, Georgia, in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," August 2, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brought to jail, a negro man, his left ankle has been <i>broke</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Littlejohn Rynes, Hinds Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August,
+17, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jerry, has a small piece <i>cut out of the
+top of each ear</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Heirs of J.A. Alston, near Georgetown, South Carolina, in the
+"Georgetown [S.C.] Union," June 17, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded a negro named Cuffee, has <i>lost one finger</i>; has an
+<i>enlarged leg</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+A.S. Ballinger, Sheriff, Johnston Co, North Carolina, In the "Raleigh
+Standard," Oct. 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro man; has a <i>very sore leg</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Thomas Crutchfield, Atkins, Ten. in the "Tennessee Journal," Oct.
+17, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my mulatto boy Cy, has but <i>one hand</i>, all the fingers of
+his right hand were <i>burnt off</i> when young."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.A. Brown, jailer, Orangeburg, South Carolina, in the "Charleston
+Mercury," July 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Bob, appears to be <i>crippled</i> in
+the right leg."
+</p>
+<p>
+S.B. Turton, jailer, Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natchez Courier," Sept.
+29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man, has his <i>left thigh broke</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John H. King,  High street, Georgetown, in the "National
+Intelligencer," August 1, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro man, he has the <i>end of one</i> of his fingers
+<i>broken</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John B. Fox, Vicksburg, Miss. in the "Register," March 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named Tom, has a <i>notch</i> in the back
+of one of his ears."
+</p>
+<p>
+Messrs. Fernandez and Whiting, auctioneers, New Orleans, in the "Bee,"
+April 8, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Will be sold Martha, aged nineteen, <i>has one eye out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Marshall Jett, Farrowsville, Fauquier Co. Virginia, in the
+"National Intelligencer," May 30, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro man Ephraim, has a <i>mark</i> over one of his eyes,
+occasioned by a <i>blow</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+S.B. Turton, jailer Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natches Courier," Oct. 12,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Was committed a negro, calls himself Jacob, has been <i>crippled</i> in
+his right leg."
+</p>
+<p>
+John Ford, sheriff of Mobile County, in the "Mississippian," Jackson
+Mi. Dec. 28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a negro man Cary, a <i>large scar on his forehead</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+E.W. Morris, sheriff of Warren County, in the "Vicksburg [Mi.]
+Register," March 28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed as a runaway, a negro man Jack, he has <i>several scars</i> on
+his face."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John P. Holcombe, In the "Charleston Mercury," April 17, 1828.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absented himself, his negro man Ben, <i>has scars</i> on his throat,
+occasioned by the <i>cut of a knife</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Geo. Kinlock, in the "Charleston, S.C. Courier," May 1, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro boy Kitt, 15 or 16 years old, <i>has a piece taken out
+of one of his ears</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Wm. Magee, sheriff, Mobile Co. in the "Mobile Register," Dec. 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, a runaway slave, Alexander, a <i>scar</i> on his left
+check."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry M. McGregor, Prince George County, Maryland, in the
+"Alexandria [D.C.] Gazette," Feb. 6, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro Phil, <i>scar through the right eye brow</i> part of the
+<i>middle toe</i> right foot <i>cut off</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Green B Jourdan, Baldwin County Ga. in the "Georgia Journal," April
+18, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, John, has a <i>scar</i> on one of his hands extending from the
+wrist joint to the little finger, also a <i>scar</i> on one of his legs."
+</p>
+<p>
+Messrs. Daniel and Goodman, New Orleans, in the "N.O. Bee," Feb. 2,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded, mulatto slave Alick, has a <i>large scar over</i> one of his
+cheeks."
+</p>
+<p>
+Jeremiah Woodward, Gonchland, Co. Va. in the "Richmond Va. Whig," Jan.
+30, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"200 DOLLARS REWARD for Nelson, has a <i>scar</i> on his forehead
+occasioned by a <i>burn</i>, and one on his lower lip and one about the
+knee."
+</p>
+<p>
+Samuel Rawlins, Gwinet Co. Ga. in the "Columbus Sentinel," Nov. 29,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man and his wife, named Nat and Priscilla, he has a
+small <i>scar</i> on his left cheek, <i>two stiff fingers</i> on his right hand
+with a <i>running sore</i> on them; his wife has a <i>scar</i> on her left arm,
+and one <i>upper tooth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_n"></a>
+The reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous
+ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under
+their own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. We now
+ask the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. They are
+endorsed by responsible names&mdash;men who 'speak what they know, and
+testify what they have seen'&mdash;testimonies which show, that the
+slaveholders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the
+work of their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming,
+mutilating, cropping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of
+their slaves, breaking their bones, &amp;c., have manifested, <i>as far as
+they have gone</i> in the description, a commendable fidelity to truth.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding
+advertisements were the result of accidents; and some <i>may be</i> the
+result of violence inflicted by the slaves upon each other. Without
+arguing that point, we say, these are the <i>facts</i>; whoever reads and
+ponders them, will need no argument to convince him, that the
+proposition which they have been employed to sustain, <i>cannot be
+shaken</i>. That any considerable portion of them were <i>accidental</i>, is
+totally improbable, from the nature of the case; and is in most
+instances disproved by the advertisements themselves. That they have
+not been produced by assaults of the slaves upon each other, is
+manifest from the fact, that injuries of that character inflicted by
+the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar with the
+habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare; and of
+necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the
+strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature.
+</p>
+<p>
+Advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered by
+scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states.
+Before presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the
+proposition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that
+some of the tortures enumerated under this and the preceding heads,
+are not in all cases inflicted by slaveholders as <i>punishments</i>, but
+sometimes merely as preventives of escape, for the greater security of
+their 'property'. Iron collars, chains, &amp;c. are put upon slaves when
+they are driven or transported from one part of the country to
+another, in order to keep them from running away. Similar measures are
+often resorted to upon plantations. When the master or owner suspects
+a slave of plotting an escape, an iron collar with long 'horns,' or a
+bar of iron, or a ball and chain, are often fastened upon him, for the
+double purpose of retarding his flight, should he attempt it, and of
+serving as an easy means of detection.
+</p>
+<p>
+Another inhuman method of <i>marking</i> slaves, so that they may be easily
+described and detected when they escape, is called <i>cropping</i>. In the
+preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of cases,
+in which the runaway is described as '<i>cropt</i>,' or a '<i>notch cut</i> in
+the ear, or a part or the whole of the ear <i>cut off</i>,' &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_o"></a>
+Two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just
+received by Mr. Lewis Tappan, of New York, containing a negro's ear
+cut off close to the head. The writer of the letter, who signed
+himself Thomas Oglethorpe, Montgomery, Alabama, sent it to Mr. Tappan
+as 'a specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his
+'collection.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Another method of <i>marking</i> slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off
+one or two <i>front teeth</i>&mdash;commonly the upper ones, as the mark would
+in that case be the more obvious. An instance of this kind the reader
+will recall in the testimony of Sarah M. Grimké, <a href="#SARAH_G_a">page 30</a>, and of which
+she had <i>personal</i> knowledge; being well acquainted both with the
+inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,) by whose
+order the brutal deed was done, and with the poor young girl whose
+mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to furnish a convenient mark by
+which to describe her in case of her elopement, as she had frequently
+run away.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_p"></a>
+The case stated by Miss G. serves to unravel what, to one uninitiated,
+seems quite a mystery: i.e. the frequency with which, in the
+advertisements of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they
+are described as having <i>one or two front teeth out</i>. Scores of such
+advertisements are in southern papers now on our table. We will
+furnish the reader with a dozen or two.
+</p>
+<p>
+Jesse Debruhl, sheriff, Richland District, "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Feb. 24, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail, Ned, about 25 years of age, has lost his <i>two
+upper front teeth</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Hunt, Black Water Bay, "Pensacola (Ga.) Gazette," October 14,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"100 DOLLARS REWARD, for Perry, <i>one under front tooth</i> missing, aged
+23 years."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Frederick, Branchville, Orangeburgh District, S.C.
+"Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 12, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD, for Mary, <i>one or two upper teeth</i> out, about 25
+years old."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Egbert A. Raworth, eight miles west of Nashville on the Charlotte
+road "Daily Republican Banner," Nashville, Tennessee, April 30, 1938.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Myal, 23 years old, one of his <i>fore teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Benjamin Russel, Deputy sheriff Bibb Co. Ga. "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph,"
+Dec. 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brought to jail John, 23 years old, <i>one fore tooth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+F. Wisner, Master of the Work House, "Charleston (S.C.) Courier." Oct.
+17, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to the Charleston Work House Tom, <i>two of his upper front
+teeth out</i>, about 30 years of age."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. S. Neyle, "Savannah (Ga.) Republican," July 3, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Peter, has lost <i>two front teeth</i> in the upper jaw."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John McMurrain, near Columbus, "Georgia Messenger," Aug. 2, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a boy named Moses, some of his <i>front teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Kennedy, Stewart Co. La. "New Orleans Bee," April 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Sally, her <i>fore teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. A.J. Hutchings, near Florence, Ala. "North Alabamian," August 25,
+1838
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, George Winston, two of his <i>upper fore teeth out</i>
+immediately in front."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Purdon, 33 Commons street, N.O. "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 13,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Jackson, has lost <i>one of his front teeth</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Robert Calvert, in the "Arkansas State Gazette," August 22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Jack, 25 years old, has lost <i>one of his fore teeth</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. A.G.A. Beazley, in the Memphis Gazette, March 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Abraham, 20 or 22 years of age, <i>his front teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Samuel Townsend, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," May 24,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Dick, 18 or 20 years of age, <i>has one front tooth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Philip A. Dew, in the "Virginia Herald," of May 24, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Washington, about 25 years of age, has <i>an upper front tooth
+out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.G. Dunlap, "Georgia Constitutionalist," April 24, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, negro woman Abbe, <i>upper front teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+John Thomas, "Southern Argus," August 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Lewis, 25 or 26 years old, <i>one or two of his front teeth
+out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+M.E.W. Gilbert, in the "Columbus [Ga.] Enquirer," Oct. 5. 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Prince, 25 or 26 years old, <i>one or two teeth
+out</i> in front on the upper jaw."
+</p>
+<p>
+Publisher of the "Charleston Mercury," Aug. 31, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Seller Saunders, <i>one fore tooth out</i>, about 22 years of
+age."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Byrd M. Grace, in the "Macon [Ga.] Telegraph," Oct. 16, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Warren, about 25 or 26 years old, has lost <i>some of his
+front teeth</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George W. Barnes, in the "Milledgeville [Ga.] Journal," May 22,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Henry, about 23 years old, has one of his <i>upper front teeth
+out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+D. Herring, Warden of Baltimore Jail, in "Baltimore Chronicle," Oct.
+6, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to jail Elizabeth Steward, 17 or 18 years old, has <i>one of
+her front teeth out</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J.L. Colborn, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," July 4, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway Liley, 26 years of age, <i>one fore tooth gone</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Samuel Harman Jr. in the "New Orleans Bee," Oct. 12, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Adolphe, 28 years old, <i>two of his front
+teeth</i> are missing."
+</p>
+<p>
+Were it necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list,
+<i>hundreds</i>. The reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are
+given, are <i>young</i>&mdash;not one has arrived at middle age; consequently it
+can hardly be supposed that they have lost their teeth either from age
+or decay. The probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is
+increased by the fact of their being <i>front teeth</i> in almost every
+case, and from the fact that the loss of no <i>other</i> is mentioned in
+the advertisements. It is well known that the front teeth are not
+generally the first to fail. Further, it is notorious that the teeth
+of the slaves are remarkably sound and serviceable, that they decay
+far less, and at a much later period of life than the teeth of the
+whites: owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; but more
+probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life.
+</p>
+<p>
+As an illustration of the horrible mutilations <i>sometimes</i> suffered by
+them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the
+following, from the New Orleans Bee of May 31, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+$10 REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway, Friday, May 12, JULIA, a negress, EIGHTEEN OR
+TWENTY YEARS OLD. SHE HAS LOST HER UPPER TEETH, and the under ones ARE
+ALL BROKEN. Said reward will be paid to whoever will bring her to her
+master, No. 172 Barracks-street, or lodge her in the jail.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is contained in the same paper.
+</p>
+<p>
+Ranaway, NELSON, 27 years old,&mdash;"ALL HIS TEETH ARE MISSING."
+</p>
+<p>
+This advertisement is signed by "S. ELFER," Faubourg Marigny.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_q"></a>
+We now call the attention of the reader to a mass of testimony in
+support of our general proposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+GEORGE B. RIPLEY, Esq. of Norwich, Connecticut, has furnished the
+following statement, in a letter dated Dec. 12, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"GURDON CHAPMAN, Esq., a respectable merchant of our city, one of our
+county commissioners,&mdash;last spring a member of our state
+legislature,&mdash;and whose character for veracity is above suspicion,
+about a year since visited the county of Nansemond, Virginia, for the
+purpose of buying a cargo of corn. He purchased a large quantity of
+Mr. &mdash;&mdash;, with whose family he spent a week or ten days; after he
+returned, he related to me and several other citizens the following
+facts. In order to prepare the corn for market by the time agreed
+upon, the slaves were worked as hard as they would bear, from daybreak
+until 9 or 10 o'clock at night. They were called directly from their
+bunks in the morning to their work, without a morsel of food until
+noon, when they took their breakfast and dinner, consisting of bacon
+and corn bread. The quantity of meat was not one tenth of what the
+same number of northern laborers usually have at a meal. They were
+allowed but fifteen minutes to take this meal, at the expiration of
+this time the horn was blown. The rigor with which they enforce
+punctuality to its call, may be imagined from the fact, that a little
+boy only nine years old was whipped so severely by the driver, that in
+many places the whip cut through his clothes (which were of cotton,)
+for tardiness of not over three minutes. They then worked without
+intermission until 9 or 10 at night; after which they prepared and ate
+their second meal, as scanty as the first. An aged slave, who was
+remarkable for his industry and fidelity, was working with all his
+might on the threshing floor; amidst the clatter of the shelling and
+winnowing machines the master spoke to him, but he did not hear; he
+presently gave him several severe cuts with the raw hide, saying, at
+the same time, 'damn you, if you cannot hear I'll see if you can
+feel.' One morning the master rose from breakfast and whipped most
+cruelly, with a raw hide, a nice girl who was waiting on the table,
+for not opening a <i>west</i> window when he had told her to open an east
+one. The number of slaves was only forty, and yet the lash was in
+constant use. The bodies of all of them were literally covered with
+old scars.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Not one of the slaves attended church on the Sabbath. The social
+relations were scarcely recognised among them, and they lived in a
+state of promiscuous concubinage. The master said he took pains to
+breed from his best stock&mdash;the whiter the progeny the higher they
+would sell for house servants. When asked by Mr. C. if he did not fear
+his slaves would run away if he whipped them so much, he replied, they
+know too well what they must suffer if they are taken&mdash;and then said,
+'I'll tell you how I treat my runaway niggers. I had a big nigger that
+ran away the second time; as soon as I got track of him I took three
+good fellows and went in pursuit, and found him in the night, some
+miles distant, in a corn-house; we took him and ironed him hand and
+foot, and carted him home. The next morning we tied him to a tree, and
+whipped him until there was not a sound place on his back. I then tied
+his ankles and hoisted him up to a <i>limb</i>&mdash;feet up and head down&mdash;we
+then whipped him, until the damned nigger smoked so that I thought he
+would take fire and burn up. We then took him down; and to make sure
+that he should not run away the third time, I run my knife in back of
+the ankles, and <i>cut off the large cords</i>,&mdash;and then I ought to have
+put some lead into the wounds, but I forgot it'
+</p>
+<p>
+"The truth of the above is from unquestionable authority; and you may
+publish or suppress it, as shall best subserve the cause of God and
+humanity."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM STEPHAN SEWALL, Esq., Winthrop, Maine, dated
+Jan. 12th, 1839. Mr. S. is a member of the Congregational church in
+Winthrop, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing company.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Being somewhat acquainted with slavery, by a residence of about five
+years in Alabama, and having witnessed many acts of slaveholding
+cruelty, I will mention one or two that came under my eye; and one of
+excessive cruelty mentioned to me at the time, by the gentleman (now
+dead,) that interfered in behalf of the slave.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was witness to such cruelties by an overseer to a slave, that he
+twice attempted to drown himself, to get out of his power: this was on
+a raft of slaves, in the Mobile river. I saw an owner take his runaway
+slave, tie a rope round him, then get on his horse, give the slave and
+horse a cut the whip, and run the poor creature barefooted, very fast,
+over rough ground, where small black jack oaks had been cut up,
+leaving the sharp stumps, on which the slave would frequently fall;
+then the master would drag him as long as he could himself hold out;
+then stop, and whip him up on his feet again&mdash;then proceed as before.
+This continued until he got out of my sight, which was about half a
+mile. But what further cruelties this wretched man, (whose passion was
+so excited that he could scarcely utter a word when he took the slave
+into his own power,) inflicted upon his poor victim, the day of
+judgment will unfold.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have seen slaves severely whipped on plantations, but this <i>is an
+every day occurrence</i>, and comes under the head of general treatment.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have known the case of a husband compelled to whip his wife. This I
+did not witness, though not two rods from the cabin at the time.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I will now mention the case of cruelty before referred to. In 1820 or
+21, while the public works were going forward on Dauphin Island,
+Mobile Bay, a contractor, engaged on the works, beat one of his slaves
+so severely that the poor creature had no longer power to writhe under
+his suffering: he then took out his knife, and began to <i>cut his flesh
+in strips, from his hips down</i>. At this moment, the gentleman referred
+to, who was also a contractor, shocked at such inhumanity, stepped
+forward, between the wretch and his victim, and exclaimed, 'If you
+touch that slave again you do it at the peril of your life.' The
+slaveholder raved at him for interfering between him and his slave;
+but he was obliged to drop his victim, fearing the arm of my
+friend&mdash;whose stature and physical powers were extraordinary."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. MARY COWLES, a member of the
+Presbyterian church at Geneva, Ashtabula county, Ohio, dated 12th, mo.
+18th, 1838. Mrs. Cowles is a daughter of Mr. James Colwell of Brook
+county, Virginia, near West Liberty.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"In the year 1809, I think, when I was twenty-one years old, a man in
+the vicinity where I resided, in Brooke co. Va. near West Liberty, by
+the name of Morgan, had a little slave girl about six years old, who
+had a habit or rather a natural infirmity common to children of that
+age. On this account her master and mistress would pinch her ears with
+hot tongs, and throw hot embers on her legs. Not being able to
+accomplish their object by these means, they at last resorted to a
+method too indelicate, and too horrible to describe in detail. Suffice
+it to say, it soon put an end to her life in the most excruciating
+manner. If further testimony to authenticate what I have stated is
+necessary, I refer you to Dr. Robert Mitchel who then resided in the
+vicinity, but now lives at Indiana, Pennsylvania, above Pittsburgh."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+MARY COWLES.
+</div>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM LADD, Esq., now of Minot, Maine, formerly a
+slaveholder in Florida. Mr. Ladd is now the President of the American
+Peace Society. In a letter dated November 29, 1838, Mr. Ladd says:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_r"></a>
+"While I lived in Florida I knew a slaveholder whose name was
+Hutchinson, he had been a preacher and a member of the Senate of
+Georgia. He told me that he dared not keep a gun in his house, because
+he was so passionate; and that he had <i>been the death of three or four
+men</i>. I understood him to mean <i>slaves</i>. One of his slaves, a girl,
+once came to my house. She had run away from him at Indian river. The
+cords of one of her hands were so much contracted that her hand was
+useless. It was said that he had thrust her hand into the fire while
+he was in a fit of passion, and held it there, and this was the
+effect. My wife had hid the girl, when Hutchinson came for her. Out of
+compassion for the poor slave, I offered him more than she was worth,
+which he refused. We afterward let the girl escape, and I do not know
+what became of her, but I believe he never got her again. It was
+currently reported of Hutchinson, that he once knocked down a <i>new</i>
+negro (one recently from Africa) who was clearing up land, and who
+complained of the cold, as it was mid-winter. The slave was stunned
+with the blow. Hutchinson, supposing he had the 'sulks,' applied fire
+to the side of the slave until it was so roasted that he said the
+slave was not worth curing, and ordered the other slaves to pile on
+brush, and he was consumed.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A murder occurred at the settlement, (Musquito) while I lived there.
+An overseer from Georgia, who was employed by a Mr. Cormick, in a fit
+of jealousy shot a slave of Samuel Williams, the owner of the next
+plantation. He was apprehended, but afterward suffered to escape. This
+man told me that he had rather whip a negro than sit down to the best
+dinner. This man had, near his house, a contrivance like that which is
+used in armies where soldiers are punished with the picket; by this
+the slave was drawn up from the earth, by a cord passing round his
+wrists, so that his feet could just touch the ground. It somewhat
+resembled a New England well sweep, and was used when the slaves were
+flogged.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The treatment of slaves at Musquito I consider much milder than that
+which I have witnessed in the United States. Florida was under the
+Spanish government while I lived there. There were about fifteen or
+twenty plantations at Musquito. I have an indistinct recollection of
+four or five slaves dying of the cold in Amelia Island. They belonged
+to Mr. Bunce of musquito. The compensation of the overseers was a
+certain portion of the crop."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+GERRIT SMITH, Esq. of Peterboro, in a letter, dated Dec. 15, 1838,
+says:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"I have just been conversing with an inhabitant of this town, on the
+subject of the cruelties of slavery. My neighbors inform me that he is
+a man of veracity. The candid manner of his communication utterly
+forbade the suspicion that he was attempting to deceive me.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My informant says that he resided in Louisiana and Alabama during a
+great part of the years 1819 and 1820:&mdash;that he frequently saw slaves
+whipped, never saw any killed; but often heard of their being
+killed:&mdash;that in several instances he had seen a slave receive, in the
+space of two hours, five hundred lashes&mdash;each stroke drawing blood. He
+adds that this severe whipping was always followed by the application
+of strong brine to the lacerated parts.
+</p>
+<p>
+"My informant further says, that in the spring of 1819, he steered a
+boat from Louisville to New Orleans. Whilst stopping at a plantation
+on the east bank of the Mississippi, between Natchez and New Orleans,
+for the purpose of making sale of some of the articles with which the
+boat was freighted, he and his fellow boatmen saw a shockingly cruel
+punishment inflicted on a couple of slaves for the repeated offence of
+running away. Straw was spread over the whole of their backs, and,
+after being fastened by a band of the same material, was ignited, and
+left to burn, until entirely consumed. The agonies and screams of the
+sufferers he can never forget."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, late president of Marion College, Missouri, a native
+of Tennessee, and till forty years old a slaveholder, said in an
+Anti-Slavery address at Northampton, Mass. Jan. 1839&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have not attempted to harrow your feelings with stories of cruelty.
+I will, however, mention one or two among the many incidents that came
+under my observation as family physician. I was one day dressing a
+blister, and the mistress of the house sent a little black girl into
+the kitchen to bring me some warm water. She probably mistook her
+message; for she returned with a bowl full of boiling water; which her
+mistress no sooner perceived, than she thrust her hand into it, and
+held it there till it was half cooked."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY H. LOOMIS, a member of the Presbyterian Theological Seminary
+in the city of New York, says, in a recent letter&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The Rev. Mr. Hart, recently my pastor, in Otsego county, New York,
+and who has spent some time at the south as a teacher, stated to me
+that in the neighborhood in which he resided a slave was set to watch
+a turnip patch near an academy, in order to keep off the boys who
+occasionally trespassed on it. Attempting to repeat the trespass in
+presence of the slave, they were told that his 'master forbad it.' At
+this the boys were enraged, and hurled brickbats at the slave until
+his face and other parts were much injured and wounded&mdash;but nothing
+was said or done about it as an injury to the slave.
+</p>
+<p>
+"He also said, that a slave from the same neighborhood was found out
+in the woods, with his arms and legs burned almost to a cinder, up as
+far as the elbow and knee joints; and there appeared to be but little
+more said or thought about it than if he had been a brute. It was
+supposed that his master was the cause of it&mdash;making him an example of
+punishment to the rest of the gang!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="JOHN_CLARKE"></a>
+The following is an extract of a letter dated March 5, 1839, from Mr.
+JOHN CLARKE, a highly respected citizen of Scriba, Oswego county, New
+York, and a member of the Presbyterian church.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_s"></a>
+The 'Mrs. Turner' spoken of in Mr. C.'s letter, is the wife of Hon.
+Fielding S. Turner, who in 1803 resided at Lexington, Kentucky, and
+was the attorney for the Commonwealth. Soon after that, he removed to
+New Orleans, and was for many years Judge of the Criminal Court of
+that city. Having amassed an immense fortune, he returned to Lexington
+a few years since, and still resides there. Mr. C. the writer, spent
+the winter of 1836-7 in Lexington. He says,
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Yours of the 27th ult. is received, and I hasten to state the facts
+which came to my knowledge while in Lexington, respecting the
+occurrences about which you inquire. Mrs. Turner was originally a
+Boston lady. She is from 35 to 40 years of age, and the wife of Judge
+Turner, formerly of New Orleans, and worth a large fortune in slaves
+and plantations. I repeatedly heard, while in Lexington, Kentucky,
+during the winter of 1836-7, of the wanton cruelty practised by this
+woman upon her slaves, and that she had caused several to be <i>whipped
+to death</i>; but I never heard that she was suspected of being deranged,
+otherwise than by the indulgence of an ungoverned temper, until I
+heard that her husband was attempting to incarcerate her in the
+Lunatic Asylum. The citizens of Lexington, believing the charge to be
+a false one, rose and prevented the accomplishment for a time, until,
+lulled by the fair promises of his friends, they left his domicil, and
+in the dead of night she was taken by force, and conveyed to the
+asylum. This proceeding being judged illegal by her friends, a suit
+was instituted to liberate her. I heard the testimony on the trial,
+which related only to proceedings had in order to getting her admitted
+into the asylum; and no facts came out relative to her treatment of
+her slaves, other than of a general character.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some days after the above trial, (which by the way did not come to an
+ultimate decision, as I believe) I was present in my brother's office,
+when Judge Turner, in a long conversation with my brother on the
+subject of his trials with his wife, said, '<i>That woman has been the
+immediate cause of the death of</i> six <i>of my servants, by her
+severities</i>!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_t"></a>
+"I was repeatedly told, while I was there, that she drove a colored
+boy from the second story window, a distance of 15 to 18 feet, on to
+the pavement, which made him a cripple for a time.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I heard the trial of a man for the murder of his slave, by whipping,
+where the evidence was to my mind perfectly conclusive of his guilt;
+but the jury were two of them for convicting him of manslaughter, and
+the rest for acquitting him; and as they could not agree were
+discharged&mdash;and on a subsequent trial, as I learned by the papers, the
+culprit was acquitted."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, of Bedford, New Hampshire, in a recent letter,
+states the following fact:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_u"></a>
+"The following circumstance was related to me last summer, by my
+brother, now residing as a physician, at Rodney, Mississippi; and who,
+though a pro-slavery man, spoke of it in terms of reprobation, as an
+act of capricious, wanton cruelty. The planter who was the actor in it
+I myself knew; and the whole transaction is so characteristic of the
+man, that, independent of the strong authority I have, I should
+entertain but little doubt of its authenticity. He is a wealthy
+planter, residing near Natchez, eccentric, capricious and intemperate.
+On one occasion he invited a number of guests to an elegant
+entertainment, prepared in the true style of southern luxury. From
+some cause, none of the guests appeared. In a moody humor, and under
+the influence, probably, of mortified pride, he ordered the overseer
+to call the people (a term by which the field hands are generally
+designated,) on to the piazza. The order was obeyed, and the people
+came. 'Now,' said he, 'have them seated at the table. Accordingly they
+were seated at the well-furnished, glittering table, while he and his
+overseer waited on them, and helped them to the various dainties of
+the feast. 'Now,' said he, after awhile, raising his voice, 'take
+these rascals, and give them twenty lashes a piece. I'll show them how
+to eat at my table.' The overseer, in relating it, said he had to
+comply, though reluctantly, with this brutal command."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY P. THOMPSON, a native and still a resident of Nicholasville,
+Kentucky, made the following statement at a public meeting in Lane
+Seminary, Ohio, in 1833. He was at that time a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_v"></a>
+"<i>Cruelties</i>, said he, <i>are so common</i>, I hardly know what to relate.
+But one fact occurs to me just at this time, that happened in the
+village where I live. The circumstances are these. A colored man, a
+slave, ran away. As he was crossing Kentucky river, a white man, who
+suspected him, attempted to stop him. The negro resisted. The white
+man procured help, and finally succeeded in securing him. He then
+wreaked his vengeance on him for resisting&mdash;flogging him till he was
+not able to walk. They then put him on a horse, and came on with him
+ten miles to Nicholasville. When they entered the village, it was
+noticed that he sat upon his horse like a drunken man. It was a very
+hot day; and whilst they were taking some refreshment, the negro sat
+down upon the ground, under the shade. When they ordered him to go, he
+made several efforts before he could get up; and when he attempted to
+mount the horse, his strength was entirely insufficient. One of the
+men struck him, and with an oath ordered him to get on the horse
+without any more fuss. The negro staggered back a few steps, fell
+down, and died. I do not know that any notice was ever taken of it."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. COLEMAN S. HODGES, a native and still a resident of Western
+Virginia, gave the following testimony at the same meeting.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have frequently seen the mistress of a family in Virginia, with
+whom I was well acquainted, beat the woman who performed the kitchen
+work, with a stick two feet and a half long, and nearly as thick as my
+wrist; striking her over the head, and across the small of the back,
+as she was bent over at her work, with as much spite as you would a
+snake, and for what I should consider no offence at all. There lived
+in this same family a young man, a slave, who was in the habit of
+running away. He returned one time after a week's absence. The master
+took him into the barn, stripped him entirely naked, tied him up by
+his hands so high that he could not reach the floor, tied his feet
+together, and put a small rail between his legs, so that he could not
+avoid the blows, and commenced whipping him. He told me that he gave
+him five hundred lashes. At any rate, he was covered with wounds from
+head to foot. Not a place as big as my hand but what was cut. Such
+things as these are perfectly common all over Virginia; at least so
+far as I am acquainted. Generally, planters avoid punishing their
+slaves before strangers."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CALVIN H. TATE, of Missouri, whose father and brothers were
+slaveholders, related the following at the same meeting. The
+plantation on which it occurred, was in the immediate neighborhood of
+his father's.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A young woman, who was generally very badly treated, after receiving
+a more severe whipping than usual, ran away. In a few days she came
+back, and was sent into the field to work. At this time the garment
+next her skin was stiff like a scab, from the running of the sores
+made by the whipping. Towards night, she told her master that she was
+sick, and wished to go to the house. She went, and as soon as she
+reached it, laid down on the floor exhausted. The mistress asked her
+what the matter was? She made no reply. She asked again; but received
+no answer. 'I'll see,' said she, 'if I can't make you speak.' So
+taking the tongs, she heated them red hot, and put them upon the
+bottoms of her feet; then upon her legs and body; and, finally, in a
+rage, took hold of her throat. This had the desired effect. The poor
+girl faintly whispered, 'Oh, misse, don't&mdash;I am most gone;' and
+expired."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, pastor of the
+Congregational Church, Quincy, Illinois.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_w"></a>
+"Judge Menzies of Boone county, Kentucky, an elder in the Presbyterian
+Church, and a slaveholder, told me that <i>he knew</i> some overseers in
+the tobacco growing region of Virginia, who, to make their slaves
+careful in picking the tobacco, that is taking the worms off; (you
+know what a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is) would make them <i>eat</i>
+some of the worms, and others who made them eat every worm they missed
+in picking."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mrs. NANCY JUDD, a member of the Non-Conformist Church in Osnaburg,
+Stark county, Ohio, and formerly a resident of Kentucky, testifies
+that she knew a slaveholder,
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Brubecker, who had a number of slaves, among whom was one who
+would frequently avoid labor by hiding himself; for which he would get
+severe floggings without the desired effect, and that at last Mr. B.
+would tie large cats on his naked body and whip them to make them tear
+his back, in order to break him of his habit of hiding."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marlborough, Massachusetts, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, <i>cat-haul</i>
+them; that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by its
+hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied; this
+kind of punishment, as I have understood, poisons the flesh much worse
+than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. ABEL BROWN, Jr. late pastor of the first Baptist Church, Beaver,
+Pennsylvania, in a communication to Rev. C.P. Grosvenor, Editor of
+the Christian Reflector, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_x"></a>
+"I almost daily see the poor heart-broken slave making his way to a
+land of freedom. A short time since, I saw a noble, pious, distressed,
+spirit-crushed slave, a member of the Baptist church, escaping from a
+(professed Christian) bloodhound, to a land where he could enjoy that
+of which he had been robbed during forty years. His prayers would have
+made us all feel. I saw a Baptist sister of about the same age, her
+children had been torn from her, her head was covered with fresh
+wounds, while her upper lip had scarcely ceased to bleed, in
+consequence of a blow with the poker, which knocked out her teeth; she
+too, was going to a land of freedom. Only a very few days since, I saw
+a girl of about eighteen, with a child as white as myself, aged ten
+months; a Christian master was raising her child (as well his own
+perhaps) to sell to a southern market. She had heard of the
+intention, and at midnight took her only treasure and traveled twenty
+miles on foot through a land of strangers&mdash;she found friends."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HENRY T. HOPKINS, pastor of the Primitive Methodist Church in New
+York City, who resided in Virginia from 1821 to 1826, relates the
+following fact:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_y"></a>
+"An old colored man, the slave of Mr. Emerson; of Portsmouth,
+Virginia, being under deep conviction for sin, went into the back part
+of his master's garden to pour out his soul in prayer to God. For this
+offence he was whipped thirty-nine lashes."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract of a letter from DOCTOR F. JULIUS LEMOYNE, of Washington,
+Pennsylvania, dated Jan. 9, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Lest you should not have seen the statement to which I am going to
+allude, I subjoin a brief outline of the facts of a transaction which
+occurred in Western Virginia, adjacent to this county, a number of
+years ago&mdash;a full account of which was published in the "Witness"
+about two years since by Dr. Mitchell, who now resides in Indiana
+county, Pennsylvania. A slave boy ran away in cold weather, and during
+his concealment had his legs frozen; he returned, or was retaken.
+After some time the flesh decayed and <i>sloughed</i>&mdash;of course was
+offensive&mdash;he was carried out to a field and left there without bed,
+or shelter, <i>deserted to die</i>. His only companions were the house dogs
+which he called to him. After several days and nights spent in
+suffering and exposure, he was visited by Drs. McKitchen and Mitchell
+in the field, of their own accord, having heard by report of his
+lamentable condition; they remonstrated with the master; brought the
+boy to the house, amputated both legs, and he finally recovered."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_z"></a>
+Hon. JAMES K. PAULDING, the Secretary of the Navy of the U. States, in
+his "Letters from the South" published in 1817, relates the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"At one of the taverns along the road we were set down in the same
+room with an elderly man and a youth who seemed to be well acquainted
+with him, for they conversed familiarly and with true republican
+independence&mdash;for they did not mind who heard them. From the tenor of
+his conversation I was induced to look particularly at the elder. He
+was telling the youth something like the following detested tale. He
+was going, it seems, to Richmond, to inquire about a draft for seven
+thousand dollars, which he had sent by mail, but which, not having
+been acknowledged by his correspondent, he was afraid had been stolen,
+and the money received by the thief. 'I should not like to lose it,'
+said he, 'for I worked hard for it, and sold many a poor d&mdash;&mdash;l of a
+black to Carolina and Georgia, to scrape it together.' He then went on
+to tell many a perfidious tale. All along the road it seems he made it
+his business to inquire where lived a man who might be tempted to
+become a party in this accursed traffic, and when he had got some half
+dozen of these poor creatures, <i>he tied their hands behind their
+backs</i>, and drove them three or four hundred miles or more,
+bare-headed and half naked through the burning southern sun. Fearful
+that <i>even southern humanity</i> would revolt at such an exhibition of
+human misery and human barbarity, he gave out that they were runaway
+slaves he was carrying home to their masters. On one occasion a poor
+black woman exposed this fallacy, and told the story of her being
+<i>kidnapped</i>, and when he got her into a wood out of hearing, he beat
+her, to use his own expression, 'till her back was white.' It seems he
+married all the men and women he bought, himself, because they would
+sell better for being man and wife! But, said the youth, were you not
+afraid, in traveling through the wild country and sleeping in lone
+houses, these slaves would rise and kill you? 'To be sure I was,' said
+the other, 'but I always fastened my door, put a chair on a table
+before it, so that it might wake me in falling, and slept with a
+loaded pistol in each hand. It was a bad life, and I left it off as
+soon as I could live without it; for many is the time I have separated
+wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, and parents from
+children, but then I made them amends by marrying them again as soon
+as I had a chance, that is to say, I made them call each other man and
+wife, and sleep together, which is quite enough for negroes. I made
+one bad purchase though,' continued he. 'I bought a young mulatto
+girl, a lively creature, a great bargain. She had been the favorite of
+her master, who had lately married. The difficulty was to get her to
+go, for the poor creature loved her master. However, I swore most
+bitterly I was only going to take to take her to her mother's at &mdash;&mdash;
+and she went with me, though she seemed to doubt me very much. But
+when she discovered, at last, that we were out of the state, I thought
+she would go mad, and in fact, the next night she drowned herself in
+the river close by. I lost a good five hundred dollars by this foolish
+trick.'" Vol. I. p. 121.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. &mdash;&mdash; SPILLMAN, a native, and till recently, a resident of
+Virginia, now a member of the Presbyterian church in Delhi, Hamilton
+co., Ohio, has furnished the two following facts, of which he had
+personal knowledge.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Aa"></a>
+"David Stallard, of Shenandoah co., Virginia, had a slave, who run
+away; he was taken up and lodged in Woodstock jail. Stallard went with
+another man and took him out of the jail&mdash;tied him to their
+horses&mdash;and started for home. The day was excessively hot, and they
+rode so fast, dragging the man by the rope behind them, that he became
+perfectly exhausted&mdash;fainted&mdash;dropped down, and died.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Henry Jones, of Culpepper co., Virginia, owned a slave, who ran away.
+Jones caught him, tied him up, and for two days, at intervals,
+continued to flog him, and rub salt into his mangled flesh, until his
+back was literally cut up. The slave sunk under the torture; and for
+some days it was supposed he must die. He, however, slowly recovered;
+though it was some weeks before he could walk."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="NATHAN_COLE"></a>
+Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St. Louis, Missouri, in a letter to Mr. Arthur
+Tappan, of New-York, dated July 2, 1834, says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ba"></a>
+"You will find inclosed an account of the proceedings of an inquest
+lately held in this city upon the body of a slave, the details of
+which, if published, not one in ten could be induced to believe
+true.[<a name="rnote10-11"></a><a href="#note10-11">11</a>] It appears that the master or mistress, or both, suspected
+the unfortunate wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which were missing;
+and to extort some explanation, which, it is more than probable, the
+slave was as unable to do as her mistress, or any other person, her
+master, Major Harney, an officer of our army, had whipped her for
+three successive days, and it is supposed by some, that she was kept
+tied during the time, until her flesh was so lacerated and torn that
+it was impossible for the jury to say whether it had been done with a
+whip or hot iron; some think both&mdash;but she was tortured to death. It
+appears also that the husband of the said slave had become suspected
+of telling some neighbor of what was going on, for which Major Harney
+commenced torturing him, until the man broke from him, and ran into
+the Mississippi and drowned himself. The man was a pious and very
+industrious slave, perhaps not surpassed by any in this place. The
+woman has been in the family of John Shackford, Esq., the present
+doorkeeper of the Senate of the United States, for many years; was
+considered an excellent servant&mdash;was the mother of a number of
+children&mdash;and I believe was sold into the family where she met her
+fate, as matter of conscience, to keep her from being sent below."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-11"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-11">11</a>: The following is the newspaper notice referred to:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+An inquest was held at the dwelling house of Major Harney, in this
+city, on the 27th inst. by the coroner, on the body of Hannah, a
+slave. The jury, on their oaths, and after hearing the testimony of
+physicians and several other witnesses, found, that said slave "came
+to her death by wounds inflicted by William S. Harney."]
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a highly respected citizen of Cornwall,
+Litchfield co., Connecticut, who resided for many years at the south,
+furnished to the Rev. E. R. Tyler, editor of the Connecticut Observer,
+the following personal testimony.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Da"></a>
+"While I lived in Limestone co., Alabama, in 1826-7, a tavern-keeper
+of the village of Moresville discovered a negro carrying away a piece
+of old carpet. It was during the Christmas holidays, when the slaves
+are allowed to visit their friends. The negro stated that one of the
+servants of the tavern owed him some twelve and a half or twenty-five
+cents, and that he had taken the carpet in payment. This the servant
+denied. The innkeeper took the negro to a field near by, and whipped
+him cruelly. He then struck him with a stake, and punched him in the
+face and mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. After this, he took
+him back to the house, and committed him to the care of his son, who
+had just then come home with another young man. This was at evening.
+They whipped him by turns, with heavy cowskins, and made the <i>dogs
+shake him</i>. A Mr. Phillips, who lodged at the house, heard the cruelty
+during the night. On getting up he found the negro in the bar-room,
+terribly mangled with the whip, and his flesh so torn by the dogs,
+that the cords were bare. He remarked to the landlord that he was
+dangerously hurt, and needed care. The landlord replied that he
+deserved none. Mr. Phillips went to a neighboring magistrate, who took
+the slave home with him, where he soon died. The father and son were
+both tried, and acquitted!! A suit was brought, however, for damages
+in behalf of the owner of the slave, a young lady by the name of Agnes
+Jones. <i>I was on the jury when these facts were stated on oath</i>. Two
+men testified, one that he would have given $1000 for him, the other
+$900 or $950. The jury found the latter sum.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ca"></a>
+"At Union Court House, S.C., a tavern-keeper, by the name of Samuel
+Davis, procured the conviction and execution of his own slave, for
+stealing a cake of gingerbread from a grog shop. The slave raised the
+latch of the back door, and took the cake, doing no other injury. The
+shop keeper, whose name was Charles Gordon, was willing to forgive
+him, but his master procured his conviction and execution by hanging.
+The slave had but one arm; and an order on the state treasury by the
+court that tried him, which also assessed his value, brought him more
+money than he could have obtained for the slave in market."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. &mdash;&mdash;, an elder of the Presbyterian Church in one of the slave
+states, lately wrote a letter to an agent of the Anti-Slavery Society,
+in which he states the following fact. The name of the writer is with
+the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was passing through a piece of timbered land, and on a sudden I
+heard a sound as of murder; I rode in that direction, and at some
+distance discovered a naked black man, hung to the limb of a tree by
+his hands, his feet chained together, and a pine rail laid with one
+end on the chain between his legs, and the other upon the ground, to
+steady him; and in this condition the overseer gave him <i>four hundred
+lashes</i>. The miserably lacerated slave was then taken down, and put to
+the care of a physician. And what do you suppose was the offence for
+which all this was done? Simply this; his owner, observing that he
+laid off corn rows too crooked, he replied, 'Massa, much corn grow on
+crooked row as on straight one!' This was it&mdash;this was enough. His
+overseer, boasting of his skill in managing a <i>nigger</i>, he was
+submitted to him, and treated as above."
+</p>
+<p>
+DAVID L. CHILD, Esq., of Northampton, Massachusetts, Secretary of the
+United States' minister at the Court of Lisbon during the
+administration of President Monroe, stated the following fact in an
+oration delivered by him in Boston, in 1831. (See Child's "Despotism
+of Freedom," p. 30.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ea"></a>
+"An honorable friend, who stands high in the state and in the nation,
+[<a name="rnote10-12"></a><a href="#note10-12">12</a>] was <i>present at the</i> burial of a female slave in Mississippi, who
+<i>had been whipped to death</i> at the stake by her master, because she
+was gone longer of an errand to the neighboring town than her master
+thought necessary. Under the lash she protested tlat she was ill, and
+was obliged to rest in the fields. To complete the climax of horror,
+she was delivered of a dead infant while undergoing the punishment."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+[<a name="note10-12"></a>Footnote <a href="#rnote10-12">12</a>: "The narrator of this fact is now absent from the United
+States, and I do not feel at liberty to mention his name."]
+</p>
+<p>
+The same fact is stated by MRS. CHILD in her "Appeal." In answer to a
+recent letter, inquiring of Mr. and Mrs. Child if they were now at
+liberty to disclose the name of their informant, Mr. C. says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The witness who stated to us the fact was John James Appleton, Esq.,
+of Cambridge, Mass. He is now in Europe, and it is not without some
+hesitation that I give his name. He, however, has openly embraced our
+cause, and taken a conspicuous part in some anti-slavery public
+meetings since the time that I felt a scruple at publishing his name.
+Mr. Appleton is a gentleman of high talents and accomplishments. He
+has been Secretary of Legation at Rio Janeiro, Madrid, and the Hague;
+Commissioner at Naples, and Charge d'Affaires at Stockholm."
+</p>
+<p>
+The two following facts are stated upon the authority of the REV.
+JOSEPH G. WILSON, pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Salem,
+Washington co., Indiana.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Fa"></a>
+"In Bath co., Kentucky, Mr. L., in the year '32 or '33, while
+intoxicated, in a fit of rage whipped a female slave until she fainted
+and fell on the floor. Then he whipped her to get up; then with red
+hot tongs he burned off her ears, and whipped her again! but all in
+vain. He then ordered his negro men to carry her to the cabin. There
+she was found dead next morning.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Hb"></a>
+"One Wall, in Chester district, S.C., owned a slave, whom he hired to
+his brother-in-law, Wm. Beckman, for whom the slave worked eighteen
+months, and worked well. Two weeks after returning to his master he
+ran away on account of bad treatment. To induce him to return, the
+master sold him <i>nominally</i> to his neighbor, to whom the slave gave
+himself up, and by whom he was returned to his master:&mdash;Punishment,
+<i>stripes</i>. To prevent escape a bar of iron was fastened with three
+bands, at the waist, knee, and ankle. That night he broke the bands
+and bar, and escaped. Next day he was taken and whipped to death, by
+three men, the master, Thorn, and the overseer. First, he was whipped
+and driven towards home; on the way he attempted to escape, and was
+shot at by the master,&mdash;caught, and knocked down with the butt of the
+gun by Thorn. In attempting to cross a ditch he fell, with his feet
+down, and face on the bank; they whipped in vain to get him up&mdash;he
+died. His soul ascended to God, to be a swift witness against his
+oppressors. This took place at 12 o'clock. Next evening an inquest was
+held. Of thirteen jurors, summoned by the coroner, nine said it was
+murder; two said it was manslaughter, and two said it was JUSTIFIABLE!
+He was bound over to court, tried, and acquitted&mdash;not even fined!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The following fact is stated on the authority of Mr. WM. WILLIS,  of
+Green Plains, Clark co. Ohio; formerly of Caroline co. on the eastern
+shore of Maryland.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. W. knew a slave called Peter White, who was sold to be taken to
+Georgia; he escaped, and lived a long time in the woods&mdash;was finally
+taken. When he found himself surrounded, he surrendered himself
+quietly. When his pursuers had him in their possession, they shot him
+in the leg, and broke it, out of mere wantonness. The next day a
+Methodist minister set his leg, and bound it up with splints. The man
+who took him, then went into his place of confinement, wantonly jumped
+upon his leg and crushed it. His name was William Sparks."
+</p>
+<p>
+Most of our readers are familiar with the horrible atrocities
+perpetrated in New Orleans, in 1834, by a certain Madame La Laurie,
+upon her slaves. They were published extensively in northern
+newspapers at the time. The following are extracts from the accounts
+as published in the New Orleans papers immediately after the
+occurrence. The New Orleans Bee says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Upon entering one of the apartments, the most appalling spectacle met
+their eyes. Seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated, were seen
+suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn,
+from one extremity to the other. They had been confined for several
+months in the situation from which they had thus providentially been
+rescued; and had been merely kept in existence to prolong their
+sufferings, and to make them taste all that a most refined cruelty
+could inflict."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A negro woman was found chained, covered with bruises and wounds from
+severe flogging.&mdash;All the apartments were then forced open. In a room
+on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable
+condition. Up stairs and in the garret, four more were found chained;
+some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and
+sores. One mulatto boy declares himself to have been chained for five
+months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving
+every morning the most cruel treatment."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Courier says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"We saw one of these miserable beings.&mdash;He had a large hole in his
+head&mdash;his body, from head to foot, was covered with scars and filled
+with worms."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Seven poor unfortunate slaves were found&mdash;some chained to the floor,
+others with chains around their necks, fastened to the ceiling; and
+one poor old man, upwards of sixty years of age, chained hand and
+foot, and made fast to the floor, in a <i>kneeling position</i>. His head
+bore the appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, and the
+worms were actually to be seen making a feast of his brains!! A woman
+had her back literally cooked (if the expression may be used) with the
+lash; <i>the very bones might be seen projecting through the skin!</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+The New York Sun, of Feb. 21, 1837, contains the following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Two negroes, runaways from Virginia, were overtaken a few days since
+near Johnstown, Cambria co. Pa. when the persons in pursuit called out
+for them to stop or they would shoot them.&mdash;One of the negroes turned
+around and said, he would die before he would be taken, and at the
+moment received a rifle ball through his knee: the other started to
+run, but was brought to the ground by a ball being shot in his back.
+After receiving the above wounds they made battle with their pursuers,
+but were captured and brought into Johnstown. It is said that the
+young men who shot them had orders to take them dead or alive."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. M.M. SHAFTER, of Townsend, Vermont, recently a graduate of the
+Wesleyan University at Middletown, Connecticut, makes the following
+statement:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some of the events of the Southampton, Va. insurrection were narrated
+to me by Mr. Benjamin W. Britt, from Riddicksville, N.C. Mr. Britt
+claimed the honor of having shot a black on that occasion, for the
+crime of disobeying Mr. Britt's imperative 'Stop.' And Mr. Ashurst, of
+Edenton, Georgia, told me that a neighbor of his 'fired at a likely
+negro boy of his mother,' because the said boy encroached upon his
+premises."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class leader in the Methodist Episcopal Church at
+St. Albans, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, certifies as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"About the year 1825, a slave had escaped for Canada, but was arrested
+in Hardin county. On his return, I saw him in Hart county&mdash;his wrists
+tied together before, his arms tied close to his body, the rope then
+passing behind his body, thence to the neck of a horse on which rode
+the master, with a club about three feet long, and of the size of a
+hoe handle; which, by the appearance of the slave, had been used on
+his head, so as to wear off the hair and skin in several places, and
+the blood was running freely from his mouth and nose; his heels very
+much bruised by the horse's feet, as his master had rode on him
+because he <i>would</i> not go fast enough. Such was the slave's appearance
+when passing through where I resided. Such cases were not unfrequent."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is furnished by Mr. F.A. HART, of Middletown,
+Connecticut, a manufacturer, and an influential member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church. It occurred in 1824, about twenty-five
+miles this side of Baltimore, Maryland.&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I had spent the night with a Methodist brother; and while at
+breakfast, a person came in and called for help. We went out and found
+a crowd collected around a carriage. Upon approaching we discovered
+that a slave-trader was endeavoring to force a woman into his
+carriage. He had already put in three children, the youngest
+apparently about eight years of age. The woman was strong, and
+whenever he brought her to the side of the carriage, she resisted so
+effectually with her feet that he could not get her in. The woman
+becoming exhausted, at length, by her frantic efforts, he thrust her
+in with great violence, <i>stamped her down upon the bottom with his
+feet</i>! shouted to the driver to go on; and away they rolled, the
+miserable captives moaning and shrieking, until their voices were lost
+in the distance."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, writes as
+follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Mr. ISAAC C. FULLER is a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marietta. He was a fellow student of mine while in college, and now
+resides in this place. He says:&mdash;In 1832, as I was descending the Ohio
+with a flat boat, near the 'French Islands,' so called, below
+Cincinnati, I saw two negroes on horseback. The horses apparently took
+fright at something and ran. Both jumped over a rail fence; and one of
+the horses, in so doing, broke one of his fore-legs, falling at the
+same time and throwing the negro who was upon his back. A white man
+came out of a house not over two hundred yards distant, and came to
+the spot. Seizing a stake from the fence, he knocked the negro down
+five or six times in succession.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the same year I worked for a Mr. Nowland, eleven miles above Baton
+Rouge, La. at a place called 'Thomas' Bend.' He had an overseer who
+was accustomed to flog more or less of the slaves every morning. I
+heard the blows and screams as regularly as we used to hear the
+college bell that summoned us to any duty when we went to school. This
+overseer was a nephew of Nowland, and there were about fifty slaves on
+his plantation. Nowland himself related the following to me. One of
+his slaves ran away, and came to the Homo Chitto river, where he found
+no means of crossing. Here he fell in with a white man who knew his
+master, being on a journey from that vicinity. He induced the slave to
+return to Baton Rouge, under the promise of giving him a pass, by
+which he might escape, but, in reality, to betray him to his master.
+This he did, instead of fulfilling his promise. Nowland said that he
+took the slave and inflicted five hundred lashes upon him, cutting his
+back all to pieces, and then thew on hot embers. The slave was on the
+plantation at the time, and told me the same story. He also rolled up
+his sleeves, and showed me the scars on his arms, which, in
+consequence, appeared in places to be callous to the bone. I was with
+Nowland between five and six months."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Rev. JOHN RANKIN, formerly of Tennessee, now pastor of the
+Presbyterian Church of Ripley, Ohio, has furnished the following
+statement:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Rev. LUDWELL G. GAINES, now pastor of the Presbyterian Church of
+Goshen, Clermont county, Ohio, stated to me, that while a resident of
+a slave state, he was summoned to assist in taking a man who had made
+his black woman work naked several days, and afterwards murdered her.
+The murderer armed himself, and threatened to shoot the officer who
+went to take him; and although there was ample assistance at hand, the
+officer declined further interference."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RANKIN adds the following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A Presbyterian preacher, now resident in a slave state, and therefore
+it is not expedient to give his name, stated, that he saw on board of
+a steamboat at Louisville, Kentucky, a woman who had been forced on
+board, to be carried off from all she counted dear on earth. She ran
+across the boat and threw herself into the river, in order to end a
+life of intolerable sorrows. She was drawn back to the boat and taken
+up. The brutal driver beat her severely, and she immediately threw
+herself again into the river. She was hooked up again, chained, and
+carried off."
+</p>
+<p>
+Testimony of M. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper county, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ga"></a>
+"I saw a slave taken out of prison by his master, on a hot summer's
+day, and driven, by said master, on the road before him, till he
+dropped down dead."
+</p>
+<p>
+The above statement was made by Mr. Hansborough to Lindley Coates, of
+Lancaster county, Pa. a distinguished member of the Society of
+Friends, and a member of the late Convention in Pa. for altering the
+State Constitution. The letter from Mr. C. containing this testimony
+of Mr. H. is now before us.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. TOBIAS BOUDINOT, a member of the Methodist Church in St. Albans,
+Licking county, Ohio, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Nicholasville, Ky. in the year 1823, he saw a slave fleeing before
+the patrol, but he was overtaken near where he stood, and a man with a
+knotted cane, as large as his wrist, struck the slave a number of
+times on his head, until the club was broken and he made tame; the
+blood was thrown in every direction by the violence of the blows."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ic"></a>
+The Rev. WILLIAM DICKEY, of Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, wrote
+a letter to the Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio thirteen years
+since, containing a description of the cutting up of a slave with a
+broad axe; beginning at the feet and gradually cutting the legs, arms,
+and body into pieces! This diabolical atrocity was committed in the
+state of Kentucky, in the year 1807. The perpetrators of the deed were
+two brothers, Lilburn and Isham Lewis, NEPHEWS OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON.
+The writer of this having been informed by Mr. Dickey, that some of
+the facts connected with this murder were not contained in his letter
+published by Mr. Rankin, requested him to write the account <i>anew</i>,
+and furnish the additional facts. This he did, and the letter
+containing it was published in the "Human Rights" for August, 1837. We
+insert it here, slightly abridged, with the introductory remarks which
+appeared in that paper.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Dickey's first letter has been scattered all over the country,
+south and north; and though multitudes have affected to disbelieve its
+statements, <i>Kentuckians</i> know the truth of them quite too well to
+call them in question. The story is fiction or fact&mdash;if <i>fiction</i>, why
+has it not been nailed to the wall? Hundreds of people around the
+mouth of Cumberland River are personally knowing to these facts.
+<i>There</i> are the records of the court that tried the wretches.&mdash;<i>There</i>
+their acquaintances and kindred still live. All over that region of
+country, the brutal butchery of George is a matter of public
+notoriety. It is quite needless, perhaps, to add, that the Rev. Wm.
+Dickey is a Presbyterian clergyman, one of the oldest members of the
+Chilicothe Presbytery, and greatly respected and beloved by the
+churches in Southern Ohio. He was born in South Carolina, and was for
+many years pastor of a church in Kentucky."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+REV. WM. DICKEY'S LETTER.
+</div>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"In the county of Livingston, KY. near the mouth of Cumberland River,
+lived Lilburn Lewis, a sister's son of the celebrated Jefferson. He
+was the wealthy owner of a considerable gang of negroes, whom he drove
+constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The consequence was,
+that they would run away. Among the rest was an ill-thrived boy of
+about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was
+sent to the spring for water, and in returning let fall an elegant
+pitcher: it was dashed to shivers upon the rocks. This was made the
+occasion for reckoning with him. It was night, and the slaves were all
+at home. The master had them all collected in the most roomy negro
+house, and a rousing fire put on. When the door was secured, that none
+might escape, either through <i>fear of him</i> or <i>sympathy with George</i>,
+he opened to them the design of the interview, namely, that they might
+be effectually advised to <i>stay at home and obey his orders</i>. All
+things now in train, he called up George, who approached his master
+with unreserved submission. He bound him with cords; and by the
+assistance of Isham Lewis, his youngest brother, laid him on a broad
+bench, the <i>meat-block</i>. He then proceeded to <i>hack off George at the
+ankles</i>! It was with the <i>broad axe</i>! In vain did the unhappy victim
+<i>scream and roar</i>! for he was completely in his master's power; not a
+hand among so many durst interfere; casting the feet into the fire, he
+lectured them at some length.&mdash;He next <i>chopped him off below the
+knees</i>! George <i>roaring out</i> and praying his master to begin at the
+<i>other end</i>! He admonished them again, throwing the legs into the
+fire&mdash;then, above the knees, tossing the joints into the fire&mdash;the
+next stroke severed the thighs from the body; these were also
+committed to the flames&mdash;and so it may be said of the arms, head, and
+trunk, until all was in the fire! He threatened any of them with
+similar punishment who should in future disobey, run away, or disclose
+the proceedings of that evening. Nothing now remained but to consume
+the flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was brightly
+stirred until two hours after midnight; when a coarse and heavy
+back-wall, composed of rock and clay, covered the fire and the remains
+of George. It was the Sabbath&mdash;this put an end to the <i>amusements</i> of
+the evening. The negroes were now permitted to disperse, with charges
+to keep this matter among themselves, and never to whisper it in the
+neighbourhood, under the penalty of a like punishment.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When he returned home and retired, his wife exclaimed, 'Why, Mr.
+Lewis, where have you been, and what were you doing?' She had heard a
+strange <i>pounding</i> and dreadful <i>screams</i>, and had smelled something
+like fresh meat <i>burning</i>. The answer he returned was, that he had
+never enjoyed himself at a ball so well as he had enjoyed himself that
+night.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Next morning he ordered the hands to rebuild the back-wall, and he
+himself superintended the work, throwing the pieces of flesh that
+still remained, with the bones, behind, as it went up&mdash;thus hoping to
+conceal the matter. But it <i>could not be hid</i>&mdash;much as the negroes
+seemed to hazard, they did <i>whisper the horrid deed</i>. The neighbors
+came, and in his presence tore down the wall; and finding the
+<i>remains</i> of the boy, they apprehended Lewis and his brother, and
+testified against them. They were committed to jail, that they might
+answer at the coming court for this shocking outrage; but finding
+security for their appearance at court, THEY WERE ADMITTED TO BAIL!
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the interim, other articles of evidence leaked out. That of Mrs.
+Lewis hearing a pounding, and screaming and her smelling fresh meat
+burning, for not till now had this come out. He was offended with her
+for disclosing these things, alleging that they might have some weight
+against him at the pending trial.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In connection with this is another item, full of horror. Mrs. Lewis,
+or her girl, in making her bed one morning after this, found, under
+her bolster, a keen BUTCHER KNIFE! The appalling discovery forced from
+her the confession that she considered her life in jeopardy. Messrs.
+Rice and Philips, whose wives were her sisters, went to see her and to
+bring her away if she wished it. Mr. Lewis received them with all the
+expressions of <i>Virginia hospitality</i>. As soon as they were seated
+they said, 'Well, Letitia, we supposed that you might be unhappy here,
+and afraid for your life; and we have come to-day to take you to your
+father's, if you desire it.' She said, 'Thank you, kind brothers, I am
+indeed afraid for my life.'&mdash;We need not interrupt the story to tell
+how much surprised he affected to be with this strange procedure of
+his brothers-in-law, and with this declaration of his wife. But all
+his professions of fondness for her, to the contrary notwithstanding,
+they rode off with her before his eyes.&mdash;He followed and overtook, and
+went with them to her father's; but she was locked up from him, with
+her own consent, and he returned home.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Jd"></a>
+"Now he saw that his character was gone, his respectable friends
+believed that he had massacred George; but, worst of all, he saw that
+they considered the life of the harmless Letitia was in danger from
+his perfidious hands. It was too much for his chivalry to sustain. The
+proud Virginian sunk under the accumulated load of public odium. He
+proposed to his brother Isham, who had been his accomplice in the
+George affair, that they should finish the play of life with a still
+deeper tragedy. The plan was, that they should shoot one another.
+Having made the hot-brained bargain, they repaired with their guns to
+the grave-yard, which was on an eminence in the midst of his
+plantation. It was inclosed with a railing, say thirty feet square.
+One was to stand at one railing, and the other over against him at the
+other. They were to make ready, take aim, and count deliberately 1, 2,
+3, and then fire. Lilburn's will was written, and thrown down open
+beside him. They cocked their guns and raised them to their faces; but
+the peradventure occurring that one of the guns might miss fire, Isham
+was sent for a rod, and when it was brought, Lilburn cut it off at
+about the length of two feet, and was showing his brother how the
+survivor might do, provided one of the guns should fail; (for they
+were determined upon going together;) but forgetting, perhaps, in the
+perturbation of the moment that the gun was cocked, when he touched
+trigger with the rod the gun fired, and he fell, and died in a few
+minutes&mdash;and was with George in the eternal world, where <i>the slave is
+free from his master</i>. But poor Isham was so terrified with this
+unexpected occurrence and so confounded by the awful contortions of
+his brother's face, that he had not nerve enough to follow up the
+play, and finish the plan as was intended, but suffered Lilburn to go
+alone. The negroes came running to see what it meant that a gun should
+be fired in the grave-yard. There lay their master, dead! They ran for
+the neighbors. Isham still remained on the spot. The neighbors at the
+first charged him with the murder of his brother. But he, though as if
+he had lost more than half his mind, told the whole story; and the
+course of range of the ball in the dead man's body agreeing with his
+statement, Isham was not farther charged with Lilburn's death.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="TORTURE_Ke"></a>
+"The Court sat&mdash;Isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in
+the affair of George. He was to be hanged at Salem. The day was set.
+My good old father visited him in the prison&mdash;two or three times
+talked and prayed with him; I visited him once myself. We fondly hoped
+that he was a sincere penitent. Before the day of execution came, by
+some means, I never knew what, Isham was <i>missing</i>. About two years
+after, we learned that he had gone down to Natchez, and had married a
+lady of some refinement and piety. I saw her letters to his sisters,
+who were worthy members of the church of which I was pastor. The last
+letter told of his death. He was in Jackson's army, and fell in the
+famous battle of New Orleans."
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am, sir, your friend,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"WM. DICKEY."
+</div>
+</blockquote>
+<h2>
+<a name="NAR3"></a>
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES-PART III.
+</h2>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="FRANCIS_H"></a>
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Hawley is the pastor of the Baptist Church in Colebrook,
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. He has resided fourteen years in the
+slave states, North and South Carolina. His character and standing
+with his own denomination at the south, may be inferred from the fact,
+that the Baptist State Convention of North
+Carolina appointed him, a few years since, their general agent to
+visit the Baptist churches within their bounds, and to secure their
+co-operation in the objects of the Convention. Mr. H. accepted the
+appointment, and for some time traveled in that capacity.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"I rejoice that the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society have resolved to publish a volume of facts and testimony
+relative to the character and workings of American slavery. Having
+resided fourteen years at the south, I cheerfully comply with your
+request, to give the result of my observation and experience.
+</p>
+<p>
+"And I would here remark, that one may reside at the south for years,
+and not witness extreme cruelties; a northern man, and one who is not
+a slaveholder, would be the last to have an opportunity of witnessing
+the infliction of cruel punishments.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="FRANCIS_H_a"></a>
+PLANTATIONS.
+</div>
+<p>
+"A majority of the large plantations are on the banks of rivers, far
+from the public eye. A great deal of low marshy ground lies in the
+vicinity of most of the rivers at the south; consequently the main
+roads are several miles from the rivers, and generally no <i>public</i>
+road passes the plantations. A stranger traveling on the <i>ridge</i>,
+would think himself in a miserably poor country; but every two or
+three miles he will see a road turning off and leading into the swamp;
+taking one of those roads, and traveling from two to six miles, he
+will come to a large gate; passing which, he will find himself in a
+clearing of several hundred acres of the first quality of land;
+passing on, he will see 30, or 40, or more slaves&mdash;men, women, boys
+and girls, at their task, every one with a hoe; or, if in cotton
+picking season, with their baskets. The overseer, with his whip,
+either riding or standing about among them; or if the weather is hot,
+sitting under a shade. At a distance, on a little rising ground, if
+such there be, he will see a cluster of huts, with a tolerable house
+in the midst, for the overseer. Those huts are from ten to fifteen
+feet square, built of logs, and covered, not with shingles, but with
+boards, about four feet long, split out of pine timber with a
+'<i>frow</i>'. The floors are very commonly made in this way. Clay is first
+worked until it is soft; it is then spread upon the ground, about four
+or five inches thick; when it dries, it becomes nearly as hard as a
+brick. The crevices between the logs are sometimes filled with the
+same. These huts generally cost the master nothing&mdash;they are commonly
+built by the negroes at night, and on Sundays. When a slave of a
+neighboring plantation takes a wife, or to use the phrase common at
+the south, 'takes up' with one of the women, he builds a hut, and it
+is called her house. Upon entering these huts, (not as comfortable in
+many instances as the horse stable,) generally, you will find no
+chairs, but benches and stools; no table, no bedstead, and no bed,
+except a blanket or two, and a few rags or moss; in some instances a
+knife or two, but very rarely a fork. You may also find a pot or
+skillet, and generally a number of gourds, which serve them instead of
+bowls and plates. The cruelties practiced on those secluded
+plantations, the judgment day alone can reveal. Oh, Brother, could I
+summon ten slaves from ten plantations that I could name, and have
+them give but one year's history of their bondage, it would thrill the
+<a name="FRANCIS_H_b"></a>
+land with horror. Those overseers who follow the business of
+overseeing for a livelihood, are generally the most unprincipled and
+abandoned of men. Their wages are regulated according to their skill
+in extorting labor. The one who can make the most bags of cotton, with
+a given number of hands, is the one generally sought after; and there
+is a competition among them to see who shall make the largest crop,
+according to the hands he works. I ask, what must be the condition of
+the poor slaves, under the unlimited power of such men, in whom, by
+the long-continued practise of the most heart-rending cruelties, every
+<a name="FRANCIS_H_c"></a>
+feeling of humanity has been obliterated? But it may be asked, cannot
+the slaves have redress by appealing to their masters? In many
+instances it is impossible, as their masters live hundreds of miles
+off. There are perhaps thousands in the northern slave states, [and
+many in the free states,] who own plantations in the southern slave
+states, and many more spend their summers at the north, or at the
+various watering places. But what would the slaves gain, if they
+should appeal to the master? He has placed the overseer over them,
+with the understanding that he will make as large a crop as possible,
+and that he is to have entire control, and manage them according to
+his own judgment. Now suppose that in the midst of the season, the
+slaves make complaint of cruel treatment. The master cannot get along
+without an overseer&mdash;it is perhaps very sickly on the plantation he
+dare not risk his own life there. Overseers are all enraged at that
+season, and if he takes part with his slave against the overseer, he
+would destroy his authority, and very likely provoke him to leave his
+service&mdash;which would of course be a very great injury to him. Thus, in
+nineteen cases out of twenty, self-interest would prevent the master
+from paying any attention to the complaints of his slaves. And, if any
+should complain, it would of course come to the ears of the overseer,
+and the complainant would be inhumanly punished for it.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="CLOTH3"></a>
+CLOTHING.
+</div>
+<p>
+"The rule, where slaves are hired out, is two suits of clothes per
+year, one pair of shoes, and one blanket; but as it relates to the
+<a name="CLOTH3_a"></a>
+great body of the slaves, this cannot be called a general rule. On
+many plantations, the children under ten or twelve years old, go
+<i>entirely naked</i>&mdash;or, it clothed at all, they have nothing more than a
+shirt. The cloth is of the coarsest kind, far from being durable or
+warm; and their shoes frequently come to pieces in a few weeks. I
+have never known any provision made, or time allowed for the washing
+of clothes. If they wish to wash, as they have generally but one suit,
+they go after their day's toil to some stream, build a fire, pull off
+their clothes and wash them in the stream, and dry them by the fire;
+and in some instances they wear their clothes until they are worn off;
+without washing. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+putting himself to any expense, that his slaves might have decent
+clothes for the Sabbath. If by making baskets, brooms, mats, &amp;c. at
+night or on Sundays, the slaves can get money enough to buy a Sunday
+suit, very well. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+furnishing his slaves with stockings or mittens. I <i>know</i> that the
+slaves suffer much, and no doubt many die in consequence of not being
+well clothed.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+FOOD.
+</div>
+<p>
+"In the grain-growing part of the south, the slaves, as it relates to
+food, fare tolerably well; but in the cotton, and rice-growing, and
+sugar-making portion, some of them fare badly. I have been on
+plantations where, from the appearance of the slaves, I should judge
+they were half-starved. They receive their allowance very commonly on
+Sunday morning. They are left to cook it as they please, and when they
+please. Many slaveholders rarely give their slaves meat, and very few
+give them more food than will keep them in a working condition. They
+rarely ever have a <i>change</i> of food. I have never known an instance of
+slaves on plantations being furnished either with sugar, butter,
+cheese, or milk.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="WORK3"></a>
+WORK.
+</div>
+<p>
+"If the slaves on plantations were well fed and clothed, and had the
+stimulus of wages, they could perhaps in general perform their tasks
+without injury. The horn is blown soon after the dawn of day, when all
+the hands destined for the field must be 'on the march!' If the field
+is far from their huts, they take their breakfast with them. They toil
+till about ten o'clock, when they eat it. They then continue their
+toil till the sun is set.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_a"></a>
+"A neighbor of mine, who has been an overseer in Alabama, informs me,
+that there they ascertain how much labor a slave can perform in a day,
+in the following manner. When they commence a new cotton field, the
+overseer takes his watch, and marks how long it takes them to hoe one
+row, and then lays out the task accordingly. My neighbor also informs
+me, that the slaves in Alabama are worked very hard; that the lash is
+almost universally applied at the close of the day, if they fail to
+perform their task in the cotton-picking season. You will see them,
+with their baskets of cotton, slowly bending their way to the cotton
+house, where each one's basket is weighed. They have no means of
+knowing accurately, in the course of the day, how they make progress;
+<a name="WORK3_b"></a>
+so that they are in suspense, until their basket is weighed. Here
+comes the mother, with her children; she does not know whether
+herself, or children, or all of them, must take the lash; they cannot
+weigh the cotton themselves&mdash;the whole must be trusted to the
+overseer. While the weighing goes on, all is still. So many pounds
+short, cries the overseer, and takes up his whip, exclaiming, 'Step
+this way, you d&mdash;n lazy scoundrel, or bitch.' The poor slave begs, and
+promises, but to no purpose. The lash is applied until the overseer is
+satisfied. Sometimes the whipping is deferred until the weighing is
+all over. I have said that all must be <i>trusted</i> to the overseer. If
+he owes any one a grudge, or wishes to enjoy the fiendish pleasure of
+whipping a little, (for some overseers really delight in it,) they
+have only to tell a falsehood relative to the weight of their basket;
+they can then have a pretext to gratify their diabolical disposition;
+and from the character of overseers, I have no doubt that it is
+frequently done. On all plantations, the male and female slaves fare
+pretty much alike; those who are with child are driven to their task
+till within a few days of the time of their delivery; and when the
+child is a few weeks old, the mother must again go to the field. If it
+is far from her hut, she must take her babe with her, and leave it in
+the care of some of the children&mdash;perhaps of one not more than four or
+five years old. If the child cries, she cannot go to its relief; the
+eye of the overseer is upon her; and if, when she goes to nurse it,
+she stays a little longer than the overseer thinks necessary, he
+commands her back to her task, and perhaps a husband and father must
+hear and witness it all. Brother, you cannot begin to know what the
+poor slave mothers suffer, on thousands of plantations at the south.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_c"></a>
+"I will now give a few facts, showing the workings of the system. Some
+years since, a Presbyterian minister moved from North Carolina to
+Georgia. He had a negro man of an uncommon mind. For some cause, I
+know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. He next
+nearly <i>drowned</i> him; he then put him <i>in the fence</i>; this is done by
+lifting up the corner of a 'worm' fence, and then putting the feet
+through; the rails serve as <i>stocks</i>. He kept him there some time, how
+long I was not informed, but the poor slave <i>died</i> in a few days; and,
+if I was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church
+or state. After some tame, he moved back to North Carolina, and is now
+a member of &mdash;&mdash; Presbytery. I have heard him preach, and have been in
+the pulpit with him. May God forgive me!
+</p>
+<p>
+"At Laurel Hill, Richmond county, North Carolina, it was reported that
+a runaway slave was in the neighborhood. A number of young men took
+their guns, and went in pursuit. Some of them took their station near
+the stage road, and kept on the look-out. It was early in the
+evening&mdash;the poor slave came along, when the ambush rushed upon him,
+and ordered him to surrender. He refused, and kept them off with his
+club. They still pressed upon him with their guns presented to his
+breast. Without seeming to be daunted, he caught hold of the muzzle of
+one of the guns, and came near getting possession of it. At length,
+retreating to a fence on one side of the road, he sprang over into a
+corn-field, and started to run in one of the rows. One of the young
+men stepped to the fence, fired, and lodged the whole charge between
+his shoulders; he fell, and died in a short time. He died without
+telling who his master was, or whether he had any, or what his own
+name was, or where he was from. A hole was dug by the side of the road
+his body tumbled into it, and thus ended the whole matter.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_d"></a>
+"The Rev, Mr. C. a Methodist minister, held as his slave a negro man,
+who was a member of his own church. The slave was considered a very
+pious man, had the confidence of his master, and all who knew him, and
+if I recollect right, he sometimes attempted to preach. Just before
+the Nat Turner insurrection, in Southampton county, Virginia, by which
+the whole south was thrown into a panic, then worthy slave obtained
+permission to visit his relatives, who resided either in Southampton,
+or the county adjoining. This was the only instance that ever came to
+my knowledge, of a slave being permitted to go so far to visit his
+relatives. He went and returned according to agreement. A few weeks
+after his return, the insurrection took place, and the whole country
+was deeply agitated. Suspicion soon fixed on this slave. Nat Turner
+was a Baptist minister, and the south became exceedingly jealous of
+all negro preachers. It seemed as if the whole community were
+impressed with the belief that he knew all about it; that he and Nat
+Turner had concocted an extensive insurrection; and so confident were
+they in this belief, that they took the poor slave, tried him, and
+hung him. It was all done in a few days. He protested his innocence to
+the last. After the excitement was over, many were ready to
+acknowledge that they believed him innocent. He was hung upon
+<i>suspicion</i>!
+</p>
+<p>
+"In R&mdash;&mdash; county, North Carolina, lived a Mr. B. who had the name of
+being a cruel master. Three or four winters since, his slaves were
+engaged in clearing a piece of new land. He had a negro girl, about 14
+years old, whom he had severely whipped a few days before, for not
+performing her task. She again failed. The hands left the field for
+home; she went with them a part of the way, and fell behind; but the
+negroes thought she would soon be along; the evening passed away, and
+she did not come. They finally concluded that she had gone back to the
+new ground, to lie by the log heaps that were on fire. But they were
+mistaken: she had sat down by the foot of a large pine. She was thinly
+clad&mdash;the night was cold and rainy. In the morning the poor girl was
+found, but she was speechless and died in a short time.
+</p>
+<p>
+"One of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about 14 years
+old. It was more than his poor mother could bear. Her reason fled, and
+she became a perfect <i>maniac</i>, and had to be kept in close
+confinement. She would occasionally get out and run off to the
+neighbors. On one of these occasions she came to my house. She was
+indeed a pitiable object. With tears rolling down her checks, and her
+frame shaking with agony, she would cry out, <i>'don't you hear
+him&mdash;they are whipping him now, and he is calling for me!'</i> This
+neighbor of mine, who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus
+broke her heart, was a <i>member of the Presbyterian church.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. S&mdash;&mdash;, of Marion District, South Carolina, informed me that a boy
+was killed by the overseer on Mr. P&mdash;&mdash;'s plantation. The boy was
+engaged in driving the horses in a cotton gin. The driver generally
+sits on the end of the sweep. Not driving to suit the overseer, he
+knocked him off with the butt of his whip. His skull was fractured. He
+died in a short time.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_e"></a>
+"A man of my acquaintance in South Carolina, and of considerable
+wealth, had an only son, whom he educated for the bar; but not
+succeeding in his profession, he soon returned home. His father having
+a small plantation three or four miles off; placed his son on it as an
+overseer. Following the example of his father, as I have good reason
+to believe, he took the wife of one of the negro men. The poor slave
+felt himself greatly injured, and expostulated with him. The wretch
+took his gun, and deliberately shot him. Providentially he only
+wounded him badly. When the father came, and undertook to remonstrate
+with his son about his conduct, he threatened to shoot him also! and
+finally, took the negro woman, and went to Alabama, where he still
+resided when I left the south.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_f"></a>
+"An elder in the Presbyterian church related to me the following.&mdash;'A
+speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and I
+bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. After a few months, I
+concluded that I would rather have a plough-boy. Another speculator
+was passing, and I sold the girl. She was much distressed, and was
+very unwilling to leave.'&mdash;She had been with him long enough to become
+attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by
+saying, that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had
+determined never to do the like again. I would not trust him, for I
+know him to be a very avaricious man.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_g"></a>
+"While traveling in Anson county, North Carolina, I put up for a night
+at a private house. The man of the house was not at home when I
+stopped, but came in the course of the evening, and was noisy and
+profane, and nearly drunk. I retired to rest, but not to sleep; his
+cursing and swearing were enough to keep a regiment awake. About
+midnight he went to his kitchen, and called out his two slaves, a man
+and woman. His object, he said, was to whip them. They both begged and
+promised, but to no purpose. The whipping began, and continued for
+some time. Their cries might have been heard at a distance.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_h"></a>
+"I was acquainted with a very wealthy planter, on the Pedee river, in
+South Carolina, who has since died in consequence of intemperance. It
+was said that he had occasioned the death of twelve of his slaves, by
+compelling them to work in water, opening a ditch in the midst of
+winter. The disease with which they died was a pleurisy.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In crossing Pedee river, at Cashway Ferry, I observed that the
+ferryman had no hair on either side of his head, I asked him the
+cause. He informed me that it was caused by his master's cane. I said,
+you have a very bad master. 'Yes, a very bad master.' I understood
+that he was once a number of Congress from South Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_i"></a>
+"While traveling as agent for the North Carolina Baptist State
+Convention, I attended a three days' meeting in Gates county, Friday,
+the first day, passed off. Saturday morning came, and the pastor of
+the church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance.
+The day passed off, and no news from the pastor. On Sabbath morning,
+he came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. He soon
+explained: said he had a hired negro man, who, on Saturday morning,
+gave him a 'little <i>slack jaw.'</i> Not having a stick at hand, he fell
+upon him with his fist and foot, and in <i>kicking</i> him, he injured his
+foot so seriously, that he could not attend meeting on Saturday.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves
+under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of
+churches. The Rev. Mr. B&mdash;&mdash;, formerly of Pennsylvania, had a
+plantation in Marlborough District, South Carolina, and was the pastor
+of a church in Darlington District. The Rev. Mr. T&mdash;&mdash;, of Johnson
+county, North Carolina, has a plantation in Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was present, and saw the Rev. J&mdash;&mdash; W&mdash;&mdash;, of Mecklenburg county,
+North Carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines is
+Burke county. The Rev. H&mdash;&mdash; M&mdash;&mdash;, of Orange county, sold for $900, a
+negro man to a speculator, on a Monday of a camp meeting.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_j"></a>
+"Runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. <i>I was once
+out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs.</i> I trust the
+Lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness! We did not take the
+runaways.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Slaves are sometimes most unmercifully punished for trifling
+offences, or mere mistakes.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WORK3_k"></a>
+"As it relates to amalgamation, I can say, that I have been in
+respectable families, (so called,) where I could distinguish the
+family resemblance in the slaves who waited upon the table. I once
+hired a slave who belonged to his own <i>uncle.</i> It is so common for the
+female slaves to have white children, that little or nothing is ever
+said about it. Very few inquiries are made as to who the father is.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Thus, brother &mdash;&mdash;, I have given you very briefly, the result, in
+part, of my observations and experience relative to slavery. You can
+make what disposition of it you please. I am willing that my name
+should go to the world with what I have now written.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Yours affectionately, for the oppressed,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"FRANCIS HAWLEY."
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Colebrook, Connecticut, March</i> 18, 1839.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="REUBEN_M_a"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY AND RICHARD MACY.
+</div>
+<p>
+The following is an extract of a letter recently received from CHARLES
+MARRIOTT of Hudson, New York. Mr. Marriott is an elder in the
+Religious Society of Friends, and is extensively known and respected.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The two following brief statements, are furnished by Richard Macy and
+Reuben G. Macy, brothers, both of Hudson, New York. They are head
+carpenters by trade, and have been well known to me for more than
+thirty years, as esteemed members of the Religious Society of Friends.
+They inform me that during their stay in South Carolina, a number more
+similar cases to those here related, came under their notice, which to
+avoid repetition they omit.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+C. MARRIOTT."
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY.
+</div>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="REUBEN_M_b"></a>
+"During the winter of 1818 and 19, I resided on an island near the
+mouth of the Savanna river, on the South Carolina side. Most of the
+slaves that came under my particular notice, belonged to a widow and
+her daughter, in whose family I lived. No white man belonged to the
+plantation. Her slaves were under the care of an overseer who came
+once a week to give orders, and settled the score laid up against such
+as their mistress thought deserved punishment, which was from
+twenty-five to thirty lashes on their naked backs, with a whip which
+the overseer generally brought with him. This whip had a stout handle
+about two feet long, and a lash about four and a half feet. From two
+to four received the above, I believe nearly every week during the
+winter, sometimes in my presence, and always in my hearing. I examined
+the backs and shoulders of a number of the men, which were mostly
+naked while they were about their labor, and found them covered with
+hard ridges in every direction. One day, while busy in the cotton
+house, hearing a noise, I ran to the door and saw a colored woman
+pleading with the overseer, who paid no attention to her cries, but
+tied her hands together, and passed the rope over a beam, over head,
+where was a platform for spreading cotton, he then drew the rope as
+tight as he could, so as to let her toes touch the ground; then
+stripped her body naked to the waist, and went deliberately to work
+with his whip, and put on twenty-five or thirty lashes, she pleading
+in vain all the time. I inquired, the cause of such treatment, and was
+informed it was for answering her mistress rather '<i>short</i>.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+"A woman from a neighboring plantation came where I was, on a visit;
+she came in a boat rowed by six slaves, who, according to the common
+practice, were left to take care of themselves, and having laid them
+down in the boat and fallen asleep, the tide fell, and the water
+filling the stern of the boat, wet their mistresses trunk of clothes.
+When she discovered it, she called them up near where I was, and
+compelled them to whip each other, till they all had received a severe
+flogging. She standing by with a whip in her hand to see that they did
+not spare each other. Their usual allowance of food was one peck of
+corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the
+week, and such as were not there to receive their portion at the
+appointed time, had to live as they could during the coming week. Each
+one had the privilege of planting a small piece of ground, and raising
+poultry for their own use which they generally sold, that is, such as
+did improve the privilege which were but few. They had nothing allowed
+them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at Christmas which a
+slave brought three miles on his head. They were allowed three days
+rest at Christmas. Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and
+jacket, made of whitish woollen cloth called negro cloth. The women
+had nothing but a petticoat, and a very short short-gown, made of the
+same king of cloth. Some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but
+they generally went <i>barefoot</i>. The houses for the field slaves were
+about fourteen feet square, built in the coarsest manner, having but
+one room, without any chimney, or flooring, with a hole at the roof at
+one end to let the smoke out.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Each one was allowed one blanket in which they rolled themselves up.
+I examined their houses but could not discover any thing like a bed. I
+was informed that when they had a sufficiency of potatoes the slaves
+were allowed some; but the season that I was there they did not raise
+more than were wanted for seed. All their corn was ground in one
+hand-mill, every night just as much as was necessary for the family,
+then each one his daily portion, which took considerable time in the
+night. I often awoke and heard the sound of the mill. Grinding the
+corn in the night, and in the dark, after their day's labor, and the
+want of other food, were great hardships.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The traveling in those parts, among the islands, was altogether with
+boats, rowed by from four to ten slaves, which often stopped at our
+plantation, and staid through the night, when the slaves, after rowing
+through the day, were left to shift for themselves; and when they went
+to Savannah with a load of cotton the were obliged to sleep in the
+open boats, as the law did not allow a colored person to be out after
+eight o'clock in the evening, without a pass from his master."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+TESTIMONY OF RICHARD MACY.
+</div>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The above account is from my brother, I was at work on Hilton Head
+about twenty miles north of my brother, during the same winter. The
+same allowance of one peck of corn for a week, the same kind of houses
+to live in, and the same method of grinding their corn, and always in
+the night, and in the dark, was practiced there.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A number of instances of severe whipping came under my notice. The
+first was this:&mdash;two men were sent out to saw some blocks out of large
+live oak timber on which to raise my building. Their saw was in poor
+order, and they sawed them badly, for which their master stripped them
+naked and flogged them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The next instance was a boy about sixteen years of age. He had crept
+into the coach to sleep; after two or three nights he was caught by
+the coach driver, a <i>northern man</i>, and stripped <i>entirely naked</i>, and
+whipped without mercy, his master looking on.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another instance. The overseer, a young white man, had ordered
+several negroes a boat's crew, to be on the spot at a given time. One
+man did not appear until the boat had gone. The overseer was very
+angry and told him to strip and be flogged; he being slow, was told if
+he did not instantly strip off his jacket, he, the overseer, would
+whip it off which he did in shreds, whipping him cruelly.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The man ran into the barrens and it was about a month before they
+caught him. He was newly starved, and at last stole a turkey; then
+another, and was caught.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Having occasion to pass a plantation very early one foggy morning, in
+a boat we heard the sound of the whip, before we could see, but as we
+drew up in front of the plantation, we could see the negroes at work
+in the field. The overseer was going from one to the other causing
+them to lay down their hoe, strip off their garment, hold up their
+hands and receive their number of lashes. Thus he went on from one to
+the other until we were out of sight. In the course of the winter a
+family came where I was, on a visit from a neighboring island; of
+course, in a boat with negroes to row them&mdash;one of these a barber,
+told me that he ran away about two years before, and joined a company
+of negroes who had fled to the swamps. He said they suffered a great
+deal&mdash;were at last discovered by a party of hunters, who fired among
+them, and caused them to scatter. Himself and one more fled to the
+coast, took a boat and put off to sea, a storm came on and swamped or
+upset them, and his partner was drowned, he was taken up by a passing
+vessel and returned to his master.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+RICHARD MACY.
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Hudson, 12 mo. 29th</i>, 1838."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="REUBEN_M_c"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF MR. ELEAZAR POWELL
+</div>
+<p>
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. WILLIAM SCOTT, a highly respectable
+citizen of Beaver co. Pennsylvania, dated Jan 7, 1839.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<i>Chippeca Township, Beaver co. Pa. Jan.</i> 7, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I send you the statement of Mr. Eleazar Powell, who was born, and has
+mostly resided in this township from his birth. His character for
+sobriety and truth stands above impeachment.
+</p>
+<p>
+"With sentiments of esteem,
+I am your friend,
+WILLIAM SCOTT.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"In the month of December, 1836, I went to the State of Mississippi to
+work at my trade, (masonry and bricklaying,) and continued to work in
+the counties of Adams and Jefferson, between four and five months. In
+following my business I had an opportunity of seeing the treatment of
+slaves in several places.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Adams county I built a chimney for a man named Joseph Gwatney; he
+had forty-five field hands of both sexes. The field in which they
+worked at that time, lay about two miles from the house; the hands had
+to cook and eat their breakfast, prepare their dinner, and be in the
+field at daylight, and continue there till dark. In the evening the
+cotton they had picked was weighed, and if they fell short of their
+task they were whipped. One night I attended the weighing&mdash;two women
+fell short of their task, and the master ordered the black driver to
+take them to the quarters and flog them; one of them was to receive
+twenty-five lashes and pick a peck of cotton seed. I have been with
+the overseer several times through the negro quarters. The huts are
+generally built of split timber, some larger than rails, twelve and a
+half feet wide and fourteen feet long&mdash;some with and some without
+chimneys, and generally without floors; they were generally without
+daubing, and mostly had split clapboards nailed on the cracks on the
+outside, though some were without even that: in some there was a kind
+of rough bedstead, made from rails, polished with the axe, and put
+together in a very rough manner, the bottom covered with clapboards,
+and over that a bundle of worn out clothes. In some huts there was no
+bedstead at all. The above description applies to the places generally
+with which I was acquainted, and they were mostly <i>old settlements</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the east part of Jefferson county I built a chimney for a man
+named &mdash;&mdash; M'Coy; he had forty-seven laboring hands. Near where I was
+at work, M'Coy had ordered one of his slaves to set a post for a gate.
+When he came to look at it, he said the slave had not set it in the
+right place; and ordered him to strip, and lie down on his face;
+telling him that if he struggled, or attempted to get up, two men, who
+had been called to the spot, should seize and hold him fast. The slave
+agreed to be quiet, and M'Coy commenced flogging him on the bare back,
+with the wagon whip. After some time the sufferer attempted to get up;
+one of the slaves standing by, seized him by the feet and held him
+fast; upon which he yielded, and M'Coy continued to flog him ten or
+fifteen minutes. When he was up, and had put on his trowsers, the
+blood came through them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"About half a mile from M'Coy's was a plantation owned by his
+step-daughter. The overseer's name was James Farr, of whom it appears
+Mrs. M'Coy's waiting woman was enamoured. One night, while I lived
+there, M'Coy came from Natchez, about 10 o'clock at night. He said
+that Dinah was gone, and wished his overseer to go with him to Farr's
+lodgings. They went accordingly, one to each door, and caught Dinah as
+she ran out, she was partly dressed in her mistress's clothes; M'Coy
+whipped her unmercifully, and she afterwards made her escape. On the
+next day, (Sabbath), M'Coy came to the overseer's, where I lodged, and
+requested him and me to look for her, as he was afraid that she had
+hanged herself. He then gave me the particulars of the flogging. He
+stated that near Farr's he had made her strip and lie down, and had
+flogged her until he was tired; that before he reached home he had a
+second time made her strip, and again flogged her until he was tired;
+that when he reached home he had tied her to a peach-tree, and after
+getting a drink had flogged her until he was thirsty again; and while
+he went to get a drink the woman made her escape. He stated that he
+knew, from the whipping he had given her, there must be in her back
+cuts an inch deep. He showed the place where she had been tied to the
+tree; there appeared to be as much blood as if a hog had been stuck
+there. The woman was found on Sabbath evening, near the sprang, and
+had to be carried into the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+"While I lived there I heard M'Coy say, if the slaves did not raise
+him three hundred bales of cotton the ensuing season, he would kill
+every negro he had.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another case of flogging came under my notice: Philip O. Hughes,
+sheriff of Jefferson county, had hired a slave to a man, whose name I
+do not recollect. On a Sabbath day the slave had drank somewhat
+freely; he was ordered by the tavern keeper, (where his present master
+had left his horse and the negro,) to stay in the kitchen; the negro
+wished to be out. In persisting to go out he was knocked down three
+times; and afterwards flogged until another young man and myself ran
+about half a mile, having been drawn by the cries of the negro and the
+sound of the whip. When we came up, a number of men that had been
+about the tavern, were whipping him, and at intervals would ask him if
+he would take off his clothes. At seeing them drive down the stakes
+for a regular flogging he yielded, and took them off. They then
+flogged him until satisfied. On the next morning I saw him, and his
+pantaloons were all in a gore of blood.
+</p>
+<p>
+"During my stay in Jefferson county, Philip O. Hughes was out one day
+with his gun&mdash;he saw a negro at some distance, with a club in one hand
+and an ear of corn in the other&mdash;Hughes stepped behind a tree, and
+waited his approach; he supposed the negro to be a runaway, who had
+escaped about nine months before from his master, living not very far
+distant. The negro discovered Hughes before he came up, and started to
+run; he refusing to stop, Hughes fired, and shot him through the arm.
+Through loss of blood the negro was soon taken and put in jail. I saw
+his wound twice dressed, and heard Hughes make the above statement.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When in Jefferson county I boarded six weeks in Fayette, the county
+town, with a tavern keeper named James Truly. He had a slave named
+Lucy, who occupied the station of chamber maid and table waiter. One
+day, just after dinner Mrs. Truly took Lucy and bound her arms round a
+pine sapling behind the house, and commenced flogging her with a
+riding-whip; and when tired would take her chair and rest. She
+continued thus alternately flogging and resting, for at least an hour
+and a half. I afterwards learned from the bar-keeper, and others, that
+the woman's offence was that she had bought two candles to set on the
+table the evening before, not knowing there were yet some in the box.
+I did nor see the act of flogging above related; but it was commenced
+before I left the house after dinner, and my work not being more than
+twenty rods from the house, I distinctly heard the cries of the woman
+all the time, and the manner of tying I had from those who did see it.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="REUBEN_M_d"></a>
+"While I boarded at Truly's, an overseer shot a negro about two miles
+northwest of Fayette, belonging to a man named Hinds Stuart. I heard
+Stuart himself state the particulars. It appeared that the negro's
+wife fell under the overseer's displeasure, and he went to whip her.
+The negro said she should not be whipped. The overseer then let her
+go, and ordered him to be seized. The negro, having been a driver,
+rolled the lash of his whip round his hand, and said he would not be
+whipped at that time. The overseer repeated his orders. The negro took
+up a hoe, and none dared to take hold of him. The overseer then went
+to his coat, that he had laid off to whip the negro's wife, and took
+out his pistol and shot him dead. His master ordered him to be buried
+in a hole without a coffin. Stuart stated that he would not have taken
+two thousand dollars for him. No punishment was inflicted on the
+overseer.
+</p>
+<p>
+ELEAZAR POWELL, Jr."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="WILL_S"></a>
+TESTIMONY ON THE AUTHORITY OF REV. WM. SCALES, LYNDON, VT
+</div>
+<p>
+The following is an extract of a letter from two professional
+gentlemen and their wives, who have lived for some years in a small
+village in one of the slave states. They are all persons of the
+highest respectability, and are well known in at least one of the New
+England states. Their names are with the Executive Committee of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society; but as the individuals would doubtless
+be murdered by the slaveholders, if they were published, the Committee
+feel sacredly bound to withhold them. The letter was addressed to a
+respected clergyman in New England. The writers say:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_S_a"></a>
+"A man near us owned a valuable slave&mdash;his best&mdash;most faithful servant.
+In a gust of passion, he struck him dead with a lever, or stick of
+wood.
+</p>
+<p>
+"During the years '36 and '37, the following transpired. A slave in
+our neighborhood ran away and went to a place about thirty miles
+distant. There he was found by his pursuers on horseback, and
+compelled by the whip to run the distance of thirty miles. It was an
+exceedingly hot day&mdash;and within a few hours after he arrived at the
+end of his journey the slave was dead.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another slave ran away, but concluded to return. He had proceeded
+some distance on his return, when he was met by a company of two or
+three drivers who raced, whipped and abused him until he fell down and
+expired. This took place on the Sabbath." The writer after speaking of
+another murder of a slave in the neighborhood, without giving the
+circumstances, say&mdash;"There is a powerful New England influence at
+&mdash;&mdash;" the village where they reside&mdash;"We may therefore suppose that
+there would he as little of barbarian cruelty practiced there as any
+where;&mdash;at least we might suppose that the average amount of cruelty
+in that vicinity would be sufficiently favorable to the side of
+slavery.&mdash;Describe a circle, the centre of which shall be&mdash;, the
+residence of the writers, and the radius fifteen miles, and in about
+one year three, and I think four slaves have been <i>murdered</i>, within
+that circle, under circumstances of horrid cruelty.&mdash;What must have
+<a name="WILL_S_b"></a>
+been the amount of murder in the whole slave territory? The whole
+south is rife with the crime of separating husbands and wives, parents
+and children."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="JOS_I"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH IDE, ESQ.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. IDE is a respected member of the Baptist Church in Sheffield,
+Caledonia county, Vt.; and recently the Postmaster in that town. He
+spent a few months at the south in the years 1837 and 8. In a letter
+to the Rev. Wm. Scales of Lyndon, Vt. written a few weeks since, Mr.
+Ide writes as follows.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"In answering the proposed inquiries, I will say first, that although
+there are various other modes resorted to, whipping with the cowskin
+is the usual mode of inflicting punishment on the poor slave. I have
+never actually witnessed a whipping scene, for they are usually taken
+into some back place for that purpose; but I have often heard their
+groans and screams while writhing under the lash; and have seen the
+blood flow from their torn and lacerated skins after the vengeance of
+<a name="JOS_I_a"></a>
+the inhuman master or mistress had been glutted. You ask if the woman
+where I boarded whipped a slave to death. I can give you the
+particulars of the transaction as they were related to me. My
+informant was a gentleman&mdash;a member of the Presbyterian church in
+<a name="JOS_I_b"></a>
+Massachusetts&mdash;who the winter before boarded where I did. He said that
+Mrs. T&mdash;&mdash; had a female slave whom she used to whip unmercifully, and on
+one occasion, she whipped her as long as she had strength, and after
+the poor creature was suffered to go, she crawled off into a cellar.
+As she did not immediately return, search was made, and she was found
+dead in the cellar, and the horrid deed was kept a secret in the
+family, and it was reported that she died of sickness. This wretch at
+the same time was a member of a Presbyterian church. Towards her
+slaves she was certainly the most cruel wretch of any woman with whom
+I was ever acquainted&mdash;yet she was nothing more than a slaveholder.
+She would deplore slavery as much as I did, and often told me she was
+much of an abolitionist as I was. She was constant in the declaration
+that her kind treatment to her slaves was proverbial. Thought I, then
+the Lord have mercy on the rest. She has often told me of the cruel
+treatment of the slaves on a plantation adjoining her father's in the
+low country of South Carolina. She says she has often seen them driven
+to the necessity of eating frogs and lizards to sustain life. As to
+the mode of living generally, my information is rather limited, being
+with few exceptions confined to the different families where I have
+boarded. My stopping places at the south have mostly been in cities.
+In them the slaves are better fed and clothed than on plantations. The
+<a name="JOS_I_c"></a>
+house servants are fed on what the families leave. But they are kept
+short, and I think are oftener whipped for stealing something to eat
+than any other crime. On plantations their food is principally
+hommony, as the southerners call it. It is simply cracked corn boiled.
+This probably constitutes seven-eights of their living. The
+house-servants in cities are generally decently clothed, and some
+favorite ones are richly dressed, but those on the plantations,
+especially in their dress, if it can be called dress, exhibit the most
+<a name="JOS_I_d"></a>
+haggard and squalid appearance. I have frequently seen those of both
+sexes more than two-thirds naked. I have seen from forty to sixty,
+male and female, at work in a field, many of both sexes with their
+bodies entirely naked&mdash;who did not exhibit signs of shame more than
+cattle. As I did not go among them much on the plantations, I have
+had but few opportunities for examining the backs of slaves&mdash;but have
+frequently passed where they were at work, and been occasionally
+present with them, and in almost every case there were marks of
+violence on some parts of them&mdash;every age, sex and condition being
+liable to the whip. A son of the gentleman with whom I boarded, a
+young man about twenty-one years of age, had a plantation and eight or
+ten slaves. He used to boast almost every night of whipping some of
+<a name="JOS_I_e"></a>
+them. One day he related to me a case of whipping an old negro&mdash;I
+should judge sixty years of age. He said he called him up to flog him
+for some real or supposed offence, and the poor old man, being pious,
+asked the privilege of praying before he received his punishment. He
+said he granted him the favor, and to use his own expression, 'The old
+nigger knelt down and prayed for me, and then got up and took his
+<a name="JOS_I_f"></a>
+whipping.' In relation to negro huts, I will say that planters usually
+own large tracts of land. They have extensive clearings and a
+beautiful mansion house&mdash;and generally some forty or fifty rods from
+the dwelling are situated the negro cabins, or huts, built of logs in
+the rudest manner. Some consist of poles rolled up together and
+covered with mud or clay&mdash;many of them not as comfortable as northern
+pig-sties."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="PHINEAS_S"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH
+</div>
+<p>
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_a"></a>
+MR. SMITH is now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Centreville,
+Allegany county, N.Y. He has recently returned from a residence in the
+slave states, and the American slave holding settlements in Texas. The
+following is an extract of a letter lately received from him.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"You inquire respecting instances of cruelty that have come within my
+knowledge. I reply. Avarice and cruelty constitute the very gist of
+the whole slave system. Many of the enormities committed upon the
+plantations will not be described till God brings to light the hidden
+things of darkness, then the tears and groans and blood of innocent
+men, women and children will be revealed, and the oppressor's spirit
+must confront that of his victim.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I will relate a case of <i>torture</i> which occurred on the Brassos while
+I resided a few miles distant upon the Chocolate Bayou. The case
+should be remembered as a true illustration of the nature of slavery,
+as it exists at the south. The facts are these. An overseer by the
+name of Alexander, notorious for his cruelty, was found dead in the
+timbered lands of the Brassos. It was supposed that he was murdered,
+but who perpetrated the act was unknown. Two black men were however
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_c"></a>
+seized, taken into the Prairie and put to the torture. A physician by
+the name of Parrott from Tennessee, and another from New England by
+the name of Anson Jones, were present on this occasion. The latter
+gentleman is now the Texan minister plenipotentiary to the United
+States, and resides at Washington. The unfortunate slaves being
+stripped, and all things arranged, the torture commenced by whipping
+upon their bare backs. Six athletic men were employed in this scene of
+inhumanity, the names of some of whom I well remember. There was one
+of the name of Brown, and one or two of the name of Patton. Those six
+executioners were successively employed in cutting up the bodies of
+these defenceless slaves, who persisted to the last in the avowal of
+their innocence. The bloody whip was however kept in motion till
+savage barbarity itself was glutted. When this was accomplished, the
+bleeding victims were re-conveyed to the inclosure of the mansion
+house where they were deposited for a few moments. '<i>The dying groans
+however incommoding the ladies, they were taken to a back shed where
+one of them soon expired</i>.'[<a name="rnote10-13"></a><a href="#note10-13">13</a>] The life of the other slave was for a
+time despaired of, but after hanging over the grave for months, he at
+length so far recovered as to walk about and labor at light work.
+These facts <i>cannot be controverted</i>. They were disclosed under the
+solemnity of an oath, at Columbia, in a court of justice. I was
+present, and shall never forget them. The testimony of Drs. Parrott
+and Jones was most appalling. I seem to hear the death-groans of that
+murdered man. His cries for mercy and protestations of innocence fell
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_b"></a>
+upon adamantine hearts. The facts above stated, and others in relation
+to this scene of cruelty came to light in the following manner. The
+master of the murdered man commenced legal process against the actors
+in this tragedy for the <i>recovery of the value of the chattel</i>, as one
+would institute a suit for a horse or an ox that had been unlawfully
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_d"></a>
+killed. It was a suit for the recovery of <i>damages</i> merely. No
+<i>indictment</i> was even dreamed of. Among the witnesses brought upon the
+stand in the progress of this cause were the physicians, Parrott and
+Jones above named. The part which they were called to act in this
+affair was, it is said, to examine the pulse of the victims during the
+process of <i>torture</i>. But they were mistaken as to the quantum of
+torture which a human being can undergo and not die under it. Can it
+be believed that one of these physicians was born and educated in the
+land of the pilgrims? Yes, in my own native New England. It is even
+so! The stone-like apathy manifested at the trial of the above cause,
+and the screams and the death-groans of an innocent man, as developed
+by the testimony of the witnesses, can never be obliterated from my
+memory. They form an era in my life, a point to which I look back with
+horror.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-13"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-13">13</a>: The words of Dr. Parrott, a witness on the trial hereafter
+referred to.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another case of cruelty occurred on the San Bernard near Chance
+Prairie, where I resided for some time. The facts were these. A slave
+man fled from his master, (Mr. Sweeny) and being closely <i>pursued</i> by
+the overseer and a son of the owner, he stepped a few yards in the
+Bernard and placed himself upon a root, from which there was no
+possibility of his escape, for he could not swim. In this situation he
+was fired upon with a blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and grape
+shot. The overseer who shot the gun was at a distance of a few feet
+only. The charge entered the body of the negro near the groin. He was
+conveyed to the plantation, lingered in inexpressible agony a few days
+and expired. A physician was called, but medical and surgical skill
+was unavailing. No notice whatever was taken of this murder by the
+public authorities, and the murderer was not discharged from the
+service of his employer.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_e"></a>
+"When slaves flee, as they not unfrequently do, to the timbered lands
+of Texas, they are hunted with guns and dogs.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHINEAS_S_f"></a>
+"The sufferings of the slave not unfrequently drive him to despair and
+suicide. At a plantation on the San Bernard, where there were but five
+slaves, two during the same year committed suicide by drowning."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="PHIL_B"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF PHILEMON BLISS, ESQ.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Bliss is a highly respectable member of the bar, in Elyria, Lorain
+Co. Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian church, in that place. He
+resided in Florida, during the years 1834 and 5.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following extracts are from letters, written by Mr. B. in 1835,
+while residing on a plantation near Tallahassee, and published soon
+after in the Ohio Atlas; also from letters written in 1836 and
+published in the New York Evangelist.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_a"></a>
+"In speaking of slavery as it is, I hardly know where to begin. The
+physical condition of the slave is far from being accurately known at
+the north. Gentlemen <i>traveling</i> in the south can know nothing of it.
+They must make the south their residence; they must live on
+plantations, before they can have any opportunity of judging of the
+slave. I resided in Augustine five months, and had I not made
+<i>particular</i> inquiries, which most northern visitors very seldom or
+never do, I should have left there with the impression that the slaves
+were generally very <i>well</i> treated, and were a happy people. Such is
+the report of many northern travelers who have no more opportunity of
+knowing their real condition than if they had remained at home. What
+confidence could we place in the reports of the traveler, relative to
+the condition of the Irish peasantry, who formed his opinion from the
+appearance of the waiters at a Dublin hotel, or the household servants
+of a country gentleman? And it is not often on plantations even, that
+<i>strangers</i> can witness the punishment of the slave. I was conversing
+the other day with a neighboring planter, upon the brutal treatment of
+the slaves which I had witnessed: he remarked, that had I been with
+him I should not have seen this. "When I whip niggers, I take them out
+of sight and hearing." Such being the difficulties in the way of a
+stranger's ascertaining the treatment of the slaves, it is not to be
+wondered at that gentlemen, of undoubted veracity, should give
+directly false statements relative to it. But facts cannot lie, and in
+giving these I confine myself to what has come under my own personal
+observation.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_b"></a>
+"The negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and, excepting
+the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the
+field till dark in the evening. There is a good deal of contention
+among planters, who shall make the most cotton to the hand, or, who
+shall drive their negroes the hardest; and I have heard bets made and
+staked upon the issue of the crops. Col. W. was boasting of his large
+crops, and swore that 'he made for his force, the largest crops in the
+country.' He was disputed of course. On riding home in company with
+Mr. C. the conversation turned upon Col. W. My companion remarked,
+that though Col. W. had the reputation of making a large crop, yet he
+could beat him himself, and did do it the last year. I remarked that I
+considered it no honor to <i>Col. W</i>. to drive his slaves to death to
+make a large crop. I have heard no more about large crops from him
+since. Drivers or overseers usually drive the slaves worse than
+masters.&mdash;Their reputation for good overseers depends in a great
+measure upon the crops they make, and the death of a slave is no loss
+to them.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_c"></a>
+"Of the extent and cruelty of the punishment of the slave, the
+northern public know nothing. From the nature of the case they can
+know little, as I have before mentioned.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I <i>have seen</i> a woman, a mother, compelled, in the presence of her
+master and mistress, <i>to hold up her clothes</i>, and endure the whip of
+the driver on the naked body for more than <i>twenty minutes</i>, and while
+her cries would have rent the heart of any one, who had not hardened
+himself to human suffering. Her master and mistress were conversing
+with apparent indifference. What was her crime? She had a task given
+her of sewing which she <i>must finish</i> that day. Late at night she
+finished it; but <i>the stitches were too long</i>, and she must be
+whipped. The same was repeated three or four nights for the same
+offence. <i>I have seen</i> a man tied to a tree, hands and feet, and
+receive 305 blows with the paddle[<a name="rnote10-14"></a><a href="#note10-14">14</a>] on the fleshy parts of the body.
+Two others received the same kind of punishment at the time, though I
+did not count the blows. One received 230 lashes. Their crime was
+stealing mutton. I have <i>frequently</i> heard the shrieks of the slaves,
+male and female, accompanied by the strokes of the paddle or whip,
+when I have not gone near the scene of horror. I knew not their
+crimes, excepting of one woman, which was stealing <i>four potatoes</i> to
+eat with her bread! The more common number of lashes inflicted was
+fifty or eighty; and this I saw not once or twice, but so frequently
+that I can not tell the number of times I have seen it. So frequently,
+that my own heart was becoming so hardened that I could witness with
+comparative indifference, the female writhe under the lash, and her
+shrieks and cries for mercy ceased to pierce my heart with that
+keenness, or give me that anguish which they first caused. It was not
+always that I could learn their crimes; but of those I did learn, the
+most common was non-performance of tasks. I have seen men strip and
+receive from one to three hundred strokes of the whip and paddle. My
+studies and meditations were almost nightly interrupted by the cries
+of the victims of cruelty and avarice. Tom, a slave of Col. N.
+obtained permission of his overseer on Sunday, to visit his son, on a
+neighboring plantation, belonging in part to his master, but neglected
+to take a "pass." Upon its being demanded by the other overseer, he
+replied that he had permission to come, and that his having a mule was
+sufficient evidence of it, and if he did not consider it as such, he
+could take him up. The overseer replied he would take him up; giving
+him at the same time a blow on the arm with a stick he held in his
+hand, sufficient to lame it for some time. The negro collared him, and
+threw him; and on the overseer's commanding him to submit to be tied
+and whipped, he said he would not be whipped by <i>him</i> but would leave
+it to massa J. They came to massa J.'s. I was there. After the
+overseer had related the case as above, he was blamed for not shooting
+or stabbing him at once.&mdash;After dinner the negro was tied, and the
+whip given to the overseer, and he used it with a severity that was
+shocking. I know not how many lashes were given, but from his
+shoulders to his heels there was not a spot unridged! and at almost
+every stroke the blood flowed. He could not have received less than
+300, <i>well laid on</i>. But his offence was great, almost the greatest
+known, laying hands on a <i>white</i> man! Had he struck the overseer,
+under any provocation, he would have been in some way disfigured,
+perhaps by the loss of his ears, in addition to a whipping: or he
+might have been hung. The most common cause of punishments is, not
+finishing tasks.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-14"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-14">14</a>: A piece of oak timber two and a half feet long, flat and
+wide at one end.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"But it would be tedious mentioning further particulars. The negro has
+no other inducement to work but the <i>lash</i>; and as man never acts
+without motive, the lash must be used so long as all other motives are
+withheld. Hence corporeal punishment is a necessary part of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Punishments for runaways are usually severe. Once whipping is not
+sufficient. I have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven
+nights in succession for one offence. I have known others who, with
+pinioned hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their
+neck, to the saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a
+smart trot, one or two hundred miles, being compelled to ford water
+courses, their drivers, according to their own confession, not abating
+a whit in the rapidity of their journey for the case of the slave. One
+tied a kettle of sand to his slave to render his journey more arduous.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Various are the instruments of torture devised to keep the slave in
+subjection. The stocks are sometimes used. Sometimes blocks are filled
+with pegs and nails, and the slave compelled to stand upon them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"While stopping on the plantation of a Mr. C. I saw a whip with a
+knotted lash lying on the table, and inquired of my companion, who was
+also an acquaintance of Mr. C's, if he used that to whip his negroes?
+"Oh," says he, "Mr. C. is not severe with his hands. He never whips
+very hard. The <i>knots in the lash are so large</i> that he does not
+usually draw blood in whipping them."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_d"></a>
+"It was principally from hearing the conversation of southern men on
+the subject, that I judge of the cruelty that is generally practiced
+toward slaves. They will deny that slaves are generally ill treated;
+but ask them if they are not whipped for certain offences, which
+either a freeman would have no temptation to commit, or which would
+not be an offence in any but a slave, and for non-performance of
+tasks, they will answer promptly in the affirmative. And frequently
+have I heard them excuse their cruelty by citing Mr. A. or Mr. B. who
+is a Christian, or Mr. C. a preacher, or Mr. D. from the <i>north</i>, who
+"drives his hands tighter, and whips them harder, than we ever do."
+Driving negroes to the utmost extent of their ability, with
+occasionally a hundred lashes or more, and a few switchings in the
+field if they hang back in the driving seasons, viz: in the hoing and
+picking months, is perfectly consistent with good treatment!
+</p>
+<p>
+"While traveling across the Peninsula in a stage, in company with a
+northern gentleman, and southern lady, of great worth and piety, a
+dispute arose respecting the general treatment of slaves, the
+gentleman contending that their treatment was generally good&mdash;'O, no!'
+interrupted the lady, 'you can know nothing of the treatment they
+receive on the plantations. People here do whip the poor negroes most
+cruelly, and many half starve them. You have neither of you had
+opportunity to know scarcely anything of the cruelties that are
+practiced in this country,' and more to the same effect. I met with
+several others, besides this lady, who appeared to feel for the sins
+of the land, but they are few and scattered, and not usually of
+sufficiently stern mould to withstand the popular wave.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_e"></a>
+"Masters are not forward to publish their "domestic regulations," and
+as neighbors are usually several miles apart, one's observation must
+be limited. Hence the few instances of cruelty which break out can be
+but a fraction of what is practised. A planter, a professor of
+religion, in conversation upon the universality of whipping, remarked
+that a planter in G&mdash;, who had whipped a great deal, at length got
+tired of it, and invented the following <i>excellent</i> method of
+punishment, which I saw practised while I was paying him a visit. The
+negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above
+his head, and feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part
+of the body.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were
+awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so
+doleful that we feared he was dying. We went to him, and found him
+covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. He could not have lived an
+hour longer. Mr. &mdash;&mdash; found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment,
+that it almost superseded the whip."
+</p>
+<p>
+"How much do you give your niggers for a task while hoeing cotton,"
+inquired Mr. C&mdash;&mdash; of his neighbor Mr. H&mdash;&mdash;."
+</p>
+<p>
+H. "I give my men an acre and a quarter, and my women an acre."[<a name="rnote10-15"></a><a href="#note10-15">15</a>]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-15"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-15">15</a>: Cotton is planted in drills about three feet apart, and
+is hilled like corn.]
+</p>
+<p>
+C. "Well, that is a fair task. Niggers do a heap better if they are
+drove pretty tight."
+</p>
+<p>
+H. "O yes, I have driven mine into complete subordination. When I
+first bought them they were discontented and wished me to sell them,
+but I soon whipped <i>that</i> out of them; and they now work very
+contentedly!"
+</p>
+<p>
+C. "Does Mary keep up with the rest?"
+</p>
+<p>
+H. "No, she does'nt often finish the task alone, she has to get Sam to
+help her out after he has done his, <i>to save her a whipping</i>. There's
+no other way but to be severe with them."
+</p>
+<p>
+C. "No other, sir, if you favor a nigger you spoil him."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="PHIL_B_f"></a>
+"The whip is considered as necessary on a plantation as the plough;
+and its use is almost as common. The negro whip is the common
+teamster's whip with a black leather stock, and a short, fine, knotted
+lash. The paddle is also frequently used, sometimes with holes bored
+<a name="PHIL_B_g"></a>
+in the flattened end. The ladies (!) in chastising their domestic
+servants, generally use the cowhide. I have known some use shovel and
+tongs. It is, however, more common to commit them to the driver to be
+whipped. The manner of whipping is as follows: The negro is tied by
+his hands, and sometimes feet, to a post or tree, and stripped to the
+skin. The female slave is not always tied. The number of lashes
+depends upon the character for severity of the master or overseer.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another instrument of torture is sometimes used, how extensively I
+know not. The negro, or, in the case which came to my knowledge, the
+negress was compelled to stand barefoot upon a block filled with sharp
+pegs and nails for two or three hours. In case of sickness, if the
+master or overseer thinks them seriously ill, they are taken care of,
+but their complaints are usually not much heeded. A physician told me
+that he was employed by a planter last winter to go to a plantation of
+his in the country, as many of the negroes were sick. Says he&mdash;"I
+found them in a most miserable condition. The weather was cold, and
+the negroes were barefoot, with hardly enough of <i>cotton</i> clothing to
+cover their nakedness. Those who had huts to shelter them were obliged
+to build them nights and Sundays. Many were sick and some had died. I
+had the sick taken to an older plantation of their masters, where they
+could be made comfortable, and they recovered. I directed that they
+should not go to work till after sunrise, and should not work in the
+rain till their health became established. But the overseer refusing
+to permit it, I declined attending on them farther. I was called,'
+continued he, 'by the overseer of another plantation to see one of the
+men. I found him lying by the side of a log in great pain. I asked him
+how he did, 'O,' says he, 'I'm most dead, can live but little longer.'
+How long have you been sick? I've felt for more than six weeks as
+though I could hardly stir.' Why didn't you tell your master, you was
+sick? 'I couldn't see my master, and the overseer always whips us when
+we complain, I could not stand a whipping.' I did all I could for the
+poor fellow, but his <i>lungs were rotten</i>. He died in three days from
+the time he left off work.' The cruelty of that overseer is such that
+the negroes almost tremble at his name. Yet he gets a high salary, for
+he makes the largest crop of any other man in the neighborhood, though
+none but the hardiest negroes can stand it under him. "That man," says
+the Doctor, "would be hung in my country." He was a German."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="WILL_C"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM A. CHAPIN.
+</div>
+<p>
+REV. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, has furnished the following
+testimony, under date of Dec. 15, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I send you an extract from a letter that I have just received, which
+you may use <i>ad libitum</i>. The letter is from Rev. Wm. A. Chapin,
+Greensborough, Vermont. To one who is acquainted with Mr. C. his
+opinion and statements must carry conviction even to the most
+obstinate and incredulous. He observes, 'I resided, as a teacher,
+nearly two years in the family of Carroll Webb, Esq., of Hampstead,
+New Kent co. about twenty miles from Richmond, Virginia. Mr. Webb had
+three or four plantations, and was considered one of the two
+wealthiest men in the county: it was supposed he owned about two
+hundred slaves. He was a member of the Presbyterian Church, and was
+elected an elder while I was with him. He was a native of Virginia,
+but a graduate of a New-England college.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_C_a"></a>
+"The slaves were called in the morning before daylight, I believe at
+all seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food, and be
+ready to go to work as soon as it was light enough to see. I know that
+at the season of husking corn, October and November, they were usually
+compelled to work late&mdash;till 12 or 1 o'clock at night. I know this
+fact because they accompanied their work with a loud singing of their
+own sort. I usually retired to rest between 11 and 12 o'clock, and
+generally heard them at their work as long as I was awake. The slaves
+lived in wretched log cabins, of one room each, without floors or
+<a name="WILL_C_b"></a>
+windows. I believe the slaves sometimes suffer for want of food. One
+evening, as I was sitting in the parlor with Mr. W. one of the most
+resolute of the slaves came to the door, and said, "Master, I am
+willing to work for you, but I want something to eat." The only reply
+was, "Clear yourself." I learned that the slaves had been without food
+all day, because the man who was sent to mill could not obtain his
+grinding. He went again the next day, and obtained his grist, and the
+slaves had no food till he returned. He had to go about five
+miles.[<a name="rnote10-16"></a><a href="#note10-16">16</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-16"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-16">16</a>: To this, Rev. Mr. Scales adds, "In familiar language, and
+in more detail, as I have learned it in conversation with Mr. Chapin,
+the fact is as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. W. kept, what he called a 'boy,' i.e. a <i>man</i>, to go to mill. It
+was his custom not to give his slaves anything to eat while he was
+gone to mill&mdash;let him have been gone longer or shorter&mdash;for this
+reason, if he was lazy, and delayed, the slaves would become hungry:
+hence indignant, and abuse him&mdash;this was his punishment. On that
+occasion he went to mill in the morning. The slaves came up at noon,
+and returned to work without food. At night, after having worked hard
+all day, without food, went to bed without supper. About 10 o'clock
+the next day, they came up in a company, to their master's door, (that
+master an elder in the church), and deputed one more resolute than the
+rest to address him. This he did in the most respectful tones and
+terms. "We are willing to work for you, master, but we can't work
+without food; we want something to eat." "Clear yourself," was the
+answer. The slaves retired; and in the morning were driven away to
+work without food. At noon, I think, or somewhat after, they were
+fed."]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="WILL_C_c"></a>
+"I know the slaves were sometimes severely whipped. I saw the backs of
+several which had numerous scars, evidently caused by long and deep
+lacerations of the whip; and I have good reason to believe that the
+slaves were generally in that condition; for I never saw the back of
+one exposed that was not thus marked,&mdash;and from their tattered and
+scanty clothing their backs were often exposed."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="T_MACY"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF MESSRS. T.D.M. AND F.C. MACY.
+</div>
+<p>
+This testimony is communicated in a letter from Mr. Cyrus Pierce, a
+respectable and well known citizen of Nantucket, Mass. Of the
+witnesses, Messrs. T.D.M. and F.C. Macy, Mr. Pierce says, "They are
+both inhabitants of this island, and have resided at the south; they
+are both worthy men, for whose integrity and intelligence I can vouch
+unqualifiedly; the former has furnished me with the following
+statement.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="T_MACY_a"></a>
+"During the winter of 1832-3, I resided on the island of St. Simon,
+Glynn county, Georgia. There are several extensive cotton plantations
+on the island. The overseer of the plantation on that part of the
+island where I resided was a Georgian&mdash;a man of stern character, and
+at times <i>cruelly abusive</i> to his slaves. I have often been witness of
+<a name="T_MACY_b"></a>
+the <i>abuse</i> of his power. In South Carolina and Georgia, on the low
+lands, the cultivation is chiefly of rice. The land where it is raised
+is often inundated, and the labor of preparing it, and raising a crop,
+is very arduous. Men and women are in the field from earliest dawn to
+dark&mdash;often <i>without hats</i>, and up to their arm-pits in mud and water.
+At St. Simon's, cotton was the staple article. Ocra, the driver,
+usually waited on the overseer to receive orders for the succeeding
+day. If any slave was insolent, or negligent, the driver was
+authorized to punish him with the whip, with as many blows as the
+magnitude of the crime justified. He was frequently cautioned, upon
+the peril of his skin, to see that all the negroes were off to the
+field in the morning. 'Ocra,' said the overseer, one evening, to the
+driver, 'if any pretend to be sick, send me word&mdash;allow no lazy wench
+or fellow to skulk in the negro house.' Next morning, a few minutes
+after the departure of the hands to the field, Ocra was seen hastening
+to the house of the overseer. He was soon in his presence. 'Well, Ocra,
+what now?' 'Nothing, sir, only Rachel says she sick&mdash;can't go to de
+field to-day.' 'Ah, sick, is she? I'll see to her; you may be off. She
+shall see if I am longer to be fooled with in this way. Here,
+Christmas, mix these salts&mdash;bring them to me at the negro house.' And
+seizing his whip, he made off to the negro settlement. Having a strong
+desire to see what would be the result, I followed him. As I
+approached the negro house, I heard high words. Rachel was stating her
+complaint&mdash;children were crying from fright&mdash;and the overseer
+threatening. Rachel.&mdash;'I can't work to-day&mdash;I'm sick!' Overseer.&mdash;'But
+you shall work, if you die for it. Here, take these salts. Now move
+off&mdash;quick&mdash;let me see your face again before night, and, by G&mdash;d,
+you shall smart for it. Be off&mdash;no begging&mdash;not a word;'&mdash;and he
+dragged her from the house, and followed her 20 or 30 rods,
+threatening. The woman did not reach the field. Overcome by the
+exertion of walking, and by agitation, she sunk down exhausted by the
+road side&mdash;was taken up, and carried back to the house, where an
+<i>abortion</i> occurred, and her life was greatly jeoparded.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="T_MACY_c"></a>
+"It was <i>no uncommon</i> sight to see a whole family, father, mother, and
+from two to five children, collected together around their piggin of
+hommony, or pail of potatoes, watched by the overseer. One meal was
+always eaten in the field. No time was allowed for relaxation.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was not unusual for a child of five or six years to perform the
+office of nurse&mdash;because the mother worked in a remote part of the
+field, and was not allowed to leave her employment to take care of her
+infant. Want of proper nutriment induces sickness of the worst type.
+</p>
+<p>
+"No matter what the nature of the service, a peck of corn, dealt out
+on Sunday, must supply the demands of nature for a week.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="T_MACY_d"></a>
+"The Sabbath, on a southern plantation, is a mere nominal holiday. The
+slaves are liable to be called upon at all times, by those who have
+authority over them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When it rained, the slaves were allowed to collect under a tree until
+the shower had passed. Seldom, on a week day, were they permitted to
+go to their huts during rain; and even had this privilege been
+granted, many of those miserable habitations were in so dilapidated a
+condition, that they would afford little or no protection. Negro huts
+are built of logs, covered with boards or thatch, having <i>no
+flooring</i>, and but one apartment, serving all the purposes of
+sleeping, cooking, &amp;c. Some are furnished with a temporary loft. I
+have seen a whole family herded together in a loft ten feet by twelve.
+In cold weather, they gather around the fire, spread their blankets
+<a name="T_MACY_e"></a>
+<i>on the ground</i>, and keep as comfortable as they can. Their supply of
+clothing is scanty&mdash;each slave being allowed a Holland coat and
+pantaloons, of the coarsest manufacture, and one pair of cowhide
+shoes. The women, enough of the same kind of cloth for one frock. They
+have also one pair of shoes. Shoes are given to the slaves in the
+winter only. In summer, their clothing is composed of osnaburgs.
+Slaves on different plantations are not allowed without a written
+permission, to visit their fellow bondsmen, under penalty of severe
+<a name="T_MACY_f"></a>
+chastisement. I witnessed the chastisement of a young male slave, who
+was found lurking about the plantation, and could give no other
+account of himself, than that he wanted to visit some of his
+acquaintance. Fifty lashes was the penalty for this offence. I could
+not endure the dreadful shrieks of the tortured slave, and rushed away
+front the scene."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="F_MACY"></a>
+The remainder of this testimony is furnished by Mr. F.C. Macy.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"I went to Savannah in 1820. Sailing up the river, I had my first view
+of slavery. A large number of men and women, with <i>a piece of board on
+their heads, carrying mud</i>, for the purpose of dyking, near the river.
+After tarrying a while in Savannah, I went down to the sea islands of
+<a name="F_MACY_a"></a>
+De Fuskee and Hilton Head, where I spent six months. Negro houses are
+small, built of rough materials, <i>and no floor</i>. Their clothing, (one
+<a name="F_MACY_b"></a>
+suit,) coarse; which they received on Christmas day. Their food was
+three pecks of potatoes per week, in the potatoe season, and one peck
+of corn the remainder of the year. The slaves carried with them into
+the field their meal, and a gourd of water. They cooked their hommony
+<a name="F_MACY_c"></a>
+in the field, and ate it with a wooden paddle. Their treatment was
+<a name="F_MACY_d"></a>
+little better than that of brutes. <i>Whipping</i> was nearly an every-day
+practice. On Mr. M&mdash;&mdash;'s plantation, at the island De Fuskee, I saw an
+old man whipped; he was about 60. He had no clothing on, except a
+shirt. The man that inflicted the blows was Flim, a tall and stout
+man. The whipping was <i>very severe</i>. I inquired into the cause. Some
+vegetables had been stolen from his master's garden, of which he could
+give no account. I saw several women whipped, some of whom were in
+very <i>delicate</i> circumstances. The case of one I will relate. She had
+been purchased in Charleston, and separated from her husband. On her
+passage to Savannah, or rather to the island, she was delivered of a
+child; and in about three weeks after this, she appeared to be
+deranged. She would leave her work, go into the woods, and sing. Her
+master sent for her, and ordered the driver to whip her. I was near
+enough to hear the strokes.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="F_MACY_e"></a>
+"I have known negro boys, partly by persuasion, and partly by force,
+made to strip off their clothing and fight for <i>the amusement of their
+masters</i>. They would fight until both got to crying.
+</p>
+<p>
+"One of the planters told me that his boat had been used without
+permission. A number of his negroes were called up, and put in a
+building that was lathed and shingled. The covering could be easily
+removed from the inside. He called one out for examination. While
+examining this one, he discovered another negro, coming out of the
+roof. He ordered him back: he obeyed. In a few moments he attempted it
+again. The master took deliberate aim at his head, but his gun missed
+fire. He told me he should probably have killed him, had his gun gone
+off. The negro jumped and run. The master took aim again, and fired;
+but he was so far distant, that he received only a few shots in the
+calf of his leg. After several days he returned, and received a severe
+whipping.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="F_MACY_f"></a>
+"Mr. B&mdash;&mdash;, planter at Hilton Head, freely confessed, that he kept one
+of his slaves as a mistress. She slept in the same room with him.
+This, I think, is a very common practice."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="CLERGY_3"></a>
+TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.
+</div>
+<p>
+The following letter was written to Mr. ARTHUR TAPPAN, of New York, in
+the summer of 1833. As the name of the writer cannot be published with
+safety to himself, it is withheld.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following testimonials, from Mr. TAPPAN, Professor WRIGHT, and
+THOMAS RITTER, M.D. of New York, establish the trust-worthiness and
+high respectability of the writer.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I received the following letters from the south during the year 1833.
+They were written by a gentleman who had then resided some years in
+the slave states. Not being at liberty to give the writer's name, I
+cheerfully certify that he is a gentleman of established character, a
+graduate of Yale College, and a respected minister of the gospel.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"ARTHUR TAPPAN."
+</div>
+<p>
+"My acquaintance with the writer of the following letter commenced, I
+believe, in 1823, from which time we were fellow students in Yale
+College till 1826. I have occasionally seen him since. His character,
+so far as it has come within my knowledge, has been that of an upright
+and remarkably <i>candid</i> man. I place great confidence both in his
+habits of careful and unprejudiced observation and his veracity.
+</p>
+<p>
+"E. WRIGHT, jun. New York, April 13, 1839."
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have been acquainted with the writer of the following letter about
+twelve years, and know him to be a gentleman of high respectability,
+integrity, and piety. We were fellow students in Yale College, and my
+opportunities for judging of his character, both at that time and
+since our graduation, have been such, that I feel myself fully
+warranted in making the above unequivocal declaration.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"THOMAS RITTER. 104, Cherry-street, New York."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="CLERGY_3_a"></a>
+"NATCHEZ, 1833.
+</div>
+<p>
+"It has been almost four years since I came to the south-west; and
+although I have been told, from month to month, that I should soon
+wear off my northern prejudices, and probably have slaves of my own,
+yet my judgment in regard to oppression, or my prejudices, if they are
+pleased so to call them, remain with me still. I judge still from
+those principles which were fixed in my mind at the north; and a
+residence at the south has not enabled me so to pervert truth, as to
+make injustice appear justice.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have studied the state of things here, now for years, coolly and
+deliberately, with the eye of an uninterested looker on; and hence I
+may not be altogether unprepared to state to you some facts, and to
+draw conclusions from them.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Permit me then to relate what I have seen; and do not imagine that
+these are all exceptions to the general treatment, but rather believe
+that thousands of cruelties are practised in this Christian land,
+every year, which no eye that ever shed a tear of pity could look
+upon.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_b"></a>
+"Soon after my arrival I made an excursion into the country, to the
+distance of some twenty miles. And as I was passing by a cotton field,
+where about fifty negroes were at work, I was inclined to stop by the
+road side to view a scene which was then new to me. While I was, in my
+mind, comparing this mode of labor with that of my own native place, I
+heard the driver, with a rough oath, order one that was near him, who
+seemed to be laboring to the extent of his power, to "lie down." In a
+moment he was obeyed; and he commenced whipping the offender upon his
+naked back, and continued, to the amount of about twenty lashes, with
+a heavy raw-hide whip, the crack of which might have been heard more
+than half a mile. Nor did the females escape; for although I stopped
+scarcely fifteen minutes, no less than three were whipped in the same
+manner, and that so severely, I was strongly inclined to interfere.
+</p>
+<p>
+"You may be assured, sir, that I remained not unmoved: I could no
+longer look on such cruelty, but turned away and rode on, while the
+echoes of the lash were reverberating in the woods around me. Such
+scenes have long since become familiar to me. But then the full effect
+was not lost; and I shall never forget, to my latest day, the mingled
+feelings of pity, horror, and indignation that took possession of my
+mind. I involuntarily exclaimed, O God of my fathers, how dost thou
+permit such things to defile our land! Be merciful to us! and visit us
+not in justice, for all our iniquities and the iniquities of our
+fathers!
+</p>
+<p>
+"As I passed on I soon found that I had escaped from one horrible
+scene only to witness another. A planter with whom I was well
+acquainted, had caught a negro without a pass. And at the moment I was
+passing by, he was in the act of fastening his feet and hands to the
+trees, having previously made him take off all his clothing except his
+trowsers. When he had sufficiently secured this poor creature, he beat
+him for several minutes with a green switch more than six feet long;
+while he was writhing with anguish, endeavoring in vain to break the
+cords with which he was bound, and incessantly crying out, "Lord,
+master! do pardon me this time! do, master, have mercy!" These
+expressions have recurred to me a thousand times since; and although
+they came from one that is not considered among the sons of men, yet I
+think they are well worthy of remembrance, as they might lead a wise
+man to consider whether such shall receive mercy from the righteous
+Judge, as never showed mercy to their fellow men.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_c"></a>
+"At length I arrived at the dwelling of a planter of my acquaintance,
+with whom I passed the night. At about eight o'clock in the evening I
+heard the barking of several dogs, mingled with the most agonizing
+cries that I ever heard from any human being. Soon after the gentleman
+came in, and began to apologize, by saying that two of his runaway
+slaves had just been brought home; and as he had previously tried
+every species of punishment upon them without effect, he knew not what
+else to add, except to set his blood hounds upon them. 'And,'
+continued he, 'one of them has been so badly bitten that he has been
+trying to die. I am only sorry that he did not; for then I should not
+have been further troubled with him. If he lives I intend to send him
+to Natchez or to New Orleans, to work with the ball and chain.'
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_d"></a>
+"From this last remark I understood that private individuals have the
+right of thus subjecting their unmanageable slaves. I have since seen
+numbers of these 'ball and chain' men, both in Natchez and New
+Orleans, but I do not know whether there were any among them except
+the state convicts.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_e"></a>
+"As the summer was drawing towards a close, and the yellow fever
+beginning to prevail in town, I went to reside some months in the
+country. This was the cotton picking season, during which, the
+planters say, there is a greater necessity for flogging than at any
+other time. And I can assure you, that as I have sat in my window
+night after night, while the cotton was being weighed, I have heard
+the crack of the whip, without much intermission, for a whole hour,
+from no less than three plantations, some of which were a full mile
+distant.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_f"></a>
+"I found that the slaves were kept in the field from daylight until
+dark; and then, if they had not gathered what the master or overseer
+thought sufficient, they were subjected to the lash.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Many by such treatment are induced to run away and take up their
+lodging in the woods. I do not say that all who run away are thus
+closely pressed, but I do know that many are; and I have known no less
+than a dozen desert at a time from the same plantation, in consequence
+of the overseer's forcing them to work to the extent of their power,
+and then whipping them for not having done more.
+</p>
+<p>
+"But suppose that they run away&mdash;what is to become of them in the
+forest? If they cannot steal they must perish of hunger&mdash;if the nights
+are cold, their feet will be frozen; for if they make a fire they may
+be discovered, and be shot at. If they attempt to leave the country,
+their chance of success is about nothing. They must return, be
+whipped&mdash;if old offenders, wear the collar, perhaps be branded, and
+fare worse than before.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_g"></a>
+"Do you believe it, sir, not six months since, I saw a number of my
+<i>Christian</i> neighbors packing up provisions, as I supposed for a deer
+hunt; but as I was about offering myself to the party, I learned that
+their powder and balls were destined to a very different purpose: it
+was, in short, the design of the party to bring home a number of
+runaway slaves, or to shoot them if they should not be able to get
+possession of them in any other way.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_h"></a>
+"You will ask, Is not this murder? Call it, sir, by what name you
+please, such are the facts:&mdash;many are shot every year, and that too
+while the masters say they treat their slaves well.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CLERGY_3_i"></a>
+"But let me turn your attention to another species of cruelty. About a
+year since I knew a certain slave who had deserted his master, to be
+caught, and for the first time fastened to the stocks. In those same
+stocks, from which at midnight I have heard cries of distress, while
+the master slept, and was dreaming, perhaps, of drinking wine and of
+<a name="CLERGY_3_j"></a>
+discussing the price of cotton. On the next morning he was chained in
+an immovable posture, and branded in both cheeks with red hot stamps
+of iron. Such are the tender mercies of men who love wealth, and are
+determined to obtain it at any price.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Suffer me to add another to the list of enormities, and I will not
+offend you with more.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There was, some time since, brought to trial in this town a planter
+residing about fifteen miles distant, for whipping his slave to death.
+You will suppose, of course, that he was punished. No, sir, he was
+acquitted, although there could be no doubt of the fact. I heard the
+tale of murder from a man who was acquainted with all the
+circumstances. 'I was,' said he, 'passing along the road near the
+burying-ground of the plantation, about nine o'clock at night, when I
+saw several lights gleaming through the woods; and as I approached, in
+order to see what was doing, I beheld the coroner of Natchez, with a
+number of men, standing around the body of a young female, which by
+the torches seemed almost perfectly white. On inquiry I learned that
+the master had so unmercifully beaten this girl that she died under
+the operation: and that also he had so severely punished another of
+his slaves that he was but just alive.'"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="CONDITION3"></a>
+We here rest the case for the present, so far as respects the
+presentation of facts showing the condition of the slaves, and proceed
+to consider the main objections which are usually employed to weaken
+such testimony, or wholly to set it aside. But before we enter upon
+the examination of specific objections, and introductory to them, we
+remark,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CONDITION3_a"></a>
+1. That the system of slavery must be a system of horrible cruelty,
+follows of necessity, from the fact that two millions seven hundred
+thousand human beings <i>are held by force</i>, and used as articles of
+property. Nothing but a heavy yoke, and an iron one, could possibly
+keep so many necks in the dust. That must be a constant and mighty
+pressure which holds so still such a vast army; nothing could do it
+but the daily experience of severities, and the ceaseless dread and
+certainty of the most terrible inflictions if they should dare to toss
+in their chains.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CONDITION3_b"></a>
+2. Were there nothing else to prove it a system of monstrous cruelty,
+the fact that FEAR is the only motive with which the slave is plied
+during his whole existence, would be sufficient to brand it with
+execration as the grand tormentor of man. The slave's <i>susceptibility
+of pain</i> is the sole fulcrum on which slavery works the lever that
+moves him. In this it plants all its stings; here it sinks its hot
+irons; cuts its deep gashes; flings its burning embers, and dashes its
+boiling brine and liquid fire: into this it strikes its cold flesh
+hooks, grappling irons, and instruments of nameless torture; and by it
+drags him shrieking to the end of his pilgrimage. The fact that the
+master inflicts pain upon the slave not merely as an <i>end</i> to gratify
+<a name="CONDITION3_c"></a>
+passion, but constantly as a <i>means</i> of extorting labor, is enough of
+itself to show that the system of slavery is unmixed cruelty.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CONDITION3_d"></a>
+3. That the slaves must suffer frequent and terrible inflictions,
+follows inevitably from the <i>character of those who direct their
+labor</i>. Whatever may be the character of the slaveholders themselves,
+all agree that the overseers are, as a class, most abandoned, brutal,
+and desperate men. This is so well known and believed that any
+testimony to prove it seems needless. The testimony of Mr. WIRT, late
+Attorney General of the United States, a Virginian and a slaveholder,
+is as follows. In his life of Patrick Henry, p. 36, speaking of the
+different classes of society in Virginia, he says,&mdash;"Last and lowest a
+feculum, of beings called 'overseers'&mdash;<i>the most abject, degraded,
+unprincipled race</i>, always cap in hand to the dons who employ them,
+and furnishing materials for the exercise of their <i>pride, insolence,
+and spirit of domination</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, New-York, who has resided some
+years at the south, says of overseers&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It need hardly be added that overseers are in general ignorant,
+<i>unprincipled and cruel</i>, and in such low repute that they are not
+permitted to come to the tables of their employers; yet they have the
+constant control of all the human cattle that belong to the master.
+</p>
+<p>
+"These men are continually advancing from their low station to the
+higher one of masters. These changes bring into the possession of
+power a class of men of whose mental and moral qualities I have
+already spoken."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, Marlboro', Massachusetts, who lived in Georgia
+several years, says of them,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The overseers are <i>generally loose in their morals</i>; it is the object
+of masters to employ those whom they think will get the most work out
+of their hands,&mdash;hence those who <i>whip and torment the slaves the
+most</i> are in many instances called the best overseers. The masters
+think those whom the slaves fear the most are the best. Quite a
+portion of the masters employ their own slaves as overseers, or rather
+they are called drivers; these are more subject to the will of the
+masters than the white overseers are; some of them are as lordly as an
+Austrian prince, and sometimes more cruel even than the whites."
+</p>
+<p>
+That the overseers are, as a body, sensual, brutal, and violent men is
+<i>proverbial</i>. The tender mercies of such men <i>must be cruel</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="CONDITION3_e"></a>
+4. The <i>ownership</i> of human beings necessarily presupposes an utter
+disregard of their happiness. He who assumes it monopolizes their
+<i>whole capital</i>, leaves them no stock on which to trade, and out of
+which to <i>make</i> happiness. Whatever is the master's gain is the
+slave's loss, a loss wrested from him by the master, for the express
+purpose of making it <i>his own gain</i>; this is the master's constant
+employment&mdash;forcing the slave to toil&mdash;violently wringing from him
+all he has and all he gets, and using it as his own;&mdash;like the vile
+bird that never builds its nest from materials of its own gathering,
+but either drives other birds from theirs and takes possession of
+them, or tears them in pieces to get the means of constructing their
+own. This daily practice of forcibly robbing others, and habitually
+living on the plunder, cannot but beget in the mind the <i>habit</i> of
+regarding the interests and happiness of those whom it robs, as of no
+sort of consequence in comparison with its own; consequently whenever
+those interests and this happiness are in the way of its own
+gratification, they will be sacrificed without scruple. He who cannot
+see this would be unable to <i>feel</i> it, if it were seen.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECTIONS"></a>
+OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.
+</div>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1"></a>
+Objection I&mdash;"SUCH CRUELTIES ARE INCREDIBLE."
+</p>
+<p>
+The enormities inflicted by slaveholders upon their slaves will never
+be discredited except by those who overlook the simple fact, that he
+who holds human beings as his bona fide property, <i>regards</i> them as
+property, and not as <i>persons;</i> this is his permanent state of mind
+toward them. He does not contemplate slaves as human beings,
+consequently does not <i>treat</i> them as such; and with entire
+indifference sees them suffer privations and writhe under blows,
+which, if inflicted upon whites, would fill him with horror and
+indignation. He regards that as good treatment of slaves, which would
+seem to him insufferable abuse if practiced upon others; and would
+denounce that as a monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty, if
+perpretated upon white men and women, which he sees every day meted
+out to black slaves, without perhaps ever thinking it cruel.
+Accustomed all his life to regard them rather as domestic animals, to
+hear them stormed at, and to see them cuffed and caned; and being
+himself in the constant habit of treating them thus, such practices
+have become to him a mere matter of course, and make no impression on
+his mind. True, it is incredible that men should treat as <i>chattels</i>
+those whom they truly regard as <i>human beings;</i> but that they should
+treat as chattels and working animals those whom they <i>regard</i> as
+such, is no marvel. The common treatment of dogs, when they are in the
+way, is to kick them out of it; we see them every day kicked off the
+sidewalks, and out of shops, and on Sabbaths out of churches,&mdash;yet, as
+they are but <i>dogs</i>, these do not strike us as outrages; yet, if we
+were to see men, women, and children&mdash;our neighbors and friends,
+kicked out of stores by merchants, or out of churches by the deacons
+and sexton, we should call the perpetrators inhuman wretches.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_a"></a>
+We have said that slaveholders regard their slaves not as human
+beings, but as mere working animals, or merchandise. The whole
+vocabulary of slaveholders, their laws, their usages, and their entire
+treatment of their slaves fully establish this. The same terms are
+applied to slaves that are given to cattle. They are called "stock."
+So when the children of slaves are spoken of prospectively, they are
+called their "increase;" the same term that is applied to flocks and
+herds. So the female slaves that are mothers, are called "breeders"
+till past child bearing; and often the same terms are applied to the
+different sexes that are applied to the males and females among
+cattle. Those who compel the labor of slaves and cattle have the same
+appellation, "drivers:" the names which they call them are the same
+and similar to those given to their horses and oxen. The laws of slave
+states make them property, equally with goats and swine; they are
+levied upon for debt in the same way; they are included in the same
+advertisements of public sales with cattle, swine, and asses; when
+moved from one part of the country to another, they are herded in
+droves like cattle, and like them urged on by drivers; their labor is
+compelled in the same way. They are bought and sold, and separated
+like cattle: when exposed for sale, their good qualities are described
+as jockies show off the good points of their horses; their strength,
+activity, skill, power of endurance, &amp;c. are lauded,&mdash;and those who
+bid upon them examine their persons, just as purchasers inspect horses
+and oxen; they open their mouths to see if their teeth are sound;
+strip their backs to see if they are badly scarred, and handle their
+limbs and muscles to see if they are firmly knit. Like horses, they
+are warranted to be "sound," or to be returned to the owner if
+"unsound." A father gives his son a horse and a <i>slave</i>; by his will
+he distributes among them his race-horses, hounds, game-cocks, and
+<i>slaves</i>. We leave the reader to carry out the parallel which we have
+only begun. Its details would cover many pages.
+</p>
+<p>
+That slaveholders do not practically regard slaves as <i>human beings</i>
+is abundantly shown by their own voluntary testimony. In a recent work
+entitled, "The South vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+Northern Abolitionists," which was written, we are informed, by
+Colonel Dayton, late member of Congress from South Carolina; the
+writer, speaking of the awe with which the slaves regard the whites,
+says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The northerner looks upon a band of negroes as upon so many <i>men</i>,
+but the planter or southerner <i>views them in a very different light.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from the speech of Mr. SUMMERS, of Virginia, in the
+legislature of that state, Jan. 26, 1832. See the Richmond Whig.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When, in the sublime lessons of Christianity, he (the slaveholder) is
+taught to 'do unto others as he would have others do unto him,' HE
+NEVER DREAMS THAT THE DEGRADED NEGRO IS WITHIN THE PALE OF THAT HOLY
+CANON."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_b"></a>
+PRESIDENT JEFFERSON, in his letter to GOVERNOR COLES, of Illinois,
+dated Aug. 25, 1814, asserts, that slaveholders regard their slaves as
+brutes, in the following remarkable language.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing the degraded
+condition, both bodily and mental, of these unfortunate beings [the
+slaves], FEW MINDS HAVE YET DOUBTED BUT THAT THEY WERE AS LEGITIMATE
+SUBJECTS OF PROPERTY AS THEIR HORSES OR CATTLE."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_c"></a>
+Having shown that slaveholders regard their slaves as mere working
+animals and cattle, we now proceed to show that their actual treatment
+of them, is <i>worse</i> than it would be if they were brutes. We repeat
+it, SLAVEHOLDERS TREAT THEIR SLAVES WORSE THAN THEY DO THEIR BRUTES.
+Whoever heard of cows or sheep being deliberately tied up and beaten
+and lacerated till they died? or horses coolly tortured by the hour,
+till covered with mangled flesh, or of swine having their legs tied
+and being suspended from a tree and lacerated with thongs for hours,
+or of hounds stretched and made fast at full length, flayed with
+whips, red pepper rubbed into their bleeding gashes, and hot brine
+dashed on to aggravate the torture? Yet just such forms and degrees of
+torture are <i>daily</i> perpetrated upon the slaves. Now no man that knows
+human nature will marvel at this. Though great cruelties have always
+been inflicted by men upon brutes, yet incomparably the most horrid
+ever perpetrated, have been those of men upon <i>their own species</i>. Any
+leaf of history turned over at random has proof enough of this. Every
+reflecting mind perceives that when men hold <i>human beings</i> as
+<i>property</i>, they must, from the nature of the case, treat them worse
+than they treat their horses and oxen. It is impossible for <i>cattle</i>
+to excite in men such tempests of fury as men excite in each other.
+Men are often provoked if their horses or hounds refuse to do, or
+their pigs refuse to go where they wish to drive them, but the feeling
+is rarely intense and never permanent. It is vexation and impatience,
+rather than settled rage, malignity, or revenge. If horses and dogs
+were intelligent beings, and still held as property, their opposition
+to the wishes of their owners, would exasperate them immeasurably more
+than it would be possible for them to do, with the minds of brutes.
+None but little children and idiots get angry at sticks and stones
+that lie in their way or hurt them; but put into sticks and stones
+intelligence, and will, and power of feeling and motion, while they
+remain as now, articles of property, and what a towering rage would
+men be in, if bushes whipped them in the face when they walked among
+them, or stones rolled over their toes when they climbed hills! and
+what exemplary vengeance would be inflicted upon door-steps and
+hearth-stones, if they were to move out of their places, instead of
+lying still where they were put for their owners to tread upon. The
+greatest provocation to human nature is <i>opposition to its will</i>. If a
+man's will be resisted by one far <i>below</i> him, the provocation is
+vastly greater, than when it is resisted by an acknowledged superior.
+In the former case, it inflames strong passions, which in the latter
+lie dormant. The rage of proud Haman knew no bounds against the poor
+Jew who would not do as he wished, and so he built a gallows for him.
+If the person opposing the will of another, be so far below him as to
+be on a level with chattels, and be actually held and used as an
+article of property; pride, scorn, lust of power, rage and revenge
+explode together upon the hapless victim. The idea of <i>property</i>
+having a will, and that too in opposition to the will of its <i>owner</i>,
+and counteracting it, is a stimulant of terrible power to the most
+relentless human passions and from the nature of slavery, and the
+constitution of the human mind, this fierce stimulant must, with
+various degrees of strength, act upon slaveholders almost without
+ceasing. The slave, however abject and crushed, is an intelligent
+being: he has a <i>will</i>, and that will cannot be annihilated, <i>it will
+show itself</i>; if for a moment it is smothered, like pent up fires when
+vent is found, it flames the fiercer. Make intelligence <i>property</i>,
+and its manager will have his match; he is met at every turn by an
+<i>opposing will</i>, not in the form of down-right rebellion and defiance,
+but yet, visibly, an <i>ever-opposing will</i>. He sees it in the
+dissatisfied look, and reluctant air and unwilling movement; the
+constrained strokes of labor, the drawling tones, the slow hearing,
+the feigned stupidity, the sham pains and sickness, the short memory;
+and he <i>feels</i> it every hour, in innumerable forms, frustrating his
+designs by a ceaseless though perhaps invisible countermining. This
+unceasing opposition to the will of its 'owner,' on the part of his
+rational 'property,' is to the slaveholder as the hot iron to the
+nerve. He raves under it, and storms, and gnashes, and smites; but the
+more he smites, the hotter it gets, and the more it burns him.
+Further, this opposition of the slave's will to his owner's, not only
+excites him to severity, that he may gratify his rage, but makes it
+necessary for him to use violence in breaking down this
+resistance&mdash;thus subjecting the slave to additional tortures. There is
+another inducement to cruel inflictions upon the slave, and a
+necessity for it, which does not exist in the case of brutes.
+Offenders must be made an example to others, to strike them with
+terror. If a slave runs away and is caught, his master flogs him with
+terrible severity, not merely to gratify his resentment, and to keep
+him from running away again, but as a warning to others. So in every
+case of disobedience, neglect, stubbornness, unfaithfulness,
+indolence, insolence, theft, feigned sickness, when his directions are
+forgotten, or slighted, or supposed to be, or his wishes crossed, or
+his property injured, or left exposed, or his work ill-executed, the
+master is tempted to inflict cruelties, not merely to wreak his own
+vengeance upon him, and to make the slave more circumspect in future,
+but to sustain his authority over the other slaves, to restrain them
+from like practices, and to preserve his own property.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_d"></a>
+A multitude of facts, illustrating the position that slaveholders
+treat their slaves <i>worse</i> than they do their cattle, will occur to
+all who are familiar with slavery. When cattle break through their
+owners' inclosures and escape, if found, they are driven back and
+fastened in again; and even slaveholders would execrate as a wretch,
+the man who should tie them up, and bruise and lacerate them for
+straying away; but when <i>slaves</i> that have escaped are caught, they
+are flogged with the most terrible severity. When herds of cattle are
+driven to market, they are suffered to go in the easiest way, each by
+himself; but when slaves are driven to market, they are fastened
+together with handcuffs, galled by iron collars and chains, and thus
+forced to travel on foot hundreds of miles, sleeping at night in their
+chains. Sheep, and sometimes horned cattle are marked with their
+owners' initials&mdash;but this is generally done with paint, and of course
+produces no pain. Slaves, too, are often marked with their owners'
+initials, but the letters are stamped into their flesh with a hot
+iron. Cattle are suffered to graze their pastures without stint; but
+the slaves are restrained in their food to a fixed allowance. The
+slaveholders' horses are notoriously far better fed, more moderately
+worked, have fewer hours of labor, and longer intervals of rest than
+their slaves; and their valuable horses are far more comfortably
+housed and lodged, and their stables more effectually defended from
+the weather, than the slaves' huts. We have here merely <i>begun</i> a
+comparison, which the reader can easily carry out at length, from the
+materials furnished in this work.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_e"></a>
+We will, however, subjoin a few testimonies of slaveholders, and
+others who have resided in slave states, expressly asserting that
+slaves are treated <i>worse than brutes</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The late Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, a member of the
+American Philosophical Society, in an oration delivered in Baltimore,
+July 4, 1791, page 10, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Africans whom you despise, whom you <i>more inhumanly treat than
+brutes</i>, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Rev. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, in his celebrated letter to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and
+Georgia, written one hundred years ago, (See Benezet's Caution to
+Great Britain and her Colonies, page 13), says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular <i>exceptions</i> there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are <i>some</i>) I fear the <i>generality</i> of you
+that own negroes, <i>are liable to such a charge</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RICE, of Kentucky in his speech in the Convention that formed the
+Constitution of that state, in 1790, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"He [the slave] is a rational creature, reduced by the power of
+legislation to the <i>state of a brute</i>, and thereby deprived of every
+privilege of humanity.... The brute may steal or rob, to supply
+his hunger; but the slave, though in the most starving condition,
+<i>dare not do either, on penalty of death, or some severe punishment</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in
+Marlborough, Mass. who lived some years in Georgia, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care is
+taken of them; but southern negroes&mdash;who can describe their misery and
+their wretchedness, their nakedness and their cruel scourgings!  None
+but God. Should we <i>whip our horses</i> as they whip their slaves, even
+for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the
+law."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, Centerville, Allegany county, New York, who has
+resided four years in the midst of southern slavery&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Avarice and cruelty are twin sisters; and I do not hesitate to
+declare before the world, as my deliberate opinion, that there is
+<i>less compassion</i> for working slaves at the south, than for working
+oxen at the north."
+</p>
+<p>
+STEVEN SEWALL, Esq. Winthrop, Maine, a member of the Congregational
+Church, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing Company, who
+resided five years in Alabama, says&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I do not think that brutes, not even horses, are treated with <i>so
+much cruelty</i> as American slaves."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_f"></a>
+If the preceding considerations are insufficient to remove incredulity
+respecting the cruelties suffered by slaves, and if northern objectors
+still say, 'We might believe such things of savages, but that
+civilized men, and republicans, in this Christian country, can openly
+and by system perpetrate such enormities, is impossible';&mdash;to such we
+reply, that this incredulity of the people of the free states, is not
+only discreditable to their intelligence, but to their consistency.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_g"></a>
+Who is so ignorant as not to know, or so incredulous as to disbelieve,
+that the early Baptists of New England were fined, imprisoned,
+scourged, and finally banished by our puritan forefathers?&mdash;and that
+the Quakers were confined in dungeons, publicly whipped at the
+cart-tail, had their ears cut off, cleft sticks put upon their
+tongues, and that five of them, four men and one woman, were hung on
+Boston Common, for propagating the sentiments of the Society of
+Friends? Who discredits the fact, that the civil authorities in
+Massachusetts, less than a hundred and fifty years ago, confined in
+the public jail a little girl of four years old, and publicly hung the
+Rev. Mr. Burroughs, and eighteen other persons, mostly women, and
+killed another, (Giles Corey,) by extending him upon his back, and
+piling weights upon his breast till he was crushed to death [<a name="rnote10-17"></a><a href="#note10-17">17</a>]&mdash;and
+this for no other reason than that these men and women, and this
+little child, were accused by others of <i>bewitching</i> them.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-17"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-17">17</a>:  Judge Sewall, of Mass. in his diary, describing this
+horrible scene, says that when the tongue of the poor sufferer had, in
+the extremity of his dying agony, protruded from his mouth, a person
+in attendance took his cane and thrust it back into his mouth.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Even the children in Connecticut, know that the following was once a
+law of that state:
+</p>
+<p>
+"No food or lodging shall be allowed to a Quaker. If any person turns
+Quaker, he shall be banished, and not be suffered to return on pain of
+death."
+</p>
+<p>
+These objectors can readily believe the fact, that in the city of New
+York, less than a hundred years since, thirteen persons were publicly
+burned to death, over a slow fire: and that the legislature of the
+same State took under its paternal care the African slave-trade, and
+declared that "all encouragement should be given to the <i>direct</i>
+importation of slaves; that all <i>smuggling</i> of slaves should be
+condemned, as <i>an eminent discouragement to the fair trader</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+They do not call in question the fact that the African slave-trade was
+carried on from the ports of the free states till within thirty years;
+that even members of the Society of Friends were actively engaged in
+it, shortly before the revolutionary war; [<a name="rnote10-18"></a><a href="#note10-18">18</a>] that as late as 1807,
+no less than fifty-nine of the vessels engaged in that trade, were
+sent out from the little state of Rhode Island, which had then only
+about seventy thousand inhabitants; that among those most largely
+engaged in these foul crimes, are the men whom the people of Rhode
+Island delight to honor: that the man who dipped most deeply in that
+trade of blood (James De Wolf,) and amassed a most princely fortune by
+it, was not long since their senator in Congress; and another, who was
+captain of one of his vessels, was recently Lieutenant Governor of the
+state.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-18"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-18">18</a>: See Life and Travels of John Woolman, page 92.]
+</p>
+<p>
+They can believe, too, all the horrors of the middle passage, the
+chains, suffocation, maimings, stranglings, starvation, drownings, and
+cold blooded murders, atrocities perpetrated on board these
+slave-ships by their own citizens, perhaps by their own townsmen and
+neighbors&mdash;possibly by their own <i>fathers</i>: but oh! they 'can't
+believe that the slaveholders can be so hard-hearted towards their
+slaves as to treat them with great cruelty.' They can believe that his
+Holiness the Pope, with his cardinals, bishops and priests, have
+tortured, broken on the wheel, and burned to death thousands of
+Protestants&mdash;that eighty thousand of the Anabaptists were slaughtered
+in Germany&mdash;that hundreds of thousands of the blameless Waldenses,
+Huguenots and Lollards, were torn in pieces by the most titled
+<a name="OBJECT_1_h"></a>
+dignitaries of church and state, and that <i>almost every professedly
+Christian sect, has, at some period of its history, persecuted unto
+blood</i> those who dissented from their creed. They can believe, also,
+that in Boston, New York, Utica, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Alton, and
+in scores of other cities and villages of the free states, 'gentlemen
+of property and standing,' led on by civil officers, by members of
+state legislatures, and of Congress, by judges and attorneys-general,
+by editors of newspapers, and by professed ministers of the gospel,
+have organized mobs, broken up lawful meetings of peaceable citizens,
+committed assault and battery upon their persons, knocked them down
+with stones, led them about with ropes, dragged them from their beds
+at midnight, gagged and forced them into vehicles, and driven them
+into unfrequented places, and there tormented and disfigured
+them&mdash;that they have rifled their houses, made bonfires of their
+furniture in the streets, burned to the ground, or torn in pieces the
+halls or churches in which they were assembled&mdash;attacked them with
+deadly weapons, stabbed some, shot others, and killed one. They can
+believe all this&mdash;and further, that a majority of the citizens in the
+places where these outrages have been committed, connived at them; and
+by refusing to indict the perpetrators, or, if they were indicted, by
+combining to secure their acquittal, and rejoicing in it, have
+publicly adopted these felonies as their own. All these things they
+can believe without hesitation, and that they have even been done by
+their own acquaintances, neighbors, relatives; perhaps those with whom
+they interchange courtesies, those for whom they <i>vote</i>, or to whose
+<i>salaries they contribute</i>&mdash;but yet, oh! they can never believe that
+slaveholders inflict cruelties upon their slaves!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_i"></a>
+They can give full credence to the kidnapping, imprisonment, and
+deliberate murder of WILLIAM MORGAN, and that by men of high standing
+in society; they can believe that this deed was aided and abetted, and
+the murderers screened from justice, by a large number of influential
+persons, who were virtually accomplices, either before or after the
+fact; and that this combination was so effectual, as successfully to
+defy and triumph over the combined powers of the government;&mdash;yet
+that those who constantly rob men of their time, liberty, and wages,
+and all their <i>rights</i>, should rob them of bits of flesh, and
+occasionally of a tooth, make their backs bleed, and put fetters on
+their legs, is too monstrous to be credited! Further these same
+persons, who 'can't believe' that slaveholders are so iron-hearted as
+to ill-treat their slaves, believe that the very <i>elite</i> of these
+slaveholders, those most highly esteemed and honored among them, are
+continually daring each other to mortal conflict, and in the presence
+of mutual friends, taking deadly aim at each other's hearts, with
+settled purpose to <i>kill</i>, if possible. That among the most
+distinguished governors of slave states, among their most celebrated
+judges, senators, and representatives in Congress, there is hardly
+<i>one</i>, who has not either killed, or tried to kill, or aided and
+abetted his friends in trying to kill, one or more individuals. That
+pistols, dirks, bowie knives, or other instruments of death are
+generally carried throughout the slave states&mdash;and that deadly affrays
+with them, in the streets of their cities and villages, are matters of
+daily occurrence; that the sons of slaveholders in southern colleges,
+bully, threaten, and fire upon their teachers, and their teachers upon
+them; that during the last summer, in the most celebrated seat of
+science and literature in the south, the University of Virginia, the
+professors were attacked by more than seventy armed students, and, in
+the words of a Virginia paper, were obliged 'to conceal themselves
+from their fury;' also that almost all the riots and violence that
+occur in northern colleges, are produced by the turbulence and lawless
+passions of southern students. That such are the furious passions of
+slaveholders, no considerations of personal respect, none for the
+proprieties of life, none for the honor of our national legislature,
+none for the character of our country abroad, can restrain the
+slaveholding members of Congress from the most disgraceful personal
+encounters on the floor of our nation's legislature&mdash;smiting their
+fists in each other's faces, throttling and even <i>kicking</i> and trying
+to <i>gouge</i> each other&mdash;that during the session of the Congress just
+closed, no less than six slaveholders, taking fire at words spoken in
+debate, have either rushed at each other's throats, or kicked, or
+struck, or attempted to knock each other down; and that in all these
+instances, they would doubtless have killed each other, if their
+friends had not separated them. Further, they know full well, these
+were not insignificant, vulgar blackguards, elected because they were
+the head bullies and bottle-holders in a boxing ring, or because their
+constituents went drunk to the ballot box; but they were some of the
+most conspicuous members of the House&mdash;one of them a former speaker.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_j"></a>
+Our newspapers are full of these and similar daily occurrences among
+slaveholders, copied verbatim from their own accounts of them in their
+own papers and all this we fully credit; no man is simpleton enough to
+cry out 'Oh, I can't believe that slaveholders do such things;'&mdash;and
+yet when we turn to the treatment which these men mete out to their
+<i>slaves</i>, and show that they are in the habitual practice of striking,
+kicking, knocking down and shooting <i>them</i> as well as each other&mdash;the
+look of blank incredulity that comes over northern dough-faces, is a
+study for a painter: and then the sentimental outcry, with eyes and
+hands uplifted, 'Oh, indeed, I can't believe the slaveholders are so
+cruel to their slaves.' Most amiable and touching charity! Truly, of
+<a name="OBJECT_1_k"></a>
+all Yankee notions and free state products, there is nothing like a
+'<i>dough face</i>'&mdash;the great northern staple for the southern
+market&mdash;'made to order,' in any quantity, and <i>always on hand</i>. 'Dough
+faces!' Thanks to a slaveholder's contempt for the name, with its
+immortality of truth, infamy and scorn.[<a name="rnote10-19"></a><a href="#note10-19">19</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-19"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-19">19</a>: "<i>Doe</i> face," which owes its paternity to John Randolph,
+age has mellowed into "<i>dough</i> face"&mdash;a cognomen quite as expressive
+and appropriate, if not as classical.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_l"></a>
+Though the people of the free states affect to disbelieve the
+cruelties perpetrated upon the slaves, yet slaveholders believe <i>each
+other</i> guilty of them, and speak of them with the utmost freedom. If
+slaveholders disbelieve any statement of cruelty inflicted upon a
+slave, it is not on account of its <i>enormity</i>. The traveler at the
+south will hear in Delaware, and in all parts of Maryland and
+Virginia, from the lips of slaveholders, statements of the most
+horrible cruelties suffered by the slaves <i>farther</i> south, in the
+Carolinas and Georgia; when he finds himself in those states he will
+hear similar accounts about the treatment of the slaves in <i>Florida</i>
+and <i>Louisiana</i>; and in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee he will hear
+of the tragedies enacted on the plantations in Arkansas, Alabama and
+Mississippi. Since Anti-Slavery Societies have been in operation, and
+slaveholders have found themselves on trial before the world, and put
+upon their good behavior, northern slaveholders have grown cautious,
+and now often substitute denials and set defences, for the voluntary
+testimony about cruelty in the far south, which, before that period,
+was given with entire freedom. Still, however, occasionally the 'truth
+will out,' as the reader will see by the following testimony of an
+East Tennessee newspaper, in which, speaking of the droves of slaves
+taken from the upper country to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, etc.,
+<a name="OBJECT_1_m"></a>
+the editor says, they are 'traveling to a region where their condition
+through time WILL BE SECOND ONLY TO THAT OF THE WRETCHED CREATURES IN
+HELL.' See "Maryville Intelligencer," of Oct, 4, 1835. Distant
+cruelties and cruelties <i>long past</i>, have been till recently, favorite
+topics with slaveholders. They have not only been ready to acknowledge
+that their <i>fathers</i> have exercised great cruelty toward their slaves,
+but have voluntarily, in their official acts, made proclamation of it
+<a name="OBJECT_1_n"></a>
+and entered it on their public records. The Legislature of North
+Carolina, in 1798, branded the successive legislatures of that state
+for more than thirty years previous, with the infamy of treatment
+towards their slaves, which they pronounce to be 'disgraceful to
+humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and
+principles of a free, Christian, and enlightened country.' This
+treatment was the enactment and perpetuation of a most barbarous and
+cruel law.
+</p>
+<p>
+But enough. As the objector can and does believe all the preceeding
+facts, if he still '<i>can't</i> believe' as to the cruelties of
+slaveholders, it would be barbarous to tantalize his incapacity either
+with evidence or argument. Let him have the benefit of the act in such
+case made and provided.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_o"></a>
+Having shown that the incredulity of the objector respecting the
+cruelty inflicted upon the slaves, is discreditable to his
+consistency, we now proceed to show that it is equally so to his
+<i>intelligence</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Whoever disbelieves the foregoing statements of cruelties, on the
+ground of their enormity, proclaims his own ignorance of the nature
+and history of man. What! incredulous about the atrocities perpetrated
+by those who hold human beings as property, to be used for their
+pleasure, when history herself has done little else in recording human
+deeds, than to dip her blank chart in the blood shed by arbitrary
+power, and unfold to human gaze the great red scroll? That cruelty is
+the natural effect of arbitrary power, has been the result of all
+experience, and the voice of universal testimony since the world
+began. Shall human nature's axioms, six thousand years old, go for
+nothing? Are the combined product of human experience, and the
+concurrent records of human character, to be set down as 'old wives'
+fables?' To disbelieve that arbitrary power naturally and habitually
+perpetrates cruelties, where it can do it with impunity, is not only
+ignorance of man, but of <i>things</i>. It is to be blind to innumerable
+proofs which are before every man's eyes; proofs that are stereotyped
+in the very words and phrases that are on every one's lips. Take for
+example the words <i>despot</i> and <i>despotic</i>. Despot, signifies
+etymologically, merely one who <i>possesses</i> arbitrary power, and at
+first, it was used to designate those alone who <i>possessed</i> unlimited
+power over human beings, entirely irrespective of the way in which
+they exercised it, whether mercifully or cruelly. But the fact, that
+those who possessed such power, made their subjects their <i>victims</i>,
+has wrought a total change in the popular meaning of the word. It now
+signifies, in common parlance, not one who <i>possesses</i> unlimited power
+over others, but one who exercises the power that he has, whether
+little or much, <i>cruelly</i>. So <i>despotic</i>, instead of meaning what it
+once did, something pertaining to the <i>possession</i> of unlimited power,
+signifies something pertaining to the <i>capricious, unmerciful and
+relentless exercise</i> of such power.
+</p>
+<p>
+The word tyrant, is another example&mdash;formerly it implied merely a
+<i>possession</i> of arbitrary power, but from the invariable abuse of such
+power by its possessors, the proper and entire meaning of the word is
+lost, and it now signifies merely one who <i>exercises power to the
+injury of others</i>. The words tyrannical and tyranny follow the same
+analogy. So the word arbitrary; which formerly implied that which
+pertains to the will of one, independently of others; but from the
+fact that those who had no restraint upon their wills, were invariably
+capricious, unreasonable and oppressive, these words convey accurately
+the present sense of <i>arbitrary</i>, when applied to a person.
+</p>
+<p>
+How can the objector persist in disbelieving that cruelty is the
+natural effect of arbitrary power, when the very words of every day,
+rise up on his lips in testimony against him&mdash;words which once
+signified the <i>mere possession</i> of arbitrary power, but have lost
+their meaning, and now signify merely its cruel <i>exercise</i>; because
+such a use of it has been proved by the experience of the world, to be
+inseparable from its <i>possession</i>&mdash;words now frigid with horror, and
+never used even by the objector without feeling a cold chill run over
+him.
+</p>
+<p>
+Arbitrary power is to the mind what alcohol is to the body; it
+intoxicates. Man loves power. It is perhaps the strongest human
+passion; and the more absolute the power, the stronger the desire for
+it; and the more it is desired, the more its exercise is enjoyed: this
+enjoyment is to human nature a fearful temptation,&mdash;generally an
+overmatch for it. Hence it is true, with hardly an exception, that
+arbitrary power is abused in proportion as it is <i>desired</i>. The fact
+that a person intensely desires power over others, <i>without
+restraint</i>, shows the absolute necessity of restraint. What woman
+would marry a man who made it a condition that he should have the
+power to divorce her whenever he pleased? Oh! he might never wish to
+exercise it, but the <i>power</i> he would have! No woman, not stark mad,
+would trust her happiness in such hands.
+</p>
+<p>
+Would a father apprentice his son to a master, who insisted that his
+power over the lad should be <i>absolute</i>? The master might perhaps,
+never wish to commit a battery upon the boy, but if he should, he
+insists upon having full swing! He who would leave his son in the,
+clutches of such a wretch, would be bled and blistered for a lunatic
+as soon as his friends could get their hands upon him.
+</p>
+<p>
+The possession of power, even when greatly restrained, is such a fiery
+stimulant, that its lodgement in human hands is always perilous. Give
+men the handling of immense sums of money, and all the eyes of Argus
+and the hands of Briarcus can hardly prevent embezzlement.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_p"></a>
+The mutual and ceaseless accusations of the two great political
+parties in this country, show the universal belief that this tendency
+of human nature to abuse power, is so strong, that even the most
+powerful legal restraints are insufficient for its safe custody. From
+congress and state legislatures down to grog-shop caucuses and street
+wranglings, each party keeps up an incessant din about <i>abuses of
+power</i>. Hardly an officer, either of the general or state governments,
+from the President down to the ten thousand postmasters, and from
+governors to the fifty thousand constables, escapes the charge of
+'<i>abuse of power</i>.' 'Oppression,' 'Extortion,' 'Venality,' 'Bribery,'
+'Corruption,' 'Perjury,' 'Misrule,' 'Spoils,' 'Defalcation,' stand on
+every newspaper. Now without any estimate of the lies told in these
+mutual charges, there is truth enough to make each party ready to
+believe of the other, and <i>of their best men too,</i> any abuse of power,
+however monstrous. As is the State, so is the Church. From General
+Conferences to circuit preachers; and from General Assemblies to
+church sessions, abuses of power spring up as weeds from the dunghill.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_q"></a>
+All legal restraints are framed upon the presumption, that men will
+abuse their power if not hemmed in by them. This lies at the bottom of
+all those checks and balances contrived for keeping governments upon
+their centres. If there is among human convictions one that is
+invariable and universal, it is, that when men possess unrestrained
+power over others, over their time, choice, conscience, persons,
+votes, or means of subsistence, they are under great temptations to
+abuse it; and that the intensity with which such power is desired,
+generally measures the certainty and the degree of its abuse.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_r"></a>
+That American slaveholders possess a power over their slaves which is
+virtually absolute, none will deny.[<a name="rnote10-20"></a><a href="#note10-20">20</a>] That they <i>desire</i> this
+absolute power, is shown from the fact of their holding and exercising
+it, and making laws to confirm and enlarge it. That the desire to
+possess this power, every tittle of it, is <i>intense</i>, is proved by the
+fact, that slaveholders cling to it with such obstinate tenacity, as
+well as by all their doings and sayings, their threats, cursings and
+gnashings against all who denounce the exercise of such power as
+usurpation and outrage, and counsel its immediate abrogation.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-20"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-20">20</a>: The following extracts from the laws of slave-states are
+proofs sufficient.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"The slave is ENTIRELY subject to the WILL of his master."&mdash;Louisiana
+Civil Code, Art. 273.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to
+be <i>chattels personal</i>, in the hands of their owner and possessors,
+and their executors, administrators and assigns, TO ALL INTENTS,
+CONSTRUCTIONS, AND PURPOSES, WHATSOEVER."&mdash;Laws of South Carolina, 2
+Brev. Dig. 229; Prince's Digest, 446, &amp;c.]
+</p>
+<p>
+From the nature of the case&mdash;from the laws of mind, such power, so
+intensely desired, griped with such a death-clutch, and with such
+fierce spurnings of all curtailment or restraint, <i>cannot but be
+abused</i>. Privations and inflictions must be its natural, habitual
+products, with ever and anon, terror, torture, and despair let loose
+to do their worst upon the helpless victims.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_s"></a>
+Though power over others is in every case liable to be used to their
+injury, yet, in almost all cases, the subject individual is shielded
+from great outrages by strong safeguards. If he have talents, or
+learning, or wealth, or office, or personal respectability, or
+influential friends, these, with the protection of law and the rights
+of citizenship, stand round him as a body guard: and even if he lacked
+all these, yet, had he the same color, features, form, dialect,
+habits, and associations with the privileged caste of society, he
+would find in <i>them</i> a shield from many injuries, which would be
+<i>invited,</i> if in these respects he differed widely from the rest of
+the community, and was on that account regarded with disgust and
+aversion. This is the condition of the slave; not only is he deprived
+of the artificial safeguards of the law, but has none of those
+<i>natural</i> safeguards enumerated above, which are a protection to
+others. But not only is the slave destitute of those peculiarities,
+habits, tastes, and acquisitions, which by assimilating the possessor
+to the rest of the community, excite their interest in him, and thus,
+in a measure, secure for him their protection; but he possesses those
+peculiarities of bodily organization which are looked upon with deep
+disgust, contempt, prejudice, and aversion. Besides this, constant
+contact with the ignorance and stupidity of the slaves, their filth,
+rags, and nakedness; their cowering air, servile employments,
+repulsive food, and squalid hovels, their purchase and sale, and use
+as brutes&mdash;all these associations, constantly mingling and circulating
+in the minds of slaveholders, and inveterated by the hourly
+irritations which must assail all who use human beings as things,
+produce in them a permanent state of feeling toward the slave, made up
+of repulsion and settled ill-will. When we add to this the corrosions
+produced by the petty thefts of slaves, the necessity of constant
+watching, their reluctant service, and indifference to their master's
+interests, their ill concealed aversion to him, and spurning of his
+<a name="OBJECT_1_t"></a>
+authority; and finally, that fact, as old as human nature, that men
+always hate those whom they oppress, and oppress those whom they hate,
+thus oppression and hatred mutually begetting and perpetuating each
+other&mdash;and we have a raging compound of fiery elements and disturbing
+forces, so stimulating and inflaming the mind of the slaveholder
+against the slave, that <i>it cannot but break forth upon him with
+desolating fury</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_u"></a>
+To deny that cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform product of
+arbitrary power, and that the natural and controlling tendency of such
+power is to make its possessor cruel, oppressive, and revengeful
+towards those who are subjected to his control, is, we repeat, to set
+at nought the combined experience of the human race, to invalidate its
+testimony, and to reverse its decisions from time immemorial.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_v"></a>
+A volume might be filled with the testimony of American slaveholders
+alone, to the truth of the preceding position. We subjoin a few
+illustrations, and first, the memorable declaration of President
+Jefferson, who lived and died a slaveholder. It has been published a
+thousand times, and will live forever. In his "Notes on Virginia,"
+sixth Philadelphia edition, p. 251, he says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The WHOLE COMMERCE between master and slave, is a PERPETUAL EXERCISE
+of the most <i>boisterous passions</i>, the most unremitting DESPOTISM on
+the one part, and degrading submission on the other.... The parent
+<i>storms</i>, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of <i>wrath</i>, puts
+on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, GIVES LOOSE TO THE
+WORST OF PASSIONS; and thus <i>nursed, educated, and daily exercised in
+tyranny,</i> cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. Lewis Summers, Judge of the General Court of Virginia, and a
+slaveholder, said in a speech before the Virginia legislature in 1832;
+(see Richmond Whig of Jan. 26, 1832,)
+</p>
+<p>
+"A slave population exercises <i>the most pernicious influence</i> upon the
+manners, habits and character, of those among whom it exists. Lisping
+infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the
+<i>embryo tyrant</i> of its little domain. The consciousness of superior
+destiny takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and love
+of power and rule, 'grows with his growth, and strengthens with his
+strength.' Unless enabled to rise above the operation of those
+powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of
+self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_w"></a>
+The late JUDGE TUCKER of Virginia, a slaveholder, and Professor of Law
+in the University of William and Mary, in his "Letter to a Member of
+the Virginia Legislature," 1801, says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our <i>moral
+character</i>, because I know you have been long sensible of this point."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_x"></a>
+The Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, consisting of
+all the clergy of that denomination in those states, with a lay
+representation from the churches, most, if not all of whom are
+slaveholders, published a report on slavery in 1834, from which the
+following is an extract.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Those only who have the management of servants, know what the
+<i>hardening effect</i> of it is upon <i>their own feelings towards them</i>.
+There is no necessity to dwell on this point, as all <i>owners</i> and
+<i>managers</i> fully understand it. He who commences to manage them with
+tenderness and with a willingness to favor them in every way, must be
+watchful, otherwise he will settle down in <i>indifference, if not
+severity</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_y"></a>
+GENERAL WILLIAM H. HARRISON, now of Ohio, son of the late Governor
+Harrison of Virginia, a slaveholder, while minister from the United
+States to the Republic of Colombia, wrote a letter to General Simon
+Bolivar, then President of that Republic, just as he was about
+assuming despotic power. The letter is dated Bogota, Sept. 22, 1826.
+The following is an extract.
+</p>
+<p>
+"From a knowledge of your own disposition and present feelings, your
+excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be
+brought to an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with
+unnecessary rigor. But trust me, sir, there is nothing more
+corrupting, nothing more <i>destructive of the noblest and finest
+feelings of our nature than the exercise of unlimited power</i>. The man,
+who in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of
+taking away the life of a fellow-being, might soon have his conscience
+so seared by the repetition of crime, that the agonies of his murdered
+victims might become music to his soul, and the drippings of the
+scaffold afford blood to swim in. History is full of such excesses."
+</p>
+<p>
+WILLIAM H. FITZHUGH, Esq. of Virginia, a slaveholder, says,&mdash;"Slavery,
+in its mildest form, is cruel and unnatural; <i>its injurious effects on
+our morals and habits are mutually felt."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+HON. SAMUEL S. NICHOLAS, late Judge of the Court of Appeals of
+Kentucky, and a slaveholder, in a speech before the legislature of
+that state, Jan. 1837, says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The deliberate convictions of the most matured consideration I can
+give the subject, are, that the institution of slavery is a <i>most
+serious injury to the habits, manners and morals</i> of our white
+population&mdash;that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice."
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. THOMAS COOPER, late President of the College of South Carolina, in
+a note to his edition of the "Institutes of Justinian" page 413,
+says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"All absolute power has a direct tendency, not only to detract from
+the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to DEPRAVE THE
+GOOD QUALITIES of those who possess it ... the whole history of human
+nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying
+that <i>such is the tendency of power</i> on the one hand and slavery on
+the other."
+</p>
+<p>
+A South Carolina slaveholder, whose name is with the executive
+committee of the Am. A.S. Society, says, in a letter, dated April 4,
+1838:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I think it (slavery) <i>ruinous to the temper</i> and to our spiritual
+life; it is a thorn in the flesh, for ever and for ever goading us on
+to say and to do what the Eternal God cannot but be displeased with. I
+speak from experience, and oh! my desire is to be delivered from it."
+</p>
+<p>
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, who was a resident of Louisiana from 1802 to
+1806, published a work on that country; in which, speaking of the
+effect of slaveholding on masters and their children, he says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The young creoles make the negroes who surround them the play-things
+of their whims: they flog, for pastime, those of their own age, just
+as their fathers flog others at their will. These young creoles,
+arrived at the age in which the passions are impetuous, do not <i>know
+how to bear contradiction</i>; they will have every thing done which they
+command, <i>possible or not</i>; and in default of this, they avenge their
+offended pride by multiplied punishments."
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791,
+said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"For such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it
+<i>destroys every humane principle</i>, vitiates the mind, instills ideas
+of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of
+government."&mdash;<i>Buchanan's Oration</i>, p. 12.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_z"></a>
+President EDWARDS the younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, in 1791, page 8, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness, and a <i>domineering
+spirit</i> and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their
+children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been
+bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting
+such a habit of haughtiness and domination as will express itself in
+his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or
+in any office, civil or military, with which he may be invested."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_Aa"></a>
+The celebrated MONTESQUIEU, in his "Spirit of the Laws," thus
+describes the effect of slaveholding upon the master:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The master contracts all sorts of bad habits; and becomes <i>haughty,
+passionate, obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_Ba"></a>
+WILBERFORCE, in his speech at the anniversary of the London
+Anti-Slavery Society, in March, 1828, said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is <i>utterly impossible</i> that they who live in the administration
+of the petty despotism of a slave community, whose minds have been
+<i>warped</i> and <i>polluted</i> by that contamination, should not <i>lose that
+respect</i> for their fellow creatures over whom they tyrannize, which is
+essential in the nature and moral being of man, to rescue them from
+the abuse of power over their prostrate fellow creatures."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_Ca"></a>
+In the great debate, in the British Parliament, on the African
+slave-trade, Mr. WHITBREAD said:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Arbitrary power would spoil the hearts of the best."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_1_Da"></a>
+But we need not multiply proofs to establish our position: it is
+sustained by the concurrent testimony of sages, philosophers, poets,
+statesmen, and moralists, in every period of the world; and who can
+marvel that those in all ages who have wisely pondered men and things,
+should be unanimous in such testimony, when the history of arbitrary
+power has come down to us from the beginning of time, struggling
+through heaps of slain, and trailing her parchments in blood.
+</p>
+<p>
+Time would fail to begin with the first despot and track down the
+carnage step by step. All nations, all ages, all climes crowd forward
+as witnesses, with their scars, and wounds, and dying agonies.
+</p>
+<p>
+But to survey a multitude bewilders; let us look at a single nation.
+We instance Rome; both because its history is more generally known,
+and because it furnishes a larger proportion of instances, in which
+arbitrary power was exercised with comparative mildness, than any
+other nation ancient or modern. And yet, her whole existence was a
+tragedy, every actor was an executioner, the curtain rose amidst
+shrieks and fell upon corpses, and the only shifting of the scenes was
+from blood to blood. The whole world stood aghast, as under sentence
+of death, awaiting execution, and all nations and tongues were driven,
+with her own citizens, as sheep to the slaughter. Of her seven kings,
+her hundreds of consuls, tribunes, decemvirs, and dictators, and her
+fifty emperors, there is hardly one whose name has come down to us
+unstained by horrible abuses of power; and that too, notwithstanding
+we have mere shreds of the history of many of them, owing to their
+antiquity, or to the perturbed times in which they lived; and these
+shreds gathered from the records of their own partial countrymen, who
+wrote and sung their praises. What does this prove? Not that the
+Romans were worse than other men, nor that their rulers were worse
+than other Romans, for history does not furnish nobler models of
+natural character than many of those same rulers, when first invested
+with arbitrary power. Neither was it mainly because the martial
+enterprise of the earlier Romans and the gross sensuality of the
+later, hardened their hearts to human suffering. In both periods of
+Roman history, and in both these classes, we find men, the keen
+sympathies, generosity, and benevolence of whose general character
+embalmed their names in the grateful memories of multitudes. <i>They
+were human beings, and possessed power without restraint</i>&mdash;this
+unravels the mystery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Trajan, of his moderation, his
+clemency, his gashing sympathies, his forgiveness of injuries and
+forgetfulness of self, his tearing in pieces his own robe, to furnish
+bandages for the wounded&mdash;called by the whole world in his day, "the
+best emperor of Rome;" and so affectionately regarded by his subjects,
+that, ever afterwards, in blessing his successors upon their accession
+to power, they always said, "May you have the virtue and goodness of
+Trajan!" yet the deadly conflicts of gladiators who were trained to
+kill each other, to make sport for the spectators, furnished his chief
+pastime. At one time he kept up those spectacles for 123 days in
+succession. In the tortures which he inflicted on Christians, fire
+and poison, daggers and dungeons, wild beasts and serpents, and the
+rack, did their worst. He threw into the sea, Clemens, the venerable
+bishop of Rome, with an anchor about his neck; and tossed to the
+famished lions in the amphitheatre the aged Ignatius.
+</p>
+<p>
+Pliny the younger, who was proconsul under Trajan, may well be
+mentioned in connection with the emperor, as a striking illustration
+of the truth, that goodness and amiableness towards one class of men
+is often turned into cruelty towards another. History can hardly show
+a more gentle and lovely character than Pliny. While pleading at the
+bar, he always sought out the grievances of the poorest and most
+despised persons, entered into their wrongs with his whole soul, and
+never took a fee. Who can read his admirable letters without being
+touched by their tenderness and warmed by their benignity and
+philanthropy: and yet, this tender-hearted Pliny coolly plied with
+excruciating torture two spotless females, who had served as
+deaconesses in the Christian church, hoping to extort from them matter
+of accusation against the Christians. He commanded Christians to
+abjure their faith, invoke the gods, pour out libations to the statues
+of the emperor, burn incense to idols, and curse Christ. If they
+refused, he ordered them to execution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Titus&mdash;so beloved for his mild
+virtues and compassionate regard for the suffering, that he was named
+"The Delight of Mankind;" so tender of the lives of his subjects that
+he took the office of high priest, that his hands might never be
+defiled with blood; and was heard to declare, with tears, that he had
+rather die than put another to death. So intent upon making others
+happy, that when once about to retire to sleep, and not being able to
+recall any particular act of beneficence performed during the day, he
+cried out in anguish, "Alas! I have lost a day!"  And, finally, whom
+the learned Kennet, in his Roman Antiquities, characterizes as "the
+only prince in the world that has the character of <i>never doing an ill
+action</i>."  Yet, witnessing the mortal combats of the captives taken to
+war, killing each other in the amphitheatre, amidst the acclamations
+of the populace, was a favorite amusement with Titus. At one time he
+exhibited shows of gladiators, which lasted one hundred days, during
+which the amphitheatre was flooded with human blood. At another of
+his public exhibitions he caused five thousand wild beasts to be
+baited in the amphitheatre. During the siege of Jerusalem, he set
+ambushes to seize the famishing Jews, who stole out of the city by
+night to glean food in the valleys: these he would first dreadfully
+scourge, then torment them with all conceivable tortures, and, at
+last, crucify them before the wall of the city. According to
+Josephus, not less than five hundred a day were thus tormented. And
+when many of the Jews, frantic with famine, deserted to the Romans,
+Titus cut off their hands and drove them back. After the destruction
+of Jerusalem, he dragged to Rome one hundred thousand captives, sold
+them as slaves, and scattered them through every province of the
+empire.
+</p>
+<p>
+The kindness, condescension, and forbearance of Adrian were
+proverbial; he was one of the most eloquent orators of his age; and
+when pleading the cause of injured innocence, would melt and overwhelm
+the auditors by the pathos of his appeals. It was his constant maxim,
+that he was an Emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of
+his fellow creatures. He stooped to relieve the wants of the meanest
+of his subjects, and would peril his life by visiting them when sick
+of infectious diseases; he prohibited, by law, masters from killing
+their slaves, gave to slaves legal trial, and exempted them from
+torture; yet towards certain individuals and classes, he showed
+himself a monster of cruelty. He prided himself on his knowledge of
+architecture, and ordered to execution the most celebrated architect
+of Rome, because he had criticised one of the Emperor's designs. He
+banished all the Jews from their native land, and drove them to the
+ends of the earth; and unloosed the bloodhounds of persecution to rend
+in pieces his Christian subjects.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleness and benignity of the Emperor Aurelius, have been
+celebrated in story and song. History says of him, 'Nothing could
+quench his desire of being a blessing to mankind;' and Pope's eulogy
+of him is in the mouth of every schoolboy&mdash;'Like good Aurelius, let
+him reign;' and yet, '<i>good</i> Aurelius,' lifted the flood gates of the
+fourth, and one of the most terrible persecutions against Christians
+that ever raged. He sent orders into different parts of his empire,
+to have the Christians murdered who would not deny Christ. The
+blameless Polycarp, trembling under the weight of a hundred years, was
+dragged to the stake and burned to ashes. Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons,
+at the age of ninety, was dragged through the streets, beaten, stoned,
+trampled upon by the soldiers, and left to perish. Tender virgins
+were put into nets, and thrown to infuriated wild bulls; others were
+fastened in red hot iron chairs; and venerable matrons were thrown to
+be devoured by dogs.
+</p>
+<p>
+Constantine the Great has been the admiration of Christendom for his
+virtues. The early Christian writers adorn his justice, benevolence
+and piety with the most exalted eulogy. He was baptized, and admitted
+to the Christian church. He abrogated Paganism, and made Christianity
+the religion of his empire; he attended the councils of the early
+fathers of the church, consulted with the bishops, and devoted himself
+with the most untiring zeal to the propagation of Christianity, and to
+the promotion of peace and love among its professors; he convened the
+Council of Nice, to settle disputes which had long distracted the
+church, appeared in the assembly with admirable modesty and temper,
+moderated the heats of the contending parties, implored them to
+exercise mutual forbearance, and exhorted them to love unfeigned, to
+forgive one another, as they hoped to be forgiven by Christ. Who would
+not think it uncharitable to accuse such a man of barbarity in the
+exercise of power?&mdash;and yet he drove Arius and his associates into
+banishment, for opinion's sake, denounced death against all with whom
+his books should afterwards be found, and prohibited, on pain of
+death, the exercise, however peaceably, of the functions of any other
+religion than Christianity. In a fit of jealousy and rage, he ordered
+his innocent son, Crispus, to execution, without granting him a
+hearing; and upon finding him innocent, killed his own wife, who had
+falsely accused him.
+</p>
+<p>
+To the preceding maybe added Theodosius the Great, the last Roman
+emperor before the division of the empire. He was a member of the
+Christian church, and in his zeal against paganism, and what he deemed
+heresy, surpassed all who were before him. The Christian writers of
+his time speak of him as a most illustrious model of justice,
+generosity, magnanimity, benevolence, and every virtue. And yet
+Theodosius denounced capital punishments against those who held
+'heretical' opinions, and commanded inter-marriage between cousins to
+be punished by burning the parties alive. On hearing that the people
+of Antioch had demolished the statues set up in that city, in honor of
+himself, and had threatened the governor, he flew into a transport of
+fury, ordered the city to be laid in ashes, and all the inhabitants to
+be slaughtered; and upon hearing of a resistance to his authority in
+Thessalonica, in which one of his lieutenants was killed, he instantly
+ordered a <i>general massacre</i> of the inhabitants; and in obedience to
+his command, seven thousand men, women and children were butchered in
+the space of three hours.
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing are a few of many instances in the history of Rome, and
+of a countless multitude in the history of the world, illustrating the
+truth, that the lodgement of arbitrary power, in the best human hands,
+is always a fearfully perilous experiment; that the mildest tempers,
+the most humane and benevolent dispositions, the most blameless and
+conscientious previous life, with the most rigorous habits of justice,
+are no security, that, in a moment of temptation, the possessors of
+such power will not make their subjects their victims; illustrating
+also the truth, that, while men may exhibit nothing but honor,
+honesty, mildness, justice, and generosity, in their intercourse with
+those of their own grade, or language, or nation, or hue, they may
+practice towards others, for whom they have contempt and aversion, the
+most revolting meanness, perpetrate robbery unceasingly, and inflict
+the severest privations, and the most barbarous cruelties. But this is
+not all: history is full of examples, showing not only the effects of
+arbitrary power on its victims, but its terrible reaction on those who
+exercise it; blunting their sympathies, and hardening to adamant their
+hearts toward <i>them</i>, at least, if not toward the human race
+generally. This is shown in the fact, that almost every tyrant in the
+history of the world, has entered upon the exercise of absolute power
+with comparative moderation; multitudes of them with marked
+forbearance and mildness, and not a few with the most signal
+condescension, magnanimity, gentleness and compassion. Among these
+last are included those who afterwards became the bloodiest monsters
+that ever cursed the earth. Of the Roman Emperors, almost every one of
+whom perpetrated the most barbarous atrocities, Vitellius seems to
+have been the only one who cruelly exercised his power from the
+<i>outset</i>. Most of the other emperors, sprung up into fiends in the
+hot-bed of arbitrary power. If they had not been plied with its fiery
+stimulants, but had lived under the legal restraints of other men,
+instead of going to the grave under the curses of their generation,
+multitudes might have called them blessed.
+</p>
+<p>
+The moderation which has generally distinguished absolute monarchs at
+the commencement of their reigns, was doubtless in some cases assumed
+from policy; in the greater number, however, as is manifest from their
+history, it has been the natural workings of minds held in check by
+previous associations, and not yet hardened into habits of cruelty, by
+being accustomed to the exercise of power without restraint. But as
+those associations have weakened, and the wielding of uncontrolled
+sway has become a habit, like other evil doers, they have, in the
+expressive language of Scripture, 'waxed worse and worse.'
+</p>
+<p>
+For eighteen hundred years an involuntary shudder has run over the
+human race, at the mention of the name of Nero; yet, at the
+commencement of his reign, he burst into tears when called upon to
+sign the death-warrant of a criminal, and exclaimed, 'Oh, that I had
+never learned to write!' His mildness and magnanimity won the
+affections of his subjects; and it was not till the poison of absolute
+power had worked within his nature for years, that it swelled him into
+a monster.
+</p>
+<p>
+Tiberius, Claudius, and Caligula, began the exercise of their power
+with singular forbearance, and each grew into a prodigy of cruelty. So
+averse was Caligula to bloodshed, that he refused to look at a list of
+conspirators against his own life, which was handed to him; yet
+afterwards, a more cruel wretch never wielded a sceptre. In his thirst
+for slaughter, he wished all the necks in Rome <i>one</i>, that he might
+cut them off at a blow.
+</p>
+<p>
+Domitian, at the commencement of his reign, carried his abhorrence of
+cruelty to such lengths, that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen, and
+would sit whole days on the judgment-seat, reversing the unjust
+decisions of corrupt judges; yet afterwards, he surpassed even Nero in
+cruelty. The latter was content to torture and kill by proxy, and
+without being a spectator; but Domitian could not be denied the luxury
+of seeing his victims writhe, and hearing them shriek; and often with
+his own hand directed the instrument of torture, especially when some
+illustrious senator or patrician was to be killed by piece-meal.
+Commodus began with gentleness and condescension, but soon became a
+terror and a scourge, outstripping in his atrocities most of his
+predecessors. Maximin too, was just and generous when first invested
+with power, but afterwards rioted in slaughter with the relish of a
+fiend. History has well said of this monarch, 'the change in his
+disposition may readily serve to show how dangerous a thing is power,
+that could transform a person of such rigid virtues into such a
+monster.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Instances almost innumerable might be furnished in the history of
+every age, illustrating the blunting of sympathies, and the total
+transformation of character wrought in individuals by the exercise of
+arbitrary power. Not to detain the reader with long details, let a
+single instance suffice.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps no man has lived in modern times, whose name excites such
+horror as that of Robespierre. Yet it is notorious that he was
+naturally of a benevolent disposition, and tender sympathies.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Before the revolution, when as a judge in his native city of Arras he
+had to pronounce judgment on an assassin, he took no food for two days
+afterwards, but was heard frequently exclaiming, 'I am sure he was
+guilty; he is a villain; but yet, to put a human being to death!!' He
+could not support the idea; and that the same necessity might not
+recur, he relinquished his judicial office.&mdash;(See Laponneray's Life of
+Robespierre, p. 8.) Afterwards, in the Convention of 1791, he urged
+strongly the abolition of the punishment of death; and yet, for
+sixteen months, in 1793 and 1794, till he perished himself by the same
+guillotine which he had so mercilessly used on others, no one at Paris
+consigned and caused so many fellow-creatures to be put to death by
+it, with more ruthless insensibility."&mdash;<i>Turner's Sacred history of
+the World</i>, vol. 2 p. 119.
+</p>
+<p>
+But it is time we had done with the objection, "such cruelties are
+INCREDIBLE." If the objector still reiterates it, he shall have the
+last word without farther molestation.
+</p>
+<p>
+An objection kindred to the preceding now claims notice. It is the
+profound induction that slaves <i>must</i> be well treated because
+<i>slaveholders say they are</i>!
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_2"></a>
+OBJECTION. II.&mdash;'SLAVEHOLDERS PROTEST THAT THEY TREAT THEIR SLAVES
+WELL.'
+</div>
+<p>
+Self-justification is human nature; self-condemnation is a sublime
+triumph over it, and as rare as sublime. What culprits would be
+convicted, if their own testimony were taken by juries as good
+evidence? Slaveholders are on trial, charged with cruel treatment to
+their slaves, and though in their own courts they can clear themselves
+<i>by their own oaths</i>,[<a name="rnote10-21"></a><a href="#note10-21">21</a>] they need not think to do it at the bar of
+the world. The denial of crimes, by men accused of them, goes for
+nothing as evidence in all <i>civilized</i> courts; while the voluntary
+confession of them, is the best evidence possible, as it is testimony
+<i>against themselves</i>, and in the face of the strongest motives to
+conceal the truth. On the preceding pages, are hundreds of just such
+testimonies; the voluntary and explicit testimony of slaveholders
+against themselves, their families and ancestors, their constituents
+and their rulers; against their characters and their memories; against
+their justice, their honesty, their honor and their benevolence. Now
+let candor decide between those two classes of slaveholders, which is
+most entitled to credit; that which testifies in its own favor, just
+as self-love would dictate, or that which testifies against all
+selfish motives and in spite of them; and though it has nothing to
+gain, but every thing to lose by such testimony, still utters it.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-21"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-21">21</a>: The law of which the following is an extract, exists in
+South Carolina. "If any slave shall suffer in life, limb or member,
+when no white person shall be present, or being present, shall refuse
+to give evidence, the owner or other person, who shall have the care
+of such slave, and in whose power such slave shall be, shall be deemed
+guilty of such offence, <i>unless</i> such owner or other person shall make
+the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall BY HIS
+OWN OATH CLEAR AND EXCULPATE HIMSELF. Which oath every court where
+such offence shall be tried, is hereby compared to administer, and to
+<i>acquit the offender</i>, if clear proof of the offence be not made by
+<i>two</i> witnesses at least."&mdash;2 Brevard's Digest, 242. The state of
+Louisiana has a similar law.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_2_a"></a>
+But if there were no counter testimony, if all slaveholders were
+unanimous in the declaration that the treatment of the slaves is
+<i>good</i>, such a declaration would not be entitled to a feather's weight
+as testimony; it is not <i>testimony</i> but <i>opinion</i>. Testimony respects
+matters of <i>fact</i>, not matters of opinion: it is the declaration of a
+witness as to <i>facts</i>, not the giving of an opinion as to the nature
+or qualities of actions, or the <i>character</i> of a course of conduct.
+Slaveholders organize themselves into a tribunal to adjudicate upon
+their own conduct, and give us in their decisions, their estimate of
+their own character; informing us with characteristic modesty, that
+they have a high opinion of themselves; that in their own judgment
+they are very mild, kind, and merciful gentlemen! In these conceptions
+of their own merits, and of the eminent propriety of their bearing
+towards their slaves, slaveholders remind us of the Spaniard, who
+always took off his hat whenever he spoke of himself, and of the
+Governor of Schiraz, who, from a sense of justice to his own character
+added to his other titles, those of, 'Flower of Courtesy,' 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' and 'Rose of Delight.'
+</p>
+<p>
+The <i>sincerity</i> of those worthies, no one calls in question; their
+real notions of their own merits doubtless ascended into the sublime:
+but for aught that appears, they had not the arrogance to demand that
+their own notions of their personal excellence, should be taken as the
+<i>proof</i> of it. Not so with our slaveholders. Not content with offering
+incense at the shrine of their own virtues, they have the effrontery
+to demand, that the rest of the world shall offer it, because <i>they</i>
+do; and shall implicitly believe the presiding divinity to be a good
+Spirit rather than a Devil, because <i>they</i> call him so! In other
+words, since slaveholders profoundly appreciate their own gentle
+dispositions toward their slaves, and their kind treatment of them,
+and everywhere protest that they do truly show forth these rare
+excellencies, they demand that the rest of the world shall not only
+believe that they <i>think</i> so, but that they think <i>rightly</i>; that
+these notions of themselves are <i>true</i>, that their taking off their
+hats to themselves proves them worthy of homage, and that their
+assumption of the titles of, 'Flower of Kindness,' and 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' is conclusive evidence that they deserve such
+appellations!
+</p>
+<p>
+Was there ever a more ridiculous doctrine, than that a man's opinion
+of his own actions is the true standard for measuring them, and the
+certificate of their real qualities!&mdash;that his own estimate of his
+treatment of others; is to be taken as the true one, and such
+treatment be set down as <i>good</i> treatment upon the strength of his
+judgment. He who argues the good treatment of the slave, from the
+slaveholder's <i>good opinion</i> of such treatment, not only argues
+against human nature and all history, his own common sense, and even
+the testimony of his senses, but refutes his own arguments by his
+daily practice. Every body acts on the presumption that men's feelings
+will vary with their <i>practices</i>; that the light in which they view
+individuals and classes, and their feelings towards them, will modify
+their opinions of the treatment which they receive. In any case of
+treatment that affects himself, his church, or his political party, no
+man so stultifies himself as to argue that such treatment must be
+good, because the <i>author</i> of it thinks so.
+</p>
+<p>
+Who would argue that the American Colonies were well treated by the
+mother country, because parliament thought so? Or that Poland was well
+treated by Russia, because Nicholas thought so? Or that the treatment
+of the Cherokees by Georgia is proved good by Georgia notions of it?
+Or that of the Greeks by the Turks, by Turkish opinions of it? Or that
+of the Jews by almost all nations, by the judgment of their
+persecutors? Or that of the victims of the Inquisition, by the
+opinions of the Inquisitor general, or of the Pope and his cardinals?
+Or that of the Quakers and Baptists, at the hands of the Puritans,&mdash;to
+be judged of by the opinions of the legislatures that authorized, and
+the courts that carried it into effect. All those classes of persons
+did not, in their own opinion, abuse their victims. If charged with
+perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon them, all those oppressors would
+have repelled the charge with indignation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Our slaveholders chime lustily the same song, and no man with human
+nature within him, and human history before him, and with sense enough
+to keep him out of the fire, will be gulled by such professions,
+unless his itch to be humbugged has put on the type of a downright
+chronic incurable. We repeat it&mdash;when men speak of the treatment of
+others as being either good or bad, their declarations are not
+generally to be taken as testimony to matters of <i>fact</i>, so much as
+expressions of <i>their own feelings</i> towards those persons or classes
+who are the subjects of such treatment. If those persons are their
+fellow citizens; if they are in the same class of society with
+themselves; of the same language, creed, and color; similar in their
+habits, pursuits, and sympathies; they will keenly feel any wrong done
+to them, and denounce it as base, outrageous treatment; but let the
+same wrongs be done to persons of a condition in all respects the
+reverse, persons whom they habitually despise, and regard only in the
+light of mere conveniences, to be used for their pleasure, and the
+idea that such treatment is barbarous will be laughed at as
+ridiculous. When we hear slaveholders say that their slaves are <i>well
+treated</i>, we have only to remember that they are not speaking of
+<i>persons</i>, but of <i>property</i>; not of men and women, but of <i>chattels</i>
+and <i>things</i>; not of friends but of <i>vassals</i> and <i>victims</i>; not of
+those whom they respect and honor, but of those whom they <i>scorn</i> and
+trample on; not of those with whom they sympathize, and co-operate,
+and interchange courtesies, but of those whom they regard with
+contempt and aversion and disdainfully set with the dogs of their
+<a name="OBJECT_2_b"></a>
+flock. Reader, keep this fact in your mind, and you will have a clue
+to the slaveholder's definition of "<i>good treatment</i>." Remember also,
+that a part of this "good treatment" of which the slaveholders boast,
+is plundering the slaves of all their inalienable rights, of the
+ownership of their own bodies, of the use of their own limbs and
+muscles, of all their time, liberty, and earnings, of the free
+exercise of choice, of the rights of marriage and parental authority,
+of legal protection, of the right to be, to do, to go, to stay, to
+think, to feel, to work, to rest, to eat, to sleep, to learn, to
+teach, to earn money, and to expend it, to visit, and to be visited,
+to speak, to be silent, to worship according to conscience, in fine,
+their right to be protected by just and equal laws, and to be
+<i>amenable to such only</i>. Of <i>all these rights the slaves are
+plundered</i>; and this is a <i>part</i> of that "good treatment" of which
+their plunderers boast! What then is the <i>rest</i> of it? The above is
+enough for a sample, at least a specimen-brick from the kiln. Reader,
+we ask you no questions, but merely tell you what <i>you know</i>, when we
+say that men and women who can habitually do such things to human
+beings, <i>can do</i> ANY THING <i>to them</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The declarations of slaveholders, that they treat their slaves well,
+will put no man in a quandary, who keeps in mind this simple
+principle, that the state of mind towards others, which leads one to
+inflict cruelties on them <i>blinds the inflicter to the real nature of
+his own acts</i>. To him, they do not <i>seem</i> to be cruelties;
+consequently, when speaking of such treatment toward such persons, he
+will protest that it is not cruelty; though if inflicted upon himself
+or his friends, he would indignantly stigmatize it as atrocious
+barbarity. The objector equally overlooks another every-day fact of
+human nature, which is this, that cruelties invariably cease to <i>seem</i>
+cruelties when the <i>habit</i> is formed though previously the mind
+regarded them as such, and shrunk from them with horror.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following fact, related by the late lamented THOMAS PRINGLE, whose
+Life and Poems have published in England, is an appropriate
+illustration. Mr. Pringle states it on the authority of Captain W.F.
+Owen, of the Royal Navy.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"When his Majesty's ships, the Leven and the Barracouta, employed in
+surveying the coast of Africa, were at Mozambique, in 1823, the
+officers were introduced to the family of Senor Manuel Pedro
+d'Almeydra, a native of Portugal, who was a considerable merchant
+settled on that coast; and it was an opinion agreed in by all, that
+Donna Sophia d'Almeydra was the most superior woman they had seen
+since they left England. Captain Owen, the leader of the expedition,
+expressing to Senor d'Almeydra his detestation of slavery, the Senor
+replied, 'You will not be long here before you change your sentiments.
+Look at my Sophia there. Before she would marry me, she made me
+promise that I should give up the slave trade. When we first settled
+at Mozambique, she was continually interceding for the slaves, and she
+<i>constantly wept when I punished them</i>; and now she is among the
+slaves front morning to night; she regulates the whole of my slave
+establishment; she inquires into every offence committed by them,
+pronounces sentence upon the offender, and <i>stands by and sees them
+punished</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"To this, Mr. Pringle, who was himself for six years a resident of the
+English settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, adds, 'The writer of this
+article has seen, in the course of five or six years, as great a
+change upon English ladies and gentleman of respectability, as that
+described to have taken place in Donna Sophia d'Almeydra; and one of
+the individuals whom he has in his eye, while he writes this passage,
+lately confessed to him this melancholy change, remarking at the same
+time, 'how altered I am in my feelings with regard to slavery. I do
+not appear to myself the same person I was on my arrival in this
+colony, and if I would give the world for the feelings I then had, I
+could not recall them.'"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Slaveholders know full well that familiarity with slavery produces
+indifference to its cruelties and reconciles the mind to them. The
+late Judge Tucker, a Virginia slaveholder and professor of law in the
+University of William and Mary, in the appendix to his edition of
+Blackstone's Commentaries, part 2, pp. 56, 57, commenting on the law
+of Virginia previous to 1792, which outlawed fugitive slaves, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Such are the cruelties to which slavery gives rise, such the horrors
+to which the mind becomes <i>reconciled</i> by its adoption."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following facts from the pen of CHARLES STUART, happily illustrate
+the same principle:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"A young lady, the daughter of a Jamaica planter, was sent at an early
+age to school to England, and after completing her education, returned
+to her native country.
+</p>
+<p>
+"She is now settled with her husband and family in England. I visited
+her near Bath, early last spring, (1834.) Conversing on the above
+subject, the paralyzing effects of slaveholding on the heart, she
+said:
+</p>
+<p>
+"'While at school in England, I often thought with peculiar tenderness
+of the kindness of a slave who had nursed and carried me about. Upon
+returning to my father's, one of my first inquiries was about him. I
+was deeply afflicted to find that he was on the point of undergoing a
+"law flogging for having run away." I threw myself at my father's feet
+and implored with tears, his pardon; but my father steadily replied,
+that it would ruin the discipline of the plantation, and that the
+punishment must take place. I wept in vain, and retired so grieved and
+disgusted, that for some days after, I could scarcely bear with
+patience, the sight of my own father. But many months had not elapsed
+ere <i>I was as ready as any body</i> to seize the domestic whip, <i>and flog
+my slaves without hesitation</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"This lady is one of the most Christian and noble minds of my
+acquaintance. She and her husband distinguished themselves several
+years ago, in Jamaica, by immediately emancipating their slaves."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"A lady, now in the West Indies, was sent in her infancy, to her
+friends, near Belfast, in Ireland, for education. She remained under
+their charge from five to fifteen years of age, and grew up every
+thing which her friends could wish. At fifteen, she returned to the
+West Indies&mdash;was married&mdash;and after some years paid her friends near
+Belfast, a second visit. Towards white people, she was the same
+elegant, and interesting woman as before; apparently full of every
+virtuous and tender feeling; but towards the colored people she was
+like a tigress. If Wilberforce's name was mentioned, she would say,
+'Oh, I wish we had the wretch in the West Indies, I would be one of
+the first to help to tear his heart out!'&mdash;and then she would tell of
+the manner in which the West Indian ladies used to treat their slaves.
+'I have often,' she said, 'when my women have displeased me, snatched
+their baby from their bosom, and running with it to a well, have tied
+my shawl round its shoulders and pretended to be drowning it: oh, it
+was so funny to hear the mother's screams!'&mdash;and then she laughed
+almost convulsively at the recollection."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Mr. JOHN M. NELSON, a native of Virginia, whose testimony is on a
+preceding page, furnishes a striking illustration of the principle in
+his own case. He says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to see
+one tied up to be whipped, and I used to intercede <i>with tears in
+their behalf</i>, and <i>mingle my cries with theirs</i>, and feel almost
+willing to take part of the punishment. Yet such is the hardening
+nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the
+suffering slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness
+their stripes with composure, but <i>myself</i> inflict them, and that
+without remorse. When I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age,
+I undertook to correct a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed
+offence, I think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he
+being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held
+me, in order to prevent my striking him; this I considered the height
+of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came
+running to my rescue. My father stripped and tied him, and took him
+into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip
+him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. After I had
+whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and
+I kicked him in the face; my father said, 'don't kick him but whip
+him,' this I did until his back was literally covered with <i>welts</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, now elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkes-barre, Penn. after describing the flogging
+of a slave, in which his hands were tied together, and the slave
+hoisted by a rope, so that his feet could not touch the ground; in
+which condition one hundred lashes were inflicted, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I stood by and witnessed the whole without feeling the least
+compassion; so <i>hardening</i> is the influence of slavery that it <i>very
+much destroys feeling for the slave</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mrs. CHILD, in her admirable "Appeal," has the following remarks:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The ladies who remove from the free States into the slaveholding ones
+almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first
+exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and
+after a while, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the
+ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive
+servants. This reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance,
+who is considered an unusually fervent Christian. Yet Christianity
+expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. This shows how
+dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become <i>accustomed</i> to
+what is wrong.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of
+her relatives, who married a slave owner, and removed to his
+plantation. The lady in question was considered very amiable, and had
+a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. After several years
+residence among her slaves, she visited New England. 'Her history was
+written in her face,' said my friend; 'its expression had changed into
+that of a fiend. She brought but few slaves with her; and those few
+were of course compelled to perform additional labor. One faithful
+negro woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing,
+ironing, and scouring. If, after a sleepless night with the restless
+babes, (driven from the bosom of their mother,) she performed her
+toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her
+own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood
+resounded with the cries of her victim. The instrument of punishment
+was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her
+New England visitors. 'For my part,' continued my friend, 'I did not
+try to be polite to her; for I was not hypocrite enough to conceal my
+indignation.'"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The fact that the greatest cruelties may be exercised quite
+unconsciously when cruelty has become a habit, and that at the same
+time, the mind may feel great sympathy and commiseration towards other
+persons and even towards irrational animals, is illustrated in the
+case of Tameriane the Great. In his Life, written by himself, he
+speaks with the greatest sincerity and tenderness of his grief at
+having accidentally crushed an ant; and yet he ordered melted lead to
+be poured down the throats of certain persons who drank wine contrary
+to his commands. He was manifestly sincere in thinking himself humane,
+and when speaking of the most atrocious cruelties perpetrated by
+himself, it does not seem to ruffle in the least the self-complacency
+with which he regards his own humanity and piety. In one place he
+says, "I never undertook anything but I commenced it placing my faith
+on God"&mdash;and he adds soon after, "the people of Shiraz took part with
+Shah Mansur, and put my governor to death; I therefore ordered <i>a
+general massacre of all the inhabitants</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+It is one of the most common caprices of human nature, for the heart
+to become by habit, not only totally insensible to certain forms of
+cruelty, which at first gave it inexpressible pain, but even to find
+its chief amusement in such cruelties, till utterly intoxicated by
+their stimulation; while at the same time the mind seems to be pained
+as keenly as ever, at forms of cruelty to which it has not become
+accustomed, thus retaining <i>apparently</i> the same general
+susceptibilities. Illustrations of this are to be found every where;
+one happens to lie before us. Bourgoing, in his history of modern
+Spain, speaking of the bull fights, the barbarous national amusement
+of the Spaniards, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Young ladies, old men, people of all ages and of all characters are
+present, and yet the habit of attending these bloody festivals does
+not correct their weakness or their timidity, nor injure the sweetness
+of their manners. I have moreover known foreigners, distinguished by
+the gentleness of their manners, who experienced at first seeing a
+bull-fight such very violent emotions as made them turn pale, and they
+became ill; but, notwithstanding, this entertainment became afterwards
+an irresistible attraction, without operating any revolution in their
+characters." Modern State of Spain, by J.F. Bourgoing, Minister
+Plenipotentiary from France to the Court of Madrid, Vol ii., page 342.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_2_c"></a>
+It is the <i>novelty</i> of cruelty, rather than the <i>degree</i>, which repels
+most minds. Cruelty in a <i>new</i> form, however slight, will often pain a
+mind that is totally unmoved by the most horrible cruelties in a form
+to which it is <i>accustomed</i>. When Pompey was at the zenith of his
+popularity in Rome, he ordered some elephants to be tortured in the
+amphitheatre for the amusement of the populace; this was the first
+time they had witnessed the torture of those animals, and though for
+years accustomed to witness in the same place, the torture of lions,
+tigers, leopards, and almost all sorts of wild beasts, as well as that
+of men of all nations, and to shout acclamations over their agonies,
+yet, this <i>novel form</i> of cruelty so shocked the beholders, that the
+most popular man in Rome was execrated as a cruel monster, and came
+near falling a victim to the fury of those who just before were ready
+to adore him.
+</p>
+<p>
+We will now briefly notice another objection, somewhat akin to the
+preceding, and based mainly upon the same and similar fallacies.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_3"></a>
+OBJECTION III.&mdash;'SLAVEHOLDERS ARE PROVERBIAL FOR THEIR KINDNESS,
+HOSPITALITY, BENEVOLENCE, AND GENEROSITY.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Multitudes scout as fictions the cruelties inflicted upon slaves,
+because slaveholders are famed for their courtesy and hospitality.
+They tell us that their generous and kind attentions to their guests,
+and their well-known sympathy for the suffering, sufficiently prove
+the charges of cruelty brought against them to be calumnies, of which
+their uniform character is a triumphant refutation.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_3_a"></a>
+Now that slaveholders are proverbially hospitable to their guests, and
+spare neither pains nor expense in ministering to their accommodation
+and pleasure, is freely admitted and easily accounted for. That those
+who make their inferiors work for them, without pay, should be
+courteous and hospitable to those of their equals and superiors whose
+good opinions they desire, is human nature in its every-day dress. The
+objection consists of a fact and an inference: the fact, that
+slaveholders have a special care to the accommodation of their
+<i>guests;</i> the inference, that therefore they must seek the comfort of
+their <i>slaves</i>&mdash;that as they are bland and obliging to their equals,
+they must be mild and condescending to their inferiors&mdash;that as the
+wrongs of their own grade excite their indignation, and their woes
+move their sympathies, they must be touched by those of their
+chattels&mdash;that as they are full of pains-taking toward those whose
+good opinions and good offices they seek, they will, of course, show
+special attention to those to whose good opinions they are
+indifferent, and whose good offices they can <i>compel</i>&mdash;that as they
+honor the literary and scientific, they must treat with high
+consideration those to whom they deny the alphabet&mdash;that as they are
+courteous to certain <i>persons</i>, they must be so to "property"&mdash;eager
+to anticipate the wishes of visitors, they cannot but gratify those of
+their vassals&mdash;jealous for the rights of the Texans, quick to feel at
+the disfranchisement of Canadians and of Irishmen, alive to the
+oppressions of the Greeks and the Poles, they must feel keenly for
+their <i>negroes!</i> Such conclusions from such premises do not call for
+serious refutation. Even a half-grown boy, who should argue, that
+because men have certain feelings toward certain persons in certain
+circumstances, they must have the same feelings toward all persons in
+all circumstances, or toward persons in opposite circumstances, of
+totally different grades, habits, and personal peculiarities, might
+fairly be set down as a hopeless simpleton: and yet, men of sense and
+reflection on other subjects, seem bent upon stultifying themselves by
+just such shallow inferences from the fact, that slaveholders are
+hospitable and generous to certain persons in certain grades of
+society belonging to their own caste. On the ground of this reasoning,
+all the crimes ever committed may be disproved, by showing, that their
+perpetrators were hospitable and generous to those who sympathized and
+co-operated with them. To prove that a man does not hate one of his
+neighbors, it is only necessary to show that he loves another; to make
+it appear that he does not treat contemptuously the ignorant, he has
+only to show that he bows respectfully to the learned; to demonstrate
+that he does not disdain his inferiors, lord it over his dependents,
+and grind the faces of the poor, he need only show that he is polite
+to the rich, pays deference to titles and office, and fawns for favor
+upon those above him! The fact that a man always smiles on his
+customers, proves that he never scowls at those who dun him! and since
+he has always a melodious "good morning!" for "gentlemen of property
+and standing," it is certain that he never snarls at beggars. He who
+is quick to make room for a doctor of divinity, will, of course, see
+to it that he never runs against a porter; and he who clears the way
+for a lady, will be sure never to rub against a market woman, or
+jostle an apple-seller's board. If accused of beating down his
+laundress to the lowest fraction, of making his boot-black call a
+dozen times for his pay, of higgling and screwing a fish boy till he
+takes off two cents, or of threatening to discharge his seamstress
+unless she will work for a shilling a day, how easy to brand it all as
+slander, by showing that he pays his minister in advance, is generous
+in Christmas presents, gives a splendid new-year's party, expends
+hundreds on elections, and puts his name with a round sum on the
+subscription paper of the missionary society.
+</p>
+<p>
+Who can forget the hospitality of King Herod, that model of generosity
+"beyond all ancient fame," who offered half his kingdom to a guest, as
+a compensation for an hour's amusement.&mdash;Could such a noble spirit
+have murdered John the Baptist? Incredible! Joab too! how his soft
+heart was pierced at the exile of Absalom! and how his bowels yearned
+to restore him to his home! Of course, it is all fiction about his
+assassinating his nephew, Amasa, and Abner the captain of the host!
+Since David twice spared the life of Saul when he came to murder him,
+wept on the neck of Jonathan, threw himself upon the ground in anguish
+when his child sickened, and bewailed, with a broken heart, the loss
+of Absalom&mdash;it proves that he did not coolly plot and deliberately
+consummate the murder of Uriah! As the Government of the United States
+generously gave a township of land to General La Fayette, it proves
+<a name="OBJECT_3_b"></a>
+that they have never defrauded the Indians of theirs! So the fact,
+that the slaveholders of the present Congress are, to a man, favorable
+to recognizing the independence of Texas, with her fifty or sixty
+thousand inhabitants, <i>before she has achieved it</i>, and before it is
+recognized by any other government, proves that these same
+slaveholders do <i>not oppose</i> the recognition of Hayti, with her
+million of inhabitants, whose independence was achieved nearly half a
+century ago, and which is recognized by the most powerful governments
+on earth!
+</p>
+<p>
+But, seriously, no man is so slightly versed in human nature as not to
+know that men habitually exercise the most opposite feelings, and
+indulge in the most opposite practices toward different persons or
+different classes of persons around them. No man has ever lived who
+was more celebrated for his scrupulous observance of the most exact
+justice, and for the illustration furnished in his life of the noblest
+natural virtues, than the Roman Cato. His strict adherence to the
+nicest rules of equity&mdash;his integrity, honor, and incorruptible
+faith&mdash;his jealous watchfulness over the rights of his fellow
+citizens, and his generous devotion to their interest, procured for
+him the sublime appellation of "The Just." Towards <i>freemen</i> his life
+was a model of every thing just and noble: but to his slaves he was a
+monster. At his meals, when the dishes were not done to his liking, or
+when his slaves were careless or inattentive in serving, he would
+seize a thong and violently beat them, in presence of his guests.&mdash;When
+they grew old or diseased, and were no longer serviceable,
+however long and faithfully they might have served him, he either
+turned them adrift and left them to perish, or starved them to death
+in his own family. No facts in his history are better authenticated
+than these.
+</p>
+<p>
+No people were ever more hospitable and munificent than the Romans,
+and none more touched with the sufferings of others. Their public
+theatres often rung with loud weeping, thousands sobbing convulsively
+at once over fictitious woes and imaginary sufferers: and yet these
+same multitudes would shout amidst the groans of a thousand dying
+gladiators, forced by their conquerors to kill each other in the
+amphitheatre for the <i>amusement</i> of the public.[<a name="rnote10-22"></a><a href="#note10-22">22</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-22"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-22">22</a>: Dr. Leland, in his "Necessity of a Divine Revelation,"
+thus describes the prevalence of these shows among the Romans:&mdash;"They
+were exhibited at the funerals of great and rich men, and on many
+other occasions, by the Roman consuls, praetors, aediles, senators,
+knights, priests, and almost all that bore great offices in the state,
+as well as by the emperors; and in general, by all that had a mind to
+make an interest with the people, who were extravagantly fond of those
+kinds of shows. Not only the men, but the women, ran eagerly after
+them; who were, by the prevalence of custom, so far divested of that
+compassion and softness which is natural to the sex, that they took a
+pleasure in seeing them kill one another, and only desired that they
+should fall genteelly, and in an agreeable attitude. Such was the
+frequency of those shows, and so great the number of men that were
+killed on those occasions, that Lipsius says, no war caused such
+slaughter of mankind, as did these sports of pleasure, throughout the
+several provinces of the vast Roman empire."&mdash;<i>Leland's Neces. of Div.
+Rev.</i> vol. ii. p. 51.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Alexander, the tyrant of Phaeres, sobbed like a child over the
+misfortunes of the Trojan queens, when the tragedy of Andromache and
+Hecuba was played before him; yet he used to murder his subjects every
+day for no crime, and without even setting up the pretence of any, but
+merely <i>to make himself sport</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The fact that slaveholders may be full of benevolence and kindness
+toward their equals and toward whites generally, even so much so as to
+attract the esteem and admiration of all, while they treat with the
+most inhuman neglect their own slaves, is well illustrated by a
+circumstance mentioned by the Rev. Dr. CHANNING, of Boston, (who once
+lived in Virginia,) is his work on slavery, p. 162, 1st edition:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I cannot," says the doctor, "forget my feelings on visiting a
+hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman <i>highly esteemed
+for his virtues</i>, and whose manners and conversation expressed much
+<i>benevolence</i> and <i>conscientiousness</i>. When I entered with him the
+hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman very
+ill, probably approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her
+head rested on something like a pillow, but her body and limbs were
+extended on the hard boards. The owner, I doubt not, had, at least, as
+much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living
+without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present
+instance did not enter his mind."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y. who resided some years in Virginia, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"On one occasion I was crossing the plantation and approaching the
+house of a friend, when I met him, <i>rifle in hand</i>, in pursuit of one
+of his negroes, declaring he would shoot him in a moment if he got his
+eye upon him. It appeared that the slave had refused to be flogged,
+and ran off to avoid the consequences; <i>and yet the generous
+hospitality of this man to myself, and white friends generally,
+scarcely knew any bounds.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"There were amongst my slaveholding friends and acquaintances, persons
+who were as <i>humane</i> and <i>conscientious</i> as men can be, and persist in
+the impious claim of <i>property</i> in a fellow being. Still I can
+recollect but <i>one instance</i> of corporal punishment, whether the
+subject were male or female, in which the infliction was not on the
+<i>bare back</i> with the <i>raw hide</i>, or a similar instrument, the subject
+being <i>tied</i> during the operation to a post or tree. The <i>exception</i>
+was under the following circumstances. I had taken a walk with a
+friend on his plantation, and approaching his gang of slaves, I sat
+down whilst he proceeded to the spot where they were at work; and
+addressing himself somewhat earnestly to a female who was wielding the
+hoe, in a moment caught up what I supposed a <i>tobacco stick</i>, (a stick
+some three feet in length on which the tobacco, when out, is suspended
+to dry.) about the size of a <i>man's wrist</i>, and laid on a number of
+blows furiously over her head. The woman crouched, and seemed stunned
+with the blows, but presently recommenced the motion of her hoe."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, a native of Tennessee, and late president of Marion
+College, Missouri, in a lecture at Northampton, Mass. in January,
+1839, made the following statement:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I remember a young lady who played well on the piano, and was very
+ready to weep over any fictitious tale of suffering. I was present
+when one of her slaves lay on the floor in a high fever, and we feared
+she might not recover. I saw that young lady <i>stamp upon her with her
+feet;</i> and the only remark her mother made was, 'I am afraid Evelina
+is too <i>much</i> prejudiced against poor Mary.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+General WILLIAM EATON, for some years U.S. Consul at Tunis, and
+commander of the expedition against Tripoli, in 1895, thus gives vent
+to his feelings at the sight of many hundreds of Sardinians who had
+been enslaved by the Tunisians:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less
+tolerable than death. Alas! remorse seizes my whole soul when I
+reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which
+<i>my eyes have seen</i> in my own native country. <i>How frequently</i>, in the
+southern states of my own country, have I seen <i>weeping mothers</i>
+leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as <i>deep anguish</i> as if
+they led them to the slaughter; and <i>yet felt my bosom tranquil</i> in
+the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. But when I see
+the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood
+claim kindred with my own, <i>I curse the perpetrators, and weep over
+the wretched victims of their rapacity.</i> Indeed, truth and justice
+demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the
+barbarians of Africa are treated with more humanity than the African
+slaves among professing Christians of civilized America; and yet
+<i>here</i> [in Tunis] sensibility <i>bleeds at every pore</i> for the wretches
+whom fate has doomed to slavery."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the free Presbyterian Church, Buffalo,
+N.Y. who spent the winter of 1832-3 at the south, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"In the interior of Mississippi I was invited to the house of a
+planter, where I was received with great cordiality, and entertained
+with marked hospitality.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There I saw a master in the midst of his household slaves. The
+evening passed most pleasantly, as indeed it must, where assiduous
+hospitalities are exercised towards the guest.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Late in the morning, when I had gained the tardy consent of my host
+to go on my way, as a final act of kindness, he called a slave to show
+me across the fields by a nearer route to the main road. 'David,' said
+he, 'go and show this gentleman as far as the post-office. Do you know
+the big bay tree?' 'Yes, sir.' 'Do you know where the cotton mill is?'
+'Yes, sir.' 'Where Squire Malcolm's old field is?' 'Y&mdash;e&mdash;s, sir,'
+said David, (beginning to be bewildered). 'Do you know where Squire
+Malcolm's cotton field is?' 'No, sir.' 'No, sir,' said the enraged
+master, <i>levelling his gun at him</i>. 'What do you stand here, saying,
+Yes, yes, yes, for, when you don't know?' All this was accompanied
+with <i>threats</i> and <i>imprecations</i>, and a manner that contrasted
+strangely with the <i>religious conversation and gentle manners</i> of the
+previous evening."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The Rev. JAMES H. DICKEY, formerly a slaveholder in South Carolina,
+now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Hennepin, Ill. in his "Review
+of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities," after asserting that slaveholding
+tends to beget "a spirit of cruelty and tyranny, and to destroy every
+generous and noble feeling," (page 33,) he adds the following as a
+note:&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"It may be that this will be considered censorious, and the proverbial
+generosity and hospitality of the south will be appealed to as a full
+confutation of it. The writer thinks he can appreciate southern
+kindness and hospitality. Having been born in Virginia, raised and
+educated in South Carolina and Kentucky, he is altogether southern in
+his feelings, and habits, and modes of familiar conversation. He can
+say of the south as Cowper said of England, 'With all thy faults I
+love thee still, my country.' And nothing but the abominations of
+slavery could have induced him willingly to forsake a land endeared to
+him by all the associations of childhood and youth.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_3_c"></a>
+"Yet it is candid to admit that it is not all gold that glitters.
+There is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. The famous Robin Hood
+was kind and generous&mdash;no man more hospitable&mdash;he robbed the rich to
+supply the necessities of the poor. Others rob the poor to bestow
+gifts and lavish kindness and hospitality on their rich friends and
+neighbors. It is an easy matter for a man to appear kind and generous,
+when he bestows that which others have earned.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I said, there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. I once knew a
+man who left his wife and children three days, without fire-wood,
+without bread-stuff and without shoes, while the ground was covered
+with snow&mdash;that he might indulge in his cups. And when I attempted to
+expostulate with him, he took the subject out of my hands, and
+expatiating on the evils of intemperance more eloquently than I could,
+concluded by warning me, <i>with tears</i>, to avoid the snares of the
+latter. He had tender feelings, yet a hard heart. I once knew a young
+lady of polished manners and accomplished education, who would weep
+with sympathy over the fictitious woes exhibited in a novel. And
+waking from her reverie of grief, while her eye was yet wet with
+tears, would call her little waiter, and if she did not appear at the
+first call, would rap her head with her thimble till my head ached.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I knew a man who was famed for kindly sympathies. He once took off
+his shirt and gave it to a poor white man. The same man hired a black
+man, and gave him for his <i>daily task</i>, through the winter, to feed
+the beasts, keep fires, and make one hundred rails: and in case of
+failure the lash was applied so freely, that, in the spring, his back
+was <i>one continued sore, from his shoulders to his waist</i>. Yet this
+man was a professor of religion, and famous for his tender sympathies
+to white men!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_4"></a>
+OBJECTION IV.&mdash;'NORTHERN VISITORS AT THE SOUTH TESTIFY THAT THE SLAVES
+ARE NOT CRUELLY TREATED.'
+</p>
+<p>
+ANSWER:&mdash;Their knowledge on this point must have been derived, either
+from the slaveholders and overseers themselves, or from the slaves, or
+from their own observation. If from the slaveholders, <i>their</i>
+testimony has already been weighed and found wanting; if they derived
+it from the slaves, they can hardly be so simple as to suppose that
+the <i>guest, associate and friend of the master</i>, would be likely to
+draw from his <i>slaves</i> any other testimony respecting his treatment of
+them, than such as would please <i>him</i>. The great shrewdness and tact
+exhibited by slaves in <i>keeping themselves out of difficulty</i>, when
+close questioned by strangers as to their treatment, cannot fail to
+<a name="OBJECT_4_a"></a>
+strike every accurate observer. The following remarks of CHIEF JUSTICE
+HENDERSON, a North Carolina slaveholder, in his decision (in 1830,) in
+the case of the State <i>versus</i> Charity, 2 Devereaux's North Carolina
+Reports, 513, illustrate the folly of arguing the good treatment of
+slaves from their own declarations, <i>while in the power of their
+masters</i>. In the case above cited, the Chief Justice, in refusing to
+permit a master to give in evidence, declarations made to him by his
+slave, says of masters and slaves generally&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The master has an almost <i>absolute control</i> over the body and <i>mind</i>
+of his slave. The master's <i>will</i> is the slave's <i>will</i>. All his acts,
+<i>all his sayings</i>, are made with a view to propitiate his master. His
+confessions are made, not from a love of truth, not from a sense of
+duty, not to speak a falsehood, but to <i>please his master</i>&mdash;and it is
+in vain that his master tells him to speak the truth and conceals from
+him how he wishes the question answered. The slave <i>will</i> ascertain,
+or, which is the same thing, think that he has ascertained <i>the wishes
+of his master,</i> and MOULD HIS ANSWER ACCORDINGLY. We therefore more
+often get the wishes of the master, or the slave's belief of his
+wishes, than the truth."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following extract of a letter from the Hon. SETH M. GATES, member
+elect of the next Congress, furnishes a clue by which to interpret the
+looks, actions, and protestations of slaves, when in the presence of
+their masters' guests, and the pains sometimes taken by slaveholders,
+in teaching their slaves the art of <i>pretending</i> that they are treated
+well, love their masters, are happy, &amp;c. The letter is dated Leroy,
+Jan. 4, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have sent your letter to Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Castile, Genesee
+county, who resided five years in a slave state, and left, disgusted
+with slavery. I trust he will give you some facts. I remember one
+fact, which his wife witnessed. A relative, where she boarded,
+returning to his plantation after a temporary absence, was not met by
+his servants with such demonstrations of joy as was their wont. He
+ordered his horse put out, took down his whip, ordered his servants to
+the barn, and gave them a most cruel beating, because they did not run
+out to meet him, and pretend great attachment to him. Mrs. Sadd had
+overheard the servants agreeing not to go out, before his return, as
+they said <i>they did not love him</i>&mdash;and this led her to watch his
+conduct to them. This man was a professor of religion!"
+</p>
+<p>
+If these northern visitors derived their information that the slaves
+are <i>not</i> cruelly treated from <i>their own observation</i>, it amounts to
+this, <i>they did not see</i> cruelties inflicted on the slaves. To which
+we reply, that the preceding pages contain testimony from hundreds of
+witnesses, who testify that they <i>did see</i> the cruelties whereof they
+affirm. Besides this, they contain the solemn declarations of scores
+of slaveholders themselves, in all parts of the slave states, that the
+slaves are cruelly treated. These declarations are moreover fully
+corroborated, by the laws of slave states, by a multitude of
+advertisements in their newspapers, describing runaway slaves, by
+their scars, brands, gashes, maimings, cropped ears, iron collars,
+chains, &amp;c. &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+Truly, after the foregoing array of facts and testimony, and after the
+objectors' forces have one after another filed off before them, now to
+march up a phalanx of northern <i>visitors</i>, is to beat a retreat.
+'Visitors!' What insight do casual visitors get into the tempers and
+daily practices of those whom they visit, or of the treatment that
+their slaves receive at their hands, especially if these visitors are
+strangers, and from a region where there are no slaves, and which
+claims to be opposed to slavery? What opportunity has a stranger, and
+a temporary guest, to learn the every-day habits and caprices of his
+host? Oh, these northern visitors tell us they have visited scores of
+families at the south and never saw a master or mistress whip their
+slaves. Indeed! They have, doubtless, visited hundreds of families at
+the north&mdash;did they ever see, on such occasions, the father or mother
+whip their children? If so, they must associate with very ill-bred
+persons. Because well-bred parents do not whip their children in the
+presence, or within the hearing of their guests are we to infer that
+they never do it <i>out</i> of their sight and hearing? But perhaps the
+fact that these visitors do not <i>remember</i> seeing slaveholders strike
+their slaves, merely proves, that they had so little feeling for them,
+that though they might be struck every day in their presence, yet as
+they were only slaves and 'niggers,' it produced no effect upon them;
+consequently they have no impressions to recall. These visitors have
+also doubtless <i>rode</i> with scores of slaveholders. Are they quite
+certain they ever saw them whip their <i>horses</i>? and can they recall
+the persons, times, places, and circumstances? But even if these
+visitors regarded the slaves with some kind feelings, when they first
+went to the south, yet being constantly with their oppressors, seeing
+them used as articles of property, accustomed to hear them charged
+with all kinds of misdemeanors, their ears filled with complaints of
+their laziness, carelessness, insolence, obstinacy, stupidity, thefts,
+elopements, &amp;c. and at the same time, receiving themselves the most
+gratifying attentions and caresses from the same persons, who, while
+they make to them these representations of their slaves, are giving
+them airings in their coaches, making parties for them, taking them on
+excursions of pleasure, lavishing upon them their choicest
+hospitalities, and urging them to protract indefinitely their
+stay&mdash;what more natural than for the flattered guest to admire such
+hospitable people, catch their spirit, and fully sympathize with their
+feelings toward their slaves, regarding with increased disgust and
+aversion those who can habitually tease and worry such loveliness and
+generosity[<a name="rnote10-23"></a><a href="#note10-23">23</a>]. After the visitor had been in contact with the
+slave-holding spirit long enough to have imbibed it, (no very tedious
+process,) a cuff, or even a kick administered to a slave, would not be
+likely to give him such a shock that his memory would long retain the
+traces of it. But lest we do these visitors injustice, we will suppose
+that they carried with them to the south humane feelings for the
+slave, and that those feelings remained unblunted; still, what
+opportunity could they have to witness the actual condition of the
+slaves? They come in contact with the house-servants only, and as a
+general thing, with none but the select ones of these, the
+<i>parlor</i>-servants; who generally differ as widely in their appearance
+and treatment from the cooks and scullions in the kitchen, as parlor
+furniture does from the kitchen utensils. Certain servants are
+assigned to the parlor, just as certain articles of furniture are
+selected for it, <i>to be seen</i>&mdash;and it is no less ridiculous to infer
+that the kitchen scullions are clothed and treated like those servants
+who wait at the table, and are in the presence of guests, than to
+infer that the kitchen is set out with sofas, ottomans, piano-fortes,
+and full-length mirrors, because the parlor is. But the house-slaves
+<a name="OBJECT_4_c"></a>
+are only a fraction of the whole number. The <i>field-hands</i> constitute
+the great mass of the slaves, and these the visitors rarely get a
+glimpse at. They are away at their work by day-break, and do not
+return to their huts till dark. Their huts are commonly at some
+distance from the master's mansion, and the fields in which they
+labor, generally much farther, and out of sight. If the visitor
+traverses the plantation, care is taken that he does not go alone; if
+he expresses a wish to see it, the horses are saddled, and the master
+or his son gallops the rounds with him; if he expresses a desire to
+see the slaves at work, his conductor will know <i>where</i> to take him,
+and <i>when</i>, and <i>which</i> of them to show; the overseer, too, knows
+quite too well the part he has to act on such occasions, to shock the
+uninitiated ears of the visitors with the shrieks of his victims. It
+is manifest that visitors can see only the least repulsive parts of
+slavery, inasmuch as it is wholly at the option of the master, what
+parts to show them; as a matter of necessity, he can see only the
+<i>outside</i>&mdash;and that, like the outside of doorknobs and andirons is
+furbished up to be <i>looked at</i>. So long as it is human nature to wear
+<i>the best side out</i>, so long the northern guests of southern
+slaveholders will see next to nothing of the reality of slavery. Those
+visitors may still keep up their autumnal migrations to the slave
+states, and, after a hasty survey of the tinsel hung before the
+curtain of slavery, without a single glance behind it, and at the
+paint and varnish that <i>cover up</i> dead men's bones, and while those
+who have hoaxed them with their smooth stories and white-washed
+specimens of slavery, are tittering at their gullibility, they return
+in the spring on the same fool's-errand with their predecessors,
+retailing their lesson, and mouthing the praises of the masters, and
+the comforts of the slaves. They now become village umpires in all
+disputes about the condition of the slaves, and each thence forward
+ends all controversies with his oracular, "I've <i>seen</i>, and sure I
+ought to know."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-23"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-23">23</a>": Well saith the Scripture, "A gift blindeth the eyes." The
+slaves understand this, though the guest may not; they know very well
+that they have no sympathy to expect from their master's guests; that
+the good cheer of the "big house," and the attentions shown them, will
+generally commit them in their master's favor, and against themselves.
+Messrs. Thome and Kimball, in their late work, state the following
+fact, in illustration of this feeling among the negro apprentices in
+Jamaica.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_4_b"></a>
+"The governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined
+with one of the wealthiest proprietors. The next day one of the
+negroes of the estate said to another, "De new gubner been
+<i>poison'd</i>." "What dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment,
+"De gubner been <i>poison'd</i>! Dah, now!&mdash;How him poisoned?" "<i>Him eat
+massa's turtle soup last night</i>," said the shrewd negro. The other
+took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was
+turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the
+poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his
+excellency."&mdash;<i>Emancipation in the West Indies</i>, p. 334.]
+</p>
+<p>
+But all northern visitors at the south are not thus easily gulled.
+Many of them, as the preceding pages show, have too much sense to be
+caught with chaff.
+</p>
+<p>
+We may add here, that those classes of visitors whose representations
+of the treatment of slaves are most influential in moulding the
+opinions of the free states, are ministers of the gospel, agents of
+benevolent societies, and teachers who have traveled and temporarily
+resided in the slave states&mdash;classes of persons less likely than any
+others to witness cruelties, because slaveholders generally take more
+pains to keep such visitors in ignorance than others, because their
+vocations would furnish them fewer opportunities for witnessing them,
+and because they come in contact with a class of society in which
+fewer atrocities are committed than in any other, and that too, under
+circumstances which make it almost impossible for them to witness
+those which are actually committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Of the numerous classes of persons from the north who temporarily
+reside in the slave states, the mechanics who find employment on the
+<i>plantations</i>, are the only persons who are in circumstances to look
+"behind the scenes." Merchants, pedlars, venders of patents, drovers,
+speculators, and almost all descriptions of persons who go from the
+free states to the south to make money see little of slavery, except
+<i>upon the road</i>, at public inns, and in villages and cities.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_4_d"></a>
+Let not the reader infer from what has been said, that the
+<i>parlor</i>-slaves, chamber-maids, &amp;c. in the slave states are not
+treated with cruelty&mdash;far from it. They often experience terrible
+inflictions; not generally so terrible or so frequent as the
+field-hands, and very rarely in the presence of guests[<a name="rnote10-24"></a><a href="#note10-24">24</a>]
+House-slaves are for the most part treated far better than
+plantation-slaves, and those under the immediate direction of the
+master and mistress, than those under overseers and drivers. It is
+quite worthy of remark, that of the thousands of northern men who have
+visited the south, and are always lauding the kindness of slaveholders
+and the comfort of the slaves, protesting that they have never seen
+cruelties inflicted on them, &amp;c. each perhaps, without exception, has
+some story to tell which reveals, better perhaps than the most
+barbarous butchery could do, a public sentiment toward slaves, showing
+that the most cruel inflictions must of necessity be the constant
+portion of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-24"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-24">24</a>: Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, a Presbyterian clergyman, in
+Castile, Genesee county, N.Y. recently from Missouri, where he has
+preached five years, in the midst of slaveholders, says, in a letter
+just received, speaking of the pains taken by slaveholders to conceal
+from the eyes of strangers and visitors, the cruelties which they
+inflict upon their slaves&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is difficult to be an eye-witness of these things; the master and
+mistress, almost invariably punish their slaves only in the presence
+of themselves and other slaves."]
+</p>
+<p>
+Though facts of this kind lie thick in every corner, the reader will,
+we are sure, tolerate even a needless illustration, if told that it is
+from the pen of N.P. Rogers, Esq. of Concord, N.H. who, whatever he
+writes, though it be, as in this case, a mere hasty letter, always
+finds readers to the end.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_4_e"></a>
+"At a court session at Guilford, Stafford county, N.H. in August,
+1837, the Hon. Daniel M. Durell, of Dover, formerly Chief Justice
+of the Common Pleas for that state, and a member of Congress,
+was charging the abolitionists, in presence of several gentlemen
+of the bar, at their boarding house, with exaggerations and
+misrepresentations of slave treatment at the south. 'One instance
+in particular,' he witnessed, he said, where he 'knew they
+misrepresented. It was in the Congregational meeting house at Dover.
+He was passing by, and saw a crowd entering and about the door; and on
+inquiry, found that <i>abolition was going on in there</i>. He stood in the
+entry for a moment, and found the Englishman, Thompson, was holding
+forth. The fellow was speaking of the treatment of slaves; and he said
+it was no uncommon thing for masters, when exasperated with the slave,
+to hang him up by the two thumbs, and flog him. I knew the fellow lied
+there,' said the judge, 'for I had traveled through the south, from
+Georgia north, and I never saw a single instance of the kind. The
+fellow said it was a common thing.' 'Did you see any <i>exasperated
+masters</i>, Judge,' said I, 'in your journey?' 'No sir,' said he, 'not
+an individual instance.' 'You hardly are able to convict Mr. Thompson
+of falsehood, then, Judge,' said I, 'if I understood you right. He
+spoke, as I understood you, of <i>exasperated masters</i>&mdash;and you say you
+did not see any. Mr. Thompson did not say it was common for masters in
+good humor to hang up their slaves.' The Judge did not perceive the
+materiality of the distinction. 'Oh, they misrepresent and lie about
+this treatment of the niggers,' he continued. 'In going through all
+the states I visited, I do not now remember a single instance of cruel
+treatment. Indeed, I remember of seeing but one nigger struck, during
+my whole journey. There was one instance. We were riding in the stage,
+pretty early one morning, and we met a black fellow, driving a span of
+horses, and a load (I think he said) of hay. The fellow turned out
+before we got to him, clean down into the ditch, as far as he could
+get. He knew, you see, what to depend on, if he did not give the road.
+Our driver, as we passed the fellow, fetched him a smart crack with
+his whip across the chops. He did not make any noise, though I guess
+it hurt him some&mdash;he grinned.&mdash;Oh, no! these fellows exaggerate. The
+niggers, as a general thing, are kindly treated. There may be
+exceptions, but I saw nothing of it.' (By the way, the Judge did not
+know there were any abolitionists present.) 'What did you <i>do</i> to the
+driver, Judge,' said I, 'for striking that man?' 'Do,' said he, 'I did
+nothing to him, to be sure.' 'What did you <i>say</i> to him, sir?' said I.
+'Nothing,' he replied: 'I said nothing to him.' 'What did the other
+passengers do?' said I. 'Nothing, sir,' said the Judge. 'The fellow
+turned out the white of his eye, but he did not make any noise.' 'Did
+the driver say any thing, Judge, when he struck the man?' 'Nothing,'
+said the Judge, 'only he <i>damned him</i>, and told him he'd learn him to
+keep out of the reach of his whip.' 'Sir,' said I, 'if George Thompson
+had told this story, in the warmth of an anti-slavery speech, I should
+scarcely have credited it. I have attended many anti-slavery meetings,
+and I never heard an instance of such <i>cold-blooded, wanton,
+insolent</i>, DIABOLICAL cruelty as this; and, sir, if I live to attend
+another meeting, I shall relate this, and give Judge Durell's name as
+the witness of it.' An infliction of the most insolent character,
+entirely unprovoked, on a perfect stranger, who had showed the utmost
+civility, in giving all the road, and only could not get beyond the
+long reach of the driver's whip&mdash;and he a stage driver, a class
+<i>generous</i> next to the sailor, in the sober hour of morning&mdash;and
+<i>borne in silence</i>&mdash;and <i>told to show that the colored man of the
+south was kindly treated</i>&mdash;all evincing, to an unutterable extent,
+that the temper of the south toward the slave is merciless, even to
+<i>diabolism</i>&mdash;and that the north regards him with, if possible, a more
+fiendish indifference still!"
+</p>
+<p>
+It seems but an act of simple justice to say, in conclusion, that many
+of the slaveholders from whom our northern visitors derive their
+information of the "good treatment" of the slave, may not design to
+deceive them. Such visitors are often, perhaps generally brought in
+contact with the better class of slaveholders, whose slaves are really
+better fed, clothed, lodged, and housed; more moderately worked; more
+seldom whipped, and with less severity, than the slaves generally.
+Those masters in speaking of the good condition of their slaves, and
+asserting that they are treated <i>well</i>, use terms that are not
+<i>absolute</i> but <i>comparative</i>: and it may be, and doubtless often is
+true that their stares are treated well <i>as slaves</i>, in comparison
+with the treatment received by slaves generally. So the overseers of
+such slaves, and the slaves themselves, may, without lying or
+designing to mislead, honestly give the same testimony. As the great
+body of slaves within their knowledge <i>fare worse</i>, it is not strange
+that, when speaking of the treatment on their own plantation, they
+should call it <i>good</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5"></a>
+OBJECTION V.&mdash;'IT IS FOR THE INTEREST OF THE MASTERS TO TREAT THEIR
+SLAVES WELL.'
+</p>
+<p>
+So it is for the interest of the drunkard to quit his cups; for the
+glutton to curb his appetite; for the debauchee to bridle his lust;
+for the sluggard to be up betimes; for the spendthrift to be
+economical, and for all sinners to stop sinning. Even if it were for
+the interest of masters to treat their slaves well, he must be a
+novice who thinks <i>that</i> a proof that the slaves <i>are</i> well treated.
+The whole history of man is a record of real interests sacrificed to
+present gratification. If all men's actions were consistent with their
+best interests, folly and sin would be words without meaning.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_a"></a>
+If the objector means that it is for the pecuniary interests of
+masters to treat their slaves well, and thence infers their good
+treatment, we reply, that though the love of money is strong, yet
+appetite and lust, pride, anger and revenge, the love of power and
+honor, are each an overmatch for it; and when either of them is roused
+by a sudden stimulant, the love of money worsted in the grapple with
+it. Look at the hourly lavish outlays of money to procure a momentary
+gratification for those passions and appetites. As the desire for
+money is, in the main, merely a desire for the means of gratifying
+<i>other</i> desires, or rather for one of the means, it must be the
+<i>servant</i> not the sovereign of those desires, to whose gratification
+its only use is to minister. But even if the love of money were the
+strongest human passion, who is simple enough to believe that it is
+all the time so powerfully excited, that no other passion or appetite
+can get the mastery over it?  Who does not know that gusts of rage,
+revenge, jealousy and lust drive it before them as a tempest tosses a
+feather?
+</p>
+<p>
+The objector has forgotten his first lessons; they taught him that it
+is human nature to gratify the <i>uppermost</i> passion: and is <i>prudence</i>
+the uppermost passion with slaveholders, and self-restraint their
+great characteristic? The strongest feeling of any moment is the
+sovereign of that moment, and rules. Is a propensity to practice
+<i>economy</i> the predominant feeling with slaveholders? Ridiculous!
+Every northerner knows that slaveholders are proverbial for lavish
+expenditures, never higgling about the <i>price</i> of a gratification.
+Human passions have not, like the tides, regular ebbs and flows, with
+their stationary, high and low water marks. They are a dominion
+convulsed with revolutions; coronations and dethronements in ceasless
+succession&mdash;each ruler a usurper and a despot. Love of money gets a
+snatch at the sceptre as well as the rest, not by hereditary right,
+but because, in the fluctuations of human feelings, a chance wave
+washes him up to the throne, and the next perhaps washes him off
+without time to nominate his successor. Since, then, as a matter of
+fact, a host of appetites and passions do hourly get the better of
+love of money, what protection does the slave find in his master's
+<i>interest</i>, against the sweep of his passions and appetites? Besides,
+a master can inflict upon his slave horrible cruelties without
+perceptibly injuring his health, or taking time from his labor, or
+lessening his value as property. Blows with a small stick give more
+acute pain, than with a large one. A club bruises, and benumbs the
+nerves, while a switch, neither breaking nor bruising the flesh,
+instead of blunting the sense of feeling, wakes up and stings to
+torture all the susceptibilities of pain. By this kind of infliction,
+more actual cruelty can be perpetrated in the giving of pain at the
+instant, than by the most horrible bruisings and lacerations; and
+that, too, with little comparative hazard to the slave's health, or to
+his value as property, and without loss of time from labor. Even
+giving to the objection all the force claimed for it, what protection
+is it to the slave? It <i>professes</i> to shield the slave from such
+treatment alone, as would either lay him aside from labor, or injure
+his health, and thus lessen his value as a working animal, making him
+a <i>damaged article</i> in the market. Now, is nothing <i>bad treatment</i> of
+a human being except that which produces these effects? Does the fact
+that a man's constitution is not actually shattered, and his life
+shortened by his treatment, prove that he is treated well? Is no
+treatment cruel except what sprains muscles, or cuts sinews, or bursts
+blood vessels, or breaks bones, and thus lessens a man's value as a
+working animal?
+</p>
+<p>
+A slave may get blows and kicks every hour in the day, without having
+his constitution broken, or without suffering sensibly in his health,
+or flesh, or appetite, or power to labor. Therefore, beaten and kicked
+as he is, he must be treated <i>well</i>, according to the objector, since
+the master's <i>interest</i> does not suffer thereby.
+</p>
+<p>
+Finally, the objector virtually maintains that all possible privations
+and inflictions suffered by slaves, that do not actually cripple their
+power to labor, and make them 'damaged merchandize,' are to be set
+down as 'good treatment,' and that nothing is <i>bad</i> treatment except
+what produces these effects.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus we see that even if the slave were effectually shielded from all
+those inflictions, which, by lessening his value as property, would
+injure the interests of his master, he would still nave no protection
+against numberless and terrible cruelties. But we go further, and
+maintain that in respect to large classes of slaves, it is for the
+<i>interest</i> of their masters to treat them with barbarous inhumanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+1. <i>Old slaves.</i> It would be for the interest of the masters to
+shorten their days.
+</p>
+<p>
+2. <i>Worn out slaves.</i> Multitudes of slaves by being overworked, have
+their constitutions broken in middle life. It would be <i>economical</i>
+for masters to starve or flog such to death.
+</p>
+<p>
+3. <i>The incurably diseased and maimed.</i> In all such cases it would be
+<i>cheaper</i> for masters to buy poison than medicine.
+</p>
+<p>
+4. <i>The blind, lunatics, and idiots</i>. As all such would be a tax on
+him, it would be for his interest to shorten their days.
+</p>
+<p>
+5. <i>The deaf and dumb, and persons greatly deformed.</i> Such might or
+might not be serviceable to him; many of them at least would be a
+burden, and few men carry burdens when they can throw them off.
+</p>
+<p>
+6. <i>Feeble infants.</i> As such would require much nursing, the time,
+trouble and expense necessary to raise them, would generally be more
+than they would be worth as <i>working animals</i>. How many such infants
+would be likely to be 'raised,' from <i>disinterested</i> benevolence? To
+this it may be added that in the far south and south west, it is
+notoriously for the interest of the master not to 'raise' slaves at
+all. To buy slaves when nearly grown, from the northern slave states,
+would be <i>cheaper</i> than to raise them. This is shown in the fact, that
+mothers with infants sell for less in those states than those without
+them. And when slave-traders purchase such in the upper country, it is
+notorious that they not unfrequently either sell their infants, or
+give them away. Therefore it would be for the <i>interest</i> of the
+masters, throughout that region, to have all the new-born children
+left to perish. It would also be for their interest to make such
+arrangements as effectually to separate the sexes, or if that were not
+done, so to overwork the females as to prevent childbearing.
+</p>
+<p>
+7. <i>Incorrigible slaves</i>. On most of the large plantations, there are,
+more or less, incorrigible slaves,&mdash;that is, slaves who <i>will not</i> be
+profitable to their masters&mdash;and from whom torture can extort little
+but defiance.[<a name="rnote10-25"></a><a href="#note10-25">25</a>] These are frequently slaves of uncommon minds, who
+feel so keenly the wrongs of slavery that their proud spirits spurn
+their chains and defy their tormentors.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-25"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-25">25</a>: Advertisements like the following are not unfrequent in
+the southern papers.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>From the Elizabeth (N.C.) Phenix, Jan. 5, 1839.</i> "The subscriber
+offers for sale his blacksmith NAT, 28 years of age, and <i>remarkably
+large and likely</i>. The only cause of my selling him is I CANNOT
+CONTROL HIM. <i>Hertford, Dec.5, 1838.</i> J. GORDON."]
+</p>
+<p>
+They have commonly great sway over the other slaves, their example is
+contagious, and their influence subversive of 'plantation discipline.'
+Consequently they must be made a warning to others. It is for the
+<i>interest</i> of the masters (at least they believe it to be) to put upon
+such slaves iron collars and chains, to brand and crop them; to
+disfigure, lacerate, starve and torture them&mdash;in a word, to inflict
+upon them such vengeance as shall strike terror into the other slaves.
+To this class may be added the incorrigibly thievish and indolent; it
+would be for the interest of the masters to treat them with such
+severity as would deter others from following their example.
+</p>
+<p>
+7. <i>Runaways.</i> When a slave has once runaway from his master and is
+caught, he is thenceforward treated with severity. It is for the
+interest of the master to make an example of him, by the greatest
+privations and inflictions.
+</p>
+<p>
+8. <i>Hired slaves.</i> It is for the interest of those who hire slaves to
+get as much out of them as they can; the temptation to overwork them
+is powerful. If it be said that the master could, in that case,
+recover damages, the answer is, that damages would not be recoverable
+in law unless actual injury&mdash;enough to impair the power of the slave
+to labor, be <i>proved</i>. And this ordinarily would be impossible, unless
+the slave has been worked so greatly beyond his strength as to produce
+some fatal derangement of the vital functions. Indeed, as all who are
+familiar with such cases in southern courts well know, the proof of
+actual injury to the slave, so as to lessen his value, is exceedingly
+difficult to make out, and every hirer of slaves can overwork them,
+give them insufficient food, clothing, and shelter, and inflict upon
+them nameless cruelties with entire impunity. We repeat then that it
+is for the <i>interest</i> of the hirer to push his slaves to their utmost
+strength, provided he does not drive them to such an extreme, that
+their constitutions actually give way under it, while in his hands.
+The supreme court of Maryland has decided that, 'There must be <i>at
+least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor</i> to
+warrant an action by the master.'&mdash;<i>1 Harris and Johnson's Reports,
+4</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+9. <i>Slaves under overseers whose wages are proportioned to the crop
+which they raise.</i> This is an arrangement common in the slave states,
+and in its practical operation is equivalent to a bounty on <i>hard
+driving</i>&mdash;a virtual premium offered to overseers to keep the slaves
+whipped up to the top of their strength. Even where the overseer has a
+fixed salary, irrespective of the value of the crop which he takes
+off, he is strongly tempted to overwork the slaves, as those overseers
+get the highest wages who can draw the largest income from a
+plantation with a given number of slaves; so that we may include in
+this last class of slaves, the majority of all those who are under
+overseers, whatever the terms on which those overseers are employed.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_b"></a>
+Another class of slaves may be mentioned; we refer to the slaves of
+masters who <i>bet</i> upon their crops. In the cotton and sugar region
+there is a fearful amount of this desperate gambling, in which, though
+money is the ostensible stake and forfeit, human life is the real one.
+The length to which this rivalry is carried at the south and south
+west, the multitude of planters who engage in it, and the recklessness
+of human life exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue,
+cannot well be imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it.
+Desire of gain is only one of the motives that stimulates them;&mdash;the
+<i>eclat</i> of having made the largest crop with a given number of hands,
+is also a powerful stimulant; the southern newspapers, at the crop
+season, chronicle carefully the "cotton brag," and the "crack cotton
+picking," and "unparalleled driving," &amp;c. Even the editors of
+professedly religious papers, cheer on the méleé and sing the triumphs
+of the victor. Among these we recollect the celebrated Rev. J.N.
+Maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at Natchez, Miss. in
+which he took care to assign a prominent place, and capitals to "THE
+COTTON BRAG." The testimony of Mr. Bliss, <a href="#PHIL_B_b">page 38</a>, details some of the
+particulars of this <i>betting</i> upon crops. All the preceding classes of
+slaves are in circumstances which make it "for the <i>interest</i> of their
+masters," or those who have the management of them, to treat them
+cruelly.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_c"></a>
+Besides the operation of the causes already specified, which make it
+for the interest of masters and overseers to treat cruelly <i>certain
+classes</i> of their slaves, a variety of others exist, which make it for
+their interest to treat cruelly <i>the great body</i> of their slaves.
+These causes are, the nature of certain kinds of products, the kind of
+labor required in cultivating and preparing them for market, the best
+times for such labor, the state of the market, fluctuations in prices,
+facilities for transportation, the weather, seasons, &amp;c. &amp;c. Some of
+the causes which operate to produce this are&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+1. <i>The early market</i>. If the planter can get his crop into market
+early, he may save thousands which might be lost if it arrived later.
+</p>
+<p>
+2. <i>Changes in the market</i>. A sudden rise in the market with the
+probability that it will be short, or a gradual fall with a
+probability that it will be long, is a strong temptation to the master
+to push his slaves to the utmost, that he may in the one case make all
+he can, by taking the tide at the flood, and in the other lose as
+little as may be, by taking it as early as possible in the ebb.
+</p>
+<p>
+3. <i>High prices</i>. Whenever the slave-grown staples bring a high price,
+as is now the case with cotton, every slaveholder is tempted to
+overwork his slaves. By forcing them to do double work for a few weeks
+or months, while the price is up, he can <i>afford</i> to lose a number of
+them and to lessen the value of all by over-driving. A cotton planter
+with a hundred vigorous slaves, would have made a profitable
+speculation, if, during the years '34, 5, and 6, when the average
+price of cotton was 17 cents a pound, he had so overworked his slaves
+that half of them died upon his hands in '37, when cotton had fallen
+to six and eight cents. No wonder that the poor slaves pray that cotton
+and sugar may be cheap. The writer has frequently heard it declared by
+planters in the lower country, that, it is more profitable to drive
+the slaves to such over exertion as to <i>use them up</i>, in seven or
+eight years, than to give them only ordinary tasks and protract their
+lives to the ordinary period.[<a name="rnote10-26"></a><a href="#note10-26">26</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-26"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-26">26</a>: The reader is referred to a variety of facts and
+testimony on this point on the <a href="#LABOR_f">39th page</a> of this work.]
+</p>
+<p>
+4. <i>Untimely seasons</i>. When the winter encroaches on the spring, and
+makes late seed time, the first favorable weather is a temptation to
+overwork the slaves, too strong to be resisted by those who hold men
+as mere working animals. So when frosts set in early, and a great
+amount of work is to be done in a little time, or great loss suffered.
+So also after a long storm either in seed or crop time, when the
+weather becomes favorable, the same temptation presses, and in all
+these cases the master would <i>save money</i> by overdriving his slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+5. <i>Periodical pressure of certain kinds of labor.</i> The manufacture of
+sugar is an illustration. In a work entitled "Travels in Louisiana in
+1802," translated from the French, by John Davis, is the following
+testimony under this head:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they (the slaves in Louisiana,) work <i>both night and day</i>. Abridged of
+their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period" See
+page 81.
+</p>
+<p>
+In an article on the agriculture of Louisiana, published in the second
+number of the "Western Review," is the following:&mdash;"The work is
+admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the
+process of making sugar is commenced, TO BE PRESSED NIGHT AND DAY."
+</p>
+<p>
+It would be for the interest of the sugar planter greatly to overwork
+his slaves, during the annual process of sugar-making.
+</p>
+<p>
+The severity of this periodical pressure, in preparing for market
+other staples of the slave states besides sugar, may be inferred from
+the following. Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, in his speech in
+Congress, Feb. 1. 1836, (See National Intelligencer) said, "In the
+heat of the crop, the loss of one or two days, would inevitably ruin
+it."
+</p>
+<p>
+6. <i>Times of scarcity</i>. Drought, long rain, frost, &amp;c. are liable to
+cut off the corn crop, upon which the slaves are fed. If this happens
+when the staple which they raise is at a low price, it is for the
+interest of the master to put the slave on short rations, thus forcing
+him to suffer from hunger.
+</p>
+<p>
+7. <i>The raising of crops for exportation</i>. In all those states where
+cotton and sugar are raised for exportation, it is, for the most part,
+more profitable to buy provisions for the slaves than to raise them.
+Where this is the case the slaveholders believe it to be for their
+interest to give their slaves less food, than their hunger craves, and
+they do generally give them insufficient sustenance.[<a name="rnote10-27"></a><a href="#note10-27">27</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-27"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-27">27</a>: Hear the testimony of a slaveholder, on this subject, a
+member of Congress from Virginia, from 1817 to 1830, Hon. Alexander
+Smyth.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the debate on the Missouri question in the U.S. Congress, 1819-20,
+the admission of Missouri to the Union, as a slave state, was urged,
+among other grounds, as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the
+south. Mr. Smyth, of Virginia said, "The plan of our opponents seems
+to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the
+countries where <i>sugar, cotton, and tobacco</i> are cultivated. But, sir,
+by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are
+raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are <i>purchased, you
+doom them to scarcity and hunger</i>. Is it not obvious that the way to
+render their situation more comfortable, is to allow them to be taken
+where there is not the same motive to force the slave to INCESSANT
+TOIL, that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco,
+are raised for exportation. It is proposed to hem in the blacks <i>where
+they are</i> HARD WORKED and ILL FED, that they may be rendered
+unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing.... The
+proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the blacks.... You
+would ... doom them to SCARCITY and HARD LABOR."&mdash;[Speech of Mr.
+Smyth, Jan. 28, 1820]&mdash;See National Intelligencer.
+</p>
+<p>
+Those states where the crops are raised for exportation, and a large
+part of the provisions purchased, are, Louisiana, Mississippi,
+Alabama, Arkansas, Western Tennessee, Georgia, Florida, and, to a
+considerable extent, South Carolina. That this is the case in
+Louisiana, is shown by the following. "Corn, flour, and bread stuffs,
+generally are obtained from Kentucky, Ohio;" &amp;c. See "Emigrants Guide
+through the Valley of the Mississippi," Page 275. That it is the case
+with Alabama, appears from the testimony of W. Jefferson Jones, Esq. a
+lawyer of high standing in Mobile. In a series of articles published
+by him in the Mobile Morning Chronicle, he says; (See that paper for
+Aug. 26, 1837.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"The people of Alabama <i>export</i> what they raise, and <i>import</i> nearly
+all they consume." But it seems quite unnecessary to prove, what all
+persons of much intelligence well know, that the states mentioned
+export the larger part of what they raise, and import the larger part
+of what they consume. Now more than <i>one million of slaves</i> are held
+in those states, and parts of states, where provisions are mainly
+imported, and consequently they are "<i>doomed to scarcity and hunger</i>."]
+</p>
+<p>
+Now let us make some estimate of the proportion which the slaves,
+included in the foregoing <i>nine classes</i>, sustain to the whole number,
+and then of the proportion affected by the operation of the <i>seven</i>
+causes just enumerated.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_d"></a>
+It would be nearly impossible to form an estimate of the proportion of
+the slaves included in a number of these classes, such as the old, the
+worn out, the incurably diseased, maimed and deformed, idiots, feeble
+infants, incorrigible slaves, &amp;c. More or less of this description are
+to be found on all the considerable plantations, and often, many on
+the same plantation; though we have no accurate data for an estimate,
+the proportion cannot be less than one in twenty-five of the whole
+number of slaves, which would give a total of more than <i>one hundred
+thousand</i>. Of some of the remaining classes we have data for a pretty
+accurate estimate.
+</p>
+<p>
+1st. <i>Lunatics</i>.&mdash;Various estimates have been made, founded upon the
+data procured by actual investigation, prosecuted under the direction
+of the Legislatures of different States; but the returns have been so
+imperfect and erroneous, that little reliance can be placed upon them.
+The Legislature of New Hampshire recently ordered investigations to be
+made in every town in the state, and the number of insane persons to
+be reported. A committee of the legislature, who had the subject in
+charge say, in their report&mdash;"From many towns no returns have been
+received, from others the accounts are erroneous, there being cases
+<i>known to the committee</i> which escaped the notice of the 'selectmen.'
+The actual number of insane persons is therefore much larger than
+appears by the documents submitted to the committee." The Medical
+Society of Connecticut appointed a committee of their number, composed
+of some of the most eminent physicians in the state, to ascertain and
+report the whole number of insane persons in that state. The committee
+say, in their report, "The number of towns from which returns have
+been received is seventy, and the cases of insanity which have been
+noticed in them are five hundred and ten." The committee add, "fifty
+more towns remain to be heard from, and if insanity should be found
+equally prevalent in them, the entire number will scarcely fall short
+of <i>one thousand</i> in the state." This investigation was made in 1821,
+when the population of the state was less than two hundred and eighty
+thousand. If the estimate of the Medical Society be correct, the
+proportion of the insane to the whole population would be about one in
+two hundred and eighty. This strikes us as a large estimate, and yet a
+committee of the legislature of that state in 1837, reported seven
+hundred and seven insane persons in the state, who were either wholly
+or in part supported as <i>town paupers, or by charity</i>. It can hardly
+be supposed that more than <i>two-thirds</i> of the insane in Connecticut
+belong to families <i>unable to support them</i>. On this supposition, the
+whole number would be greater than the estimate of the Medical Society
+sixteen years previous, when the population was perhaps thirty
+thousand less. But to avoid the possibility of an over estimate, let
+us suppose the present number of insane persons in Connecticut to be
+only seven hundred.
+</p>
+<p>
+The population of the state is now probably about three hundred and
+twenty thousand; according to this estimate, the proportion of the
+insane to the whole population, would be one to about four hundred and
+sixty. Making this the basis of our calculation, and estimating the
+slaves in the United States at two millions, seven hundred thousand,
+their present probable number, and we come to this result, that there
+are about six thousand insane persons among the slaves of the United
+States. We have no adequate data by which to judge whether the
+proportion of lunatics among slaves is greater or less than among the
+whites; some considerations favor the supposition that it is less. But
+the dreadful physical violence to which the slaves are subjected, and
+the constant sunderings of their tenderest ties, might lead us to
+suppose that it would be more. The only data in our possession is the
+official census of Chatham county, Georgia, for 1838, containing the
+number of lunatics among the whites and the slaves.&mdash;(See the Savannah
+Georgian, July 24, 1838.) According to this census, the number of
+lunatics among eight thousand three hundred and seventy three whites
+in the country, is only <i>two,</i> whereas, the number among ten thousand
+eight hundred and ninety-one slaves, is <i>fourteen</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+2d. <i>The Deaf and Dumb.</i>&mdash;The proportion of deaf and dumb persons to
+the other classes of the community, is about one in two thousand. This
+is the testimony of the directors of the 'American Asylum for the Deaf
+and Dumb,' located at Hartford, Connecticut. Making this the basis of
+our estimate, there would be one thousand six hundred deaf and dumb
+persons among the slaves of the United States.
+</p>
+<p>
+3d. <i>The Blind.</i>&mdash;We have before us the last United States census,
+from which it appears, that in 1830, the number of blind persons in
+New Hampshire was one hundred and seventeen, out of a population of
+two hundred and sixty-nine thousand five hundred and thirty-three.
+Adopting this as our basis, the number of blind slaves in the United
+States would be nearly one thousand three hundred.
+</p>
+<p>
+4th. <i>Runaways.</i>&mdash;Of the proportion of the slaves that run away, to
+those that do not, and of the proportion of the runaways that are
+<i>taken</i> to those that escape entirely, it would be difficult to make a
+probable estimate. Something, however, can be done towards such an
+estimate. We have before us, in the Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser, for
+August 2, 1838, a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the
+two counties of Adams and Warren, in that State; the names, ages, &amp;c.
+of each one given; and their owners are called upon to take them away.
+The number of runaways thus taken up and committed in these <i>two</i>
+counties is FORTY-SIX. The whole number of <i>counties</i> in Mississippi
+is <i>fifty-six.</i> Many of them, however, are thinly populated. Now,
+without making this the basis of our estimate for the whole slave
+population in all the state&mdash;which would doubtless make the number
+much too large&mdash;we are sure no one who has any knowledge of facts as
+they are in the south, will charge upon us an over-statement when we
+say, that of the present generation of slaves, probably <i>one in
+thirty</i> is of that class&mdash;i.e., has at some time, perhaps often,
+runaway and been retaken; on that supposition the whole number would
+be not far from NINETY THOUSAND.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_e"></a>
+5th. <i>Hired Slaves.</i>&mdash;It is impossible to estimate with accuracy the
+proportion which the hired slaves bear to the whole number. That it is
+very large all who have resided at the south, or traveled there, with
+their eyes open, well know. Some of the largest slaveholders in the
+country, instead of purchasing plantations and working their slaves
+themselves, hire them out to others. This practice is very common.
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who lived some years in Georgia, says: "A <i>large
+proportion</i> of the slave are owned by masters who keep them on purpose
+to hire out."
+</p>
+<p>
+Large numbers of slaves, especially in Mississippi, Louisiana,
+Arkansas, Alabama, and Florida, are owned by <i>non-residents</i>;
+thousands of them by northern capitalists, who <i>hire them out</i>. These
+capitalists in many cases own large plantations, which are often
+leased for a term of years with a 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work
+them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Multitudes of slaves 'belonging' to <i>heirs</i>, are hired out by their
+guardians till such heirs become of age, or by the executors or
+trustees of persons deceased.
+</p>
+<p>
+That the reader may form some idea of the large number of slaves that
+are hired out, we insert below a few advertisements, as a specimen of
+hundreds in the newspapers of the slave states.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_5_f"></a>
+From the "Pensacola Gazette," May 27.
+</p>
+<p>
+"NOTICE TO SLAVEHOLDERS. Wanted upon my contract, on the Alabama,
+Florida, and Georgia Rail Road, FOUR HUNDRED BLACK LABORERS, <i>for
+which</i> a liberal price will be paid.
+</p>
+<p>
+R. LORING, <i>Contractor</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The same paper has the following, signed by an officer of the United
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+"WANTED AT THE NAVY YARD, PENSACOLA, SIXTY LABORERS. The OWNERS to
+subsist and quarter them beyond the limits of the yard. Persons having
+Laborers to hire, will apply to the Commanding Officer.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+W.K. LATIMER."
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," April 10, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"LABORERS WANTED.&mdash;The James River, and Kenawha Company, are in
+immediate want of SEVERAL HUNDRED good laborers. Gentlemen wishing to
+send negroes from the country, are assured that the very best care
+shall be taken of them.
+</p>
+<p>
+RICHARD REINS, <i>Agent of the James River, and Kenawha Co</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Vicksburg (Mis.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"60 NEGROES, males and females, <i>for hire for the year</i> 1839. Apply to
+H. HENDREN."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Georgia Messenger," Dec. 27, 1838. "NEGROES To HIRE. On the
+first Tuesday next, Including CARPENTERS, BLACKSMITHS, SHOEMAKERS,
+SEAMSTRESSES, COOKS, &amp;c. &amp;c. For information; Apply to OSSIAN
+GREGORY."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette," Dec. 30, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"THE subscriber wishes to <i>employ</i> by the month or year, ONE HUNDRED
+ABLE BODIED MEN, AND THIRTY BOYS. Persons having servants, will do
+well to give him a call. PHILIP ROACH, near Alexandria."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," May 19, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"WANTED TO HIRE, twelve or fifteen NEGRO GIRLS, from ten to fourteen
+years of age. They are wanted for the term of two or three years. E.H. &amp; J. FISHER."
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES WANTED. The Subscriber is desirous of hiring 50 of 60 <i>first
+rate Negro Men</i>. WILSON NESBITT."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 21, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"LABORERS WANTED. One hundred able bodied men are wanted. The hands
+will be required to be delivered in Halifax by the <i>owners</i>. Apply to
+SHIELD &amp; WALKE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Lynchburg Virginian," Dec. 13, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"40 NEGRO MEN. The subscribers wish to hire for the next year 40 NEGRO
+MEN. LANGHORNE, SCRUGGS &amp; COOK."
+</p>
+<p>
+"HIRING of NEGROES. On Saturday, the 29th day of December, 1838, at
+Mrs. Tayloe's tavern, in Amherst county, there will be <i>hired</i> thirty
+or forty valuable Negroes.
+</p>
+<p>
+In addition to the above, I have for <i>hire</i>, 20 men, women, boys, and
+girls&mdash;several of them excellent house servants. MAURICE H. GARLAND."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Feb. 5, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"WANTED TO HIRE, ONE HUNDRED prime negroes, by the year. J.V.
+REDDEN."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "North Carolina Standard," Feb. 31, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES WANTED.&mdash;W. &amp; A. STITH, will give twelve dollars per month
+for FIFTY strong Negro fellows, to commence work immediately; and for
+FIFTY more on the first day of February, and for FIFTY on the first
+day of March."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Reporter," Dec. 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL BE HIRED, for one year; on the first day of January, 1839, on
+the farm of the late Mrs. Meredith, a number of valuable NEGROES.
+R.S. TODD, Sheriff of Fayette Co. And Curator for James and Elizabeth
+Breckenridge."
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES TO HIRE. On Wednesday, the 26th inst. I will hire to the
+highest bidder, the NEGROES belonging to Charles and Robert Innes.
+GEO. W. WILLIAMS. <i>Guardian</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following <i>nine</i> advertisements were published in one column of
+the "Winchester Virginian," Dec. 20, 1838.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"NEGRO HIRINGS.
+</div>
+<p>
+"WILL be offered for hire, at Captain Long's Hotel, a number of
+SLAVES&mdash;men, women, boys and girls&mdash;belonging to the orphans of George
+Ash, deceased. RICHARD W. BARTON." <i>Guardian</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL be offered for hire, at my Hotel, a number of SLAVES, consisting
+of men, women, boys and girls. JOSEPH LONG. <i>Exr. of Edmund
+Shackleford, dec'd</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL be offered for hire, for the ensuing year, at Capt. Long's
+Hotel, a number of SLAVES. MOSES R. RICHARDS."
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL be offered for hire, the slaves belonging to the estate of James
+Bowen, deceased, consisting of men, and women, boys and girls. GILES
+COOK. <i>One of the Exrs. of James Bowen dec'd</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+"THE <i>hiring</i> at Millwood will take place on Friday, the 28th day of
+December, 1838. BURWELL."
+</p>
+<p>
+"N.B. We are desired to say that other valuable NEGROES will also be
+<i>hired</i> at Millwood on the same day, besides those offered by Mr. B."
+</p>
+<p>
+"The SLAVES of the late John Jolliffe, about twenty in number, and of
+all ages and both sexes, will be offered for hire at Cain's Depot.
+DAVID W. BARTON. <i>Administrator</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+"I WILL hire at public hiring before the tavern door of Dr. Lacy,
+about 30 NEGROES, consisting of men, and women. JAMES R. RICHARDS."
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL be hired, at Carter's Tavern, on 31st of December, a number of
+NEGROES. JOHN J.H. GUNNELL."
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES FOR HIRE, (PRIVATELY.) About twelve servants, consisting of
+men, women, boys, and girls, for hire privately. Apply to the
+subscriber at Col. Smith's in Battletown. JOHN W. OWEN."
+</p>
+<p>
+A volume might easily be filled with advertisements like the
+preceding, showing conclusively that <i>hired</i> slaves must be a large
+proportion of the whole number. The actual proportion has been
+variously estimated, at 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/2, &amp;c. if we adopt the last
+as our basis, it will make the number of hired slaves, in the United
+States, FIVE HUNDRED AND FORTY THOUSAND!
+</p>
+<p>
+6th. <i>Slaves under overseers whose wages are a part of the
+crop</i>.&mdash;That this is a common usage; appears from the following
+testimony. The late Hon. John Taylor, of Caroline Co. Virginia, one of
+the largest slaveholders in the state, President of the State
+Agricultural Society, and three times elected to the Senate of the
+United States, says, in his "Agricultural Essays," No. 15. P. 57,
+</p>
+<p>
+"This necessary class of men, (overseers,) are bribed by
+agriculturalists, not to improve, but to impoverish their land, <i>by a
+share of the crop for one year</i>.... The <i>greatest</i> annual crop, and
+not the most judicious culture, advances his interest, and establishes
+his character; and the fees of these land-doctors, are much higher for
+killing than for curing.... The most which the land can yield, and
+seldom or never improvement with a view to future profit, is a point
+of common consent, and mutual need between the agriculturist and his
+overseer.... Must the practice of hiring a man for one year, by a share
+of the crop, to lay out all his skill and industry in killing land,
+and as little as possible in improving it, be kept up to commemorate
+the pious leaning of man to his primitive state of ignorance and
+barbarity? <i>Unless this is abolished</i>, the attempt to fertilize our
+lands is needless."
+</p>
+<p>
+Philemon Bliss, Esq, of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1834-5,
+says,
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is common for owners of plantations and slaves, to hire overseers
+to take charge of them, while they themselves reside at a distance.
+<i>Their wages depend principally upon the amount of labor which they
+can exact from the slave</i>. The term "good overseer," signifies one who
+can make the greatest amount of the staple, cotton for instance, from
+a given number of hands, besides raising sufficient provisions for
+their consumption. He has no interest in the life of the slave. Hence
+the fact, so notorious at the south, that negroes are driven harder
+and fare worse under overseers than under their owners."
+</p>
+<p>
+William Ladd, Esq. of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida,
+speaking, in a recent letter of the system of labor adopted there,
+says; "The compensation of the overseers <i>was a certain portion of the
+crop</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Phineas Smith, of Centreville, Allegany Co. N.Y. who has
+recently returned from a four years' residence, in the Southern slave
+states and Texas, says,
+</p>
+<p>
+"The mode in which <i>many</i> plantations are managed, is calculated and
+<i>designed</i>, as an inducement to the slave driver, to lay upon the
+slave the <i>greatest possible burden, the overseer being entitled by
+contract, to a certain share of the crop</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+We leave the reader to form his own opinion, as to the proportion of
+slaves under overseers, whose wages are in proportion to the crop,
+raised by them. We have little doubt that we shall escape the charge
+of wishing to make out a "strong case" when we put the proportion at
+<i>one-eighth</i> of the whole number of slaves, which would be <i>three
+hundred and fifty thousand</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Without drawing out upon the page a sum in addition for the reader to
+"run up," it is easily seen that the slaves in the preceding classes
+amount to more than ELEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND, exclusive of the deaf and
+dumb, and the blind, some of whom, especially the former, might be
+profitable to their "owners";
+</p>
+<p>
+Now it is plainly for the interest of the "owners" of these slaves, or
+of those who have the charge of them, to <i>treat than cruelly</i>, to
+overwork, under-feed, half-clothe, half-shelter, poison, or kill
+outright, the aged, the broken down, the incurably diseased, idiots,
+feeble infants, most of the blind, some deaf and dumb, &amp;c. It is
+besides a part of the slave-holder's creed, that it is <i>for his
+interest</i> to treat with terrible severity, all runaways and the
+incorrigibly stubborn, thievish, lazy, &amp;c.; also for those who hire
+slaves, to overwork them; also for overseers to overwork the slaves
+under them, when their own wages are increased by it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have thus shown that it would be "<i>for the interest</i>," of masters
+and overseers to treat with <i>habitual</i> cruelty <i>more than one million</i>
+of the slaves in the United States. But this is not all; as we have
+said already, it is for the interest of overseers generally, whether
+their wages are proportioned to the crop or not, to overwork the
+slaves; we need not repeat the reasons.
+</p>
+<p>
+Neither is it necessary to re-state the arguments, going to show that
+it is for the interest of slaveholders, who cultivate the great
+southern staples, especially cotton, and the sugarcane, to overwork
+periodically <i>all</i> their slaves, and <i>habitually</i> the majority of
+them, when the demand for those staples creates high prices, as has
+been the case with cotton for many years, with little exception.
+Instead of entering into a labored estimate to get at the proportion
+of the slaves, affected by the operation of these and the other causes
+enumerated, we may say, that they operate <i>directly</i> on the "field
+hands," employed in raising the southern staples, and indirectly upon
+all classes of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Finally, the conclude this head by turning the objector's negative
+proposition into an affirmative one, and state formally what has been
+already proved.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>It is for the interest of shareholders, upon their own principles,
+and by their own showing, TO TREAT CRUELLY the great body of their
+slaves.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6"></a>
+Objection VI.&mdash;THE FACT THAT THE SLAVES MULTIPLY SO RAPIDLY PROVES
+THAT THEY ARE NOT INHUMANELY TREATED, BUT ARE IN A COMFORTABLE
+CONDITION
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_a"></a>
+To this we reply in brief, 1st. It has been already shown under a
+previous head, that, in considerable sections of the slave states,
+especially in the South West, the births among slaves are fewer than
+the deaths, which would exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave
+population in those sections, if the deficiency were not made up by
+the slave trade from the upper country.
+</p>
+<p>
+2d. The fact that all children born of slave <i>mothers</i>, whether their
+fathers are whites or free colored persons, are included in the census
+with the slaves, and further that all children born of white mothers,
+whose fathers are mulattos or blacks, are also included in the census
+with colored persons and almost invariably with <i>slaves</i>, shows that
+it is impossible to ascertain with any accuracy, <i>what is the actual
+increase of the slaves alone.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+3d. The fact that thousands of slaves, generally in the prime of life,
+are annually smuggled into the United States from Africa, Cuba, and
+elsewhere, makes it manifest that all inferences drawn from the
+increase of the slave population, which do not make large deductions,
+for constant importations, must be fallacious. Mr. Middleton of South
+Carolina, in a speech in Congress in 1819, declared that "THIRTEEN
+THOUSAND AFRICANS ARE ANNUALLY SMUGGLED INTO THE SOUTHERN STATES." Mr.
+Mercer of Virginia, in a speech in Congress about the same time
+declared that "<i>Cargoes</i>," of African slaves were smuggled into the
+South to a deplorable extent.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wright, of Maryland, in a speech in Congress, estimated the number
+annually at FIFTEEN THOUSAND. Miss Martineau, in her recent work,
+(Society in America,) informs us that a large slaveholder in
+Louisiana, assured her in 1835, that the annual importation of native
+Africans was from thirteen to fifteen thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_b"></a>
+The President of the United States, in his message to Congress,
+December, 1837, says, "The large force under Commodore Dallas, (on the
+West India station,) has been most actively and efficiently employed
+in protecting our commerce, IN PREVENTING THE IMPORTATION OF SLAVES,"
+&amp;c. &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Courier of 15th February, 1839, has these remarks:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_c"></a>
+"It is believed that African negroes have been <i>repeatedly</i> introduced
+into the United States. The number and the proximity of the Florida
+ports to the island of Cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our
+extended frontier on the Sabine and Red rivers, at all unfavorable to
+the smuggler. Human laws have, in all countries and ages, been
+violated whenever the inducements to do so afforded hopes of great
+profit.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The United States' law against the importation of Africans, <i>could it
+be strictly enforced</i>, might in a few years give the sugar and cotton
+planters of Texas advantage over those of this state; as it would, we
+apprehend, enable the former, under a stable government, to furnish
+cotton and sugar at a lower price than we can do. When giving
+publicity to such reflections as the subject seems to suggest, we
+protest against being considered advocates for any violation of the
+laws of our country. Every good citizen must respect those laws,
+notwithstanding we may deem them likely to be evaded by men less
+scrupulous."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+That both the south and north swarm with men 'less scrupulous,' every
+one knows.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Norfolk (Va.) Beacon, of June 8, 1837, has the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Slave Trade.&mdash;Eight African negroes</i> have been taken into custody,
+at Apalachicola, by the U.S. Deputy Marshal, alleged to have been
+imported from Cuba, on board the schooner Emperor, Captain Cox.
+Indictments for piracy, under the acts for the suppression of the
+slave trade, have been found against Captain Cox, and other parties
+implicated. The negroes were bought in Cuba by a Frenchman named
+Malherbe, formerly a resident of Tallahassee, who was drowned soon
+after the arrival of the schooner."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following testimony of Rev. Horace Moulton, now a minister of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, in Marlborough, Mass., who resided some
+years in Georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave-smugglers,
+and the connivance of the Georgia authorities at their doings. It is
+contained in a letter dated February 24, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The foreign slave-trade was carried on to some considerable extent
+when I was at the south, notwithstanding a law had been made some ten
+years previous to this, making this traffic piracy on the high seas. I
+was somewhat acquainted with the secrets of this traffic, and, I
+suppose, I might have engaged in it, had I so desired. Were you to
+visit all the plantations in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, I think you would be convinced that the horrors of the
+traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. I was <i>surprised to find
+so many that could not speak English among the slaves</i>, until the
+mystery was explained. This was done, when I learned that
+slave-cargoes were landed on the coast of Florida, not a thousand
+miles from St. Augustine. They could, and can still, in my opinion, be
+landed as safely on this coast as in any port of this continent. You
+can imagine for yourself how easy it was to carry on the traffic
+between this place and the West Indies. When landed on the coast of
+Florida, it is an easy matter to distribute them throughout the more
+southern states. The law which makes it piracy to traffic in the
+foreign slave trade is a dead letter; and I doubt not it has been so
+in the more southern states ever since it was enacted. For you can
+perceive at once, that interested men, who believe the colored man is so
+much better off here than he possibly can be in Africa, will not
+hesitate to kidnap the blacks whenever an opportunity presents itself.
+I will notice one fact that came under my own observation, which will
+convince you that the horrors of the foreign slave-trade have not yet
+ceased among our southern gentry. It is as follows. A slave ship,
+which I have reason to believe was employed by southern men, came near
+the port of Savannah with about FIVE HUNDRED SLAVES, from Guinea and
+Congo. It was said that the ship was driven there by contrary winds;
+and the crew, pretending to be short of provisions, run the ship into
+a by place, near the shore, between Tybee Light and Darien, to recruit
+their stores. Well, as Providence would have it, the revenue cutter,
+at that time taking a trip along the coast, fell in with this slave
+ship, took her as a prize, and brought her up into the port of
+Savannah. The cargo of human chattels was unloaded, and the captives
+were placed in an old barracks, in the fort of Savannah, under the
+protection of the city authorities, they pretending that they should
+return them all to their native country again, as soon as a convenient
+opportunity presented itself. The ship's crew of course were arrested,
+and confined in jail. Now for the sequel of this history. About one
+third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they were landed,
+in seasoning, so called, or in becoming acclimated&mdash;or, as I should
+think, a distemper broke out among them, and they died like the
+Israelites when smitten with the plague. Those who did not die in
+seasoning, must be hired out a little while, to be sure, as the city
+authorities could not afford to keep them on expense doing nothing. As
+it happened, the man in whose employ I was when the cargo of human
+beings arrived, hired some twenty or thirty of them, and put them
+under my care. They continued with me until the sickly season drove me
+off to the north. I soon returned, but could not hear a word about the
+crew of pirates. They had something like a mock trial, as I should
+think, for no one, as I ever learned, was condemned, fined, or
+censured. But where were the poor captives, who were going to be
+returned to Africa by the city authorities, as soon as they could make
+it convenient? Oh, forsooth, those of whom I spoke, being under my
+care, were tugging away for the same man; the remainder were scattered
+about among different planters. When I returned to the north again,
+the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that time; made
+it convenient to return these poor victims. The fact is, they belonged
+there; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed near by the
+place where the revenue cutter seized them. Probably those very
+planters for whom they were originally designed received them; and
+still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to
+Africa. This must have been done, that the consciences of those might
+be quieted, who were looking for justice to be administered to these
+poor captives. It is easy for a company of slaveholders, who desire to
+traffic in human flesh, to fit out a vessel, under Spanish colors, and
+then go prowling about the African coast for the victims of their
+lusts. If all the facts with relation to the African slave-trade, now
+secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of
+the free states would be filled with amazement."
+</p>
+<p>
+It is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances
+under which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would
+be likely to be estimated far <i>below</i> the truth. There can be little
+doubt that the estimate of Mr. Wright, of Maryland, (fifteen thousand
+annually,) is some thousands too small. But even according to his
+estimate, the African slave-trade adds ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY THOUSAND
+SLAVES TO EACH UNITED STATES' CENSUS. These are in the prime of life,
+and their children would swell the slave population many thousands
+annually&mdash;thus making a great addition to each census.
+</p>
+<p>
+4. It is a notorious fact, that large numbers of free colored persons
+are kidnapped every year in the free states, taken to the south, and
+sold as slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. GEORGE M. STROUD, Judge of the Criminal Court of Philadelphia, in
+his sketch of the slave laws, speaking of the kidnapping of free
+colored persons in the northern states, says&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Remote as is the city of Philadelphia from those slaveholding states
+in which the introduction of slaves from places within the territory
+of the United States is freely permitted, and where also the market is
+tempting, <i>it has been ascertained</i>, that MORE THAN THIRTY FREE
+COLORED PERSONS, MOSTLY CHILDREN, HAVE BEEN KIDNAPPED HERE, AND
+CARRIED AWAY, WITHIN THE LAST TWO YEARS. Five of these, through the
+kind interposition of several humane gentlemen, have been restored to
+their friends, though not without <i>great expense and difficulty</i>; the
+others <i>are still retained in bondage</i>, and if rescued at all, it must
+be by sending white witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles.
+The costs attendant upon lawsuits, under such circumstances, will
+probably fall but little short of the estimated value, as slaves, of
+the individuals kidnapped."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is an extract from Mrs. CHILD's Appeal, pp. 64-6.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"I know the names of four colored citizens of Massachusetts, who went
+to Georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that
+state, and sold as slaves. They have sent the most earnest
+exhortations to their families and friends, to do something for their
+relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends
+of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows, as yet, remain
+unassisted.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A New York paper, of November, 1829, contains the following caution.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_d"></a>
+<i>"Beware of Kidnappers!</i>&mdash;It is well understood, that there is at
+present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their
+vocation, of stealing colored children for the southern market. It is
+believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days.
+There are suspicions of a foul nature connected with some who serve
+the police in subordinate capacities. It is hinted that there may be
+those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical
+practices. Let the public be on their guard! It is still fresh in the
+memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove of negroes, was made up
+from this city and Philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation
+of all the negroes in this state took place, under our present
+constitution, and were taken through Virginia, the Carolinas, and
+Tennessee, and disposed of in the state of Mississippi. Some of those
+who were taken from Philadelphia were persons of intelligence; and
+after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed
+of by sale on the Mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were
+rescued from bondage. The persons who were guilty of this abominable
+transaction are known, and now reside in North Carolina. They may very
+probably be engaged in similar enterprizes at the present time&mdash;at
+least there is reason to believe, that the system of kidnapping free
+persons of color from the northern cities, has been carried on more
+extensively than the public arc generally aware of."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_e"></a>
+GEORGE BRADBURN, Esq. of Nantucket, Mass. a member of the Legislature
+of that state, at its last session, made a report to that body, March
+6, 1839, 'On the deliverance of citizens liable to be sold as slaves.'
+That report contains the following facts and testimony.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The following facts are a few out of a VAST MULTITUDE, to which the
+attention of the undersigned has been directed.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 27th of February last, the undersigned had an interview with
+the Rev. Samuel Snowden, a respectable and intelligent clergyman of
+the city of Boston. This gentleman stated, and he is now ready to make
+oath, that during the last six years, he has himself, by the aid of
+various benevolent individuals, procured the deliverance from jail of
+six citizens of Massachusetts, who had been, arrested and imprisoned
+as runaway slaves, and who, but for his timely interposition, would
+have been sold into perpetual bondage. The names and the places of
+imprisonment of those persons, as stated by Mr. S. were as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"James Hight, imprisoned at Mobile; William Adams, at Norfolk; William
+Holmes, also at Norfolk; James Oxford, at Wilmington; James Smith, at
+Baton Rouge; John Tidd, at New Orleans.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1836, Mary Smith, a native of this state, returning from New
+Orleans, whither she had been in the capacity of a servant, was cast
+upon the shores of North Carolina. She was there seized and sold as a
+slave. Information of the fact reached her friends at Boston. Those
+friends made an effort to obtain her liberation. They invoked the
+assistance of the Governor of this Commonwealth. A correspondence
+ensued between His Excellency and the Governor of North Carolina:
+copies of which were offered for the inspection of your committee.
+Soon afterwards, by permission of the authorities of North Carolina,
+'Mary Smith' returned to Boston. But it turned out, that this was not
+<i>the</i> Mary Smith, whom our worthy Governor, and other excellent
+individuals of Boston, had taken so unwearied pains to redeem from
+slavery. It was another woman, of the same name, who was also a native
+of Massachusetts, and had been seized in North Carolina as a runaway
+slave. The Mary Smith has not yet been heard of. If alive, she is now,
+in all probability, wearing the chains of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_f"></a>
+"About a year and a half since, several citizens of different free
+states were rescued from slavery, at New Orleans, by the direct
+personal efforts of an acquaintance of the undersigned. The benevolent
+individual alluded to is Jacob Barker, Esq. a name not unknown to the
+commercial world. Mr. Barker is a resident of New Orleans. A statement
+of the cases in reference is contained in a letter addressed by him to
+the Hon. Samuel H. Jenks, of Nantucket."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The letter of Mr. Barker, referred to in this report to the
+Legislature of Massachusetts, bears date August 19, 1837. The
+following are extracts from it.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"A free man, belonging to Baltimore, by the name of Ephraim Larkin,
+who came here cook of the William Tell, was arrested and thrown into
+prison a few weeks since, and sent in chains to work on the road. I
+heard of it, and with difficulty found him; and after the most
+diligent and active exertions, got him released&mdash;in effecting which, I
+traveled in the heat of the day, thermometer ranging in the shade from
+94 to 100, more than twenty times to and from prison, the place of his
+labor, and the different courts, a distance of near three miles from
+my residence; and after I had established his freedom, had to pay for
+his arrest, maintenance, and the advertising him as a runaway slave,
+$29.89, as per copy of bill herewith&mdash;the allowance for work not
+equalling the expenses, the amount augments with every day of
+confinement.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In pursuing the cook of the William Tell, I found three other free
+men, confined in the same prison; one belonged also to Baltimore, by
+the name of Leaven Dogerty: he was also released, on my paying $28
+expenses; one was a descendant of the Indians who once inhabited
+Nantucket&mdash;his name is Eral Lonnon. Lonnon had been six weeks in
+prison; he was released without difficulty, on my paying $20.38
+expenses&mdash;and no one seemed to know why he had been confined or
+arrested, as the law does not presume persons of mixed blood to be
+slaves. But for the others, I had great difficulty in procuring what
+was considered competent witnesses to prove them free. No complaint of
+improper conduct had been made against either of them. At one time,
+the Recorder said the witness must be white; at another, that one
+respectable witness was insufficient; at another, that a person who
+had been (improperly) confined and released, was not a competent
+witness, &amp;c. &amp;c. Lonnon has been employed in the South Sea fishery
+from Nantucket and New Bedford, nearly all his life; has sailed on
+those voyages in the ships Eagle, Maryland, Gideon, Triton, and
+Samuel. He was born at Marshpee, Plymouth (Barnstable) county, Mass.
+and prefers to encounter the leviathan of the deep, rather than the
+turnkeys of New Orleans.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The other was born in St. Johns, Nova Scotia, and bears the name of
+William Smith, a seaman by profession.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Immediately after these men were released, two others were arrested.
+They attempted to escape, and being pursued, ran for the river, in the
+vain hope of being able to swim across the Mississippi, a distance of
+a mile, with a current of four knots. One soon gave out, and made for
+a boat which had been despatched for their recovery, and was saved;
+the other being a better swimmer, continued on until much exhausted,
+then also made for the boat&mdash;it was too late; he sank before the boat
+could reach him, and was drowned. They claimed to be freemen.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On Sunday last I was called to the prison of the Municipality in
+which I reside, to serve on an inquest on the body of a drowned man.
+There I saw one other free man confined, by the name of Henry Tier, a
+yellow man, born in New York, and formerly in my employ. He had been
+confined as a supposed runaway, near six months, without a particle of
+testimony; although from his color, the laws of Louisiana presume him
+to be free. I applied immediately for his release, which was promptly
+granted. At first, expenses similar to those exacted in the third
+Municipality were required; but on my demonstrating to the recorder
+that the law imposed no such burden on free men, he was released
+without any charge whatever. How free men can obtain satisfaction for
+having been thus wrongfully imprisoned, and made to work in chains on
+the highway, is not for me to decide. I apprehend no satisfaction can
+be had without more active friends, willing to espouse their cause,
+than can be found in this quarter. Therefore I repeat, that no person
+of color should come here without a certificate of freedom from the
+governor of the state to which he belongs.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Very respectfully, your assured friend, Jacob Barker."
+</p>
+<p>
+"N.B.&mdash;Since writing the preceding, I have procured the release of
+another free man from the prison of the third Municipality, on the
+payment of $39.65, as per bill, copy herewith. His name is William
+Lockman&mdash;he was born in New Jersey, of free parents, and resides at
+Philadelphia. A greater sum was required which was reduced by the
+allowance of his maintenance (written <i>labor</i>,) while at work on the
+road, which the law requires the Municipality to pay; but it had not
+before been so expounded in the third Municipality. I hope to get it
+back in the case of the other three. The allowance for labor, in
+addition to their maintenance, is twenty-five cents per day; but they
+require those illiterate men to advance the whole before they can
+leave the prison, and then to take a certificate for their labor, and
+go for it to another department&mdash;to collect which, is ten times more
+trouble than the money when received is worth. While these free men,
+without having committed any fault, were compelled to work in chains,
+on the roads, in the burning sun, for 25 cents per day, and pay in
+advance 18 3-4 cents per day for maintenance, doctor's, and other
+bills, and not able to work half their time, I paid others, working on
+ship-board, in sight, two dollars per day. J.B."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The preceding letter of Mr. Barker, furnishes grounds for the belief,
+that <i>hundreds</i>, if not <i>thousands</i> of free colored persons, from the
+different states of this Union, both slave and free from the West
+Indies, South America, Mexico, and the British possessions in North
+America, and from other parts of the world, are reduced to slavery
+<i>every year</i> in our slave states. If a single individual, in the
+course of a few days, <i>accidentally</i> discovered <i>six</i> colored free
+men, working in irons, and soon to be sold as slaves, in a <i>single</i>
+southern city, is it not fair to infer, that in all the slave states,
+there must be <i>multitudes</i> of such persons, now in slavery, and that
+this number is rapidly increasing, by ceaseless accessions?
+</p>
+<p>
+The letter of Mr. Barker is valuable, also, as a graphic delineation
+of the 'public opinion' of the south. The great difficulty with which
+the release of these free men was procured, notwithstanding the
+personal efforts of Mr. Jacob Barker, who is a gentleman of influence,
+and has, we believe, been an alderman of New Orleans, reveals a
+'public opinion,' insensible as adamant to the liberty of colored men.
+</p>
+<p>
+It would be easy to fill scores of pages with details similar to the
+preceding. We have furnished enough, however, to show, that, in all
+probability, <i>each</i> United States' census of the <i>slave</i> population,
+is increased by the addition to it of <i>thousands</i> of free colored
+persons, kidnapped and sold as slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+5th. To argue that the rapid multiplication of any class in the
+community, is proof that such a class is well-clothed, well-housed,
+abundantly fed, and very <i>comfortable</i>, is as absurd as to argue that
+those who have <i>few children</i>, must of course, be ill-clothed,
+ill-housed, badly lodged, overworked, ill-fed, &amp;c. &amp;c. True,
+privations and inflictions may be carried to such an extent as to
+occasion a fearful diminishment of population. That was the case
+generally with the slave population in the West Indies, and, as has
+been shown, is true of certain portions of the southern states. But
+the fact that such an effect is <i>not</i> produced, does not prove that
+the slaves do not experience great privations and severe inflictions.
+They may suffer much hardship, and great cruelties, without
+experiencing so great a derangement of the vital functions as to
+prevent child-bearing. The Israelites multiplied with astonishing
+rapidity, under the task-masters and burdens of Egypt. Does this
+falsify the declarations of Scripture, that 'they sighed by reason of
+their bondage,' and that the Egyptians 'made them serve <i>with rigor</i>,'
+and made 'their lives bitter with <i>hard bondage</i>.' 'I have seen,' said
+God, 'their <i>afflictions</i>. I have beard their <i>groanings</i>,' &amp;c. The
+history of the human race shows, that great <i>privations and much
+suffering</i> may be experienced, without materially checking the rapid
+increase of population.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_6_g"></a>
+Besides, if we should give to the objection all it claims, it would
+merely prove, that the female slaves, or rather a portion of them, are
+in a comfortable condition; and that, so far as the absolute
+necessities of life are concerned, the females of <i>child-bearing</i> age,
+in Delaware, Maryland, northern, western, and middle Virginia, the
+upper parts of Kentucky and Missouri, and among the mountains of east
+Tennessee and western North Carolina, are in general tolerably well
+supplied. The same remark, with some qualifications, may be made of
+the slaves generally, in those parts of the country where the people
+are slaveholders, mainly, that they may enjoy the privilege and profit
+of being <i>slave-breeders</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7"></a>
+OBJECTION VIII.&mdash;'PUBLIC OPINION IS A PROTECTION TO THE SLAVE.'
+</p>
+<p>
+ANSWER. It was public opinion that <i>made him a slave</i>. In a republican
+government the people make the laws, and those laws are merely public
+opinion <i>in legal forms</i>. We repeat it,&mdash;public opinion made them
+slaves, and keeps them slaves; in other words, it sunk them from men
+to chattels, and now, forsooth, this same public opinion will see to
+it, that these <i>chattels</i> are treated like <i>men</i>!
+</p>
+<p>
+By looking a little into this matter, and finding out how this 'public
+opinion' (law) protects the slaves in some particulars, we can judge
+of the amount of its protection in others. 1. It protects the slaves
+from <i>robbery</i>, by declaring that those who robbed their mothers may
+rob them and their children. "All negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who
+now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their
+offspring, are hereby declared to be, and shall remain, forever,
+hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the
+mother."&mdash;Law of South Carolina, 2 Brevard's Digest, 229. Others of
+the slave states have similar laws.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_a"></a>
+2. It protects their <i>persons</i>, by giving their master a right to
+flog, wound, and beat them when he pleases. See Devereaux's North
+Carolina Reports, 263.&mdash;Case of the State vs. Mann, 1829; in which the
+Supreme Court decided, that a master who <i>shot</i> at a female slave and
+wounded her, because she got loose from him when he was flogging her,
+and started to run from him, had violated <i>no law</i>, AND COULD NOT BE
+INDICTED. It has been decided by the highest courts of the slave
+states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave is not
+indictable as a criminal offence.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following decision on this point was made by the Supreme Court of
+South Carolina in the case of the State vs. Cheetwood, 2 Hill's
+Reports, 459.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_b"></a>
+<i>Protection of slaves</i>.&mdash;"The criminal offence of assault and battery
+<i>cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave</i>. For,
+notwithstanding for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a
+person, yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of
+personal protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action
+of trespass for the battery of his slave.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere
+beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or
+an attempt to kill and murder. The peace of the state is not thereby
+broken; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of
+being within the peace of the state. He is not a citizen, and <i>is not
+in that character entitled to her protection</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_c"></a>
+This 'public opinion' protects the <i>persons</i> of the slaves by
+depriving them of Jury trial;[<a name="rnote10-28"></a><a href="#note10-28">28</a>] their <i>consciences</i>, by forbidding
+them to assemble for worship, unless their oppressors are present;[<a name="rnote10-29"></a><a href="#note10-29">29</a>]
+their <i>characters</i>, by branding them as liars, in denying them their
+oath in law;[<a name="rnote10-30"></a><a href="#note10-30">30</a>] their <i>modesty</i>, by leaving their master to clothe,
+or let them go naked, as he pleases;[<a name="rnote10-31"></a><a href="#note10-31">31</a>] and their <i>health</i>, by
+leaving him to feed or starve them, to work them, wet or dry, with or
+without sleep, to lodge them, with or without covering, as the whim
+takes him;[<a name="rnote10-32"></a><a href="#note10-32">32</a>] and their <i>liberty</i>, marriage relations, parental
+authority, and filial obligations, by <i>annihilating</i> the whole.[<a name="rnote10-33"></a><a href="#note10-33">33</a>]
+This is the protection which 'PUBLIC OPINION,' in the form of <i>law</i>,
+affords to the slaves; this is the chivalrous knight, always in
+stirrups, with lance in rest, to champion the cause of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-28"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-28">28</a>: Law of South Carolina. James' Digest, 392-3. Law of
+Louisiana. Martin's Digest, 42. Law of Virginia. Rev. Code, 429.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-29"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-29">29</a>: Miss. Rev. Code, 390. Similar laws exist in the slave
+states generally.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-30"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-30">30</a>: "A slave cannot be a witness against a white person,
+either in a civil or criminal cause." Stroud's Sketch of the Laws of
+Slavery, 65.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-31"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-31">31</a>: Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, 132.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-32"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-32">32</a>: Stroud's Sketch, 26-32.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-33"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-33">33</a>: Stroud's Sketch, 22-24.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Public opinion, protection to the slave! Brazen effrontery, hypocrisy,
+and falsehood! We have, in the laws cited and referred to above, the
+formal testimony of the Legislatures of the slave states, that,
+'public opinion' does pertinaciously <i>refuse</i> to protect the slaves;
+not only so, but that it does itself persecute and plunder them all:
+that it originally planned, and now presides over, sanctions, executes
+and perpetuates the whole system of robbery, torture, and outrage
+under which they groan.
+</p>
+<p>
+In all the slave states, this 'public opinion' has taken away from the
+slave his <i>liberty</i>; it has robbed him of his right to his own body,
+of his right to improve his mind, of his right to read the Bible, of
+his right to worship God according to his conscience, of his right to
+receive and enjoy what he earns, of his right to live with his wife
+and children, of his right to better his condition, of his right to
+eat when he is hungry, to rest when he is tired, to sleep when be
+needs it, and to cover his nakedness with clothing: this 'public
+opinion' makes the slave a prisoner for life on the plantation, except
+when his jailor pleases to let him out with a 'pass,' or sells him,
+and transfers him in irons to another jail-yard: this 'public opinion'
+traverses the country, buying up men, women, children&mdash;chaining them
+in coffles, and driving them forever from their nearest friends; it
+sets them on the auction table, to be handled, scrutinized, knocked
+off to the highest bidder; it proclaims that they shall not have their
+liberty; and, if their masters give it them, 'public opinion' seizes
+and throws them back into slavery. This same 'public opinion' has
+formally attached the following legal penalties to the following acts
+of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_d"></a>
+If more than seven slaves are found together in any road, without a
+white person, <i>twenty lashes a piece</i>; for visiting a plantation
+without a written pass, ten lashes; for letting loose a boat from
+where it is made fast, <i>thirty-nine lashes for the first offence</i>; and
+for the second, '<i>shall have cut off from his head one ear</i>;' for
+keeping or carrying a <i>club, thirty-nine lashes</i>; for having any
+article for sale, without a ticket from his master, <i>ten lashes</i>; for
+traveling in any other than 'the most usual and accustomed road,' when
+going alone to any place, <i>forty lashes</i>; for traveling in the night,
+without a pass, <i>forty lashes</i>; for being found in another person's
+negro-quarters, <i>forty lashes</i>; for hunting with dogs in the woods,
+<i>thirty lashes</i>; for being on <i>horseback</i> without the written
+permission of his master, <i>twenty-five lashes</i>; for riding or going
+abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day time, without leave,
+a slave may be whipped, <i>cropped</i>, or <i>branded in the cheek</i> with the
+letter R, or otherwise punished, <i>not extending to life</i>, or so as to
+render him <i>unfit for labor</i>. The laws referred to may be found by
+consulting 2 Brevard's Digest, 228, 213, 216; Haywood's Manual, 78,
+chap. 13, pp. 518, 529; 1 Virginia Revised Code, 722-3; Prince's
+Digest, 454; 2 Missouri Laws, 741; Mississippi Revised Code, 571. Laws
+similar to these exist throughout the southern slave code. Extracts
+enough to fill a volume might be made from these laws, showing that
+the protection which 'public opinion' grants to the slaves, is hunger,
+nakedness, terror, bereavements, robbery, imprisonment, the stocks,
+iron collars, hunting and worrying them with dogs and guns, mutilating
+their bodies, and murdering them.
+</p>
+<p>
+A few specimens of the laws and the judicial decisions on them, will
+show what is the state of 'public opinion' among slaveholders towards
+their slaves. Let the following suffice.&mdash;'Any person may lawfully
+kill a slave, who has been outlawed for running away and lurking in
+swamps, &amp;c.'&mdash;Law of North Carolina; Judge Stroud's Sketch of the
+Slave Laws, 103; Haywood's Manual, 524. 'A slave <i>endeavoring</i> to
+entice another slave to runaway, if provisions, &amp;c. be prepared for
+the purpose of aiding in such running away, shall be punished with
+DEATH. And a slave who shall aid the slave so endeavoring to entice
+another slave to run away, shall also suffer DEATH.'&mdash;Law of South
+Carolina; Stroud's Sketch of Slave Laws, 103-4; 2 Brevard's Digest,
+233, 244. Another law of South Carolina provides that if a slave
+shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be examined by '<i>any
+white</i> person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) 'such white person may
+seize and chastise him; and if the slave shall <i>strike</i> such white
+person, such slave may be lawfully killed.'&mdash;2 Brevard's Digest, 231.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is a law of Georgia.&mdash;'If any slave shall presume to
+strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction
+before the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first
+offence as they shall think fit, not extending to life or limb; and
+for the second offence, DEATH.'&mdash;Prince's Digest, 450. The same law
+exists in South Carolina, with this difference, that death is made the
+punishment for the <i>third</i> offence. In both states, the law contains
+this remarkable proviso: 'Provided always, that such striking be not
+done by the command and in the defence of the person or property of
+the owner, or other person having the government of such slave, in
+which case the slave shall be wholly excused!' According to this law,
+if a slave, by the direction of his OVERSEER, strike a white man who
+is beating said overseer's <i>dog</i>, 'the slave shall be wholly excused;'
+but if the white man has rushed upon the slave himself, instead of the
+<i>dog</i>, and is furiously beating him, if the slave strike back but a
+single blow, the legal penalty is 'ANY <i>punishment</i> not extending to
+life or limb;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset made upon
+him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in
+self-defence, the law KILLS him for it. So, if a female slave, in
+obedience to her mistress, and in defence of 'her property,' strike a
+white man who is kicking her mistress' pet kitten, she 'shall be
+wholly excused,' saith the considerate law: but if the unprotected
+girl, when beaten and kicked <i>herself</i>, raise her hand against her
+brutal assailant, the law condemns her to 'any punishment, not
+extending to life or limb; and if a wretch assail her again, and
+attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling girl, in her
+anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him in
+self-defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer DEATH.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Reader, this diabolical law is the 'public opinion' of Georgia and
+South Carolina toward the slaves. This is the vaunted 'protection'
+afforded them by their 'high-souled chivalry.' To show that the
+'public opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the
+<i>property</i> of the master than the <i>person</i> of the slave, the reader is
+referred to two laws of Louisiana, passed in 1819. The one attaches a
+penalty 'not exceeding one thousand dollars,' and 'imprisonment not
+exceeding two years,' to the crime of 'cutting or breaking any iron
+chain or collar,' which any master of slaves has used to prevent their
+running away; the other, a penalty 'not exceeding five hundred
+dollars,' to 'wilfully cutting out the tongue, putting out the eye,
+<i>cruelly</i> burning, or depriving any slave of <i>any limb</i>.' Look at
+it&mdash;the most horrible dismemberment conceivable cannot be punished by
+a fine of <i>more</i> than five hundred dollars. The law expressly fixes
+that, as the utmost limit, and it <i>may</i> not be half that sum; not a
+single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and the
+next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his hand off.
+But let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep him from
+running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that could be
+exacted from him for cutting off a slave's leg, the law imprisons him
+not exceeding two years!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_e"></a>
+This law reveals the <i>heart</i> of slaveholders towards their slaves,
+their diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted
+torments inflicted on them by '<i>any</i> person;' it reveals, too, the
+<i>relative</i> protection afforded by 'public opinion' to the <i>person</i> of
+the slave, in appalling contrast with the vastly surer protection
+which it affords to the master's <i>property</i> in the slave. The wretch
+who cuts out the tongue, tears out the eyes, shoots off the arms, or
+burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, <i>cannot</i> legally be
+fined more than five hundred dollars; but if he should in pity loose a
+chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to keep him
+from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he may be
+fined <i>one thousand dollars</i>, and thrust into a dungeon for two years!
+and this, be it remembered, not for <i>stealing</i> the slave from the
+master, nor for <i>enticing</i>, or even advising him to run away, or
+giving him any information how he can effect his escape; but merely,
+because, touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the
+rough iron chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it;&mdash;and, as
+escape without this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the
+master's property in the slave is put at some risk. For having caused
+this slight risk, the law provides a punishment&mdash;fine not exceeding
+one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding <i>two years</i>. We
+say 'slight risk,' because the slave may not be disposed to encounter
+the dangers, and hunger, and other sufferings of the woods, and the
+certainty of terrible inflictions if caught; and if he should attempt
+it, the risk of losing him is small. An advertisement of five lines
+will set the whole community howling on his track; and the trembling
+and famished fugitive is soon scented out in his retreat, and dragged
+back and delivered over to his tormentors.
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding law is another illustration of the 'protection' afforded
+to the limbs and members of slaves, by 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+</p>
+<p>
+Here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of
+'public opinion' to the <i>torments</i> of the slave, while it is full of
+zeal to compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to
+lessen his market value. The first is a law of South Carolina. It
+provides, that if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked
+by a person 'not having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the
+slave shall be '<i>maimed or disabled</i>' by him, so that the owner
+suffers a loss from his inability to labor, the person maiming him
+shall pay for his 'lost time,' and 'also the charges for the cure of
+the slave!' This Vandal law does not deign to take the least notice of
+the anguish of the '<i>maimed' slave</i>, made, perhaps, a groaning cripple
+for life; the horrible wrong and injury done to <i>him</i>, is passed over
+in utter silence. It is thus declared to be <i>not a criminal act</i>. But
+the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by
+'public opinion'. Oh no! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at
+the master's injury in the 'lost <i>time</i>' of his slave, and it
+carefully provides that he shall have pay for the whole of it.&mdash;See 2
+<i>Brevard's Digest</i>, 231, 2.
+</p>
+<p>
+A law similar to the above has been passed in Louisiana, which
+contains an additional provision for the benefit of the
+<i>master</i>&mdash;ordaining, that 'if the slave' (thus <i>maimed and disabled</i>,)
+'be forever rendered unable to work,' the person maiming, shall pay
+the master the appraised value of the slave before the injury, and
+shall, in addition, <i>take</i> the slave, and maintain him during life.'
+Thus 'public opinion' transfers the helpless cripple from the hand of
+his master, who, as he has always had the benefit of his services,
+might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and puts him in the sole
+power of the wretch who has disabled him for life&mdash;protecting the
+victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him into his hands!
+What but butchery by piecemeal can, under such circumstances, be
+expected from a man brutal enough at first to 'maim' and 'disable'
+him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value to the
+master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his
+maintenance. Since writing the above, we have seen the following
+judicial decision, in the case of Jourdan, vs. Patton&mdash;5 Martin's
+Louisiana Reports, 615. A slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of
+his <i>only eye</i>, and thus rendered <i>useless</i>, on which account the
+court adjudged that the defendant should pay the plaintiff his full
+value. The case went up, by appeal, to the Supreme court. Judge
+Mathews, in his decision said, that 'when the defendant had paid the
+sum decreed, the slave ought to be placed in his possession,'&mdash;adding,
+that 'the judgment making full compensation to the owner <i>operates a
+change of property</i>. He adds, 'The principle of humanity which would
+lead us to suppose, that the mistress whom he had long served, would
+treat her miserable blind slave with more kindness than the defendant
+to whom the judgment ought to transfer him, CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO
+CONSIDERATION!' The full compensation of the mistress for the loss of
+the services of the slave, is worthy of all 'consideration,' even to
+the uttermost farthing; 'public opinion' is omnipotent for <i>her</i>
+protection; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and lodging,
+medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treatment of
+her poor blind slave throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the question&mdash;ah!
+that, says the mouthpiece of the law, and the representative of
+'public opinion,' 'CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO CONSIDERATION.' Protection of
+slaves by 'public opinion' among slaveholders!!
+</p>
+<p>
+The foregoing illustrations of southern 'public opinion,' from the
+laws made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far
+from being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their
+deadliest foe, persecutor and tormentor.
+</p>
+<p>
+But here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some 'Justice
+Shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected
+by law, however unprotected he may be in other respects. This
+assertion we meet with a point blank denial. The law does not, in
+reality, protect the life of the slave. But even if the letter of the
+law would fully protect the life of the slave, 'public opinion' in the
+slave states would make it a dead letter. The letter of the law would
+have been all-sufficient for the protection of the lives of the
+miserable gamblers in Vicksburg, and other places in Mississippi, from
+the rage of those whose money they had won; but 'gentlemen of property
+and standing' laughed the law to scorn, rushed to the gamblers' house,
+put ropes round their necks, dragged them through the streets, hanged
+them in the public square, and thus saved the sum they had not yet
+paid. Thousands witnessed this wholesale murder, yet of the scores of
+legal officers present, not a soul raised a finger to prevent it, the
+whole city consented to it, and thus aided and abetted it. How many
+hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, <i>with their own hands</i>,
+does not appear, but not one of them has been indicted for it, and no
+one made the least effort to bring them to trial. Thus, up to the
+present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on that whole
+city, and it will continue to be a CITY OF MURDERERS, so long as its
+citizens, agree together to shield those felons from punishment; and
+they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in
+refusing to bring them to justice. Now, the <i>laws</i> of Mississippi were
+not in fault that those men were murdered; nor are they now in fault,
+that their murderers are not punished; the laws demand it, but the
+people of Mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and
+legislature of the state, with one consent agree, that the law <i>shall
+be a dead letter</i>, and thus the whole state assumes the guilt of those
+murders, and in bravado, flourishes her reeking hands in the face of
+the world.[<a name="rnote10-34"></a><a href="#note10-34">34</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-34"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-34">34</a>: We have just learned from Mississippi papers, that the
+citizens of Vicksburg are erecting a public monument in honor of Dr.
+H.S. Bodley, who was the ring-leader of the Lynchers in their attack
+upon the miserable victims. To give the crime the cold encouragement
+of impunity alone, or such slight tokens of favor as a home and a
+sanctuary, is beneath the chivalry and hospitality of Mississippians;
+so they tender it incense, an altar, and a crown of glory. Let the
+marble rise till it be seen from afar, a beacon marking the spot where
+law lies lifeless by the hand of felons; and murderers, with chaplets
+on their heads, dance and shout upon its grave, while 'all the people
+say, amen.']
+</p>
+<p>
+The letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice
+of the community under that law often a totally different thing. Each
+of the slave states has laws providing that the life of no <i>white</i> man
+shall be taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury,
+allowed an impartial trial by a petit jury, with the right of counsel,
+cross-examination of witnesses, &amp;c.; but who does not know that if
+ARTHUR TAPPAN were pointed out in the streets of New Orleans, Mobile,
+Savannah, Charleston, Natchez, or St. Louis, he would be torn in
+pieces by the citizens with one accord, and that if any one should
+attempt to bring his murderers to punishment, he would be torn in
+pieces also. The editors of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that
+every abolitionist who sets foot in their soil, shall, if he be
+discovered, be hung at once, without judge or jury. What mockery to
+quote the <i>letter of the law</i> in those states, to show that
+abolitionists would have secured to them the legal protection of an
+impartial trial!
+</p>
+<p>
+Before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave
+is protected by the law, he must not only show that the <i>words of the
+law</i> grant him such protection, but that such a state of public
+sentiment exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their
+true spirit. Any thing short of this will be set down as mere prating
+by every man of common sense. It has been already abundantly shown in
+the preceding pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding
+states toward the slaves is diabolical. Now, if there were laws in
+those states, the <i>words</i> of which granted to the life of the slave
+the same protection granted to that of the master, what would they
+avail? ACTS constitute protection; and is that public sentiment which
+makes the slave 'property,' and perpetrates hourly robbery and
+batteries upon him, so penetrated with a sense of the sacredness of
+his right to life, that it will protect it at all hazards, and drag to
+the gallows his OWNER, if he take the life of his own <i>property</i>? If
+it be asked, why the penalty for killing a slave is not a mere <i>fine</i>
+then, if his life is not really regarded as sacred by public
+sentiment&mdash;we answer, that formerly in most, if not in all the slave
+states, the murder of a slave <i>was</i> punished by a mere fine. This was
+the case in South Carolina till a few years since. Yes, as late as
+1821, in the state of South Carolina, which boasts of its chivalry and
+honor, at least as loudly as any state in the Union, a slaveholder
+might butcher his slave in the most deliberate manner&mdash;with the most
+barbarous and protracted torments, and yet not be subjected to a
+single hour's imprisonment&mdash;pay his fine, stride out of the court and
+kill another&mdash;pay his fine again and butcher another, and so long as
+he paid to the state, cash down, its own assessment of damages,
+without putting it to the trouble of prosecuting for it, he might
+strut 'a gentleman.'&mdash;See 2 <i>Brevard's Digest</i>, 241.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_f"></a>
+The reason assigned by the legislature for enacting a law which
+punished the wilful murder of a human being by a <i>fine</i>, was that
+'CRUELTY <i>is</i> HIGHLY UNBECOMING,' and 'ODIOUS.' It was doubtless the
+same reason that induced the legislature in 1821, to make a show of
+giving <i>more</i> protection to the life of the slave. Their fathers, when
+they gave <i>some</i> protection, did it because the time had come when,
+not to do it would make them 'ODIOUS,' So the legislature of 1821 made
+a show of giving still greater protection, because, not to do it would
+make them '<i>odious</i>.' Fitly did they wear the mantles of their
+ascending fathers! In giving to the life of a slave the miserable
+protection of a fine, their fathers did not even pretend to do it out
+of any regard to the sacredness of his life as a human being, but
+merely because cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious.' The legislature
+of 1821 <i>nominally</i> increased this protection; not that they cared
+more for the slave's rights, or for the inviolabity of his life as a
+human being, but the civilized world had advanced since the date of
+the first law. The slave-trade which was then honorable merchandise,
+and plied by lords, governors, judges, and doctors of divinity,
+raising them to immense wealth, had grown 'unbecoming,' and only
+raised its votaries by a rope to the yard arm; besides this, the
+barbarity of the slave codes throughout the world was fast becoming
+'odious' to civilized nations, and slaveholders found that the only
+conditions on which they could prevent themselves from being thrust
+out of the pale of civilization, was to meliorate the iron rigor of
+their slave code, and thus <i>seem</i> to secure to their slaves some
+protection. Further, the northern states had passed laws for the
+abolition of slavery&mdash;all the South American states were acting in the
+matter; and Colombia and Chili passed acts of abolition that very
+year. In addition to all this the Missouri question had been for two
+years previous under discussion in Congress, in State legislatures,
+and in every village and stage coach; and this law of South Carolina
+had been held up to execration by northern members of Congress, and in
+newspapers throughout the free states&mdash;in a word, the legislature of
+South Carolina found that they were becoming 'odious;' and while in
+their sense of justice and humanity they did not surpass their
+fathers, they winced with equal sensitiveness under the sting of the
+world's scorn, and with equal promptitude sued for a truce by
+modifying the law.
+</p>
+<p>
+The legislature of South Carolina modified another law at the same
+session. Previously, the killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or
+passion, or by undue correction,' was punished by a fine of three
+hundred and fifty pounds. In 1821 an act was passed diminishing the
+fine to five hundred dollars, but authorizing an imprisonment 'not
+exceeding six months.' Just before the American Revolution, the
+Legislature of North Carolina passed a law making <i>imprisonment</i> the
+penalty for the wilful and malicious murder of a slave. About twenty
+years after the revolution, the state found itself becoming 'odious,'
+as the spirit of abolition was pervading the nations. The legislature,
+perceiving that Christendom would before long rank them with
+barbarians if they so cheapened human life, repealed the law, candidly
+assigning in the preamble of the new one the reason for repealing the
+old&mdash;that it was 'DISGRACEFUL' and 'DEGRADING! As this preamble
+expressly recognizes the slave as 'a human creature,' and as it is
+couched in a phraseology which indicates some sense of justice, we
+would gladly give the legislature credit for sincerity, and believe
+them really touched with humane movings towards the slave, were it not
+for a proviso in the law clearly revealing that the show of humanity
+and regard for their rights, indicated by the words, is nothing more
+than a hollow pretence&mdash;hypocritical flourish to produce an impression
+favorable to their justice and magnanimity. After declaring that he
+who is 'guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, shall
+suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a freeman;' the act
+concludes thus: 'Provided, always, this act shall not extend to the
+person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of Assembly of
+this state; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful
+overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under <i>moderate
+correction</i>.' Reader, look at this proviso. 1. It gives free license
+to all persons to kill <i>outlawed slaves</i>. Well, what is an outlawed
+slave? A slave who runs away, lurks in swamps, &amp;c., and kills a <i>hog</i>
+or any other domestic animal to keep himself from starving, is subject
+to a proclamation of <i>outlawry</i>; (Haywood's Manual, 521,) and then
+whoever finds him may shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn
+him to death over a slow fire, or kill him by any other tortures. 2.
+The proviso grants full license to a master to kill his slave, if the
+slave <i>resist</i> him. The North Carolina Bench has decided that this law
+contemplates not only actual resistance to punishment, &amp;c., but also
+<i>offering</i> to resist. (Stroud's Sketch, 37.) If, for example, a slave
+undergoing the process of branding should resist by pushing aside the
+burning stamp; or if wrought up to frenzy by the torture of the lash,
+he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose from his master
+and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he <i>refuse</i> to be
+flogged; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master is trying
+to strip him; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other ways he
+<i>resist</i>, or offer, or <i>threaten</i> to resist the infliction; or, if the
+master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband
+resist his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely
+to shield his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit,
+but it <i>authorizes</i> the master to murder the slave on the spot.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_g"></a>
+The brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians.
+But the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the
+legislation of fiends. 'DYING under MODERATE <i>correction</i>!' MODERATE
+<i>correction</i> and DEATH&mdash;cause and effect! 'Provided ALWAYS,' says the
+law, 'this act shall not extend to any slave dying under <i>moderate
+correction</i>!' Here is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder&mdash;an
+express pledge of <i>acquittal</i> to all slaveholders who wish to murder
+their slaves, a legal absolution&mdash;an indulgence granted before the
+commission of the crime! Look at the phraseology. Nothing is said of
+maimings, dismemberments, skull fractures, of severe bruisings, or
+lacerations, or even of floggings; but a word is used the
+common-parlance import of which is, <i>slight chastisement</i>; it is not
+<a name="OBJECT_7_h"></a>
+even <i>whipping</i>, but '<i>correction</i>' And as if hypocrisy and malignity
+were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word must be
+still farther diluted; so '<i>moderate</i>' is added: and, to crown the
+climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder,
+the <i>legal definition</i> of 'moderate correction' is covertly given;
+which is, <i>any punishment</i> that KILLS the victim. All inflictions are
+either <i>moderate</i> or <i>immoderate</i>; and the design of this law was
+manifestly to shield the murderer from conviction, <i>by carrying on its
+face the rule for its own interpretation</i>; thus advertising,
+beforehand, courts and juries, that the fact of any infliction
+<i>producing death</i>, was no evidence that it was <i>immoderate</i>, and that
+beating a man to death came within the legal meaning of 'moderate
+correction!' The <i>design</i> of the legislature of North Carolina in
+framing this law is manifest; it was to produce the impression upon
+the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to
+grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. This is
+ostentatiously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law.
+That this was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had
+predetermined to grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains
+taken to get the <i>credit</i> of it, is fully revealed by the <i>proviso</i>,
+which was framed in such a way as to nullify the law, for the express
+accommodation of slaveholding gentlemen murdering their slaves. All
+such find in this proviso a convenient accomplice before the fact, and
+a packed jury, with a ready-made verdict of 'not guilty,' both
+gratuitously furnished by the government! The preceding law and
+proviso are to be found in Haywood's Manual, 530; also in Laws of
+Tennessee, Act of October 23, 1791; and in Stroud's Sketch, 37.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_i"></a>
+Enough has been said already to show, that though the laws of the
+slave states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the
+slave, such professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection
+being in reality afforded by them. But there is still another fact,
+showing that all laws which profess to protect the slaves from injury
+by the whites are a mockery. It is this&mdash;that the testimony, neither
+of a slave nor of a free colored person, is <i>legal</i> testimony against
+a white. To this rule there is <i>no exception</i> in any of the slave
+states: and this, were there no other evidence, would be sufficient to
+stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions of the codes which
+<i>profess</i> to protect the slaves. Professing to grant <i>protection</i>,
+while, at the same time, it strips them of the only <i>means</i> by which
+they can make that protection available! Injuries must be legally
+<i>proved</i> before they can be legally <i>redressed</i>: to deprive men of the
+power of <i>proving</i> their injuries, is itself the greatest of all
+injuries; for it not only exposes to all, but invites them, by a
+virtual guarantee of impunity, and is thus the <i>author</i> of all
+injuries. It matters not what other laws exist, professing to throw
+safeguards round the slave&mdash;<i>this</i> makes them blank paper. How can a
+slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by his master or overseer,
+when his own testimony and that of all his fellow-slaves, his kindred,
+associates, and acquaintances, is ruled out of court? and when he is
+entirely in the <i>power</i> of those who injure him, and when the only
+care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no <i>white</i> witness is
+looking on. Ordinarily, but <i>one</i> white man, the overseer, is with the
+slaves while they are at labor; indeed, on most plantations, to commit
+an outrage in the <i>presence</i> of a white witness would be more
+difficult than in their absence. He who wished to commit an illegal
+act upon a slave, instead of being obliged to <i>take pains</i> and watch
+for an opportunity to do it unobserved by a white, would find it
+difficult to do it in the presence of a white if he wished to do so.
+The supreme court of Louisiana, in their decision, in the case of
+Crawford vs. Cherry,(15, <i>Martin's La. Rep.</i> 112; also "<i>Law of
+Slavery,</i>" 249,) where the defendant was sued for the value of a slave
+whom he had shot and killed, say, "The act charged here, is one
+<i>rarely</i> committed in the presence of <i>witnesses</i>," (whites). So in
+the case of the State vs. Mann, (<i>Devereux, N.C. Rep.</i> 263; and <i>"Law
+of Slavery," </i>247;) in which the defendant was charged with shooting a
+slave girl 'belonging' to the plaintiff; the Supreme Court of North
+Carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the
+master by the slave, and 'the consequent wrath of the master' prompting
+him to <i>bloody vengeance</i>, add, '<i>a vengeance generally practised with
+impunity, by reason of its privacy</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, where
+a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. One or two
+of them have no legal enactment on the subject; but, in those,
+'<i>public opinion</i>' acts with the force of law, and the courts
+<i>invariably reject it</i>. This brings us back to the potency of that
+oft-quoted 'public opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to
+do battle for the <i>protection</i> of the slave!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_j"></a>
+Another proof that 'public opinion,' in the slave states, plunders,
+tortures, and murders the slaves, instead of <i>protecting</i> them, is
+found in the fact, that the laws of slave states inflict <i>capital</i>
+punishment on slaves for a variety of crimes, for which, if their
+masters commit them, the legal penalty is merely <i>imprisonment</i>. Judge
+Stroud in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, says, that by the laws of
+Virginia, there are 'seventy-one crimes for which slaves are capitally
+punished though in none of these are whites punished in manner more
+severe than by imprisonment in the penitentiary.' (P. 107, where the
+reader will find all the crimes enumerated.) It should be added,
+however, that though the penalty for each of these seventy-one crimes
+is 'death,' yet a majority of them are, in the words of the law,
+'death within clergy;' and in Virginia, <i>clergyable</i> offences, though
+<i>technically</i> capital, are not so in fact. In Mississippi, slaves are
+punished capitally for more than <i>thirty</i> crimes, for which whites are
+punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both. Eight of these are not
+<i>recognized as crimes</i>, either by common law or by statute, when
+committed by whites. In South Carolina slaves are punished capitally
+for <i>nine</i> more crimes than the whites&mdash;in Georgia, for <i>six</i>&mdash;and in
+Kentucky, for <i>seven</i> more than whites, &amp;c. We surely need not detain
+the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with which the
+penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. When we
+consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that these
+masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, as
+they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon
+them for a variety of acts regarded as praise worthy in whites;
+killing them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned&mdash;to
+call such a 'public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical,
+would be to use tame words, if the English vocabulary could supply
+others of more horrible import.
+</p>
+<p>
+But slaveholding brutality does not stop here. While punishing the
+slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their
+masters for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts <i>crimes</i> in
+law, which are right, and often <i>duties</i>, it persists in refusing to
+make known to the slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code
+which loads them with such fearful liabilities. The slave is left to
+get a knowledge of these laws as he can, and cases must be of constant
+occurrence at the south, in which slaves get their first knowledge of
+the existence of a law by suffering its penalty. Indeed, this is
+probably the way in which they commonly learn what the laws are; for
+how else can the slave get a knowledge of the laws? He cannot
+<i>read</i>&mdash;he cannot <i>learn</i> to read; if he try to master the alphabet,
+so that he may spell out the words of the law, and thus avoid its
+penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him; while, at the same time,
+those who made the laws refuse to make them known to those for whom
+<a name="OBJECT_7_k"></a>
+they are designed. The memory of Caligula will blacken with execration
+while time lasts, because be hung up his laws so high that people
+could not read them, and then punished them because they did not keep
+them. Our slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy. Caligula was content
+with hanging up his laws where his subjects could <i>see</i> them; and if
+they could not read them, they knew where they were, and might get at
+them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had used the same
+means to get up to them that those did who hung them there. Even
+Caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cutting their legs
+off, to prevent their climbing to them; or, if they had got there, at
+boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. Our slaveholders
+virtually do both; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring that
+knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws; and if,
+by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books and
+papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. Further&mdash;Caligula
+merely hung his laws so high that they could not be <i>read</i>&mdash;our
+slaveholders have hung theirs so high above the slave that they cannot
+be <i>seen</i>&mdash;they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they
+are there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.[<a name="rnote10-35"></a><a href="#note10-35">35</a>] Thus
+the "public opinion" of slave states protects the defenceless slave by
+arming a host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every
+thicket along his path, to spring upon him unawares.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-35"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-35">35</a>: The following extract from the Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette
+is all illustration. "CRIMINALS CONDEMNED.&mdash;On Monday last the Court
+of the borough of Norfolk, Va. sat on the trial of four negro boys
+arraigned for burglary. The first indictment charged them with
+breaking into the hardware store of Mr. E.P. Tabb, upon which two of
+them were found guilty by the Court, and condemned to suffer the
+penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, is death. The
+second Friday in April is appointed for the execution of their awful
+sentence. <i>Their ages do not exceed sixteen</i>. The first, a fine active
+boy, belongs to a widow lady in Alexandria; the latter, a house
+servant, is owned by a gentleman in the borough. The value of one was
+fixed at $1000, and the other at $800; which sums are to be
+re-imbursed to their respective owners out of the state treasury." In
+all probability these poor boys, who are to be hung for stealing,
+never dreamed that death was the legal penalty of the crime.
+</p>
+<p>
+Here is another, from the "New Orleans Bee" of &mdash;&mdash; 14, 1837&mdash;"The
+slave who STRUCK some citizens in Canal street, some weeks since, has
+been tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be HUNG on the 24th."]
+</p>
+<p>
+Stroud, in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, page 100, thus comments
+on this monstrous barbarity.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the
+laws before he is expected to obey them;[<a name="rnote10-36"></a><a href="#note10-36">36</a>] yet the guiltless slave
+is subjected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of
+which, probably, has he ever heard."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-36"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-36">36</a>: "It shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary]
+on the receipt of each prisoner, to <i>read</i> to him or her such parts of
+the penal laws of this state as impose penalties for escape, and to
+make all the prisoners in the penitentiary acquainted with the same.
+It shall also be his duty, on the discharge of such prisoner, to read
+to him or her such parts of the laws as impose additional punishments
+for the repetition of offences."&mdash;<i>Rule 12th</i>, for the internal
+government of the Penitentiary of Georgia. Sec. 26 of the Penitentiary
+Act of 1816.&mdash;Prince's Digest, 386.]
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_l"></a>
+Having already drawn so largely on the reader's patience, in
+illustrating southern 'public opinion' by the slave laws, instead of
+additional illustrations of the same point from another class of those
+laws, as was our design, we will group together a few particulars,
+which the reader can take in at a glance, showing that the "public
+opinion" of slaveholders towards their slaves, which exists at the
+south, in the form of law, tramples on all those fundamental
+principles of right, justice, and equity, which are recognized as
+sacred by all civilized nations, and receive the homage even of
+barbarians.
+</p>
+<p>
+1. One of these principles is, that the <i>benefits</i> of law to the
+subject should overbalance its burdens&mdash;its protection more than
+compensate for its restraints and exactions&mdash;and its blessings
+altogether outweigh its inconveniences and evils&mdash;the former being
+numerous, positive, and permanent, the latter few, negative, and
+incidental. Totally the reverse of all this is true in the case of the
+slave. Law is to him all exaction and no protection: instead of
+lightening his <i>natural</i> burdens, it crushes him under a multitude of
+artificial ones; instead of a friend to succor him, it is his
+deadliest foe, transfixing him at every step from the cradle to the
+grave. Law has been beautifully defined to be "benevolence acting by
+rule;" to the American slave it is malevolence torturing by system. It
+is an old truth, that <i>responsibility</i> increases with <i>capacity</i>; but
+those same laws which make the slave a "<i>chattel</i>," require of him
+<i>more</i> than of <i>men</i>. The same law which makes him a <i>thing</i> incapable
+of obligation, loads him with obligations superhuman&mdash;while sinking
+him below the level of a brute in dispensing its <i>benefits</i>, he lays
+upon him burdens which would break down an angel.
+</p>
+<p>
+2. <i>Innocence is entitled to the protection of law</i>. Slaveholders make
+innocence free plunder; this is their daily employment; their laws
+assail it, make it their victim, inflict upon it all, and, in some
+respects, more than all the penalties of the greatest guilt. To other
+innocent persons, law is a blessing, to the slave it is a curse, only
+a curse and that continually.
+</p>
+<p>
+3. <i>Deprivation of liberty is one of the highest punishments of
+crime</i>; and in proportion to its justice when inflicted on the guilty,
+is its injustice when inflicted on the innocent; this terrible penalty
+is inflicted on two million seven hundred thousand, innocent persons
+in the Southern states.
+</p>
+<p>
+4. <i>Self-preservation and self-defence</i>, are universally regarded as
+the most sacred of human rights, yet the laws of slave states punish
+the slave with <i>death</i> for exercising these rights in that way, which
+in others is pronounced worthy of the highest praise.
+</p>
+<p>
+5. <i>The safeguards of law are most needed where natural safe-guards
+are weakest</i>. Every principle of justice and equity requires, that,
+those who are totally unprotected by birth, station, wealth, friends,
+influence, and popular favor, and especially those who are the
+innocent objects of public contempt and prejudice, should be more
+vigilantly protected by law, than those who are so fortified by
+defence, that they have far less need of <i>legal</i> protection; yet the
+poor slave who is fortified by <i>none</i> of these <i>personal</i> bulwarks, is
+denied the protection of law, while the master, surrounded by them
+all, is panoplied in the mail of legal protection, even to the hair of
+his head; yea, his very shoe-tie and coat-button are legal protegees.
+</p>
+<p>
+6. The grand object of law is to <i>protect men's natural rights</i>, but
+instead of protecting the natural rights of the slaves, it gives
+slaveholders license to wrest them from the weak by violence, protects
+them in holding their plunder, and <i>kills</i> the rightful owner if he
+attempt to recover it.
+</p>
+<p>
+This is the <i>protection</i> thrown around the rights of American slaves
+by the 'public opinion,' of slaveholders; these the restraints that
+hold back their masters, overseers, and drivers, from inflicting
+injuries upon them!
+</p>
+<p>
+In a Republican government, <i>law</i> is the pulse of its <i>heart</i>&mdash;as the
+heart beats the pulse beats, except that it often beats <i>weaker</i> than
+the heart, never stronger&mdash;or to drop the figure, laws are never
+<i>worse</i> than those who make them, very often better. If human history
+proves anything, cruelty of practice will always go beyond cruelty of
+law.
+</p>
+<p>
+Law-making is a formal, deliberate act, performed by persons of mature
+age, embodying the intelligence, wisdom, justice and humanity, of the
+community; performed, too, at leisure, after full opportunity had for
+a comprehensive survey of all the relations to be affected, after
+careful investigation and protracted discussion. Consequently laws
+must, in the main, be a true index of the permanent feelings, the
+settled <i>frame of mind</i>, cherished by the community upon those
+subjects, and towards those persons and classes whose condition the
+laws are designed to establish. If the laws are in a high degree cruel
+and inhuman, towards any class of persons, it proves that the feelings
+habitually exercised towards that class of persons, by those who make
+and perpetuate those laws, are at least <i>equally</i> cruel and inhuman.
+We say <i>at least equally</i> so; for if the <i>habitual</i> state of feeling
+towards that class be unmerciful, it must be unspeakably cruel,
+relentless and malignant when <i>provoked</i>; if its <i>ordinary</i> action is
+inhuman, its contortions and spasms must be tragedies; if the waves
+run high when there has been no wind, where will they not break when
+the tempest heaves them!
+</p>
+<p>
+Further, when cruelty is the <i>spirit</i> of the law towards a proscribed
+class, when it <i>legalizes great outrages</i> upon them, it connives at,
+and abets <i>greater</i> outrages, and is virtually an accomplice of all
+who perpetrate them. Hence, in such cases, though the <i>degree</i> of the
+outrage is illegal, the perpetrator will rarely be convicted, and,
+even if convicted, will be almost sure to escape punishment. This is
+not <i>theory</i> but <i>history</i>. Every judge and lawyer in the slave states
+<i>knows</i>, that the legal conviction and <i>punishment</i> of masters and
+mistresses, for illegal outrages upon their slaves, is an event which
+has rarely, if ever, occurred in the slave states; they know, also,
+that although <i>hundreds</i> of slaves have been <i>murdered</i> by their
+masters and mistresses in the slave states, within the last
+twenty-five years, and though the fact of their having committed those
+murders has been established beyond a <i>doubt</i> in the minds of the
+surrounding community, yet that the murderers have not, in a single
+instance, suffered the penalty of the law.
+</p>
+<p>
+Finally, since slaveholders have deliberately legalized the
+perpetration of the most cold-blooded atrocities upon their slaves,
+and do pertinaciously refuse to make these atrocities <i>illegal</i>, and
+to punish those who perpetrate them, they stand convicted before the
+world, upon their own testimony, of the most barbarous, brutal, and
+habitual inhumanity. If this be slander and falsehood, their own lips
+have uttered it, their own fingers have written it, their own acts
+have proclaimed it; and however it may be with their <i>morality</i>, they
+have too much human nature to perjure themselves for the sake of
+publishing their own infamy.
+</p>
+<p>
+Having dwelt at such length on the legal code of the slave states,
+that unerring index of the public opinion of slaveholders towards
+their slaves; and having shown that it does not protect the slaves
+from cruelty, and that even in the few instances in which the letter
+of the law, if <i>executed</i>, would afford some protection, it is
+virtually nullified by the connivance of courts and juries, or by
+popular clamor; we might safely rest the case here, assured that every
+honest reader would spurn the absurd falsehood, that the 'public
+opinion' of the slave states protects the slaves and restrains the
+master. But, as the assertion is made so often by slaveholders, and
+with so much confidence, notwithstanding its absurdity is fully
+revealed by their own legal code, we propose to show its falsehood by
+applying other tests.
+</p>
+<p>
+We lay it down as a truth that can be made no plainer by reasoning,
+that the same 'public opinion,' which restrains men from <i>committing</i>
+outrages, will restrain them from <i>publishing</i> such outrages, if they
+do commit them;&mdash;in other words, if a man is restrained from certain
+acts through fear of losing his character, should they become known,
+he will not voluntarily destroy his character by <i>making them known</i>,
+should he be guilty of them. Let us look at this. It is assumed by
+slaveholders, that 'public opinion' at the south so frowns on cruelty
+to the slaves, that <i>fear of disgrace</i> would restrain from the
+infliction of it, were there no other consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_m"></a>
+Now, that this is sheer fiction is shown by the fact, that the
+newspapers in the slaveholding states, teem with advertisements for
+runaway slaves, in which the masters and <i>mistresses</i> describe their
+men and women, as having been 'branded with a hot iron,' on their
+'cheeks,' 'jaws,' 'breasts,' 'arms,' 'legs,' and 'thighs;' also as
+'scarred,' 'very much scarred,' 'cut up,' 'marked,' &amp;c. 'with the
+whip,' also with 'iron collars on,' 'chains,' 'bars of iron,'
+'fetters,' 'bells,' 'horns,' 'shackles,' &amp;c. They, also, describe them
+as having been wounded by 'buck-shot,' 'rifle-balls,' &amp;c. fired at
+them by their 'owners,' and others when in pursuit; also, as having
+'notches,' cut in their ears, the tops or bottoms of their ears 'cut
+off,' or 'slit,' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both ears cut off' &amp;c. &amp;c.
+The masters and mistresses who thus advertise their runaway slaves,
+coolly sign their names to their advertisements, giving the street and
+number of their residences, if in cities, their post office address,
+&amp;c. if in the country; thus making public proclamation as widely as
+possible that <i>they</i> 'brand,' 'scar,' 'gash,' 'cut up,' &amp;c. the flesh
+of their slaves; load them with irons, cut off their ears, &amp;c.; they
+speak of these things with the utmost <i>sang froid</i>, not seeming to
+think it possible, that any one will esteem them at all the less
+because of these outrages upon their slaves; further, these
+advertisements swarm in many of the largest and most widely circulated
+political and commercial papers that are published in the slave
+states. The editors of those papers constitute the main body of the
+literati of the slave states; they move in the highest circle of
+society, are among the 'popular' men in the community, and <i>as a
+class</i>, are more influential than any other; yet these editors publish
+these advertisements with iron indifference. So far from proclaiming
+to such felons, homicides, and murderers, that they will not be their
+blood-hounds, to hunt down the innocent and mutilated victims who have
+escaped from their torture, they freely furnish them with every
+facility, become their accomplices and share their spoils; and instead
+of outraging 'public opinion,' by doing it, they are the men after its
+own heart, its organs, its representatives, its <i>self</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_n"></a>
+To show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states, towards the
+slaves, is absolutely <i>diabolical</i>, we will insert a few, out of a
+multitude, of similar advertisements from a variety of southern papers
+now before us.
+</p>
+<p>
+The North Carolina Standard, of July 18, 1838, contains the
+following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman and
+two children; the woman is tall and black, and <i>a few days before she
+went off</i>, I BURNT HER WITH A HOT IRON ON THE LEFT SIDE OF HER FACE; I
+TRIED TO MAKE THE LETTER M, <i>and she kept a cloth over her head and
+face, and a fly bonnet on her head so as to cover the burn;</i> her
+children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh year; he is a
+<i>mulatto</i> and has blue eyes; the youngest is black and is in his fifth
+year. The woman's name is Betty, commonly called Bet."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+MICAJAH RICKS.
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Nash County, July 7</i>, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hear the wretch tell his story, with as much indifference as if he
+were describing the cutting of his initials in the bark of a tree.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>"I burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face,"&mdash;"I tried
+to make the letter M</i>," and this he says in a newspaper, and puts his
+name to it, and the editor of the paper who is, also, its proprietor,
+publishes it for him and pockets his fee. Perhaps the reader will say,
+'Oh, it must have been published in an insignificant sheet printed in
+some obscure corner of the state; perhaps by a gang of 'squatters,' in
+the Dismal Swamp, universally regarded as a pest, and edited by some
+scape-gallows, who is detested by the whole community.' To this I reply
+that the "North Carolina Standard," the paper which contains it, is a
+large six columned weekly paper, handsomely printed and ably edited;
+it is the leading Democratic paper in that state, and is published at
+Raleigh, the Capital of the state, Thomas Loring, Esq. Editor and
+Proprietor. The motto in capitals under the head of the paper is, "THE
+CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE STATES&mdash;THEY MUST BE PRESERVED." The
+same Editor and Proprietor, who exhibits such brutality of feeling
+towards the slaves, by giving the preceding advertisement a
+conspicuous place in his columns, and taking his pay for it, has
+apparently a keen sense of the proprieties of life, where <i>whites</i> are
+concerned, and a high regard for the rights, character and feelings of
+those whose skin is colored like his own. As proof of this, we copy
+from the number of the paper containing the foregoing advertisement,
+the following <i>Editorial</i> on the pending political canvass.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the Gubernatorial
+canvass will be conducted with a <i>due regard to the character</i>, and
+<i>feelings</i> of the distinguished individuals who are candidates for
+that office; and that the press of North Carolina will <i>set an
+example</i> in this respect, worthy of <i>imitation and of praise</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+What is this but chivalrous and honorable feeling? The good name of
+North Carolina is dear to him&mdash;on the comfort, 'character and
+feelings,' of her <i>white</i> citizens he sets a high value; he feels too,
+most deeply for the <i>character of the Press</i> of North Carolina, sees
+that it is a city set on a hill, and implores his brethren of the
+editorial corps to 'set an example' of courtesy and magnanimity worthy
+of imitation and praise. Now, reader, put all these things together
+and con them over, and then read again the preceding advertisement
+contained in the same number of the paper, and you have the true
+"North Carolina STANDARD," by which to measure the protection extended
+to slaves by the 'public opinion' of that state.
+</p>
+<p>
+J.P. Ashford advertises as follows in the "Natchez Courier," August
+24, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+<i>good many teeth missing</i>, the letter A. <i>is branded on her cheek and
+forehead</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+A.B. Metcalf thus advertises a woman in the same paper, June 15,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Mary, a black woman, has a <i>scar</i> on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, <i>caused by a rifle ball</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+John Henderson, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838,
+advertises Betsey.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a black woman Betsey, has an <i>iron bar on her right leg</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Robert Nicoll, whose residence is in Mobile, in Dauphin street,
+between Emmanuel and Conception streets, thus advertises a woman in
+the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+</p>
+<p>
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD will be given for my negro woman Liby. The said
+Liby is about 30 years old and VERY MUCH SCARRED ABOUT THE NECK AND
+EARS, occasioned by whipping, had on a handkerchief tied round her
+ears, as she COMMONLY wears it to HIDE THE SCARS."
+</p>
+<p>
+To show that slaveholding brutality now is the same that it was the
+eighth of a century ago, we publish the following advertisement from
+the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," of 1825.
+</p>
+<p>
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway from the subscriber, on the 14th
+instant, a negro girl named Molly.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The said girl was sold by Messrs. Wm. Payne &amp; Sons, as the property
+of an estate of a Mr. Gearrall, and purchased by a Mr. Moses, and sold
+by him to a Thomas Prisley, of Edgefield District, of whom I bought
+her on the 17th of April, 1819. She is 16 or 17 years of age, slim
+made, LATELY BRANDED ON THE LEFT CHEEK, THUS, R, AND A PIECE TAKEN OFF
+OF HER EAR ON THE SAME SIDE; THE SAME LETTER ON THE INSIDE OF BOTH HER
+LEGS.
+</p>
+<p>
+"ABNER ROSS, Fairfield District."
+</p>
+<p>
+But instead of filling pages with similar advertisements, illustrating
+the horrible brutality of slaveholders towards their slaves, the
+reader is referred to the preceding pages of this work, to the scores
+of advertisements written by slaveholders, printed by slaveholders,
+published by slaveholders, in newspapers edited by slaveholders and
+patronized by slaveholders; advertisement describing not only men and
+boys, but women aged and middle-aged, matrons and girls of tender
+years, their necks chafed with iron collars with prongs, their limbs
+galled with iron rings and chains, and bars of iron, iron hobbles and
+shackles, all parts of their persons scarred with the lash, and
+branded with hot irons, and torn with rifle bullets, pistol balls and
+buck shot, and gashed with knives, their eyes out, their ears cut off,
+their teeth drawn out, and their bones broken. He is referred also to
+the cool and shocking indifference with which these slaveholders,
+'gentlemen' and 'ladies,' Reverends, and Honorables, and Excellencies,
+write and print, and publish and pay, and take money for, and read and
+circulate, and sanction, such infernal barbarity. Let the reader
+ponder all this, and then lay it to heart, that this is that 'public
+opinion' of the slaveholders which protects their slaves from all
+injury, and is an effectual guarantee of personal security.
+</p>
+<p>
+However far gone a community may be in brutality, something of
+protection may yet be hoped for from its 'public opinion,' if <i>respect
+for woman</i> survive the general wreck; that gone, protection perishes;
+public opinion becomes universal rapine; outrages, once occasional,
+become habitual; the torture, which was before inflicted only by
+passion, becomes the constant product of a <i>system</i>, and, instead of
+being the index of sudden and fierce impulses, is coolly plied as the
+permanent means to an end. When <i>women</i> are branded with hot irons on
+their faces; when iron collars, with prongs, are riveted about their
+necks; when iron rings are fastened upon their limbs, and they are
+forced to drag after them chains and fetters; when their flesh is torn
+with whips, and mangled with bullets and shot, and lacerated with
+knives; and when those who do such things, are regarded in the
+community, and associated with as 'gentlemen' and 'ladies;' to say
+that the 'public opinion' of <i>such</i> a community is a protection to its
+victims, is to blaspheme God, whose creatures they are, cast in his
+own sacred image, and dear to him as the apple of his eye.
+</p>
+<p>
+But we are not yet quite ready to dismiss this protector, 'Public
+Opinion.' To illustrate the hardened brutality with which slaveholders
+regard their slaves, the shameless and apparently unconscious
+indecency with which they speak of their female slaves, examine their
+persons, and describe them, under their own signatures, in newspapers,
+hand-bills, &amp;c. just as they would describe the marks of cattle and
+swine, on all parts of their bodies; we will make a few extracts from
+southern papers. Reader, as we proceed to these extracts, remember our
+motto&mdash;'True humanity consists <i>not</i> in a squeamish ear.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. P. ABDIE, of New Orleans, advertises in the New Orleans Bee, of
+January 29, 1838, for one of his female slaves, as follows;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, the negro wench named Betsey, aged about 22 years,
+handsome-faced, and good countenance; having the marks of the whip
+behind her neck, and SEVERAL OTHERS ON HER RUMP. The above reward,
+($10,) will be given to whoever will bring that wench to P. ABDIE."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Bee, in which the advertisement of this Vandal
+appears, is the 'Official Gazette of the State&mdash;of the General
+Council&mdash;and of the first and third Municipalities of New Orleans.' It
+is the largest, and the most influential paper in the south-western
+states, and perhaps the most ably edited&mdash;and has undoubtedly a larger
+circulation than any other. It is a daily paper, of $12 a year, and
+its circulation being mainly among the larger merchants, planters, and
+professional men, it is a fair index of the 'public opinion' of
+Louisiana, so far as represented by those classes of persons.
+Advertisements equally gross, indecent, and abominable, or nearly so,
+can be found in almost every number of that paper.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAM ROBINSON, Georgetown, District of Columbia, advertised for
+his slave in the National Intelligencer, of Washington City, Oct. 2,
+1837, as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_o"></a>
+"Eloped from my residence a young negress, 22 years old, of a
+chestnut, or brown color. She has a very singular mark&mdash;this mark, to
+the best of my RECOLLECTION, covers a part of her <i>breasts</i>, <i>body</i>,
+and <i>limbs</i>; and when her neck and arms are uncovered, is very
+perceptible; she has been frequently seen east and south of the
+Capitol Square, and is harbored by ill-disposed persons, of every
+complexion, for her services."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JOHN C. BEASLEY, near Huntsville, Alabama, thus advertises a young
+girl of eighteen, in the Huntsville Democrat, of August 1st, 1837.
+"Ranaway Maria, about 18 years old, <i>very far advanced with child.</i>"
+He then offers a reward to any one who will commit this young girl, in
+this condition, <i>to jail</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JAMES T. DE JARNETT, Vernon, Autauga co. Alabama, thus advertises
+a woman in the Pensacola Gazette, July 14, 1838. "Celia is a <i>bright</i>
+copper-colored negress, <i>fine figure</i> and <i>very smart</i>. On EXAMINING
+HER BACK, you will find marks caused by the whip." He closes the
+advertisement, by offering a reward of <i>five hundred dollars</i> to any
+person who will lodge her in <i>jail</i>, so that he can get her.
+</p>
+<p>
+A person who lives at 124 Chartres street, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bee,' of May 31, for "the negress Patience, about 28 years old,
+has <i>large hips</i>, and is <i>bow-legged</i>." A Mr. T. CUGGY, in the same
+paper, thus describes "the negress Caroline." "<i>She has awkward feet,
+clumsy ankles, turns out her toes greatly in walking, and has a sore
+on her left shin</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+In another, of June 22, Mr. P. BAHI advertises "Maria, with a clear
+white complexion, and <i>double nipple on her right breast</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CHARLES CRAIGE, of Federal Point, New Hanover co. North Carolina,
+in the Wilmington Advertiser, August 11, 1837, offers a reward for his
+slave Jane, and says "<i>she is far advanced in pregnancy</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Bulletin, August 18, 1838, advertises "the negress
+Mary, aged nineteen, has a scar on her face, walks parrot-toed, and is
+<i>pregnant</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J.G. MUIR, of Grand Gulf, Mississippi, thus advertises a woman in
+the Vicksburg Register, December 5, 1838. "Ranaway a negro girl&mdash;has a
+number of <i>black lumps on her breasts, and is in a state of
+pregnancy</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACOB BESSON, Donaldsonville, Louisiana, advertises in the New
+Orleans Bee, August 7, 1838, "the negro woman Victorine&mdash;she is
+<i>advanced in pregnancy</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J.H. LEVERICH &amp; Co. No. 10, Old Levee, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bulletin,' January 22, 1839, as follows.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$50 REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway a negro girl named Caroline about 18 years of
+age, is <i>far advanced in child-bearing</i>. The above reward will be paid
+for her delivery at either of the <i>jails</i> of the city."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JOHN DUGGAN, thus advertises a woman in the New Orleans Bee, of
+Sept. 7.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto woman, named Esther, about
+thirty years of age, <i>large stomach</i>, wants her upper front teeth, and
+walks pigeon-toed&mdash;supposed to be about the lower fauxbourg."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. FRANCIS FOSTER, of Troop co. Georgia, advertises in the Columbus
+(Ga.) Enquirer of June 22, 1837&mdash;"My negro woman Patsey, has a stoop
+in her walking, occasioned by a <i>severe burn on her abdomen</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The above are a few specimens of the gross details, in describing the
+persons of females, of all ages, and the marks upon all parts of their
+bodies; proving incontestably, that slaveholders are in the habit not
+only of stripping their female slaves of their clothing, and
+inflicting punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh,' but of subjecting
+their naked persons to the most minute and revolting inspection, and
+then of publishing to the world the results of their examination, as
+well as the scars left by their own inflictions upon them, their
+length, size, and exact position on the body; and all this without
+impairing in the least, the standing in the community of the shameless
+wretches who thus proclaim their own abominations. That such things
+should not at all affect the standing of such persons in society, is
+certainly no marvel: how could they affect it, when the same
+communities enact laws <i>requiring</i> their own legal officers to inspect
+minutely the persons and bodily marks of all slaves taken up as
+runaways, and to publish in the newspapers a particular description of
+all such marks and peculiarities of their persons, their size,
+appearance position on the body, &amp;c. Yea, verily, when the 'public
+opinion' of the community, in the solemn form of law, commands
+jailors, sheriffs, captains of police, &amp;c. to divest of their clothing
+aged matrons and young girls, minutely examine their naked persons,
+and publish the results of their examination&mdash;who can marvel, that the
+same 'public opinion' should tolerate the slaveholders themselves, in
+doing the same things to their own property, which they have appointed
+legal officers to do as their proxies.[<a name="rnote10-37"></a><a href="#note10-37">37</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-37"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-37">37</a>: 'As a sample of these laws, we give the following extract
+from one of the laws of Maryland, where slaveholding 'public opinion'
+exists in its mildest form.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"It shall be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties of this
+state, upon any runaway servant or slave being committed to his
+custody, to cause the same to be advertised, &amp;c. and to make
+particular and minute descriptions of <i>the person and bodily marks</i>,
+of such runaway."&mdash;<i>Laws of Maryland of 1802</i>, Chap. 96, Sec. 1 and 2.
+</p>
+<p>
+That the sheriffs, jailors, &amp;c. do not neglect this part of their
+official 'duty,' is plain from the minute description which they give
+in the advertisements of marks upon all parts of the persons of
+females, as well as males; and also from the occasional declaration,
+'no scars discoverable on any part,' or 'no marks discoverable <i>about</i>
+her;' which last is taken from an advertisement in the Milledgeville
+(Geo.) Journal, June 26, 1838, signed 'T.S. Denster, Jailor.']
+</p>
+<p>
+The zeal with which slaveholding '<i>public opinion</i>' protects the lives
+of the slaves, may be illustrated by the following advertisements,
+taken from a multitude of similar ones in southern papers. To show
+that slaveholding 'public opinion' is the same <i>now</i>, that it was half
+a century ago, we will insert, in the first place, an advertisement
+published in a North Carolina newspaper, Oct. 29, 1785, by W. SKINNER,
+the Clerk of the County of Perquimons, North Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ten silver dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and
+delivering to me my man Moses, who ran away this morning; or I will
+give five times the sum to any person who will make due proof of his
+<i>being killed</i>, and never ask a question to know by whom it was done."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+W. SKINNER.
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>Perquimons County, N.C. Oct. 29, 1785.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+The late JOHN PARRISH, of Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the
+religious society of Friends, who traveled through the slave states
+about <i>thirty-five years</i> since, on a religious mission, published on
+his return a pamphlet of forty pages, entitled 'Remarks on the Slavery
+of the Black People.' From this work we extract the following
+illustrations of 'public opinion' in North and South Carolina and
+Virginia at that period.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When I was traveling through North Carolina, a black man, who was
+outlawed, being shot by one of his pursuers, and left wounded in the
+woods, they came to an ordinary where I had stopped to feed my horse,
+in order to procure a cart to bring the poor wretched object in.
+Another, I was credibly informed, was shot, his head cut off, and
+carried in a bag by the perpetrators of the murder, who received the
+reward, which was said to be $200, continental currency, and that his
+head was stuck on a coal house at an iron works in Virginia&mdash;and this
+for going to visit his wife at a distance. Crawford gives an account
+of a man being gibbetted alive in South Carolina, and the buzzards
+came and picked out his eyes. Another was burnt to death at a stake in
+Charleston, surrounded by a multitude of spectators, some of whom were
+people of the <i>first rank</i>; ... the poor object was heard to cry, as
+long as he could breathe, 'not guilty&mdash;not guilty.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_p"></a>
+The following is an illustration of the 'public opinion' of South
+Carolina about fifty years ago. It is taken from Judge Stroud's Sketch
+of the Slave Laws, page 39.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I find in the case of 'the State vs. M'Gee,' 1 Bay's Reports, 164, it
+is said incidentally by Messrs. Pinckney and Ford, counsel for the
+state (of S.C.), 'that the <i>frequency</i> of the offence (<i>wilful</i> murder
+of a slave) was owing to the <i>nature of the punishment</i>', &amp;c.... This
+remark was made in 1791, when the above trial took place. It was made
+in a public place&mdash;a courthouse&mdash;and by men of great personal
+respectability. There can be, therefore, no question as to its
+<i>truth</i>, and as little of its <i>notoriety</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+In 1791 the Grand Jury for the district of Cheraw, S.C. made a
+<i>presentment</i>, from which the following is an extract.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We, the Grand Jurors of and for the district of Cheraw, do present
+the INEFFICACY of the present punishment for killing negroes, as a
+great defect in the legal system of this state: and we do earnestly
+recommend to the attention of the legislature, that clause of the
+negro act, which confines the penalty for killing slaves to fine and
+imprisonment only: in full confidence, that they will provide some
+other <i>more effectual</i> measures to prevent the FREQUENCY of crimes of
+this nature."&mdash;<i>Matthew Carey's American Museum, for Feb.
+1791</i>.&mdash;Appendix, p. 10.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is a specimen of the 'public opinion' of Georgia twelve
+years since. We give it in the strong words of COLONEL STONE, Editor
+of the New York Commercial Advertiser. We take it from that paper of
+June 8, 1827.
+</p>
+<p>
+"HUNTING MEN WITH DOGS.-A negro who had absconded from his master, and
+for whom a reward of $100 was offered, has been apprehended and
+committed to prison in Savannah. The editor, who states the fact,
+adds, with as much coolness as though there were no barbarity in the
+matter, that he did not surrender till <i>he was considerably</i> MAIMED BY
+THE DOGS that had been set on him&mdash;desperately fighting them&mdash;one of
+which he badly cut with a sword."
+</p>
+<p>
+Twelve days after the publication of the preceding fact, the following
+horrible transaction took place in Perry county, Alabama. We extract
+it from the African Observer, a monthly periodical, published in
+Philadelphia, by the society of Friends. See No. for August, 1827.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Tuscaloosa, Ala. June 20, 1827.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Some time during the last week a Mr. M'Neilly having lost some
+clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a
+neighboring planter was charged with the theft. M'Neilly, in company
+with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon; they
+seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the
+negro stabbed M'Neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. The
+negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who <i>waved his
+authority</i>, perhaps through fear, as a crowd of persons had collected
+to the number of seventy or eighty, near Mr. People's (the justice)
+house. <i>He acted as president of the mob</i>, and put the vote, when it
+was decided he should be immediately executed by <i>being burnt to
+death</i>. The sable culprit was led to a tree, and tied to it, and a
+large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him, and the
+fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of
+several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a
+short time burned to ashes.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This is the SECOND negro who has been THUS put to death, without
+judge or jury, in this county."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following advertisements, testimony, &amp;c. will show that the
+slaveholders of <i>to-day</i> are the <i>children</i> of those who shot, and
+hunted with bloodhounds, and burned over slow fires, the slaves of
+half a century ago; the worthy inheritors of their civilization,
+chivalry, and tender mercies.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Wilmington (North Carolina) Advertiser" of July 13, 1838,
+contains the following advertisement.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$100 will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely confine
+in any jail in this state, a certain negro man, named ALFRED. And the
+same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given of <i>having
+been</i> KILLED. He has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by
+his having been shot.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"THE CITIZENS OF ONSLOW.
+</div>
+<p>
+"Richlands, Onslow co. May 16th, 1838."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the same column with the above and directly under it is the
+following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"RANAWAY my negro man RICHARD. A reward of $25 will be paid for his
+apprehension DEAD or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be required
+of his being KILLED. He has with him, in all probability, his wife
+ELIZA, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of Alabama,
+about the time he commenced his journey to that state. DURANT H.
+RHODES."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Mason (Georgia) Telegraph," May 28, is the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"About the 1st of March last the negro man RANSOM left me without the
+least provocation whatever; I will give a reward of twenty dollars for
+said negro, if taken DEAD OR ALIVE,&mdash;and if killed in any attempt, an
+advance of five dollars will be paid. BRYANT JOHNSON.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Crawford co. Georgia</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+See the "Newbern (N.C.) Spectator," Jan. 5, 1838, for the
+following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber, a negro man named SAMPSON. Fifty
+dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his
+confinement in any jail so that I get him, and should he resist in
+being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, I will not
+hold any person liable for damages should the slave be KILLED. ENOCH
+FOY.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Jones County, N.C."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Macon (Ga.) Messenger," June 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"TO THE OWNERS OF RUNAWAY NEGROES. A large mulatto Negro man, between
+thirty-five and forty years old, about six feet in height, having a
+high forehead, and hair slightly grey, was KILLED, near my plantation,
+on the 9th inst. <i>He would not surrender</i> but assaulted Mr. Bowen, who
+killed him in self-defence. If the owner desires further information
+relative to the death of his negro, he can obtain it by letter, or by
+calling on the subscriber ten miles south of Perry, Houston county.
+EDM'D. JAS. McGEHEE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the 'Charleston (S.C.) Courier,' Feb. 20, 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$300 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, in November last, his two
+negro men, named Billy and Pompey.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Billy is 25 years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for
+many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event 50 dollars
+will be paid for his HEAD."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the 'Newbern (N.C.) Spectator,' Dec 2. 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$200 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, about three years ago, a
+certain negro man named Ben, commonly known by the name of Ben Fox. He
+had but one eye. Also, one other negro, by the name of Rigdon, who
+ranaway on the 8th of this month.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above
+negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of Lenoir or
+Jones county, or FOR THE KILLING OF THEM, SO THAT I CAN SEE THEM. W.D.
+COBB."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the same number of the Spectator two Justices of the Peace
+advertise the same runaways, and give notice that if they do not
+immediately return to W.D. Cobb, their master, they will be considered
+as outlaws, and any body may kill them. The following is an extract
+from the proclamation of the JUSTICES.
+</p>
+<p>
+"And we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state,
+concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare, if the said
+slaves do not surrender themselves and return home to their master
+immediately after the publication of these presents, <i>that any person
+may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think
+fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so
+doing, or without incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Given under our hands and seals, this 12th November, 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"B. COLEMAN, J.P. [Seal.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"JAS. JONES, J.P. [Seal.]"
+</p>
+<p>
+On the 28th, of April 1836, in the city of St Louis, Missouri, a black
+man, named McIntosh who had stabbed an officer, that had arrested him,
+was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree <i>in the midst of the
+city</i>, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence of
+an immense throng of citizens, he was burned to death. The Alton
+(Ill.) Telegraph, in its account of the scene says;
+</p>
+<p>
+"All was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood
+around their victim. He said not a word, until feeling that the flames
+had seized upon him. He then uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing
+and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the
+following instance:&mdash;After the flames had surrounded their prey, his
+eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a
+cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest,
+proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was
+replied, 'that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain.'
+'No, no,' said the wretch, 'I am not, I am suffering as much as ever;
+shoot me, shoot me.' 'No, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing
+about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot. <i>I
+would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery</i>;'
+and the man who said this was, as we understand, an OFFICER OF
+JUSTICE!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The St. Louis correspondent of a New York paper adds,
+</p>
+<p>
+"The shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and to
+observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. He
+was about fifteen minutes in dying. I visited the place this morning,
+and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. He
+was burnt to a crump. His legs and arms were gone, and only a part of
+his head and body were left."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_q"></a>
+Lest this demonstration of 'public opinion' should be regarded as a
+sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in
+that community, it is important to add, that the Hon. Luke E. Lawless,
+Judge of the Circuit Court of Missouri, at a session of that Court in
+the city of St. Louis, some months after the burning of this man,
+decided officially that since the burning of McIntosh was the act,
+either directly or by countenance of a <i>majority</i> of the citizens, it
+is 'a case which transcends the jurisdiction,' of the Grand Jury! Thus
+the state of Missouri has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches
+who perpetrated that unspeakably diabolical murder, and the thousands
+that stood by consenting to it, were <i>her representatives</i>, and the
+Bench sanctifies it with the solemnity of a judicial decision.
+</p>
+<p>
+The 'New Orleans Post,' of June 7, 1836, publishes the following;
+</p>
+<p>
+"We understand, that a negro man was lately condemned, by the mob, to
+be BURNED OVER A SLOW FIRE, which was put into execution at Grand
+Gulf, Mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her master."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY BRADLEY, of Pennyan, N.Y., has furnished us with an extract
+of a letter written by a gentleman in Mississippi to his brother in
+that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction.
+The letter is dated Grand Gulf, Miss. August 15, 1836. The extract is
+as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I left Vicksburg and came to Grand Gulf. This is a fine place
+immediately on the banks of the Mississippi, of something like fifteen
+hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, I suppose, there
+are not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its
+vicinity there are negroes by thousands. The day I arrived at this
+place there was a man by the name of G&mdash;&mdash; murdered by a negro man
+that belonged to him. G&mdash;&mdash; was born and brought up in A&mdash;&mdash;, state of
+New York. His father and mother now live south of A&mdash;&mdash;. He has left a
+property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no
+family.
+</p>
+<p>
+"They took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under a
+tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope
+over a limb; they then got into a quarrel among themselves; some swore
+that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped
+to the ground. He immediately jumped to his feet; they then made him
+walk a short distance to a tree; he was then tied fast and a fire
+kindled, when another quarrel took place; the fire was pulled away
+from him when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to
+say in what manner he should be disposed of. They brought in that he
+should then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his
+head stuck on a pole at the corner of the road in the edge of the
+town. That was done and all parties satisfied!
+</p>
+<p>
+"G&mdash;&mdash; <i>owned the negro's wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with
+her!</i> The negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be
+rewarded in heaven for it.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This is but one instance among many of a similar nature.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+S.S."
+</div>
+<p>
+We have received a more detailed account of this transaction from Mr.
+William Armstrong, of Putnam, Ohio, through Maj. Horace Nye, of that
+place. Mr. A. who has been for some years employed as captain and
+supercargo of boats descending the river, was at Grand Gulf at the
+time of the tragedy, and <i>witnessed</i> it. It was on the Sabbath.
+From Mr. Armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was
+a man of uncommon intelligence; had the over-sight of a large
+business&mdash;superintended the purchase of supplies for his master,
+&amp;c.&mdash;that exasperated by the intercourse of his master with his wife,
+he was upbraiding her one evening, when his master overhearing him,
+went out to quell him, was attacked by the infuriated man and killed
+on the spot. The name of the master was Green; he was a native of
+Auburn, New York, and had been at the south but a few years.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, of Cornwall, Conn., a gentleman well known and
+highly respected in Litchfield county, who resided a number of years
+in South Carolina, gives the following testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A man by the name of Waters was killed by his slaves, in Newberry
+District. Three of them were tried before the court, and ordered to be
+burnt. I was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed with
+those who saw the execution. The slaves were tied to a stake, and
+pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated.
+Thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. <i>Other
+executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state,
+during my residence in it, from 1818 to 1824</i>. About three or four
+years ago, a young negro was burnt in Abbeville District, for an
+attempt at rape."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the fall of 1837, there was a rumor of a projected insurrection on
+the Red River, in Louisiana. The citizens forthwith seized and hanged
+NINE SLAVES, AND THREE FREE COLORED MEN, WITHOUT TRIAL. A few months
+previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a similar manner
+and publicly burned to death, in Arkansas. In July, 1835, the citizens
+of Madison county, Mississippi, were alarmed by rumors of an
+insurrection arrested five slaves and publicly executed them without
+trial.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Missouri Republican, April 30, 1838, gives the particulars of the
+deliberate murder of a negro man named Tom, a cook on board the
+steamboat Pawnee, on her passage up from New Orleans to St. Louis.
+Some of the facts stated by the Republican are the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"On Friday night, about 10 o'clock, a deaf and dumb German girl was
+found in the storeroom with Tom. The door was locked, and at first Tom
+denied she was there. The girl's father came. Tom unlocked the door,
+and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. The next
+morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the captain
+about it. This was about breakfast time. Immediately after he left the
+deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound his
+arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. A
+voice cried out 'throw him overboard,' and was responded to from every
+quarter of the deck&mdash;and in an instant he was plunged into the river.
+The whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard scarcely
+occupied <i>ten minutes</i>, and was so precipitate that the officers were
+unable to interfere in time to save him.
+</p>
+<p>
+"There were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred passengers
+on board."
+</p>
+<p>
+The whole process of seizing Tom, dragging him upon deck, binding his
+arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and throwing
+him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about TEN MINUTES, and
+of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck passengers, with
+perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that <i>a single
+individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder</i>; and the
+cry "throw him overboard," was it seems, "responded to from every
+quarter of the deck!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. JAMES A. THOME, of Augusta, Ky., son of Arthur Thome, Esq., till
+recently a slaveholder, published five years since the following
+description of a scene witnessed by him in New Orleans:
+</p>
+<p>
+"In December of 1833, I landed at New Orleans, in the steamer W&mdash;&mdash;.
+It was after night, dark and rainy. The passengers were called out of
+the cabin, from the enjoyment of a fire, which the cold, damp
+atmosphere rendered very comfortable, by a sudden shout of, 'catch
+him&mdash;catch him&mdash;catch the negro.' The cry was answered by a hundred
+voices&mdash;'Catch him&mdash;<i>kill</i> him,' and a rush from every direction
+toward our boat, indicated that the object of pursuit was near. The
+next moment we heard a man plunge into the river, a few paces above
+us. A crowd gathered upon the shore, with lamps and stones, and clubs,
+still crying, 'catch him&mdash;kill him&mdash;catch him&mdash;shoot him.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"I soon discovered the poor man. He had taken refuge under the prow of
+another boat, and was standing in the water up to his waist. The
+angry vociferation of his pursuers, did not intimidate him. He defied
+them all. 'Don't you <i>dare</i> to come near me, or I will sink you in the
+river.' He was armed with despair. For a moment the mob was palsied by
+the energy of his threatenings. They were afraid to go to him with a
+skiff, but a number of them went on to the boat and tried to seize
+him. They threw a noose rope down repeatedly, <i>that they might pull
+him up by the neck</i>! but he planted his hand firmly against the boat
+and dashed the rope away with his arms. One of them took a long bar of
+wood, and leaning over the prow, endeavored to strike him on the head,
+The blow must have shattered the skull, but it did not reach low
+enough. The monster raised up the heavy club again and said, 'Come out
+now, you old rascal, or die.' 'Strike,' said the negro;
+'strike&mdash;shiver my brains <i>now</i>; I want to die;' and down went the
+club again, without striking. This was repeated several times. The
+mob, seeing their efforts fruitless, became more enraged and
+threatened to stone him, if he did not surrender himself into their
+hands. He again defied them, and declared that he would drown himself
+in the river, before they should have him. They then resorted to
+persuasion, and promised they would not hurt him. 'I'll die first;'
+was his only reply. Even the furious mob was awed, and for a while
+stood dumb.
+</p>
+<p>
+"After standing in the cold water for an hour, the miserable being
+began to fail. We observed him gradually sinking&mdash;his voice grew weak
+and tremulous&mdash;yet he continued to <i>curse</i>! In the midst of his oaths
+he uttered broken sentences&mdash;'I did'nt steal the meat&mdash;I did'nt
+steal&mdash;my master lives&mdash;master&mdash;master lives up the river&mdash;(his voice
+began to gurgle in his throat, and he was so chilled that his teeth
+chattered audibly)&mdash;I did'nt&mdash;steal&mdash;I did'nt steal&mdash;my&mdash;my
+master&mdash;my&mdash;I want to see my master&mdash;I didn't&mdash;no&mdash;my mas&mdash;you
+want&mdash;you want to kill me&mdash;I didn't steal the'&mdash;His last words could
+just be heard as be sunk under the water.
+</p>
+<p>
+"During this indescribable scene, <i>not one of the hundred that stood
+around made any effort to save the man until he was apparently
+drowned</i>. He was then dragged out and stretched on the bow of the
+boat, and soon sufficient means were used for his recovery. The brutal
+captain ordered him to be taken off his boat&mdash;declaring, with an oath,
+that he would throw him into the river again, if he was not
+immediately removed. I withdrew, sick and horrified with this
+appalling exhibition of wickedness.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Upon inquiry, I learned that the colored man lived some fifty miles
+up the Mississippi; that he had been charged with stealing some
+article from the wharf; was fired upon with a pistol, and pursued by
+the mob.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In reflecting upon this unmingled cruelty&mdash;this insensibility to
+suffering and disregard of life&mdash;I exclaimed,
+</p>
+<p>
+'Is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart?'
+</p>
+<p>
+"One poor man, chased like a wolf by a hundred blood hounds, yelling,
+howling, and gnashing their teeth upon him&mdash;plunges into the cold
+river to seek protection! A crowd of spectators witness the scene,
+with all the composure with which a Roman populace would look upon a
+gladiatorial show. Not a voice heard in the sufferer's behalf. At
+length the powers of nature give way; the blood flows back to the
+heart&mdash;the teeth chatter&mdash;the voice trembles and dies, while the
+victim drops down into his grave.
+</p>
+<p>
+"What an atrocious system is that which leaves two millions of souls,
+friendless and powerless&mdash;hunted and chased&mdash;afflicted and tortured
+and driven to death, without the means of redress.&mdash;Yet such is the
+system of slavery."
+</p>
+<p>
+The 'public opinion' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of
+announcements in southern papers, like the following, from the
+Raleigh, (N.C.) Register, August 20, 1838. Joseph Gale and Son,
+editors and proprietors&mdash;the father and brother of the editor of the
+National Intelligence, Washington city, D.C.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_r"></a>
+"On Saturday night, Mr. George Holmes, of this county, and some of his
+friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of Mr.
+Holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. Mr. H.
+discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him; but
+unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the
+small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. The slave
+continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by
+one of the party. We are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound."
+</p>
+<p>
+Oh! the <i>gentleman</i>, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to
+'disable'&mdash;and it must be expected that every <i>gentleman</i> will amuse
+himself in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him,
+and if he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the
+small of the back instead of the legs, why every body says it is
+'unfortunate,' and the whole of the editorial corps, instead of
+branding him as a barbarous wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever
+part be aimed at, join with the oldest editor in North Carolina, in
+complacently exonerating Mr. Holmes by saying, "We are satisfied that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." And so 'public
+opinion' wraps it up!
+</p>
+<p>
+The Franklin (La.) Republican, August 19, 1837, has the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES TAKEN.&mdash;Four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yesterday
+for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, supposed
+to be near this place; the camp was discovered about 11 o'clock, the
+negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they were
+discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane; two of them
+were fired on, one of which made his escape; the other one fell after
+running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dangerous;
+the other man was taken without any hurt; the woman also made her
+escape."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus terminated the mornings amusement of the '<i>four gentlemen</i>,'
+whose exploits are so complacently chronicled by the editor of the
+Franklin Republican. The three men and one woman were all fired upon,
+it seems, though only one of them was shot down. The half famished
+runaways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic
+among the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets
+whistled after them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was
+carried back by his captors as a trophy of the 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, Nov. 27, 1838, we find the following
+account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a 'Mr. Adams,' in
+running down one of them 'with his excellent dogs:'
+</p>
+<p>
+"A runaway's den was discovered on Sunday near the Washington Spring,
+in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months, so
+artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by
+accident, though in sight of two or three houses, and near the road
+and fields where there has been constant daily passing. The entrance
+was concealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed&mdash;which
+being removed, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room
+about six feet square, comfortably ceiled with plank, containing a
+small fire-place the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above
+ground and concealed by the straw. The inmates took the alarm and made
+their escape; but Mr. Adams and his excellent dogs being put upon the
+trail, soon run down and secured one of them, which proved to be a
+negro fellow who had been out about a year. He stated that the other
+occupant was a woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. In
+the den was found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &amp;c., and
+various cooking utensils and wearing apparel."
+</p>
+<p>
+Yes, Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS' did the work! They were well trained,
+swift, fresh, keen-scented, 'excellent' men-hunters, and though the
+poor fugitive in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle,
+yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds,
+and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the
+blood-hounds are upon him. What blood-vessels the poor struggler burst
+in his desperate push for life&mdash;how much he was bruised and lacerated
+in his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the
+Macon editor has not chronicled&mdash;they are matters of no moment&mdash;but
+his heart is touched with the merits of Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS,'
+that 'soon <i>run down</i> and <i>secured</i>' a guiltless and trembling human
+creature!
+</p>
+<p>
+The Georgia Constitutionalist, of Jan. 1837, contains the following
+letter from the coroner of Barnwell District, South Carolina, dated
+Aiken, S.C. Dec. 20, 1836.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"I have just returned from an inquest I held over the body of a negro
+man, a runaway, that was shot near the South Edisto, in this District,
+(Barnwell,) on Saturday last. He came to his death by his own
+recklessness. He refused to be taken alive&mdash;and said that other
+attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he
+would not be taken. He was at first, (when those in pursuit of him
+found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the
+intention of merely crippling him. He was shot at several times, and
+at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. He kept in
+the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the
+neighbors were in pursuit of him. As soon as the negro was taken, the
+best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. One of
+the witnesses at the Inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he
+was from Mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, that he did not
+know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was
+Brown. He said his name was Sam, and when asked by another witness,
+who his master was, he muttered something like Augusta or Augustine.
+The boy was apparently above thirty-five or forty years of age, about
+six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or
+whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared
+to have been a runaway for a long time.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+WILLIAM H. PRITCHARD,
+</div>
+<p>
+The Norfolk (Va.) Herald, of Feb. 1837, has the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near
+New Point Comfort, and were soon after apprehended and lodged in jail.
+Their story is, that they belonged to a brig from New York bound to
+Havana, which was cast away to the southward of Cape Henry, some day
+last week; that the brig was called the Maria, Captain Whittemore. I
+have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in the bay, as their
+statements are very confused and inconsistent. One of these fellows is
+a mulatto, and calls himself Isaac Turner; the other two are quite
+black, the one passing by the name of James Jones and the other John
+Murray. They have all their clothing with them, and are dressed in
+sea-faring apparel. They attempted to make their escape, and <i>it was
+not till a musket was fired at them, and one of them slightly
+wounded</i>, that they surrendered. They will be kept in jail till
+something further is discovered respecting them."
+</p>
+<p>
+The 'St. Francisville (La.) Chronicle,' of Feb. 1, 1839. Gives the
+following account of a 'negro hunt,' in that Parish.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Two or three days since a gentleman of this parish, in <i>hunting
+runaway negroes</i>, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on Cat Island.
+He succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight; and
+upon <i>being shot in the shoulder</i>, fled to a sluice, where the <i>dogs
+succeeded</i> in drowning him before assistance could arrive."
+</p>
+<p>
+"'The dogs <i>succeeded</i> in drowning him'! Poor fellow! He tried hard for
+his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoulder,
+and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a moment
+with feeble stroke as best he might, but 'public opinion,'
+'<i>succeeded</i> in drowning him,' and the same 'public opinion,' calls
+the man who fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a
+gentleman,' and the editor who celebrates the exploit is a 'gentleman'
+also!"
+</p>
+<p>
+A large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be
+inserted from Southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing
+are more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the
+testimony on this point, with the following. Extract of a letter, from
+the Rev. Samuel J. May, of South Scituate, Mass. dated Dec. 20, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"You doubtless recollect the narrative given in the Oasis, of a slave
+in Georgia, who having ranaway from his master, (accounted a very
+hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and
+his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles, and having been driven
+into a tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers.
+All the facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected
+with the same case, were first communicated to me in 1833, by Mr. W.
+Russell, a highly respectable teacher of youth in Boston. He is
+doubtless ready to vouch for them. The same gentleman informed me that
+he was keeping school on or near the plantation of the monster who
+perpetrated the above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited
+by him to join in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the
+thought, the planter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand
+said with an oath, 'damn that rascal, this is the third time he has
+runaway, and he shall never run again. I'd rather put a ball into his
+side, than into the best buck in the land.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the
+'Oasis,' page 267, thus describes the slaveholder who made the above
+expression, and was the leader of the 'hunt,' and in whose family he
+resided at the time as an instructor he says of him&mdash;he was "an
+opulent planter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were
+palliated by every expedient that a humane and generous disposition
+could suggest. He was a man of noble and elevated character, and
+distinguished for his generosity, and kindness of heart."
+</p>
+<p>
+In a letter to Mr. May, dated Feb. 3, 1839, Mr. Russell, speaking of
+the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says: "Occurrences of a
+nature similar to the one related in the 'Oasis,' were not unfrequent
+in the interior of Georgia and South Carolina twenty years ago.
+<i>Several</i> such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen
+months. In two such 'hunts,' I was solicited to join."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following was written by a sister-in-law of Gerrit Smith, Esq.,
+Peterboro. She is married to the son of a North Carolinian.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In North Carolina, some years ago, several slaves were arrested for
+committing serious crimes and depredations, in the neighborhood of
+Wilmington, among other things, burning houses, and, in one or more
+instances, murder.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It happened that the wife of one of these slaves resided in one of
+the most respectable families in W. in the capacity of nurse. Mr. J.
+<i>the first lawyer in the place</i>, came into the room, where the lady of
+the house, was sitting, with the nurse, who held a child in her arms,
+and, addressing the nurse, said, Hannah! would you know your husband
+if you should see him?&mdash;Oh, yes, sir, she replied&mdash;When HE DREW FROM
+BENEATH HIS CLOAK THE HEAD OF THE SLAVE, at the sight of which the
+poor woman immediately fainted. The heads of the others were placed
+upon poles, in some part of the town, afterwards known as 'Negro Head
+Point.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+We have just received the above testimony, enclosed in a letter from
+Mr. Smith, in which he says, "that the fact stated by my
+sister-in-law, actually occurred, there can be no doubt."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following extract from the Diary of the Rev. ELIAS CORNELIUS, we
+insert here, having neglected to do it under a preceding head, to
+which it more appropriately belongs.
+</p>
+<p>
+"New Orleans, Sabbath, February 15, 1818. Early this morning
+accompanied A.H. Esq. to the <i>hospital</i>, with the view of making
+arrangements to preach to such of the sick as could understand
+English. The first room we entered presented a scene of human misery,
+such as I had never before witnessed. A poor negro man was lying upon
+a couch, apparently in great distress; a more miserable object can
+hardly be conceived. His face was much <i>disfigured</i>, an IRON COLLAR,
+TWO INCHES WIDE AND HALF AN INCH THICK, WAS CLASPED ABOUT HIS NECK,
+while one of his feet and part of the leg were in a state of
+putrefaction. We inquired the cause of his being in this distressing
+condition, and he answered us in a faltering voice, that he was
+willing to tell us all the truth.
+</p>
+<p>
+"He belonged to Mr. &mdash;&mdash; a Frenchman, ran-away, was caught, and
+punished with one hundred lashes! This happened about Christmas; and
+during the cold weather at that time, he was confined in the
+<i>Cane-house, with a scanty portion of clothing, and without fire</i>. In
+this situation his foot had frozen, and mortified, and having been
+removed from place to place, he was yesterday brought here by order of
+his new master, who was an American. I had no time to protract my
+conversation with him then, but resolved to return in a few hours and
+pray with him.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Having returned home, I again visited the hospital at half past
+eleven o'clock, and concluded first of all [he was to preach at 12,]
+to pray with the poor lacerated negro. I entered the apartment in
+which he lay, and observed an old man sitting upon a couch; but,
+without saying anything went up to the bed-side of the negro, who
+appeared to be asleep. I spoke to him, but he gave no answer. I spoke
+again, and moved his head, still he said nothing. My apprehensions
+were immediately excited, and I felt for his pulse, but it was gone.
+Said I to the old man, 'surely this negro is dead.' 'No,' he answered,
+'he has fallen asleep, for he had a very restless season last night.'
+I again examined and called the old gentleman to the bed, and alas, it
+was found true, that he was dead. Not an eye had witnessed his last
+struggle, and I was the first, as it should happen, to discover the
+fact. I called several men into the room, and without ceremony they
+wrapped him in a sheet, and carried him to the <i>dead-house</i> as it is
+called."&mdash;Edwards' Life of Rev. Elias Cornelius, pp. 101, 2, 3.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_s"></a>
+THE PROTECTION EXTENDED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO THE HEALTH[<a name="rnote10-38"></a><a href="#note10-38">38</a>] OF THE
+SLAVES.
+</p>
+<p>
+This may be judged of from the fact that it is perfectly notorious
+among slaveholders, both North and South, that of the tens of
+thousands of slaves sold annually in the northern slave states to be
+transported to the south, large numbers of them die under the severe,
+<a name="OBJECT_7_t"></a>
+process of acclimation, <i>all</i> suffer more or less, and multitudes
+<i>much</i>, in their health and strength, during their first years in the
+far south and south west. That such is the case is sufficiently proved
+by the care taken by all who advertise for sale or hire in Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, &amp;c. to inform the reader, that their
+slaves are 'Creoles,' 'southern born,' 'country born,' &amp;c. or if they
+are from the north, that they are 'acclimated,' and the importance
+attached to their <i>acclimation</i>, is shown in the fact, that it is
+generally distinguished from the rest of the advertisements either by
+<i>italics</i> or CAPITALS. Almost every newspaper published in the states
+far south contains advertisements like the following.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-38"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-38">38</a>: See pp. 37-39.]
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Vicksburg (Mi.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I OFFER my plantation for sale. Also seventy-five <i>acclimated
+Negroes</i>. O.B. COBB."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Southerner," June 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I WILL sell my Old-River plantation near Columbia in Arkansas;&mdash;also
+ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY ACCLIMATED SLAVES.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+BENJ. HUGHES."
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Planters' (La.) Intelligencer," March 22.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Probate sale&mdash;Will be offered for sale at Public Auction, to the
+highest bidder, ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY <i>acclimated</i> slaves."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+G.W. KEETON.
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Arkansas Advocate," May 22, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to me, I will sell at public
+auction at Fisher's Prairie, Arkansas, sixty LIKELY NEGROES,
+consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, the most of whom are WELL
+ACCLIMATED.
+</p>
+<p>
+GRANDISON D. ROYSTON, <i>Trustee</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"VALUABLE ACCLIMATED NEGROES"
+</div>
+<p>
+"Will be sold on Saturday, 10th inst. at 12 o'clock, at the city
+exchange, St. Louis street."
+</p>
+<p>
+Then follows a description of the slaves, closing with the same
+assertion, which forms the caption of the advertisement "ALL
+ACCLIMATED."
+</p>
+<p>
+General Felix Houston, of Natchez, advertises in the "Natchez
+Courier," April 6, 1838, "Thirty five very fine <i>acclimated</i> Negroes."
+</p>
+<p>
+Without inserting more advertisements, suffice it to say, that when
+slaves are advertised for sale or hire, in the lower southern country,
+if they are <i>natives</i>, or have lived in that region long enough to
+become acclimated, it is <i>invariably</i> stated.
+</p>
+<p>
+But we are not left to <i>conjecture</i> the amount of suffering
+experienced by slaves from the north in undergoing the severe process
+of 'seasoning' to the climate, or '<i>acclimation</i>' A writer in the New
+Orleans Argus, September, 1830, in an article on the culture of the
+sugar cane, says; 'The loss by <i>death</i> in bringing slaves from a
+northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing,
+is not less than TWENTY-FIVE PER CENT.'
+</p>
+<p>
+Nothwithstanding the immense amount of suffering endured in the
+process of acclimation, and the fearful waste of life, and the
+<i>notoriety</i> of this fact, still the 'public opinion' of Virginia,
+Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, &amp;c. annually DRIVES to the far
+south, thousands of their slaves to undergo these sufferings, and the
+'public opinion,' of the far south buys them, and forces the helpless
+victims to endure them.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_u"></a>
+THE 'PROTECTION' VOUCHSAFED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO LIBERTY.
+</div>
+<p>
+This is shown by hundreds of advertisements in southern papers, like
+the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Mobile Register," July 21. 1837. "WILL BE SOLD CHEAP FOR
+CASH, in front of the Court House of Mobile County, on the 22d day of
+July next, one mulatto man named HENRY HALL, WHO SAYS HE IS FREE; his
+owner or owners, <i>if any</i>, having failed to demand him, he is to be
+sold according to the statute in such cases made and provided, <i>to pay
+Jail fees.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+WM. MAGEE, Sh'ff M.C."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Chickasaw Co. Edmund, Martha, John and
+Louisa; the man 50, the woman 35, John 3 years old, and Louisa 14
+months. They say they are FREE and were decoyed to this state."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Southern Argus," of July 25, 1837, contains the following.
+</p>
+<p>
+"RANAWAY from my plantation, a negro boy named William. Said boy was
+taken up by Thomas Walton, and says <i>he was free</i>, and that his
+parents live near Shawneetown, Illinois, and that he was <i>taken</i> from
+that place in July 1836; says his father's name is William, and his
+mother's Sally Brown, and that they moved from Fredericksburg,
+Virginia. I will give twenty dollars to any person who will deliver
+said boy to me or Col. Byrn, Columbus. SAMUEL H. BYRN"
+</p>
+<p>
+The first of the following advertisements was a standing one, in the
+"Vicksburg Register," from Dec. 1835 till Aug. 1836. The second
+advertises the same FREE man for sale.
+</p>
+<p>
+"SHERIFF'S SALE" "COMMITTED, to the jail of Warren county, as a
+Runaway, on the 23d inst. a Negro man, who calls himself John J.
+Robinson; <i>says that he is free</i>, says that he kept a baker's shop in
+Columbus, Miss. and that he peddled through the Chickasaw nation to
+Pontotoc, and came to Memphis, where he sold his horse, took water,
+and came to this place. The owner of said boy is requested to come
+forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be
+dealt with as the law directs.
+</p>
+<p>
+WM. EVERETT, Jailer.
+<br>
+Dec. 24, 1835"
+</p>
+<p>
+"NOTICE is hereby given, that the above described boy, who calls
+himself John J. Robinson, having been confined in the Jail of Warren
+county as a Runaway, for six months&mdash;and having been regularly
+advertised during this period, I shall proceed to sell said Negro boy
+at public auction, to the highest bidder for cash, at the door of the
+Court House in Vicksburg, on Monday, 1st day of August, 1836, in
+pursuance of the statute in such cases made and provided.
+</p>
+<p>
+E. W. MORRIS, Sheriff.
+<br>
+<i>Vicksburg, July 2, 1836.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+See "Newborn (N.C.) Spectator," of Jan. 5, 1838, for the following
+advertisement.
+</p>
+<p>
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber a negro man known as Frank Pilot. He is
+five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, and about 50 years old,
+<i>HAS BEEN FREE SINCE</i> 1829&mdash;is now my property, as heir at law of his
+last owner, <i>Samuel Ralston</i>, dec. I will give the above reward if he
+is taken and confined in any jail so that I can get him.
+</p>
+<p>
+SAMUEL RALSTON. Pactolus, Pitt County."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) "Flag of the Union," June 7.
+</p>
+<p>
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Tuscaloosa county, a negro man, who says his
+name is Robert Winfield, and <i>says he is free</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+R.W. BARBER, <i>Jailer</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_v"></a>
+That "public opinion," in the slave states affords no protection to
+the liberty of colored persons, even after those persons become
+legally free, by the operation of their own laws, is declared by
+Governor Comegys, of Delaware, in his recent address to the
+Legislature of that state, Jan. 1839. The Governor, commenting upon
+the law of the state which provides that persons convicted of certain
+crimes shall be sold as servants for a limited time, says,
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>The case is widely different with the negro(!)</i> Although ordered to
+be disposed of as a servant for a term of years, <i>perpetual slavery in
+the south is his inevitable doom</i>; unless, peradventure, age or
+disease may have rendered him worthless, or some resident of the
+State, from motives of <i>benevolence</i>, will pay for him three or four
+times his intrinsic <i>value</i>. It matters not for how short a time he is
+ordered to be sold, so that he can be carried from the State. Once
+beyond its limits, <i>all chance of restored freedom is gone</i>&mdash;for he is
+removed far from the reach of any testimony to aid him in an effort to
+be released from bondage, when his <i>legal</i> term of servitude has
+expired. <i>Of the many colored convicts sold out of the State, it is
+believed none ever return</i>. Of course they are purchased <i>with the
+express view to their transportation for life</i>, and bring such
+enormous prices as to prevent all <i>competition</i> on the part of those
+of our citizens who <i>require</i> their services, and <i>would keep them in
+the State</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Memphis (Ten.) Enquirer," Dec. 28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$50 REWARD. Ranaway, from the subscriber, on Thursday last, a negro
+man named Isaac, 22 years old, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, dark
+complexion, well made, full face, speaks quick, and very correctly for
+a negro. <i>He was originally from New-York</i>, and no doubt will attempt
+to pass himself as free. I will give the above reward for his
+apprehension and delivery, or confinement, so that I obtain him, if
+taken out of the state, or $30 if taken within the state.
+</p>
+<p>
+JNO. SIMPSON. <i>Memphis, Dec. 28.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mark, with what shameless hardihood this JNO. SIMPSON, tells the
+public that <i>he knew</i> Isaac Wright was a free man! 'HE WAS ORIGINALLY
+FROM NEW YORK,' he tells us. And yet he adds with brazen effrontery,
+'<i>he will attempt to pass himself as free.</i>' This Isaac Wright, was
+shipped by a man named Lewis, of New Bedford, Massachusetts, and sold
+as a slave in New Orleans. After passing through several hands, and
+being flogged nearly to death, he made his escape, and five days ago,
+(March 5,) returned to his friends in Philadelphia.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Baltimore Sun," Dec. 23, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"FREE NEGROES&mdash;Merry Ewall, a FREE NEGRO, from Virginia, was committed
+to jail, at Snow Hill, Md. last week, for remaining in the State
+longer than is allowed by the law of 1831. The fine in his case
+amounts to $225. Capril Purnell, a negro from Delaware, is now in jail
+in the same place, for a violation of the same act. His fine amounts
+to FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS, and he WILL BE SOLD IN A SHORT TIME."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_w"></a>
+The following is the decision of the Supreme Court, of Louisiana, in
+the case of Gomez <i>vs.</i> Bonneval, Martin's La. Reports, 656, and
+Wheeler's "Law of Slavery," p. 380-1.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Marginal remark of the Compiler.&mdash;"A slave does not become free on
+his being illegally imported into the state."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Per Cur. Derbigny</i>, J. The petitioner is a negro in actual state of
+slavery; he claims his freedom, and is bound to prove it. In his
+attempt, however, to show that he was free before he was introduced
+into this country, he has failed, so that his claim rests entirely on
+the laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves in the United States.
+That the plaintiff was imported since that prohibition does exist is a
+fact sufficiently established by the evidence. What right he has
+acquired under the laws forbidding such importation is the only
+question which we have to examine. Formerly, while the act dividing
+Louisiana into two territories was in force in this country, slaves
+introduced here in contravention to it, were freed by operation of
+law; but that act was merged in the legislative provisions which were
+subsequently enacted on the subject of importation of slaves into the
+United States generally. Under the now existing laws, the individuals
+thus imported acquire <i>no personal right</i>, they are mere passive
+beings, who are disposed of <i>according to the will</i> of the different
+state legislatures. In this country they are to <i>remain slaves</i>, and
+TO BE SOLD FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE STATE. The plaintiff, therefore, has
+nothing to claim as a freeman; and as to a mere change of master,
+should such be his wish, <i>he cannot be listened to in a court of
+justice</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from a speech of Mr. Thomson of Penn. in Congress, March 1,
+1826, on the prisons in the District of Columbia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I visited the prisons twice that I might myself ascertain the truth.
+&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;In one of these cells (but eight feet square,) were confined at
+that time, seven persons, three women and four children. The children
+were confined under a strange system of law in this District, by which
+a colored person who <i>alleges</i> HE IS FREE, and appeals to the
+tribunals of the country, to have the matter tried, is COMMITTED TO
+PRISON, till the decision takes place. They were almost naked&mdash;one of
+them was sick, lying on the damp brick floor, <i>without bed, pillow, or
+covering</i>. In this abominable cell, seven human beings were confined
+day by day, and night after night, without a bed, chair, or stool, or
+any other of the most common necessaries of life."&mdash;<i>Gales'
+Congressional Debates</i>, v.2, p.1480.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following facts serve to show, that the present generation of
+slaveholders do but follow in the footsteps of their fathers, in their
+zeal for LIBERTY.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_x"></a>
+Extract from a document submitted by the Committee of the yearly
+meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, to the Committee of Congress, to
+whom was referred the memorial of the people called Quakers, in 1797.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the latter part of the year 1776, several of the people called
+Quakers, residing in the counties of Perquimans and Pasquotank, in the
+state of North Carolina, liberated their negroes, as it was then clear
+there was no existing law to prevent their so doing; for the law of
+1741 could not at that time be carried into effect; and they were
+suffered to remain free, until a law passed, in the spring of 1777,
+under which they were taken up and sold, contrary to the Bill of
+Rights, recognized in the constitution of that state, as a part
+thereof, and to which it was annexed.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the spring of 1777, when the General Assembly met for the first
+time, a law was enacted to prevent slaves from being emancipated,
+except for meritorious services, &amp;c. to be judged of by the county
+courts or the general assembly; and ordering, that if any should be
+manumitted in any other way, they be taken up, and the county courts
+within whose jurisdictions they are apprehended should order them to
+be sold. Under this law the county courts of Perquimans and
+Pasquotank, in the year 1777, ordered A LARGE NUMBER OF PERSONS TO BE
+SOLD, WHO WERE FREE AT THE TIME THE LAW WAS MADE. In the year 1778
+several of those cases were, by certiorari, brought before the
+superior court for the district of Edentorn, where the decisions of
+the county courts were reversed, the superior court declaring, that
+said county courts, in such their proceedings, have exceeded their
+jurisdiction, violated the rights of the subject, and acted in direct
+opposition to the Bill of Rights of this state, considered justly as
+part of the constitution thereof; by giving to a law, not intended to
+affect this case, a retrospective operation, thereby to deprive free
+men of this state of their liberty, contrary to the laws of the land.
+In consequence of this decree several of the negroes were again set at
+liberty; but the next General Assembly, early in 1779, passed a law,
+wherein they mention, that doubts have arisen, whether the purchasers
+of such slaves have a good and legal title thereto, and CONFIRM the
+same; under which they were again taken up by the purchasers and
+reduced to slavery."
+</p>
+<p>
+[The number of persons thus re-enslaved was 134.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The following are the decrees of the Courts, ordering the sale of
+those freemen:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Perquimans County, July term, at Hartford, A.D. 1777.
+</p>
+<p>
+"These may certify, that it was then and there ordered, that the
+sheriff of the county, to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, expose to
+sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the court-house door,
+the several negroes taken up as free, and in his custody, agreeable to
+law.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Test. WM. SKINNER, Clerk. "A true copy, 25th August, 1791. "Test. J.
+HARVEY, Clerk."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Pasquotank County, September Court, &amp;c. &amp;c. 1777.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Present, the Worshipful Thomas Boyd, Timothy Hickson, John Paelin,
+Edmund Clancey, Joseph Reading, and Thomas Rees, Esqrs. Justices.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was then and there ordered, that Thomas Reading, Esq. take the
+FREE negroes taken up under an act to prevent domestic insurrections
+and other purposes, and expose the same to <i>the best bidder</i>, at
+public vendue, for ready money, and be accountable for the same,
+agreeable to the aforesaid act; and make return to this or the next
+succeeding court of his proceedings.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A copy. ENOCH REESE, C.C."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_y"></a>
+THE PROTECTION OF "PUBLIC OPINION" TO DOMESTICS TIES.
+</div>
+<p>
+The barbarous indifference with which slaveholders regard the forcible
+sundering of husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and
+sisters, and the unfeeling brutality indicated by the language in
+which they describe the efforts made by the slaves, in their yearnings
+after those from whom they have been torn away, reveals a 'public
+opinion' towards them as dead to their agony as if they were cattle.
+It is well nigh impossible to open a southern paper without finding
+evidence of this. Though the truth of this assertion can hardly be
+called in question, we subjoin a few illustrations, and could easily
+give hundreds.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_z"></a>
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Jan. 17, 1839. "$100 reward will be
+given for my two fellows, Abram and Frank. Abram has a <i>wife</i> at
+Colonel Stewart's, in Liberty county, and a <i>sister</i> in Savannah, at
+Capt. Grovenstine's. Frank has a <i>wife</i> at Mr. Le Cont's, Liberty
+county; a <i>mother</i> at Thunderbolt, and a <i>sister</i> in Savannah.
+</p>
+<p>
+WM. ROBARTS. Wallhourville, 5th Jan. 1839"
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Intelligencer." July 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$160 Reward.&mdash;Ranaway from the subscribers living in this city, on
+Saturday 16th inst. a negro man, named Dick, about 37 years of age. It
+is highly probable said boy will make for New Orleans as <i>he has a
+wife</i> living in that city, and he has been heard to say frequently
+that <i>he was determined to go to New Orleans</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"DRAKE C. THOMPSON. "Lexington, June 17, 1838"
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Southern Argus," Oct. 31, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Runaway&mdash;my negro man, Frederick, about 20 years of age. He is no
+doubt near the plantation of G.W. Corprew, Esq of Noxubbee County,
+Mississippi, as <i>his wife belongs to that gentleman, and he followed
+her from my residence</i>. The above reward will be paid to any one who
+will confine him in jail and inform me of it at Athens, Ala. "Athens,
+Alabama. KERKMAN LEWIS."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Savannah Georgian," July 8, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ran away from the subscriber, his man Joe. He visits the city
+occasionally, where he has been harbored by his <i>mother</i> and <i>sister</i>.
+I will give one hundred dollars for proof sufficient to <i>convict his
+harborers</i>. R.P.T. MONGIN."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Nov. 23, 1837, has the following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"$25 Reward.&mdash;Ran away, a negro man, named Cain. He was brought from
+Florida, and <i>has a wife near Mariana</i>, and probably will attempt to
+make his way there. H.L. COOK."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," July 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded from the subscriber, a negro man, by the name of Wilson. He
+was born in the county of New Kent, and raised by a gentleman named
+Ratliffe, and by him sold to a gentleman named Taylor, on whose farm
+he had a <i>wife</i> and <i>several children</i>. Mr. Taylor sold him to a Mr.
+Slater, who, in consequence of removing to Alabama, Wilson left; and
+when retaken was sold, and afterwards purchased, by his present owner,
+from T. McCargo and Co. of Richmond."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Savannah (Ga. ) Republican," Sept. 3, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$20 Reward for my negro man Jim.&mdash;Jim is about 50 or 55 years of age.
+It is probable he will aim for Savannah, as he said <i>he had children</i>
+in that vicinity.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+J.G. OWENS.
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Staunton (Va.) Spectator," Jan. 3, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Runaway, Jesse.&mdash;He has a <i>wife</i>, who belongs to Mr. John Ruff, of
+Lexington, Rockbridge county, and he may probably be lurking in that
+neighborhood. MOSES McCUE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle," July 10, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$120 Reward for my negro Charlotte. She is about 20 years old. She
+was purchased some months past from Mr. Thomas. J. Walton, of Augusta,
+by Thomas W. Oliver; and, as her <i>mother</i> and acquaintances live in
+that city, it is very likely she is <i>harbored</i> by some of them. MARTHA
+OLIVER."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Raleigh (N.C.) Register," July 18, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Jim, the property of
+Mrs. Elizabeth Whitfield. He <i>has a wife</i> at the late Hardy Jones',
+and may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. JOHN O'RORKE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Compiler," Sept. 8, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, Ben. He ran off without any known cause,
+and <i>I suppose he is aiming to go to his wife, who was carried from
+the neighborhood last winter</i>. JOHN HUNT."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury," Aug. 1, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Absconded from Mr. E.D. Bailey, on Wadmalaw, his negro man, named
+Saby. Said fellow was purchased in January, from Francis Dickinson, of
+St. Paul's parish, and is probably now in that neighborhood, <i>where he
+has a wife</i>. THOMAS N. GADSDEN."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Portsmouth (Va.) Times," August 3, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$50 dollars Reward will be given for the apprehension of my negro man
+Isaac. He <i>has a wife</i> at James M. Riddick's, of Gates county, N.C.
+where he may probably be lurking. C. MILLER."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Savannah (Georgia) Republican." May 24, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$40 Reward.&mdash;Ran away from the subscriber in Savannah, his negro girl
+Patsey. She was purchased among the gang of negroes, known as the
+Hargreave's estate. She is no doubt lurking about Liberty county, at
+which place <i>she has relatives</i>. EDWARD HOUSTOUN, of Florida"
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$20 Reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery, at the
+workhouse in Charleston, of a mulatto woman, named Ida. It is probable
+she may have made her way into Georgia, where she has <i>connections</i>.
+MATTHEW MUGGRIDGE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 31, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The subscriber will give $20 for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Maria, who ran away about twelve months since. She is known to be
+lurking in or about Chuckatuch, in the county of Nansemond, where <i>she
+has a husband</i>, and <i>formerly belonged</i>. PETER ONEILL."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Jan. 16, 1839.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, two negroes, Davis, a man about 45 years
+old; also Peggy, his wife, near the same age. Said negroes will
+probably make their way to Columbia county, as <i>they have children</i>
+living in that county. I will liberally reward any person who may
+deliver them to me. NEHEMIAH KING."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Petersburg (Va.) Constellation," June 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro man, named Peter. <i>He has a wife</i> at the plantation
+of Mr. C. Haws, near Suffolk, where it is supposed he is still
+lurking. JOHN L. DUNN."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," Dec. 7, 1739.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man, named John Lewis. It is
+supposed that he is lurking about in New Kent county, where he
+professes to have a <i>wife</i>. HILL JONES, Agent for R.F. &amp; P. Railroad Co."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Red River (La.) Whig," June 2d, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ran away from the subscriber, a mulatto woman, named Maria. It is
+probable she may be found in the neighborhood of Mr. Jesse Bynum's
+plantation, where <i>she has relations</i>, &amp;c. THOMAS J. WELLS."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Observer and Reporter," Sept. 28, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$50 Reward.&mdash;Ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl, named Maria.
+She is of a copper color, between 13 and 14 years of age&mdash;<i>bare
+headed</i> and <i>bare footed</i>. She is small of her age&mdash;very sprightly and
+very likely. She stated she was <i>going to see her mother</i> at
+Maysville. SANFORD THOMSON."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Jackson (Tenn.) Telegraph," Sept. 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Committed to the jail of Madison county, a negro woman, who calls her
+name Fanny, and says she belongs to William Miller, of Mobile. She
+formerly belonged to John Givins, of this county, who now owns
+<i>several of her children</i>. DAVID SHROPSHIRE, Jailor."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," July 3d, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Runaway from my plantation below Edenton, my negro man, Nelson. <i>He
+has a mother living</i> at Mr. James Goodwin's, in Ballahack, Perquimans
+county; and <i>two brothers</i>, one belonging to Job Parker, and the other
+to Josiah Coffield. WM. D. RASCOE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," Jan. 12, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$100 Reward.&mdash;Run away from the subscriber, his negro fellow, John.
+He is well known about the city as one of my bread carriers: <i>has a
+wife</i> living at Mrs. Weston's, on Hempstead. John formerly belonged to
+Mrs. Moor, near St. Paul's church, where his <i>mother</i> still lives, and
+<i>has been harbored by her</i> before.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+JOHN T. MARSHALL.
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Newbern (N.C.) Sentinel," March 17, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, Moses, a black fellow, about 40 years of age&mdash;has a <i>wife</i>
+in Washington.
+</p>
+<p>
+THOMAS BRAGG, Sen.
+<br>
+Warrenton, N.C."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," June 30, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my man Peter.&mdash;He has a <i>sister</i> and <i>mother</i> in New Kent,
+and a <i>wife</i> about fifteen or eighteen miles above Richmond, at or
+about Taylorsville. THEO. A. LACY."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," Feb. 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, my negro Philip, aged about 40 years.&mdash;He may have gone to
+St. Louis, as <i>he has a wife there</i>. W.G. CLARK, 70 New Levee."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Georgian," Jan. 29, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A Reward of $5 will be paid for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Diana. Diana is from 45 to 50 age. She formerly belonged to Mr. Nath.
+Law, of Liberty county, <i>where her husband still lives</i>. She will
+endeavor to go there perhaps. D. O'BYRNE."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," Feb. 20, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$10 Reward for a negro woman, named Sally, 40 years old. We have just
+reason to believe the said negro to be now lurking on the James River
+Canal, or in the Green Spring neighborhood, where, we are informed,
+<i>her husband resides</i>. The above reward will be given to any person
+<i>securing</i> her.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+POLLY C. SHIELDS.
+</div>
+<p>
+"$50 Reward.&mdash;Ran away from the subscriber, his negro man Pauladore,
+commonly called Paul. I understand GEN. R.Y. HAYNE <i>has purchased his
+wife and children</i> from H.L. PINCKNEY, Esq. and has them now on his
+plantation at Goosecreek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently
+<i>lurking</i>. T. DAVIS."
+</p>
+<p>
+"$25 Reward.&mdash;Ran away from the subscriber, a negro woman, named
+Matilda. It is thought she may be somewhere up James River, as she was
+claimed as <i>a wife</i> by some boatman in Goochland. J. ALVIS."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Stop the Runaway!!!&mdash;$25 Reward. Ranaway from the Eagle Tavern, a
+negro fellow, named Nat. He is no doubt attempting to <i>follow his
+wife, who was lately sold to a speculator</i> named Redmond. The above
+reward will be paid by Mrs. Lucy M. Downman, of Sussex county, Va."
+</p>
+<p>
+Multitudes of advertisements like the above appear annually in the
+southern papers. Reader, look at the preceding list&mdash;mark the
+unfeeling barbarity with which their masters and <i>mistresses</i> describe
+the struggles and perils of sundered husbands and wives, parents and
+children, in their weary midnight travels through forests and rivers,
+with torn limbs and breaking hearts, seeking the embraces of each
+other's love. In one instance, a mother torn from all her children and
+taken to a remote part of another state, presses her way back through
+the wilderness, hundreds of miles, to clasp once more her children to
+her heart: but, when she has arrived within a few miles of them, in
+the same county, is discovered, seized, dragged to jail, and her
+purchaser told, through an advertisement, that she awaits his order.
+But we need not trace out the harrowing details already before the
+reader.
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who resided some time in
+Kentucky, says;&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a
+slaveholder in Boone county, Kentucky, who lived within half a mile of
+Mr. Hughes' farm. Hughes and Neil traded in slaves down the river:
+they had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of
+Kentucky, and brought them down to Louisville, where the remainder of
+their drove was in jail, waiting their arrival. Just before the
+steamboat put off for the lower country, two negro women were offered
+for sale, each of them having a young child at the breast. The traders
+bought them, took their babes from their arms, and offered them to the
+highest bidder; and they were sold for one dollar apiece, whilst the
+stricken parents were driven on board the boat; and in an hour were on
+their way to the New Orleans market. You are aware that a young babe
+<i>decreases</i> the value of a field hand in the lower country, whilst it
+increases her value in the 'breeding states.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is an extract from an address, published by the
+Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky, to the churches under their care, in
+1835:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are
+<i>torn asunder</i>, and permitted to see each other no more. These acts
+are DAILY occurring in the midst of us. The <i>shrieks</i> and the <i>agony,
+often</i> witnessed on such occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet tongue,
+the iniquity of our system. <i>There is not a neighborhood</i> where these
+heart-rending scenes are not displayed. <i>There is not a village or
+road</i> that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts,
+whose mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by <i>force</i> from
+ALL THAT THEIR HEARTS HOLD DEAR."&mdash;<i>Address</i>, p. 12.
+</p>
+<p>
+Professor ANDREWS, late of the University of North Carolina, in his
+recent work on Slavery and the Slave Trade, page 147, in relating a
+conversation with a slave-trader, whom he met near Washington City,
+says, he inquired,
+</p>
+<p>
+"'Do you <i>often</i> buy the wife without the husband?' 'Yes, VERY OFTEN;
+and FREQUENTLY, too, they <i>sell me the mother while they keep her
+children. I have often known them take away the infant from its
+mother's breast, and keep it, while they sold her</i>.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+The following sale is advertised in the "Georgia Journal," Jan, 2,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Will be sold, the following PROPERTY, to wit: One &mdash;&mdash; CHILD, by the
+name of James, <i>about eight months old</i>, levied on as the property of
+Gabriel Gunn."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is a standing advertisement in the Charleston (S.C.)
+papers:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"120 Negroes for Sale&mdash;The subscriber has <i>just arrived from
+Petersburg, Virginia</i>, with one hundred and twenty <i>likely young</i>
+negroes of both sexes and every description, which he offers for sale
+on the most reasonable terms.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The lot now on hand consists of plough boys several likely and
+well-qualified house servants of both sexes, several <i>women with
+children, small girls</i> suitable for nurses, and several SMALL BOYS
+WITHOUT THEIR MOTHERS. Planters and traders are earnestly requested to
+give the subscriber a call previously to making purchases elsewhere,
+as he is enabled and will sell as cheap, or cheaper, than can be sold
+by any other person in the trade. BENJAMIN DAVIS. Hamburg, S.C. Sept.
+28, 1838."
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract Of a letter to a member of Congress from a friend in
+Mississippi, published in the "Washington Globe," June, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The times are truly alarming here. Many plantations <i>are entirely
+stripped of negroes</i> (protection!) and horses, by the marshal or
+sheriff.&mdash;Suits are multiplying&mdash;two thousand five hundred in the
+United States Circuit Court, and three thousand in Hinds County
+Court."
+</p>
+<p>
+Testimony of MR. SILAS STONE, of Hudson, New York. Mr. Stone is a
+member of the Episcopal Church, has several times been elected an
+Assessor of the city of Hudson, and for three years has filled the
+office of Treasurer of the County. In the fall of 1807, Mr. Stone
+witnessed a sale of slaves, in Charleston, South Carolina, which he
+thus describes in a communication recently received from him.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in
+different parts of the city, one of which I visited. The arrangements
+of this place appeared something like our northern horse-markets,
+having sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol
+was a handy ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. As the
+traders appeared, lots of negroes were brought from the stables into
+the bar room, and by a flourish of the whip were made to assume an
+active appearance. 'What will you give for these fellows?' 'How old
+are they?' 'Are they healthy?' 'Are they quick?' &amp;c. at the same time
+the owner would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance
+and jump, cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. In
+fact all the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of
+jockey-ship, as much as buying and selling horses. There was as little
+regard paid to the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter.
+</p>
+<p>
+"From these scenes I turn to another, which took place in front of the
+noble 'Exchange Buildings,' in the heart of the city. On the left side
+of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the
+windows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother
+with eight children were placed, and sold at auction. I watched their
+emotions closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human
+nature. The sale began with the eldest child, who, being struck off to
+the highest bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the
+purchaser, and led to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into
+the country; the second, and third were also sold, and so until seven
+of the children were torn from their mother, while her discernment
+told her they were to be separated probably forever, causing in that
+mother the most agonizing sobs and cries, in which the children seemed
+to share. The scene beggars description; suffice it to say, it was
+sufficient to cause tears from one at least 'whose skin was not
+colored like their own,' and I was not ashamed to give vent to them."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Aa"></a>
+THE "PROTECTION" AFFORDED BY "PUBLIC OPINION"
+TO CHILDHOOD AND OLD AGE.
+</div>
+<p>
+In the "New Orleans Bee," May 31, 1837, MR. P. BAHI, gives notice that
+he has <i>committed to</i> JAIL as a runaway 'a <i>little</i> negro AGED ABOUT
+SEVEN YEARS.'
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Mobile Advertiser," Sept. 13, 1838, WILLIAM MAGEE, Sheriff,
+gives notice that George Walton, Esq. Mayor of the city has
+<i>committed</i> to JAIL as a runaway slave, Jordan, ABOUT TWELVE YEARS
+OLD, and the Sheriff proceeds to give notice that if no one claims him
+the boy will be <i>sold as a slave</i> to pay jail fees.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Memphis (Tenn.) Gazette," May 2, 1837, W.H. MONTGOMERY
+advertises that he will sell at auction a BOY AGED 14, ANOTHER AGED
+12, AND A GIRL 10, to pay the debts of their deceased master.
+</p>
+<p>
+B.F. CHAPMAN, Sheriff, Natchitoches (La.) advertises in the
+'Herald,' of May 17, 1837, that he has "<i>committed to</i> JAIL, as a
+runaway a negro boy BETWEEN 11 AND 12 YEARS OF AGE."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle," Feb. 13, 1838. R.H. JONES, jailor,
+says, "Brought to <i>jail</i> a negro <i>woman</i> Sarah, she is about 60 or 65
+<i>years old</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Winchester Virginian," August 8, 1837, Mr. R.H. MENIFEE,
+offers ten dollars reward to any one who will catch and lodge in jail,
+Abram and Nelly, <i>about</i> 60 <i>years old</i>, so that he can get them
+again.
+</p>
+<p>
+J. SNOWDEN, Jailor, Columbia, S.C. gives notice in the "Telescope,"
+Nov, 18, 1837, that he has committed to jail as a runaway slave,
+"<i>Caroline fifty years of age</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Y.S. PICKARD, Jailor, Savannah, Georgia, gives notice in the
+"Georgian," June 22, 1837, that he has taken up for a runaway and
+lodged in jail Charles, 60 <i>years of age</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Savannah "Georgian," April 12, 1837, Mr. J. CUYLER, says he
+will give five dollars, to anyone who will catch and bring back to him
+"Saman, <i>an old negro man, and grey, and has only one eye</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph," Jan. 15, 1839, MESSRS. T. AND L.
+NAPIER, advertise for sale Nancy, a woman 65 <i>years of age</i>, and
+Peggy, a woman 65 <i>years of age</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is from the "Columbian (Ga.) Enquirer," March 8, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$25 REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway, a Negro Woman named MATILDA, aged about 30 or
+35 years. Also, on the same night, a Negro Fellow of small size, VERY
+AGED, <i>stoop-shouldered</i>, who walks VERY DECREPIDLY, is supposed to
+have gone off. His name is DAVE, and he has claimed Matilda for wife.
+It may be they have gone off together.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I will give twenty-five dollars for the woman, delivered to me in
+Muscogee county, or confined in any jail so that I can get her. MOSES
+BUTT."
+</p>
+<p>
+J.B. RANDALL, Jailor, Cobb (Co.) Georgia, advertises an old negro man,
+in the "Milledgeville Recorder," Nov. 6, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A NEGRO MAN, has been lodged in the common jail of this county, who
+says his name is JUPITER. He <i>has lost all his front teeth above and
+below&mdash;speaks very indistinctly, is very lame, so that he can hardly
+walk</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who spent some time
+in slave states, speaking of his residence in Kentucky, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"One Sabbath morning, whilst riding to meeting near Burlington, Boone
+Co. Kentucky, in company with Mr. Willis, a teacher of sacred music
+and a member of the Presbyterian Church, I was startled at mingled
+shouts and screams, proceeding from an old log house, some distance
+from the road side. As we passed it, some five or six boys from 12 to
+15 years of age, came out, some of them cracking whips, followed by
+two colored boys crying. I asked Mr. W. what the scene meant. 'Oh,' he
+replied, 'those boys have been whipping the niggers; that is the way
+we bring slaves into subjection in Kentucky&mdash;we let the children beat
+them.' The boys returned again into the house, and again their
+shouting and stamping was heard, but ever and anon a scream of agony
+that would not be drowned, rose above the uproar; thus they continued
+till the sounds were lost in the distance."
+</p>
+<p>
+Well did Jefferson say, that the children of slaveholders are 'NURSED,
+EDUCATED, AND DAILY EXERCISED IN TYRANNY.'
+</p>
+<p>
+The 'protection' thrown around a mother's yearnings, and the
+helplessness of childhood by the 'public opinion' of slaveholders, is
+shown by <i>thousands</i> of advertisements of which the following are
+samples.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," June 2.
+</p>
+<p>
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.&mdash;A negro woman 21 years of age, and has two
+children, one eight and the other three years. Said negroes will be
+sold SEPARATELY or together <i>as desired</i>. The woman is a good
+seamstress. She will be sold low for cash, or <i>exchanged</i> for
+GROCERIES. For terms apply to MAYHEW BLISS, &amp; CO. 1 Front Levee."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Georgia Journal," Nov. 7.
+</p>
+<p>
+"TO BE SOLD&mdash;One negro girl about 18 <i>months old</i>, belonging to the
+estate of William Chambers, dec'd. Sold for the purpose of
+<i>distribution!!</i> JETHRO DEAN, SAMUEL BEALL, Ex'ors."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Natchez Courier," April 2, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"NOTICE&mdash;Is hereby given that the undersigned pursuant to a certain
+Deed of Trust will on Thursday the 12th day of April next, expose to
+sale at the Court House, to the highest bidder for cash, the following
+Negro slaves, to wit; Fanny, aged about 28 years; Mary, aged about 7
+years; Amanda, aged about 3 months; Wilson, aged about 9 months.
+</p>
+<p>
+Said slaves, to be sold for the satisfaction of the debt secured in
+said Deed of Trust. W.J. MINOR."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Milledgeville Journal," Dec. 26, 1837.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"EXECUTOR'S SALE.
+</div>
+<p>
+"Agreeable to an order of the court of Wilkinson county, will be sold
+on the first Tuesday in April next, before the Court-house door in the
+town of Irwington, ONE NEGRO GIRL <i>about two years old</i>, named Rachel,
+belonging to the estate of William Chambers dec'd. Sold <i>for the
+benefit</i> of the heirs and creditors of said estate.
+</p>
+<p>
+SAMUEL BELL, JESSE PEACOCK, Ex'ors."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette" Dec. 19.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I will give the highest cash price for likely negroes, <i>from 10 to 25
+years of age</i>.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+GEO. KEPHART."
+</div>
+<p>
+From the "Southern Whig," March 2, 1838.&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"WILL be sold in La Grange, Troup county, one negro girl, by the name
+of Charity, aged about 10 or 12 years; as the property of Littleton L.
+Burk, to satisfy a mortgage fi. fa. from Troup Inferior Court, in
+favor of Daniel S. Robertson vs. said Burk."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Petersburgh (Va.) Constellation," March 18, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"50 <i>Negroes wanted immediately</i>.&mdash;The subscriber will give a good
+market price for fifty likely negroes, <i>from 10 to 30 years of age</i>.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+HENRY DAVIS."
+</div>
+<p>
+The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman, a native and
+still a resident of one of the slave states, and <i>still a
+slaveholder</i>. He is an elder in the Presbyterian Church, his letter is
+now before us, and his name is with the Executive Committee of the Am.
+Anti-slavery Society.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Permit me to say, that around this very place where I reside, slaves
+are brought almost constantly, and sold to Miss. and Orleans; that <i>it
+is usual</i> to part families forever by such sales&mdash;the parents from the
+children and the children from the parents, of every size and age. A
+mother was taken not long since, in this town, from a <i>sucking child</i>,
+and sold to the lower country. Three young men I saw some time ago
+taken from this place in chains&mdash;while the mother of one of them, old
+and decrepid, <i>followed with tears and prayers her son, 18 or 20
+miles, and bid him a final farewell</i>! O, thou Great Eternal, is this
+justice! is this equity!!&mdash;Equal Rights!!"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ba"></a>
+We subjoin a few miscellaneous facts illustrating the INHUMANITY of
+slaveholding 'public opinion.'
+</p>
+<p>
+The shocking indifference manifested at the death of slaves as <i>human
+beings</i>, contrasted with the grief at their loss <i>as property</i>, is a
+true index to the public opinion of slaveholders.
+</p>
+<p>
+Colonel Oliver of Louisville, lost a valuable race-horse by the
+explosion of the steamer Oronoko, a few months since on the
+Mississippi river. Eight human beings whom he held as slaves were also
+killed by the explosion. They were the riders and grooms of his
+race-horses. A Louisville paper thus speaks of the occurrence:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Colonel Oliver suffered severely by the explosion of the Oronoko. He
+lost <i>eight</i> of his rubbers and riders, and his horse, Joe Kearney,
+which he had sold the night before for $3,000."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King, of the New York American, makes the following just comment
+on the barbarity of the above paragraph:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Would any one, in reading this paragraph from an evening paper,
+conjecture that these '<i>eight</i> rubbers and riders,' that together with
+a horse, are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to their owner, were human
+beings&mdash;immortal as the writer who thus brutalizes them, and perhaps
+cherishing life as much? In this view, perhaps, the 'eight' lost as
+much as Colonel Oliver."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is from the "Charleston (S.C.) Patriot," Oct. 18.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Loss of Property</i>!&mdash;Since I have been here, (Rice Hope, N. Santee,)
+I have seen much misery, and much of human suffering. The loss of
+PROPERTY has been immense, not only on South Santee, but also on this
+river. Mr. Shoolbred has lost, (according to the statement of the
+physician,) forty-six negroes&mdash;the majority lost being the <i>primest
+hands</i> he had&mdash;bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths and Coopers. Mr.
+Wm. Mazyck has lost 35 negroes. Col. Thomas Pinkney, in the
+neighborhood of 40, and many other planters, 10 to 20 on each
+plantation. Mrs. Elias Harry, adjoining the plantation of Mr. Lucas,
+has lost up to date, 32 negroes&mdash;the <i>best part of her primest</i>
+negroes on her plantation."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Natchez (Miss.) Daily Free Trader," Feb. 12, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Found</i>.&mdash;A NEGRO'S HEAD WAS PICKED UP ON THE RAIL-ROAD YESTERDAY,
+WHICH THE OWNER CAN HAVE BY CALLING AT THIS OFFICE AND PAYING FOR THE
+ADVERTISEMENT."
+</p>
+<p>
+The way in which slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a poor female
+lunatic is illustrated in the following advertisement in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 27, 1838:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Taken and committed to jail, a negro girl named Nancy, who is
+supposed to belong to Spencer P. Wright, of the State of Georgia. She
+is about 30 years of age, and is a LUNATIC. The owner is requested to
+come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or SHE
+WILL BE SOLD TO PAY HER JAIL FEES.
+</p>
+<p>
+FRED'K HOME, Jailor."
+</p>
+<p>
+A late PROSPECTUS Of the South Carolina Medical College, located in
+Charleston, contains the following passage:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ca"></a>
+"Some advantages of a <i>peculiar</i> character are connected with this
+Institution, which it may be proper to point out. No place in the
+United States offers as great opportunities for the acquisition of
+anatomical knowledge, SUBJECTS BEING OBTAINED FROM AMONG THE COLORED
+POPULATION IN SUFFICIENT NUMBER FOR EVERY PURPOSE, AND PROPER
+DISSECTIONS CARRIED ON WITHOUT OFFENDING ANY INDIVIDUALS IN THE
+COMMUNITY!!"
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Without offending any individuals in the community</i>! More than half
+the population of Charleston, we believe, is 'colored;' <i>their</i> graves
+may be ravaged, their dead may be dug up, dragged into the dissecting
+room, exposed to the gaze, heartless gibes, and experimenting knives,
+of a crowd of inexperienced operators, who are given to understand in
+the prospectus, that, if they do not acquire manual dexterity in
+dissection, it will be wholly their own fault, in neglecting to
+improve the unrivalled advantages afforded by the institution&mdash;since
+each can have as many human bodies as he pleases to experiment
+upon&mdash;and as to the fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, and
+sisters, of those whom they cut to pieces from day to day, why, they
+are not 'individuals in the community,' but 'property,' and however
+<i>their</i> feelings may be tortured, the 'public opinion' of slaveholders
+is entirely too 'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring for them!
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Da"></a>
+The following which has been for some time a standing advertisement of
+the South Carolina Medical College, in the Charleston papers, is
+another index of the same 'public opinion' toward slaves. We give an
+extract:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Surgery of the Medical College of South Carolina, Queen st</i>.&mdash;The
+Faculty inform their professional brethren, and the public that they
+have established a <i>Surgery</i>, at the Old College, Queen street, FOR
+THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES, which will continue in operation, during the
+session of the College, say from first November, to the fifteenth of
+March ensuing.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The <i>object</i> of the Faculty, in opening this Surgery, is to collect
+as <i>many interesting cases</i>, as possible, for the <i>benefit</i> and
+<i>instruction</i> of their pupils&mdash;at the same time, they indulge the
+hope, that it may not only prove an <i>accommodation</i>, but also a matter
+of economy to the public. They would respectfully call the attention
+of planters, living in the vicinity of the city, to this subject;
+particularly such as may have servants laboring under Surgical
+diseases. Such <i>persons of color</i> as may not be able to pay for
+Medical advice, will be attended to gratis, at stated hours, as often
+as may be necessary.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Faculty take this opportunity of soliciting the co-operation of
+such of their professional brethren, as are favorable to their
+objects."
+</p>
+<p>
+"The first thing that strikes the reader of the advertisement is, that
+this <i>Surgery</i> is established exclusively 'for the treatment of
+<i>negroes</i>; and, if he knows little of the hearts of slaveholders
+towards their slaves, he charitably supposes, that they 'feel the dint
+of pity,' for the poor sufferers and have founded this institution as
+a special charity for their relief. But the delusion vanishes as he
+reads on; the professors take special care that no such derogatory
+inference shall be drawn from their advertisement. They give us the
+three reasons which have induced them to open this 'Surgery for the
+treatment of negroes.' The first and main one is, 'to collect as many
+<i>interesting cases</i> as possible for the benefit and instruction of
+their <i>pupils</i>&mdash;another is, 'the hope that it may prove an
+<i>accommodation</i>,'&mdash;and the third, that it may be 'a matter of economy
+to the <i>public</i>' Another reason, doubtless, and controlling one,
+though the professors are silent about it, is that a large collection
+of 'interesting surgical cases,' always on hand, would prove a
+powerful attraction to students, and greatly increase the popularity
+of the institution. In brief, then, the motives of its founders, the
+professors, were these, the accommodation of their <i>students</i>&mdash;the
+accommodation of the <i>public</i> (which means, <i>the whites</i>)&mdash;and the
+accommodation of slaveholders who have on their hands disabled slaves,
+that would make 'interesting cases,' for surgical operation in the
+presence of the pupils&mdash;to these reasons we may add the accommodation
+of the Medical Institution and the accommodation of <i>themselves</i>! Not
+a syllable about the <i>accommodation</i> of the hopeless sufferers,
+writhing with the agony of those gun shot wounds, fractured sculls,
+broken limbs and ulcerated backs which constitute the 'interesting
+cases' for the professors to 'show off' before their pupils, and, as
+practice makes perfect, for the students themselves to try their hands
+at by way of experiment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Why, we ask, was this surgery established 'for the treatment of
+<i>negroes'</i> alone? Why were these 'interesting cases' selected from
+that class exclusively? No man who knows the feeling of slave holders
+towards slaves will be at a loss for the reason. 'Public opinion'
+would tolerate surgical experiments, operations, processes, performed
+upon them, which it would execrate if performed upon their master or
+other whites. As the great object in collecting the disabled negroes
+is to have 'interesting cases' for the students, the professors who
+perform the operations will of course endeavor to make them as
+'interesting' as possible. The <i>instruction of the student</i> is the
+immediate object, and if the professors can accomplish it best by
+<i>protracting</i> the operation, pausing to explain the different
+processes, &amp;c. the subject is only a negro, and what is his protracted
+agony, that it should restrain the professor from making the case as
+'interesting' as possible to the students by so using his knife as
+will give them the best knowledge of the parts, and the process,
+however it may protract or augment the pain of the subject. The <i>end</i>
+to be accomplished is the <i>instruction</i> of the student, operations
+upon the negroes are the <i>means</i> to the end; <i>that</i> tells the whole
+story&mdash;and he who knows the hearts of slaveholders and has common
+sense, however short the allowance, can find the way to his
+conclusions without a lantern.
+</p>
+<p>
+By an advertisement of the same Medical Institution, dated November
+12, 1838, and published in the Charleston papers, it appears that an
+'infirmary has been opened in connection with the college.' The
+professors manifest a great desire that the masters of servants should
+send in their disabled slaves, and as an inducement to the furnishing
+of such <i>interesting cases</i> say, all medical and surgical aid will be
+offered <i>without making them liable to any professional charges</i>.
+Disinterested bounty, pity, sympathy, philanthropy. However difficult
+or numerous the surgical cases of slaves thus put into their hands by
+the masters, they charge not a cent for their <i>professional services</i>.
+Their yearnings over human distress are so intense, that they beg the
+privilege of performing all operations, and furnishing all the medical
+attention needed, <i>gratis</i>, feeling that the relief of misery is its
+own reward!!! But we have put down our exclamation points too
+soon&mdash;upon reading the whole of the advertisement we find the
+professors conclude it with the following paragraph:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The SOLE OBJECT Of the faculty in the establishment of such an
+institution being to promote the interest of Medical Education within
+their native State and City."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ea"></a>
+In the "Charleston (South Carolina) Mercury" of October 12, 1838, we
+find an advertisement of half a column, by a Dr. T. Stillman, setting
+forth the merits of another 'Medical Infirmary,' under his own special
+supervision, at No. 110 Church street, Charleston. The doctor, after
+inveighing loudly against 'men totally ignorant of medical science,'
+who flood the country with quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated
+proofs of miraculous cures,' proceeds to enumerate the diseases to
+which his 'Infirmary' is open, and to which his practice will be
+mainly confined. Appreciating the importance of 'interesting cases,'
+as a stock in trade, on which to commence his experiments, he copies
+the example of the medical professors, and advertises for them. But,
+either from a keener sense of justice, or more generosity, or greater
+confidence in his skill, or for some other reason, he proposes to <i>buy
+up</i> an assortment of <i>damaged</i> negroes, given over, as incurable, by
+others, and to make such his 'interesting cases,' instead of
+experimenting on those who are the 'property' of others.
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. Stillman closes his advertisement with the following notice:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Fa"></a>
+"To PLANTERS AND OTHERS.&mdash;Wanted <i>fifty negroes</i>. Any person having
+sick negroes, considered incurable by their respective physicians, and
+wishing to dispose of them, Dr. S. will pay cash for negroes affected
+with scrofula or king's evil, confirmed hypocondriasm, apoplexy,
+diseases of the liver, kidneys, spleen, stomach and intestines,
+bladder and its appendages, diarrhea, dysentery, &amp;c. The highest cash
+price will be paid on application as above."
+</p>
+<p>
+The absolute barbarism of a 'public opinion' which not only tolerates,
+but <i>produces</i> such advertisements as this, was outdone by nothing in
+the dark ages. If the reader has a heart of flesh, he can feel it
+without help, and if he has not, comment will not create it. The total
+indifference of slaveholders to such a cold blooded proposition, their
+utter unconsciousness of the paralysis of heart, and death of
+sympathy, and every feeling of common humanity for the slave, which it
+reveals, is enough, of itself to show that the tendency of the spirit
+of slaveholding is, to kill in the soul whatever it touches. It has no
+eyes to see, nor ears to hear, nor mind to understand, nor heart to
+feel for its victims as <i>human beings</i>. To show that the above
+indication of the savage state is not an index of individual feeling,
+but of 'public opinion,' it is sufficient to say, that it appears to
+be a standing advertisement in the Charleston Mercury, the leading
+political paper of South Carolina, the organ of the Honorables John C.
+Calhoun, Robert Barnwell Rhett, Hugh S. Legare, and others regarded as
+the elite of her statesmen and literati. Besides, candidates for
+popular favor, like the doctor who advertises for the fifty
+'incurables,' take special care to conciliate, rather than outrage,
+'public opinion.' Is the doctor so ignorant of 'public opinion' in his
+own city, that he has unwittingly committed violence upon it in his
+advertisement? We trow not. The same 'public opinion' which gave birth
+to the advertisement of doctor Stillman, and to those of the
+professors in both the medical institutions, founded the Charleston
+'Work House'&mdash;a soft name for a Moloch temple dedicated to torture,
+and reeking with blood, in the midst of the city; to which masters and
+mistresses send their slaves of both sexes to be stripped, tied up,
+and cut with the lash till the blood and mangled flesh flow to their
+feet, or to be beaten and bruised with the terrible paddle, or forced
+to climb the tread-mill till nature sinks, or to experience other
+nameless torments.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Vicksburg (Miss.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838, contains the
+following item of information: "ARDOR IN BETTING.&mdash;Two gentlemen, at a
+tavern, having summoned the waiter, the poor fellow had scarcely
+entered, when he fell down in a fit of apoplexy. 'He's dead!'
+exclaimed one. 'He'll come to!' replied the other. 'Dead, for five
+hundred!' 'Done!' retorted the second. The noise of the fall, and the
+confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to
+fetch a doctor. 'No! no! we must have no interference&mdash;there's a bet
+depending!' 'But, sir, I shall lose a valuable servant!' 'Never mind!
+you can put him down in the bill!'"
+</p>
+<p>
+About the time the Vicksburg paper containing the above came to hand,
+we received a letter from N.P. ROGERS, Esq. of Concord, N.H. the
+editor of the 'Herald of Freedom,' from which the following is an
+extract:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ga"></a>
+"Some thirty years ago, I think it was, Col. Thatcher, of Maine, a
+lawyer, was in Virginia, on business, and was there invited to dine at
+a public house, with a company of the gentry of the south. <i>The place</i>
+I forget&mdash;the fact was told me by George Kimball, Esq. now of Alton,
+Illinois who had the story from Col. Thatcher himself. Among the
+servants waiting was a young negro man, whose beautiful person,
+obliging and assiduous temper, and his activity and grace in serving,
+made him a favorite with the company. The dinner lasted into the
+evening, and the wine passed freely about the table. At length, one of
+the gentlemen, who was pretty highly excited with wine, became
+unfortunately incensed, either at some trip of the young slave, in
+waiting, or at some other cause happening when the slave was within
+his reach. He seized the long-necked wine bottle, and struck the young
+man suddenly in the temple, and felled him dead upon the floor. The
+fall arrested, for a moment, the festivities of the table. 'Devilish
+unlucky,' exclaimed one. 'The gentleman is very unfortunate,' cried
+another. 'Really a loss,' said a third, &amp;c, &amp;c. The body was dragged
+from the dining hall, and the feast went on; and at the close, one of
+the gentlemen, and the very one, I believe, whose hand had done the
+homicide, shouted, in bacchanalian bravery, and <i>southern generosity</i>,
+amid the broken glasses and fragments of chairs, 'LANDLORD! PUT THE
+NIGGER INTO THE BILL!' This was that murdered young man's <i>requiem and
+funeral service</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, a merchant in Rochester, New York, and an elder
+in the Fourth Presbyterian Church in that city, who resided four years
+in Virginia, gives the following testimony:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I knew a young man who had been out hunting, and returning with some
+of his friends, seeing a negro man in the road, at a little distance,
+deliberately drew up his rifle, and shot him dead. This was done
+without the slightest provocation, or a word passing. This young man
+passed through the <i>form</i> of a trial, and, although it was not even
+<i>pretended</i> by his counsel that he was not guilty of the act,
+deliberately and wantonly perpetrated, <i>he was acquitted</i>. It was
+urged by his counsel, that he was a <i>young</i> man, (about 20 years of
+age,) had no <i>malicious</i> intention, his mother was a widow, &amp;c, &amp;c"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BENJAMIN CLENDENON, of Colerain, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, a
+member of the Society of Friends, gives the following testimony:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Three years ago the coming month, I took a journey of about
+seventy-five miles from home, through the eastern shore of Maryland,
+and a small part of Delaware. Calling one day, near noon, at
+Georgetown Cross-Roads, I found myself surrounded in the tavern by
+slaveholders. Among other subjects of conversation, their human cattle
+came in for a share. One of the company, a middle-aged man, then
+living with a second wife, acknowledged, that after the death of his
+first wife, he lived in a state of concubinage with a female slave;
+but when the time drew near for the taking of a second wife, he found
+it expedient to remove the slave from the premises. The same person
+gave an account of a female slave he formerly held, who had a
+propensity for some one pursuit, I think the attendance of religious
+meetings. On a certain occasion, she presented her petition to him,
+asking for this indulgence; he refused&mdash;she importuned&mdash;and he, with
+sovereign indignation, seized a chair, and with a blow upon the head,
+knocked her senseless upon the floor. The same person, for some act of
+disobedience, on the part, I think, of the same slave, when employed
+in stacking straw, felled her to the earth with the handle of a pitch
+fork. All these transactions were related with the <i>utmost composure</i>,
+in a bar-room within thirty miles of the Pennsylvania line."
+</p>
+<p>
+The two following advertisements are illustrations of the regard paid
+to the marriage relations by slaveholding judges, governors, senators
+in Congress, and mayors of cities.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Montgomery, (Ala.) Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"$20 REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses. He
+is of common size, about 28 years old. He formerly belonged to Judge
+Benson, of Montgomery, and it is said, has a wife in that county. John
+Gayle"
+</p>
+<p>
+The John Gayle who signs this advertisement, is an Ex-Governor of
+Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Charleston Courier," Nov. 28.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, about twelve months since, his negro man
+Paulladore. His complexion is dark&mdash;about 50 years old. I understand
+Gen. R.Y. Hayne has purchased his wife and children from H.L.
+Pinckney, Esq. and has them now on his plantation, at Goose Creek,
+where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently lurking. Thomas Davis."
+</p>
+<p>
+It is hardly necessary to say, that the GENERAL R.Y. HAYNE, and H.L.
+PINCKNEY, Esq. named in the advertisement, are Ex-Governor Hayne,
+formerly U.S. Senator from South Carolina, and Hon. Henry L.
+Pinckney, late member of Congress from Charleston District, and now
+Intendant (mayor) of that city.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is no difficult matter to get at the 'public opinion' of a
+community, when <i>ladies</i> 'of property and standing' publish, under
+their own names, such advertisements as the following.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mrs. ELIZABETH L. CARTER, of Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, thus advertises her negro man Moses:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses, aged about 40
+years, about six feet high, well made, and possessing a good address,
+and HAS LOST A PART ON ONE OF HIS EARS."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mrs. B. NEWMAN, of the same place, and in the same paper, advertises&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Penny, the wife of Moses, aged about 30 years, brown complexion, tall
+and likely, <i>no particular marks of person recollected.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Both of the above advertisements appear in the National Intelligencer,
+(Washington city,) June 10, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, of Feb. 13, 1838, is an
+advertisement Signed SARAH WALSH, of which the following is an
+extract:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Twenty-five dollars reward will be paid to any one who may apprehend
+and deliver to me, or confine in any jail, so that, I can get him, my
+man Isaac, who ranaway sometime in September last. He is 26 years of
+age, 5 feet 10 inches high, has a <i>scar on his forehead, caused by a
+blow</i>, and one on his back, MADE BY A SHOT FROM A PISTOL."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the "New Orleans Bee," Dec. 21, 1838, Mrs. BURVANT, whose residence
+is at the corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, advertises a woman
+as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Rachel&mdash;<i>has lost all her toes except
+the large one</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat," June 16, 1838:
+</p>
+<p>
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman named
+Sally, about 21 years of age, taking along her two children&mdash;one three
+years, and the other seven months old. These negroes were PURCHASED BY
+ME at the sale of George Mason's negroes, on the first Monday in May,
+and left <i>a few days</i> thereafter. Any person delivering them to the
+jailor in Huntsville, or to me, at my plantation, five miles above
+Triana, on the Tennessee river, shall receive the above reward.
+CHARITY COOPER"
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Mississippian," May 13, 1838:
+</p>
+<p>
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.&mdash;Ranaway from the subscriber, a man named Aaron,
+yellow complexion, blue eyes, &amp;c. I have no doubt he is lurking about
+Jackson and its vicinity, probably harbored by some of the negroes
+sold as the property of <i>my late husband</i>, Harry Long, deceased. Some
+of them are about Richland, in Madison co. I will give the above
+reward when brought to me, about six miles north-west of Jackson, or
+put IN JAIL, <i>so that I can get him</i>. LUCY LONG."
+</p>
+<p>
+If the reader, after perusing the preceding facts, testimony, and
+arguments, still insists that the 'public opinion' of the slave states
+protects the slave from outrages, and alleges, as proof of it, that
+<i>cruel</i> masters are frowned upon and shunned by the community
+generally, and regarded as monsters, we reply by presenting the
+following facts and testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Col. MEANS, of Manchester, Ohio, says, that when he resided in South
+Carolina, <i>his neighbor</i>, a physician, became enraged with his slave,
+and sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes. After having received
+one hundred and forty, he fainted. After inflicting the full number of
+lashes, the cords with which he was bound were loosed. When he
+revived, he staggered to the house, and sat down in the sun. Being
+faint and thirsty, he <i>begged</i> for some water to drink. The master
+went to the well, and procured some water but instead of giving him to
+drink, he threw the whole bucket-full in his face. Nature could not
+stand the shock&mdash;he sunk to rise no more. For this crime, the
+physician was bound over to Court, and tried, and <i>acquitted</i>&mdash;and THE
+NEXT YEAR HE WAS ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATURE!"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ha"></a>
+Testimony of Hon. JOHN RANDOLPH, of Virginia
+</p>
+<p>
+"In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this <i>infernal</i> traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post horses, <i>whipped to death</i> in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+The hand cuff, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! WHAT MAN IS
+WORSE RECEIVED IN SOCIETY FOR BEING A HARD MASTER? WHO DENIES THE HAND
+OF A SISTER OR DAUGHTER TO SUCH MONSTERS?"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, of Rochester, New York, who resided four years in
+Virginia, testifies as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"I know a local Methodist minister, a man of talents, and popular as a
+preacher, who took his negro girl into his barn, in order to whip
+her&mdash;and <i>she was brought out a corpse</i>! His friends seemed to think
+this of <i>so little importance to his ministerial standing</i>, that
+although I lived near him about three years, I do not recollect to
+have heard them apologize for the deed, though I recollect having
+heard ONE of his neighbors allege this fact as a reason why he did not
+wish to hear him preach."
+</p>
+<p>
+Notwithstanding the mass of testimony which has been presented
+establishing the fact that in the 'public opinion' of the South the
+slaves find no protection, some may still claim that the 'public
+opinion' exhibited by the preceding facts is not that of the <i>highest
+class of society at the South</i>, and in proof of this assertion, refer
+to the fact, that 'Negro Brokers,' Negro Speculators, Negro
+Auctioneers, and Negro Breeders, &amp;c., are by that class universally
+despised and avoided, as are all who treat their slaves with cruelty.
+</p>
+<p>
+To this we reply, that, if all claimed by the objector were true, it
+could avail him nothing for 'public opinion' is neither made nor
+unmade by 'the first class of society.' That class produces in it, at
+most, but slight modifications; those who belong to it have generally
+a 'public opinion,' within their own circle which has rarely more,
+either of morality or mercy than the public opinion of the mass, and
+is, at least, equally heartless and more intolerant. As to the
+estimation in which 'speculators,' 'soul drivers,' &amp;c. are held, we
+remark, that, they are not despised because they <i>trade in slaves</i> but
+because they are <i>working</i> men, all such are despised by slaveholders.
+White drovers who go with droves of swine and cattle from the free
+states to the slave states, and Yankee pedlars, who traverse the
+south, and white day-laborers are, in the main, equally despised, or,
+if negro-traders excite more contempt than drovers, pedlars, and
+day-laborers, it is because, they are, as a class more ignorant and
+vulgar, men from low families and boors in their manners. Ridiculous
+to suppose, that a people, who have, <i>by law</i>, made men articles of
+trade equally with swine, should despise men-drovers and traders, more
+than hog-drovers and traders. That they are not despised because it is
+their business to trade in <i>human beings</i> and bring them to market, is
+plain from the fact that when some 'gentleman of property and
+standing' and of a 'good family' embarks in a negro speculation, and
+employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to traverse the upper country, and
+drive to the south coffles of slaves, expending hundreds of thousands
+in his wholesale purchases, he does not lose caste. It is known in
+Alabama, that Mr. Erwin, son-in-law of the Hon. Henry Clay, and
+brother of J.P. Erwin, formerly postmaster, and late mayor of the
+city of Nashville, laid the foundation of a princely fortune in the
+slave-trade, carried on from the Northern Slave States to the Planting
+South; that the Hon. H. Hitchcock, brother-in-law of Mr. E., and since
+one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Alabama, was interested with
+him in the traffic; and that a late member of the Kentucky Senate
+(Col. Wall) not only carried on the same business, a few years ago,
+but accompanied his droves in person down the Mississippi. Not as the
+<i>driver</i>, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentleman, but
+as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is also well known that President Jackson was a 'soul driver,' and
+that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war,
+he bought up a coffle of slaves and drove them down to Louisiana for
+sale.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ia"></a>
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the principal slave auctioneer in Charleston,
+S.C. is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the
+very highest class of society there. He is a descendant of the
+distinguished General Gadsden of revolutionary memory, the most
+prominent southern member in the Continental Congress of 1765, and
+afterwards elected lieutenant governor and then governor of the state.
+The Rev. Dr. Gadsden, rector of St. Phillip's Church, Charleston, and
+the Rev. Phillip Gadsden, both prominent Episcopal clergymen in South
+Carolina, and Colonel James Gadsden of the United States army, after
+whom a county in Florida was recently named, are all brothers of this
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the largest slave auctioneer in the state,
+under whose hammer, men, women and children go off by thousands; its
+stroke probably sunders <i>daily</i>, husbands and wives, parents and
+children, brothers and sisters, perhaps to see each other's faces no
+more. Now who supply the auction table of this Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq.
+with its loads of human merchandize? These same detested 'soul
+drivers' forsooth! They prowl through the country, buy, catch, and
+fetter them, and drive their chained coffles up to his stand, where
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. knocks them off to the highest bidder, to
+Ex-Governor Butler perhaps, or to Ex-Governor Hayne, or to Hon. Robert
+Barnwell Rhett, or to his own reverend brother, Dr. Gadsden. Now this
+high born, wholesale <i>soul-seller</i> doubtless despises the retail
+'soul-drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the wholesale
+grocer, the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for a keg
+of whiskey to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and both
+for the same reason.
+</p>
+<p>
+The plea that the 'public opinion' among the highest classes of
+society at the south is mild and considerate towards the slaves, that
+<i>they</i> do not overwork, underfeed, neglect when old and sick, scantily
+clothe, badly lodge, and half shelter their slaves; that <i>they</i> do not
+barbarously flog, load with irons, imprison in the stocks, brand and
+maim them; hunt them when runaway with dogs and guns, and sunder by
+force and forever the nearest kindred&mdash;is shown, by almost every page
+of this work, to be an assumption, not only utterly groundless, but
+directly opposed to masses of irrefragable evidence. If the reader
+will be at the pains to review the testimony recorded on the foregoing
+pages he will find that a very large proportion of the atrocities
+detailed were committed, not by the most ignorant and lowest classes
+of society, but by persons 'of property and standing,' by masters and
+mistresses belonging to the 'upper classes,' by persons in the learned
+professions, by civil, judicial, and military officers, by the
+<i>literati</i>, by the fashionable elite and persons of more than ordinary
+'respectability' and external morality&mdash;large numbers of whom are
+professors of religion.
+</p>
+<p>
+It will be recollected that the testimony of Sarah M. Grimké, and
+Angelina G. Weld, was confined exclusively to the details of slavery
+as exhibited in the <i>highest classes of society</i>, mainly in
+Charleston, S.C. See their testimony pp. 22-24 and 52-57. The former
+has furnished us with the following testimony in addition to that
+already given.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ja"></a>
+"Nathaniel Heyward of Combahee, S.C., one of the wealthiest planters
+in the state, stated, in conversation with some other planters who
+were complaining of the idle and lazy habits of their slaves, and the
+difficulty of ascertaining whether their sickness was real or
+pretended, and the loss they suffered from their frequent absence on
+this account from their work, said, 'I never lose a day's work: it is
+an <i>established</i> rule on my plantations that the tasks of all the sick
+negroes <i>shall be done by those who are well in addition to their
+own</i>. By this means a vigilant supervision is kept up by the slaves
+over each other, and they take care that nothing but real sickness
+keeps any one out of the field.' I spent several winters in the
+neighborhood of Nathaniel Heyward's plantations, and well remember his
+character as a severe task master. <i>I was present when the above
+statement was made</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The cool barbarity of such a regulation is hardly surpassed by the
+worst edicts of the Roman Caligula&mdash;especially when we consider that
+the plantations of this man were in the neighborhood of the Combahee
+river, one of the most unhealthy districts in the low country of South
+Carolina; further, that large numbers of his slaves worked in the
+<i>rice marshes</i>, or 'swamps' as they are called in that state&mdash;and that
+during six months of the year, so fatal to health is the malaria of
+the swamps in that region that the planters and their families
+invariably abandon their plantations, regarding it as downright
+presumption to spend a single day upon them 'between the frosts' of
+the early spring and the last of November.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reader may infer the high standing of Mr. Heyward in South
+Carolina, from the fact that he was selected with four other
+freeholders to constitute a Court for the trial of the conspirators in
+the insurrection plot at Charleston, in 1822. Another of the
+individuals chosen to constitute that court was Colonel Henry Deas,
+now president of the Board of Trustees of Charleston College, and a
+few years since a member of the Senate of South Carolina. From a late
+correspondence in the "Greenvile (S.C.) Mountaineer," between Rev.
+William M. Wightman, a professor in Randolph, Macon, College, and a
+number of the citizens of Lodi, South Carolina, it appears that the
+cruelty of this Colonel Deas to his slaves, is proverbial in South
+Carolina, so much that Professor Wightman, in the sermon which
+occasioned the correspondence, spoke of the Colonel's inhumanity to
+his slaves as a matter of perfect notoriety.
+</p>
+<p>
+Another South Carolina slaveholder, Hon. Whitmarsh B. Seabrook,
+recently, we believe, Lieut. Governor of the state, gives the
+following testimony to his own inhumanity, and his certificate of the
+'public opinion' among South Carolina slaveholders 'of high degree.'
+</p>
+<p>
+In an essay on the management of slaves, read before the Agricultural
+Society of St. Johns, S.C. and published by the Society, Charleston,
+1834, Mr. S. remarks:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ka"></a>
+"I consider <i>imprisonment in the stocks at night</i>, with or without
+hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of <i>good</i>
+government. To the correctness of this opinion <i>many</i> can bear
+testimony. EXPERIENCE has convinced ME that there is no punishment to
+which the slave looks with more <i>horror</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The advertisements of the Professors in the Medical Colleges of South
+Carolina, published with comments&mdash;on <a href="#OBJECT_7_Da">pp. 169, 170</a>, are additional
+illustrations of the 'public opinion' of the <i>literati</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+That the 'public opinion' of <i>the highest class of society</i> in South
+Carolina, regards slaves a mere <i>cattle</i>, is shown by the following
+advertisement, which we copy from the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury" of
+May 16:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_La"></a>
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.&mdash;A girl about twenty years of age, (raised in
+Virginia,) and her two female children, one four and the other two
+year old&mdash;is remarkably strong and healthy&mdash;never having had a day's
+sickness, with the exception of the small pox, in her life. The
+children are fine and healthy. She is VERY PROLIFIC IN HER GENERATING
+QUALITIES, <i>and affords a rare opportunity to any person who wishes to
+raise a family of strong and healthy servants for their own use.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the
+Mercury office."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Charleston Mercury, in which this advertisement appears, <i>is the
+leading political paper in South Carolina</i>, and is well known to be
+the political organ of Messrs. Calhoun, Rhett, Pickens, and others of
+the most prominent politicians in the state. Its editor, John Stewart,
+Esq., is a lawyer of Charleston, and of a highly respectable family.
+He is a brother-in-law of Hon. Robert Barnwell Rhett, the late
+Attorney-General, now a Member of Congress, and Hon. James Rhett, a
+leading member of the Senate of South Carolina; his wife is a niece of
+the late Governor Smith, of North Carolina, and of the late Hon. Peter
+Smith, Intendant (Mayor) of the city of Charleston; and a cousin of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimké.
+</p>
+<p>
+The circulation of the 'Mercury' among the wealthy, the literary, and
+the fashionable, is probably much larger than that of any other paper
+in the state.
+</p>
+<p>
+These facts in connection with the preceding advertisement, are a
+sufficient exposition of the 'public opinion' towards slaves,
+prevalent in these classes of society.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following scrap of 'public opinion' in Florida, is instructive. We
+take it from the Florida Herald, June 23, 1838:
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ma"></a>
+Ranaway from my plantation, on Monday night, the 13th instant, a negro
+fellow named Ben; eighteen years of age, polite when spoken to, and
+speaks very good English for a negro. As I have traced him out in
+several places in town, I am certain he is harbored. This notice is
+given that I am determined, that whenever he is taken, <i>to punish him
+till he informs me</i> who has given him food and protection, and <i>I
+shall apply the law of Judge Lynch to my own satisfaction</i>, on those
+concerned in his concealment.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+A. WATSON.
+</div>
+<p>
+Now, who is this A. Watson, who proclaims through a newspaper, his
+determination to <i>put to the torture</i> this youth of eighteen, and to
+Lynch to his 'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup of cold water to
+the panting fugitive. Is he some low miscreant beneath public
+contempt? Nay, verily, he is a 'gentleman of property and standing,'
+one of the wealthiest planters and largest slaveholders in Florida. He
+resides in the vicinity of St. Augustine, and married the daughter of
+the late Thomas C. Morton, Esq. one of the first merchants in New
+York.
+</p>
+<p>
+We may mention in this connection the well known fact, that many
+wealthy planters make it a <i>rule never to employ a physician among
+their slaves</i>. Hon. William Smith, Senator in Congress, from South
+Carolina, from 1816 to 1823, and afterwards from 1826 to 1831, is one
+of this number. He owns a number of large plantations in the south
+western states. One of these, borders upon the village of Huntsville,
+Alabama. The people of that village can testify that it is a part of
+Judge Smith's <i>system</i> never to employ a physician <i>even in the most
+extreme cases</i>. If the medical skill of the overseer, or of the slaves
+themselves, can contend successfully with the disease, they live, if
+not, <i>they die</i>. At all events, a physician is <i>not to be called</i>.
+Judge Smith was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of the United
+States three years since.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reader will recall a similar fact in the testimony of Rev. W.T.
+Allan, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, of Huntsville, (see <a href="#WILL_A">p. 47</a>,) who says
+that Colonel Robert H. Watkins, a wealthy planter, in Alabama, and a
+PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR in 1836, who works on his plantations three
+hundred slaves, 'After employing a physician for some time among his
+negroes, he ceased to do so, alledging as the reason, that it was
+<i>cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+It is a fact perfectly notorious, that the late General Wade Hampton,
+of South Carolina, who was the largest slaveholder in the United
+States, and probably the wealthiest man south of the Potomac, was
+<i>excessively cruel</i> in the treatment of his slaves. The anecdote of
+him related by a clergyman, on <a href="#FOOD_WADE_H">page 29</a>, is perfectly characteristic.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Na"></a>
+For instances of barbarous inhumanity of various kinds, and manifested
+by persons BELONGING TO THE MOST RESPECTABLE CIRCLES OF SOCIETY, the
+reader can consult the following references:&mdash;Testimony of Rev. John
+Graham, <a href="#JOHN_G">p. 25</a>, near the bottom; of Mr. Poe, <a href="#RULE4_3">p. 26</a>, middle; of Rev. J.
+O. Choules, <a href="#JOHN_CHOULES">p. 39</a>, middle; of Rev. Dr. Channing, <a href="#REV_CHANNING">p. 41</a>, top; of Mr.
+George A. Avery, <a href="#GEORGE_AVERY">p. 44</a>, bottom; of Rev. W.T. Allan, <a href="#WILL_A">p. 47</a>; of Mr. John
+M. Nelson, <a href="#JOHN_N">p. 51</a>, bottom; of Dr. J.C. Finley, <a href="#JAMES_FINLEY">p. 61</a>, top; of Mr.
+Dustin, <a href="#W_DUSTIN">p. 66</a>, bottom; of Mr. John Clarke, <a href="#JOHN_CLARKE">p. 87</a>; of Mr. Nathan Cole,
+<a href="#NATHAN_COLE">p. 89</a>, middle; Rev. William Dickey, <a href="#TORTURE_Ic">p. 93</a>; Rev. Francis Hawley, <a href="#FRANCIS_H">p. 97</a>;
+of Mr. Powell, <a href="#REUBEN_M_c">p. 100</a>, middle; of Rev. P. Smith <a href="#PHINEAS_S">p. 102</a>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The preceding are but a few of a large number of similar cases
+contained in the foregoing testimonies. The slaveholder mentioned by
+Mr. Ladd, <a href="#TORTURE_r">p. 86</a>, who knocked down a slave and afterwards piled brush
+upon his body, and consumed it, held the hand of a female slave in the
+fire till it was burned so as to be useless for life, and confessed to
+Mr. Ladd, that he had killed <i>four</i> slaves, had been a <i>member of the
+Senate of Georgia</i> and a <i>clergyman</i>. The slaveholder who whipped a
+female slave to death in St. Louis, in 1837, as stated by Mr. Cole,
+<a href="#NATHAN_COLE">p. 69</a>, was a <i>Major in the United States Army</i>. One of the physicians
+who was an abettor of the tragedy on the Brassos, in which a slave was
+tortured to death, and another so that he barely lived, (see Rev. Mr.
+Smith's testimony, <a href="#PHINEAS_S">p. 102</a>.) was Dr. Anson Jones, a native of
+Connecticut, who was soon after appointed minister plenipotentiary
+from Texas to this government, and now resides at Washington city. The
+slave mistress at Lexington, Ky., who, as her husband testifies, has
+killed six of his slaves, (see testimony of Mr. Clarke, <a href="#JOHN_CLARKE">p. 87</a>,) is the
+wife of Hon. Fielding S. Turner, late judge of the criminal court of
+New Orleans, and one of the wealthiest slaveholders in Kentucky.
+Lilburn Lewis, who deliberately chopped in pieces his slave George,
+with a broad-axe, (see testimony of Rev. Mr. Dickey, <a href="#TORTURE_Ic">p. 93</a>) was a
+wealthy slaveholder, and a nephew of President Jefferson. Rev. Francis
+Hawley, who was a general agent of the Baptist State Convention of
+North Carolina, confesses (see <a href="#FRANCIS_H">p. 47</a>,) that while residing in that
+state he once went out with his hounds and rifle, to hunt fugitive
+slaves. But instead of making further reference to testimony already
+before the reader, we will furnish additional instances of the
+barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and sanctioned by the 'upper
+classes' of society at the south; we begin with clergymen, and other
+officers and members of churches.
+</p>
+<p>
+That the reader may judge of the degree of 'protection' which slaves
+receive from 'public opinion,' and among the members and ministers of
+professed christian churches, we insert the following illustrations.
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from an editorial article in the "Lowell (Mass.) Observer" a
+religious paper edited at the time (1833) by the Rev. DANIEL S.
+SOUTHMAYD, who recently died in Texas.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We have been among the slaves at the south. We took pains to make
+discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. We formed our
+sentiments on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the
+slaves from having witnessed them. We now affirm that we never saw a
+man, who had never been at the south, who thought as much of the
+cruelties practiced on the slaves, as we <i>know</i> to be a fact.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Oa"></a>
+"A slave whom I loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his
+disposition, and who belonged to the family where I resided, happened
+to stay out <i>fifteen minutes longer</i> than he had permission to stay.
+It was a mistake&mdash;it was <i>unintentional</i>. But what was the penalty? He
+was sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have
+<i>thirty lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope!!!</i> He was
+brought home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in
+<i>the sun, upon the floor</i>. And there he lay, with more the appearance
+of a rotten carcass than a living man, for four days before he could
+do more than move. And who was this inhuman being calling God's
+property his own, and ruing it as he would not have dared to use a
+beast? You may say he was a tiger&mdash;one of the more wicked sort, and
+that we must not judge others by him. <i>He was a professor of that
+religion which will pour upon the willing slaveholder the retribution
+due to his sin</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We wish to mention another fact, which our own eyes saw and our own
+ears heard. We were called to evening prayers. The family assembled
+around the altar of their accustomed devotions. There was one female
+<i>slave</i> present, who belonged to another master, but who had been
+hired for the day and tarried to attend family worship. The precious
+Bible was opened, and nearly half a chapter had been read, when the
+eye of the master, who was reading, observed that the new female
+servant, instead of being seated like his own slaves, <i>flat upon the
+floor</i>, was standing in a stooping posture upon her feet. He told her
+to sit down on the floor. She said it was not her custom at home. He
+ordered her again to do it. She replied that her master did not
+require it. Irritated by this answer, he repeatedly <i>struck her upon
+the head with the very Bible he held in his hand</i>. And not content
+with this, he seized his cane and <i>caned her down stairs most
+unmercifully</i>. He then returned to resume his profane work, but we
+need not say that <i>all</i> the family were not there. Do you ask again,
+who was this wicked man? <i>He was a professor of religion!!</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. HUNTINGTON LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Church in Buffalo, New
+York, says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Walking one day in New Orleans with a professional gentleman, who was
+educated in Connecticut, we were met by a black man; the gentleman was
+greatly incensed with the black man for passing so <i>near</i> him, and
+turning upon him <i>he pushed him with violence off walk into the
+street</i>. This man was a professor of religion."
+</p>
+<p>
+(And <i>we</i> add, a member, and if we mistake not an officer of the
+Presbyterian Church which was established there by Rev. Joel Parker,
+and which was then under his teachings-ED.)
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a gentleman of known probity, in Cornwall,
+Litchfield county, Conn. gives the testimony which follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A BAPTIST CLERGYMAN in Laurens District, S.C. WHIPPED HIS SLAVE TO
+DEATH, whom he <i>suspected</i> of having stolen about sixty dollars. The
+slave was in the prime of life and was purchased a few weeks before
+for $800 of a slave trader from Virginia or Maryland. The coroner, Wm.
+Irby, at whose house I was then boarding, <i>told me</i>, that on reviewing
+the dead body, he found it <i>beat to a jelly from head to foot</i>. The
+master's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the
+slave. She had herself removed it from where it was placed, not
+knowing what it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. I happened
+to be present when the trial of this man took place, at Laurens Court
+House. His daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when
+he appeared to be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which
+he took freely. His counsel pleaded that his death <i>might</i> have been
+caused by drinking cold water in a state of excitement. The Judge
+charged the jury, that it would be their duty to find the defendant
+guilty, if they believed the death was caused by the whipping; but if
+they were of opinion that drinking cold water caused the death, they
+would find him not guilty! The jury found him&mdash;NOT GUILTY!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. JEREMIAH S. WAUGH, a physician in Somerville, Butler county, Ohio,
+testifies as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the year 1825, I boarded with the Rev. John Mushat, a Seceder
+minister, and principal of an academy in Iredel county, N.C. He had
+slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the Sabbath. One
+of his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. The
+offence was he went away on Sabbath evening, and did not return till
+Monday morning. About the time we were called to breakfast, the Rev.
+gentleman was engaged in chastising him for <i>breaking the Sabbath</i>. He
+determined not to submit&mdash;attempted to escape by flight. The master
+immediately took down his gun and pursued him&mdash;levelled his instrument
+of death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly <i>he would blow
+him through</i>. The poor slave returned to the house and submitted
+himself to the lash; and the good master, while YET PALE WITH RAGE,
+<i>sat down to the table, and with a trembling voice</i> ASKED GOD'S
+BLESSING!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The following letter was sent by Capt. JACOB DUNHAM, of New York city,
+to a slaveholder in Georgetown, D.C. more than twenty years since:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Georgetown, June 13, 1815.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dear sir&mdash;Passing your house yesterday, I beheld a scene of cruelty
+seldom witnessed&mdash;that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl,
+<i>lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to
+describe</i>. My blood chills while I contemplate the subject. This has
+led me to investigate your character from your neighbors; who inform
+me that you have <i>caused the death</i> of one negro man, whom you struck
+with a sledge for some trivial fault&mdash;that you have beaten another
+black girl with such severity that the <i>splinters</i> remained in her
+back for some weeks after you sold her&mdash;and many other acts of
+barbarity, too lengthy to enumerate. And to my great surprise, I find
+you are a <i>professor of the Christian religion!</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"You will naturally inquire, why I meddle with your family affairs. My
+answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires
+it.&mdash;these hasty remarks I leave you to reflect on the subject; but
+wish you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all
+our faults and will reward us according to our deeds.
+</p>
+<p>
+I remain, sir, yours, &amp;c
+</p>
+<p>
+JACOB DUNHAM.
+<br>
+Master of the brig Cyrus, of N.Y."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. SYLVESTER COWLES, pastor of the Presbyterian church in Fredonia,
+N.Y. says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A young man, a member of the church in Conewango, went to Alabama
+last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. When he had been
+there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must return home.
+To see members of the same church sit at the communion table of our
+Lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and knock the
+other down, <i>as he had seen</i>, he <i>could not</i> live there. His good
+father forthwith gave him permission to return home."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which a
+professed minister of the Gospel, and editor of a religious paper,
+assumes the right to hold God's image as a chattel. It is from the
+Southern Christian Herald:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is stated in the Georgetown Union, that a negro, supposed to have
+died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in Charleston, was
+carried to the public burying ground to be interred; but before
+interment signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he
+was restored to health. And now the man who first perceived the signs
+of life in the slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the
+property as his own, and is about bringing suit for its recovery. As
+well might a man who rescued his neighbor's slave, or his <i>horse</i>,
+from drowning, or who extinguished the flames that would otherwise
+soon have burnt down his neighbor's house, claim the <i>property</i> as his
+own."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. GEORGE BOURNE, of New York city, late Editor of the "Protestant
+Vindicator," who was a preacher seven years in Virginia, gives the
+following testimony.[<a name="rnote10-39"></a><a href="#note10-39">39</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-39"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-39">39</a>: A few years since Mr. Bourne published a work entitled,
+"Picture of slavery in the United States."  In which he describes a
+variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal
+scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard,
+salt, vinegar, &amp;c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings,
+cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds
+described on the preceeding pages. These descriptions of Mr. Bourne
+were, at that time, thought by multitudes <i>incredible</i>, and probably,
+even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the
+subject. We are happy to furnish the reader with the following
+testimony of a Virginia slaveholder to the <i>accuracy</i> of Mr. Bourne's
+delineations. Especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the
+counties (Culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by Mr. B.
+were committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Testimony of Mr. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper, County, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves, to Mr. Bourne's "Picture or Slavery" as a
+<i>true</i> delineation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Lindley Coates, of Lancaster Co., Pa., a well known member of the
+Society of Friends, and a member of the late Pennsylvania Convention
+for revising, the Constitution of the State, in a letter now before
+us, describing a recent interview between him and Mr. Hansborough, of
+several days continuance, says,&mdash;"I handed him Bourne's Picture of
+slavery to read: <i>after reading it</i>, he said, that all of the
+sufferings of slaves therein related, were <i>true delineations, and
+that he had seen all those modes of torture himself</i>."]
+</p>
+<p>
+"Benjamin Lewis, who was an elder in the Presbyterian church, engaged
+a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. After some time had
+elapsed, Kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning by
+a most piteous moaning and shrieking. He arose, and following the
+sound, discovered a colored woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while
+Lewis was lacerating her. Kyle instantly commanded the slave driver to
+desist. Lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and
+threatened Kyle that he would punish him for his interference.
+Finally Kyle obtained the release of the victim.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the
+third occasion the altercation almost produced a battle between the
+elder and the carpenter.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools and
+prepared to depart. 'Where are you going?' demanded Lewis. 'I am
+going home;' said Kyle. 'Then I will pay you nothing for what you
+have done,' retorted the slave driver, 'unless you complete your
+contract.'  The carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, 'I
+will not stay here a day longer; for I expect the fire of God will
+come down and burn you up altogether, and I do not choose to go to
+hell with you.'  Through hush-money and promises not to whip the women
+any more, I believe Kyle returned and completed his engagement.
+</p>
+<p>
+"James Kyle of Harrisonburg, Virginia, frequently narrated that
+circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the
+minute particulars combined with his temporary residence on the
+Shenandoah river.
+</p>
+<p>
+"John M'Cue of Augusta county, Virginia, a <i>Presbyterian preacher</i>,
+frequently on the Lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped
+them; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting house and
+preached&mdash;and after his return home repeated his scourging. That
+fact, with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his
+congregation and around the vicinity; and so far from being censured
+for it, he and his brethren justified it as essential to preserve
+their 'domestic institutions.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mrs. Pence, of Rockingham county, Virginia, used to boast,&mdash;'I am the
+best hand to whip a <i>wench</i> in the whole county.'  She used to pinion
+the girls to a post in the yard on the Lord's day morning, scourge
+them, put on the '<i>negro plaster</i>,' salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave
+them tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after
+service repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. I once expostulated
+with her upon her cruelly. 'Mrs. Pence, how can you whip your girls
+so publicly and disturb your neighbors so on the Lord's day morning.'
+Her answer was memorable. 'If I were to whip them on any other day I
+should lose a day's work; but by whipping them on Sunday, their backs
+get well enough by Monday morning.'  That woman, if alive, is
+doubtless a member of the church now, as then.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Rev. Dr. Staughton, formerly of Philadelphia, often stated, that when
+he lived at Georgetown, S.C. he could tell the doings of one of the
+slaveholders of the Baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer
+meeting. 'If,' said he, 'that man was upon good terms with his
+slaves, his words were cold and heartless as frost; if he had been
+whipping a man, he would pray with life; but if he had left a woman
+whom he had been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a
+determination to go back and torture her again, O! how he would pray!'
+The Rev. Cyrus P. Grosvenor of Massachusetts can confirm the above
+statement by Dr. Staughton.
+</p>
+<p>
+"William Wilson, a Presbyterian preacher of Augusta county, Virginia,
+had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. As no
+means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his
+congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted
+her 'sound,' &amp;c. The fraud was instantly discovered; but he would not
+refund the amount. A suit was commenced, and was long continued, and
+finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been
+swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. No Presbytery
+censured him, although Judge Brown, the chancellor, severely condemned
+the imposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In the year 1811, Johab Graham, a preacher, lived with Alexander
+Nelson a Presbyterian elder, near Stanton, Virginia, and he informed
+me that a man had appeared before Nelson, who was a magistrate, and
+swore falsely against his slave,&mdash;that the elder ordered him
+thirty-nine lashes. All that wickedness was done as an excuse for his
+dissipated owner to obtain money. A negro trader had offered him a
+considerable sum for the 'boy,' and under the pretence of saving him
+from the punishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman
+and children to another state. The magistrate was aware of the
+perjury, and the whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every
+colored person in the southern states would not be of any avail
+against the notorious false swearing of the greatest white villain who
+ever cursed the world. 'How,' said Johab Graham, can I preach
+to-morrow?' I replied, 'Very well; go and thunder the doctrine of
+retribution in their ears, Obadiah 15, till by the divine blessing you
+kill or cure them. My friends, John M. Nelson of Hillsborough, Ohio,
+Samuel Linn, and Robert Herron, and others of the same vicinity, could
+'make both the ears of every one who heareth them tingle' with the
+accounts which they can give of slave-driving by professors of
+religion in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1815, near Frederick, in Maryland, a most barbarous planter was
+killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves <i>in
+self-defence</i>. It was declared by those slaves while in prison that,
+besides his atrocities among their female associates, he had
+deliberately butchered a number of his slaves. The four men were
+murdered by law, to appease the popular clamor. I saw them executed on
+the twenty-eighth day of Jan'y, 1816. The facts I received from the
+Rev. Patrick Davidson of Frederick, who constantly visited them during
+their imprisonment&mdash;and who became an abolitionist in consequence of
+the disclosures which he heard from those men in the jail. The name of
+the planter is not distinctly recollected, but it can be known by a
+inspection of the record of the trial in the clerk's office,
+Frederick.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A minister of Virginia, still living, and whose name must not be
+mentioned for fear of Nero Preston and his confederate-hanging
+myrmidons, informed me of this fact in 1815, in his own house. 'A
+member of my church, said he, lately whipped a colored youth to death.
+What shall I do?' I answered, 'I hope you do not mean to continue him
+in your church.' That minister replied, 'How can we help it'
+We dare not call him to an account. We have no legal testimony.'
+Their communion season was then approaching. I addressed his
+wife,&mdash;'Mrs. &mdash;&mdash; do you mean to sit at the Lord's table with that
+murderer?'&mdash;,'Not I,' she answered: 'I would as soon commune with the
+devil himself.' The slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil
+and ecclesiastical authority.
+</p>
+<p>
+"John Baxter, a Presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding
+doctor in divinity, George A. Baxter, held as a slave the wife of a
+Baptist colored preacher, familiarly called 'Uncle Jack.' In a late
+period of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and
+her unborn child were considered in jeopardy. Uncle Jack was advised
+to obtain the liberation of his wife. Baxter finally agreed, I think,
+to sell the woman and her children, three of them, I believe for six
+hundred dollars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child
+survived a certain period after its birth. Uncle Jack was to pay one
+hundred dollars per annum for his wife and children for seven years,
+and Baxter held a sort of mortgage upon them for the payment. Uncle
+Jack showed me his back in furrows like a ploughed field. His master
+used to whip up the flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the
+'negro plaster,' salt, pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all Jack's
+back was almost as hard and unimpressible as the bones. There is
+slaveholding religion! A Presbyterian elder receiving from a Baptist
+preacher seven hundred dollars for his wife and children. James Kyle
+and uncle Jack used to tell that story with great Christian
+sensibility; and uncle Jack would weep tears of anguish over his
+wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the same moment that he
+was free, and that soon, by the grace of God, his wife and children,
+as he said, 'would be all free together.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. JAMES NOURSE, a Presbyterian clergyman of Mifflia co. Penn.,
+whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in Washington City, says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Rev. Mr. M&mdash;&mdash;, now of the Huntingdon Presbytery, after an absence
+of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is commonly
+called the 'Eastern Shore.' Late in the afternoon, on his journey, he
+called at the house of Rev. A.C. of P&mdash;&mdash;town, Md. With this brother
+he had been long acquainted. Just at that juncture Mr. C. was about
+proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. She was firmly
+tied to a post in FRONT of his dwelling-house. The arrival of a
+clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the
+execution of Mr. C's purpose. But the delay was only temporary; for
+not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design.
+The guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a
+brother and new visitor. But all in vain, 'the woman had been saucy
+and must be punished.' The cowhide was accordingly produced, and the
+<i>Rev. Mr. C</i>., a large and very stout man, applied it 'manfully' on
+'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh.' I say bare, because you know
+that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the
+arm near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed.
+As the cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the
+head, neck and arms, at every few strokes the sympathizing guest would
+exclaim, 'O, brother C. desist' But brother C. pursued his brutal
+work, till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found
+to be suffused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under
+her frock between the shoulders. Yet this Rev. gentleman is well
+esteemed in the church&mdash;was, three or four years since, moderator of
+the synod of Philadelphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself
+unrebuked by law or gospel. Ah, sir does not this narration give
+fearful force to the query&mdash;<i>What has the church to do with slavery</i>?'
+Comment on the facts is unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by
+saying, that it is my opinion such occurrences <i>are not rare in the
+south</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+J.N."
+</p>
+<p>
+REV. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, in a recent letter,
+speaking of his residence, for a period, in Kentucky, says&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In a conversation with Mr. Robert Willis, he told me that his negro
+girl had run away from him some time previous. He was convinced that
+she was lurking round, and he watched for her. He soon found the place
+of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied her hands
+across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kitchen, and
+hoisted her up by the wrists; 'and,' said he, 'I whipped her there
+till I made the lint fly, I tell you.' I asked him the meaning of
+making 'the lint fly,' and he replied, '<i>till the blood flew</i>.' I spoke
+of the iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate
+abandonment. He confessed it an evil, but said, 'I am a
+<i>colonizationist</i>&mdash;I believe in that scheme.' Mr. Willis is a teacher
+of sacred music, and a member of the Presbyterian Church in Lexington,
+Kentucky."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. R. speaking of the PRESBYTERIAN MINISTER and church where he
+resided, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The minister and all the church members held slaves. Some were
+treated kindly, others harshly. <i>There was not a shade of difference</i>
+between their slaves and those of their <i>infidel</i> neighbors, either in
+their physical, intellectual, or moral state: in some cases they would
+<i>suffer</i> in the comparison.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Pa"></a>
+"In the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living
+in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church,
+with an 'assured hope' of heaven&mdash;whilst the man's wife was on the
+minister's farm in Fayette county. The minister had to bring a cook
+down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. The choice
+was between the wife of the man and this church member. He <i>left the
+wife</i>, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Qa"></a>
+"A METHODIST PREACHER last fall took a load of produce down the river.
+Amongst other <i>things</i> he took down five slaves. He sold them at New
+Orleans&mdash;he came up to Natchez&mdash;bought seven there&mdash;and took them down
+and sold them also. Last March he came up to preach the Gospel again.
+A number of persons on board the steamboat (the Tuscarora.) who had
+seen him in the slave-shambles in Natchez and New Orleans, and now,
+for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport at the
+expense of 'the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.'
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ra"></a>
+A non-professor of religion, in Campbell county, Ky. sold a female and
+two children to a Methodist professor, with the proviso that they
+should not leave that region of country. The slave-driver came, and
+offered $5 more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. She
+is now in the lower country, and <i>her orphan babes are in Kentucky</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I was much shocked once, to see a Presbyterian elder's wife call a
+little slave to her to kiss her feet. At first the boy hesitated&mdash;but
+the command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, be
+approached timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. W.T. ALLAN, of Chatham, Illinois, gives the following in a letter
+dated Feb. 4, 1839:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Peter Vanarsdale, an elder of the Presbyterian church in
+Carrollton, formerly from Kentucky, told me, the other day, that a
+Mrs. Burford, in the neighborhood of Harrodsburg, Kentucky, had
+<i>separated a woman and her children</i> from their husband and father,
+taking them into another state. Mrs. B. was a member of the
+<i>Presbyterian Church</i>. The bereaved husband and father was also a
+professor of religion.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. V. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated from
+her by public sale. In the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to her
+indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. Sometime after, she wished to
+become a member of the church. Before they received her, she had to
+make humble confession for speaking as she had done. <i>Some of the
+elders that received her, and required the confession, were engaged is
+selling the son from his mother</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following communication from the Rev. WILLIAM BARDWELL, of
+Sandwich, Massachusetts, has just been published in Zion's Watchman,
+New York city:
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Mr. Editor</i>:&mdash;The following fact was given me last evening, from the
+pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports
+in the south. He is a man of unblemished character, a member of the
+M.E. Church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. The
+facts were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with
+a request that she would cause them to be published. I give verbatim,
+as they were written from the letter by brother Perry's own hand while
+I was in his house.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A Methodist preacher, Wm. Whitby by name, who married in Bucksville,
+S.C., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, in July,
+1838, was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, also,
+to move his family and slaves to Tennessee, much against the will of
+the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods
+after swimming a brook. The parson took after him with his gun, which,
+however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbor for
+another gun, with the intention, as he said, of killing him: he did
+not, however, catch or kill him; he chained another for fear of his
+running away also. The above particulars were related to me by William
+Whitby himself. THOMAS C. PERRY. March 3, 1839."
+</p>
+<p>
+"I find by examining the minutes of the S.C. Conference, that there is
+such a preacher in the Conference, and brother Perry further stated to
+me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was
+published, and if it could be known where he was since the last
+Conference, he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole
+affair. He also stated to me, verbally, that the young man he
+attempted to shoot was about nineteen years of age, and had been shut
+up in a corn-house, and in the attempt of Mr. Whitby to chain him, he
+broke down the door and made his escape as above mentioned, and that
+Mr. W. was under the necessity of hiring him out for one year, with
+the risk of his employer's getting him. Brother Perry conversed with
+one of the slaves, who was so old that he thought it not profitable to
+remove so far, and had been sold; <i>he</i> informed him of all the above
+circumstances, and said, with tears, that he thought he had been so
+faithful as to be entitled to liberty, but instead of making him free,
+he had sold him to another master, besides parting one husband and
+wife from those ties rendered a thousand times dearer by an infant
+child which was torn for ever from the husband.
+</p>
+<p>
+WILLIAM BARDWELL.
+<br>
+<i>Sandwich, Mass.</i>, March 4, 1839."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAM POE, till recently a slaveholder in Virginia, now an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church at Delhi, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"An elder in the Presbyterian Church in Lynchburg had a most faithful
+servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and had him
+confined as a felon a number of days, for being <i>saucy</i>. Another elder
+of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his
+stand&mdash;very frequently <i>parted families</i>&mdash;would often go into the
+country to sell slaves on execution and otherwise; when remonstrated
+with, he justified himself, saying, 'it was his business;' the church
+also justified him on the same ground.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A Doctor Duval, of Lynchburg, Va. got offended with a very faithful,
+worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to be
+taken to New Orleans; Duval still keeping the wife of the man as his
+slave. This Duval was a professor of religion."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, says, in a
+recent letter:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A student in Marietta College, from Mississippi, a professor of
+religion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the
+following statement. [If his name were published it would probably
+cost him his life.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"When I was in the family of the Rev. James Martin, of Louisville,
+Winston county, Mississippi, in the spring of 1838, Mrs. Martin became
+offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. She
+commanded her to do so; the girl quickened her pace; again she was
+ordered to move faster, or, Mrs. M. declared, she would break the
+broomstick over her head. Again the slave quickened her pace; but not
+coming up to the <i>maximum</i> desired by Mrs. M. the latter declared she
+would <i>see</i> whether she (the slave) could move or not: and, going into
+another apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of
+her husband for its application. In this instance I know not what was
+the final result, but I have heard the sound of the raw-hide in at
+least <i>two</i> other instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman
+to the back of his <i>female</i> servant."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hall adds&mdash;"The name of my informant must be suppressed, as" he
+says, "there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the
+information I give were to be coupled with my name." Suffice it to say
+that he is a professor of religion, a native of Virginia, and a
+student of Marietta College, whose character will bear the strictest
+scrutiny. He says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"In 1838, at Charlestown, Va. I conversed with several members of the
+church under the care of the Rev. Mr. Brown, of the same place. Taking
+occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one
+of them who was a lady, she replied, "I am a slaveholder, and I
+<i>glory</i> in it." I had a conversation, a few days after, with the
+pastor himself, concerning the state of religion in his church, and
+who were the most exemplary members in it. The pastor mentioned
+several of those who were of that description; the <i>first</i> of whom,
+however, was the identical lady who <i>gloried</i> in being a slaveholder!
+That church numbers nearly two hundred members.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another lady, who was considered as devoted a Christian as any in the
+same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog some
+of her female domestics with a raw-hide till she was exhausted, and
+then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and
+resuming the flagellation. This she considered as not at all
+derogatory to her Christian character."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JOEL S. BINGHAM, of Cornwall, Vermont, lately a student in
+Middlebury College, and a member of the Congregational Church, spent a
+few weeks in Kentucky, in the summer of 1838. He relates the following
+occurrence which took place in the neighborhood where he resided, and
+was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Rev. Mr. Lewis, a Baptist minister in the vicinity of Frankfort, Ky.
+had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his
+master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to
+escape. Though terrified the slave immediately attempted to run away
+again. Mr. L. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. <i>Mr. L. then
+took a gun, loaded with small shot and fired at the slave, who fell</i>;
+but was not killed, and afterward recovered. Mr. L. did not probably
+intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and
+received the contents of the gun. The master asserted that he was
+driven to this necessity to maintain his authority. This took place
+about the first of July, 1838."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is given upon the authority of Rev. ORANGE SCOTT, of
+Lowell, Mass. for many years a presiding elder in the Methodist
+Episcopal Church.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Rev. Joseph Hough, a Baptist minister, formerly of Springfield, Mass.
+now of Plainfield, N.H. while traveling in the south, a few years ago,
+put up one night with a Methodist family, and spent the Sabbath with
+them. While there, one of the female slaves did something which
+displeased her mistress. She took a chisel and mallet, and very
+deliberately cut off one of her toes!"
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Sa"></a>
+SLAVE BREEDING AN INDEX OF PUBLIC 'OPINION' AMONG THE 'HIGHEST CLASS
+OF SOCIETY' IN VIRGINIA AND OTHER NORTHERN SLAVE STATES.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ta"></a>
+But we shall be told, that 'slave-breeders' are regarded with
+contempt, and the business of slave breeding is looked upon as
+despicable; and the hot disclaimer of Mr. Stevenson, our Minister
+Plenipotentiary at the Court of St. James, in reply to Mr. O'Connell,
+who had intimated that he might be a 'slave breeder,' will doubtless
+be quoted.[<a name="rnote10-40"></a><a href="#note10-40">40</a>] In reply, we need not say what every body knows, that
+if Mr. Stevenson is not a 'slave breeder,' he is a solitary exception
+among the large slaveholders of Virginia. What! Virginia slaveholders
+not 'slave-breeders?' the pretence is ridiculous and contemptible; it
+is meanness, hypocrisy, and falsehood, as is abundantly proved by the
+testimony which follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-40"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-40">40</a>: The following is Mr. Stevenson's disclaimer: It was
+published in the 'London Mail,' Oct 30, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>To the Editor of the Evening Mail:</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir&mdash;I did not see until my return from Scotland the note addressed by
+Mr. O'Connell, to the editor of the Chronicle, purporting to give an
+explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and
+which I deemed it proper to make public. I do not intend to be drawn
+into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in
+the United States, nor to give any explanation of the motives or
+circumstances under which I have acted.
+</p>
+<p>
+Disposed to regard Mr. O'Connell as a man of honor. I was induced to
+take the course I did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now
+decide. The tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows
+responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice
+from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again
+to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is
+wholly destitute of truth; and that I am warranted in believing it has
+been made by him without the slightest authority. SUCH, TOO, I VENTURE
+TO SAY, IS THE CASE IN RELATION TO HIS CHARGE OF SLAVE-BREEDING IN
+VIRGINIA.
+</p>
+<p>
+I make this declaration, not because I admit Mr. O'Connell's right to
+call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+A. STEVENSON
+</div>
+<p>
+<i>23 Portland Place, Oct. 29</i>]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GHOLSON, of Virginia, in his speech in the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 18, 1832, (see Richmond Whig,) says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and
+old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to
+its annual profits; the owner of orchards, to their annual fruits; the
+owner of <i>brood mares</i>, to their product; and the owner of <i>female
+slaves, to their increase</i>. We have not the fine-spun intelligence,
+nor legal acumen, to discover the technical distinctions drawn by
+gentlemen. The legal maxim of '<i>Partus sequitur ventrem</i>' is coeval
+with the existence of the rights of property itself, and is founded in
+wisdom and justice. It is on the justice and inviolability of this
+maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave; has
+her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises
+the helpless and infant offspring. The value of the property justifies
+the expense; and I do not hesitate to say, that in its <i>increase
+consists much of our wealth</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, of Virginia. formerly Governor of that
+state, in his speech before the legislature in 1832, while speaking of
+the number of slaves annually sold from Virginia to the more southern
+slave states, said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ua"></a>
+"The exportation has <i>averaged</i> EIGHT THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED for the
+last twenty years. Forty years ago, the whites exceeded the colored
+25,000, the colored now exceed the whites 81,000; and these results
+too during an exportation of near 260,000 slaves since the year 1790,
+now perhaps the fruitful progenitors of half a million in other
+states. It is a practice and an increasing practice, in parts of
+Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a
+patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion
+converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for
+market, like oxen for the shambles."
+</p>
+<p>
+Professor DEW, now President of the University of William and Mary,
+Virginia, in his Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature,
+1831-2, says, p 49.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Va"></a>
+"From all the information we can obtain, we have no hesitation in
+saying that upwards of six thousand [slaves] are yearly exported [from
+Virginia] to other states.' Again, p. 61: 'The 6000 slaves which
+Virginia annually sends off to the south, are a source of wealth to
+Virginia'&mdash;Again, p. 120: 'A full equivalent being thus left in the
+place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state,
+and does not check the black population as much as, at first view, we
+might imagine&mdash;because it furnishes every inducement to the master to
+attend to the negroes, to ENCOURAGE BREEDING, and to cause the
+<i>greatest number possible to be raised</i>. &amp;c."
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>"Virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for other states."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Extract from the speech of MR. FAULKNER, in the Va. House of
+Delegates, 1832. [See Richmond Whig.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"But he [Mr. Gholson,] has labored to show that the Abolition of
+Slavery, were it practicable, would be <i>impolitic</i>, because as the
+drift of this portion of his argument runs, your slaves constitute the
+entire wealth of the state, all the <i>productive capacity</i> Virginia
+possesses. And, sir, as things are, <i>I believe he is correct</i>. He
+says, and in this he is sustained by the gentleman from Halifax, Mr.
+Bruce, that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth at
+present, of Eastern Virginia. Is it true that for 200 years the only
+increase in the wealth and resources of Virginia, has been a remnant
+of the natural <i>increase</i> of this miserable race?&mdash;Can it be, that on
+this <i>increase</i>, she places her solo dependence? I had always
+understood that indolence and extravagance were the necessary
+concomitants of slavery; but, until I heard these declarations, I had
+not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. These gentlemen
+state the fact, which the history and <i>present aspect of the
+Commowealth but too well sustain</i>. The gentlemen's facts and argument
+in support of his plea of impolicy, to me, seem rather unhappy. To me,
+such a state of things would itself be conclusive at least, that
+something, even as a measure of policy, should be done. What, sir,
+have you lived for two hundred years, without personal effort or
+productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone
+<i>by the return from sales of the increase of slaves</i>, and retaining
+merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain, AS
+STOCK, <i>depending, too, upon a most uncertain market</i>? When that
+market is closed, as in the nature of things it must be, what then
+will become of this gentleman's hundred millions worth of slaves, AND
+THE ANNUAL PRODUCT?"
+</p>
+<p>
+In the debates in the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upsher
+said&mdash;"The value of slaves as an article of property [and it is in
+that view only that they are legitimate subjects of taxation] <i>depends
+much on the state of the market abroad</i>. In this view, it is the value
+of land <i>abroad</i>, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. It
+is well known to us all, that nothing is more fluctuating than the
+value of slaves. A late law of Louisiana reduced their value 25 per
+cent, in two hours after its passage was known. IF IT SHOULD BE OUR
+LOT, AS I TRUST IT WILL BE, TO ACQUIRE THE COUNTRY OF TEXAS, THEIR
+PRICE WILL RISE AGAIN."&mdash;p. 77.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Goode, Of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia Legislature,
+in Jan. 1832, [See Richmond Whig, of that date,] said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The superior usefulness of the slaves in the south, will constitute
+an <i>effectual demand</i>, which will remove them from our limits. We
+shall send them from our state, because <i>it will be our interest to do
+so</i>. Our planters are already becoming farmers. Many who grew tobacco
+as their only staple, have already introduced, and commingled the
+wheat crop. They are already semi-farmers; and in the natural course
+of events, they must become more and more so.&mdash;As the greater quantity
+of rich western lands are appropriated to the production of the staple
+of our planters, that staple will become less profitable.&mdash;We shall
+gradually divert our lands from its production, until we shall become
+actual farmers.&mdash;Then will the necessity for slave labor diminish;
+then will the effectual demand diminish, and then will the quantity of
+slaves diminish, until they shall be adapted to the effectual demand.
+</p>
+<p>
+"But gentlemen are alarmed <i>lest the markets of other states be closed
+against the introduction of our slaves</i>. Sir, the demand for slave
+labor MUST INCREASE through the South and West. It has been heretofore
+limited by the want of capital; but when emigrants shall be relieved
+from their embarrassments, contracted by the purchase of their lands,
+the annual profits of their estates, will constitute an accumulating
+capital, which they will <i>seek to invest in labor</i>. That the demand
+for labor must increase in proportion to the increase of capital, is
+one of the demonstrations of political economists; and I confess, that
+for the removal of slavery from Virginia, I look to the efficacy of
+that principle; together with the circumstance that our southern
+brethren are constrained to continue planters, by their position, soil
+and climate."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is from Niles' Weekly Register, published at Baltimore,
+Md. vol. 35, p. 4.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>"Dealing in slaves has become a large business</i>; establishments are
+made in several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle; these places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins and
+other whips oftentimes bloody."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Wa"></a>
+R.S. FINLEY, Esq., late General Agent of the American Colonization
+Society, at a meeting in New York, 27th Feb. 1833, said:
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Virginia and other grain-growing slave states, the blacks do not
+support themselves, and the only profit their masters derive from them
+is, repulsive as the idea may justly seem, in breeding them, like
+other live stock for the more southern states."
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Dr. GRAHAM, of Fayetteville, N.C. at a Colonization Meeting,
+held in that place in the fall of 1837 said:
+</p>
+<p>
+"He had resided for 15 years in one of the largest slaveholding
+counties in the state, had long and anxiously considered the subject,
+and still it was dark. There were nearly 7000 slaves offered in New
+Orleans market last winter. From Virginia alone 6000 were annually
+sent to the south; and from Virginia and N.C. there had gone, in the
+same direction, in the last twenty years, 300,000 slaves. While not
+4000 had gone to Africa. What it portended, he could not predict, but
+he felt deeply, that <i>we must awake in these states and consider the
+subject</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. PHILIP DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, in his speech in the Virginia
+Convention, in 1829, [Debates p. 89.] said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The acquisition of Texas will greatly <i>enhance the value of the
+property</i>, in question, [Virginia slaves.]"
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon C.F. MERCER, in a speech before the same Convention, in 1829,
+says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate,
+when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for
+twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million
+and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of
+this population." (Debates, p. 199.)
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. HENRY CLAY, of Ky., in his speech before the Colonization
+Society, in 1829, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United
+States, would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor
+were not tempted to RAISE SLAVES BY THE HIGH PRICE OF THE SOUTHERN
+MARKET WHICH KEEPS IT UP IN HIS OWN."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Xa"></a>
+The New Orleans Courier, Feb. 15, 1839, speaking of the prohibition of
+the African Slave-trade, while the internal slave-trade is plied,
+says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The United States law may, and probably does, put MILLIONS <i>into the
+pockets of the people living between the Roanoke, and Mason and
+Dixon's line</i>; still we think it would require some casuistry to show
+that <i>the present slave-trade from that quarter</i> is a whit better than
+the one from Africa. One thing is certain&mdash;that its results are more
+menacing to the tranquillity of the people in this quarter, as there
+can be no comparison between the ability and inclination to do
+mischief, possessed by the Virginia negro, and that of the rude and
+ignorant African."
+</p>
+<p>
+That the New Orleans Editor does not exaggerate in saying that the
+internal slave-trade puts 'millions' into the pockets of the
+slaveholders in Maryland and Virginia, is very clear from the
+following statement, made by the editor of the Virginia Times, an
+influential political paper, published at Wheeling, Virginia. Of the
+exact date of the paper we are not quite certain, it was, however,
+sometime in 1836, probably near the middle of the year&mdash;the file will
+show. The editor says:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported
+from Virginia within the last twelve months, at 120,000&mdash;each slave
+averaging at least $600, making an aggregate at $72,000,000. Of the
+number of slaves exported, not more than <i>one-third</i> have been sold,
+(the others having been carried by their owners, who have removed,)
+<i>which would leave in the state the</i> SUM OF $24,000,000 ARISING FROM
+THE SALE OF SLAVES."
+</p>
+<p>
+According to this estimate about FORTY THOUSAND SLAVES WERE SOLD OUT
+OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA IN A SINGLE YEAR, and the 'slave-breeders'
+who hold them, put into their pockets TWENTY-FOUR MILLION OF DOLLARS,
+the price of the 'souls of men.'
+</p>
+<p>
+The New York Journal of Commerce of Oct. 12, 1835, contained a letter
+from a Virginian, whom the editor calls 'a very good and sensible
+man,' asserting that TWENTY THOUSAND SLAVES had been driven to the
+south from Virginia <i>during that year</i>, nearly one-fourth of which was
+then remaining.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Maryville (Tenn.) Intelligencer, some time in the early part of
+1836, (we have not the date,) says, in an article reviewing a
+communication of Rev. J.W. Douglass, of Fayetteville, North Carolina:
+"Sixty thousand slaves passed through a little western town for the
+southern market, during the year 1835."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Natchez (Miss.) Courier, says "that the states of Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, imported TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY
+THOUSAND SLAVES from the more northern slave states in the year 1836."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Baltimore American gives the following from a Mississippi paper,
+of 1837:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The report made by the committee of the citizens Of Mobile, appointed
+at their meeting held on the 1st instant, on the subject of the
+existing pecuniary pressure, states, among other things: that so large
+has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama of that
+species of property from other states since 1833, have amounted to
+about TEN MILLION DOLLARS ANNUALLY."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ya"></a>
+FURTHER the <i>inhumanity</i> of a slaveholding 'public opinion' toward
+slaves, follows legitimately from the downright ruffianism of the
+slaveholding <i>spirit</i> in the 'highest class of society,' When roused,
+it tramples upon all the proprieties and courtesies, and even common
+decencies of life, and is held in check by none of those
+considerations of time, and place, and relations of station,
+character, law, and national honor, which are usually sufficient, even
+in the absence of conscientious principles, to restrain other men from
+outrages. Our National Legislature is a fit illustration of this.
+Slaveholders have converted the Congress of the United States into a
+very bear garden. Within the last three years some of the most
+prominent slaveholding members of the House, and among them the late
+speaker, have struck and kicked, and throttled, and seized each other
+by the hair, and with their fists pummelled each other's faces, on the
+floor of Congress. We need not publish an account of what every body
+knows, that during the session of the last Congress, Mr. Wise of
+Virginia and Mr. Bynum of North Carolina, after having called each
+other "liars, villains" and "damned rascals" sprung from their seats
+"both sufficiently armed for any desperate purpose," cursing each
+other as they rushed together, and would doubtless have butchered each
+other on the floor of Congress, if both had not been seized and held
+by their friends.
+</p>
+<p>
+The New York Gazette relates the following which occurred at the close
+of the session of 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The House could not adjourn without another brutal and bloody row. It
+occurred on Sunday morning immediately at the moment of adjournment,
+between Messrs. Campbell and Maury, both of Tennessee. He took offence
+at some remarks made to him by his colleague, Mr. Campbell, and the
+fight followed."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat of June 16, 1838, gives the particulars
+which follow:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Maury is said to be badly hurt. He was near losing his life by
+being knocked through the window; but his adversary, it is said, saved
+him by clutching the hair of his head with his left hand, while he
+struck him with his right."
+</p>
+<p>
+The same number of the Huntsville Democrat, contains the particulars
+of a fist-fight on the floor of the House of Representatives, between
+Mr. Bell, the late Speaker, and his colleague Mr. Turney of Tennessee.
+The following is an extract:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Turney concluded his remarks in reply to Mr. Bell, in the course
+of which he commented upon that gentleman's course at different
+periods of his political career with great severity.
+</p>
+<p>
+"He did not think his colleague [Mr. Turney,] was actuated by private
+malice, but was the willing voluntary instrument of others, the tool
+of tools.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Turney. It is false! it is false!
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stanley called Mr. TURNEY to order.
+</p>
+<p>
+At the same moment both gentlemen were perceived in personal conflict,
+and blows with the fist were aimed by each at the other. Several
+members interfered, and suppressed the personal violence; others
+called order, order, and some called for the interference of the
+Speaker.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Speaker hastily took the chair, and insisted upon order; but both
+gentlemen continued struggling, and endeavoring, notwithstanding the
+constraint of their friends, to strike each other."
+</p>
+<p>
+The correspondent of the New York Gazette gives the following, which
+took place about the time of the preceding affrays:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The House was much agitated last night, by the passage between Mr.
+Biddle, of Pittsburgh, and Mr. Downing, of Florida. Mr. D. exclaimed
+"do you impute falsehood to me!" at the same time catching up some
+missile and making a demonstration to advance upon Mr. Biddle. Mr.
+Biddle repeated his accusation, and meanwhile, Mr. Downing was
+arrested by many members."
+</p>
+<p>
+The last three fights all occurred, if we mistake not, in the short
+space of one month. The fisticuffs between Messrs. Bynum and Wise
+occurred at the previous session of Congress. At the same session
+Messrs. Peyton of Tenn. and Wise of Virginia, went armed with pistols
+and dirks to the meeting of a committee of Congress, and threatened to
+shoot a witness while giving his testimony.
+</p>
+<p>
+We begin with the first on the list. Who are Messrs. Wise and Bynum?
+Both slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Campbell and Maury? Both
+slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Bell and Turney? Both slaveholders. Who
+is Mr. Downing, who seized a weapon and rushed upon Mr. Biddle? A
+slaveholder. Who is Mr. Peyton who drew his pistol on a witness before
+a committee of Congress? A slaveholder of course. All these bullies
+were slaveholders, and they magnified their office, and slaveholding
+was justified of her children. We might fill a volume with similar
+chronicles of slaveholding brutality. But time would fail us. Suffice
+it to say, that since the organization of the government, a majority
+of the most distinguished men in the slaveholding states have gloried
+in strutting over the stage in the character of murderers. Look at the
+men whom the people delight to honor. President Jackson, Senator
+Benton, the late Gen. Coffee,&mdash;it is but a few years since these
+slaveholders shot at, and stabbed, and stamped upon each other in a
+tavern broil. General Jackson had previously killed Mr. Dickenson.
+Senator Clay of Kentucky has immortalized himself by shooting at a
+near relative of Chief Justice Marshall, and being wounded by him; and
+not long after by shooting at John Randolph of Virginia. Governor
+M'Duffie of South Carolina has signalized himself also, both by
+shooting and being shot,&mdash;so has Governor Poindexter, and Governor
+Rowan, and Judge M'Kinley of the U.S. Supreme Court, late senator in
+Congress from Alabama,&mdash;but we desist; a full catalogue would fill
+pages. We will only add, that a few months since, in the city of
+London, Governor Hamilton, of South Carolina, went armed with pistols,
+to the lodgings of Daniel O'Connell, 'to stop his wind' in the
+bullying slang of his own published boast. During the last session of
+Congress Messrs. Dromgoole and Wise[<a name="rnote10-41"></a><a href="#note10-41">41</a>] of Virginia, W. Cost Johnson
+and Jenifer of Maryland, Pickens and Campbell of South Carolina, and
+we know not how many more slaveholding members of Congress have been
+engaged, either as principals or seconds, in that species of murder
+dignified with the name of duelling. But enough; we are heart-sick.
+What meaneth all this? Are slaveholders worse than other men? No! but
+arbitrary power has wrought in them its mystery of iniquity, and
+poisoned their better nature with its infuriating sorcery.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-41"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-41">41</a>: Mr. WISE said in one of his speeches during the last
+session of Congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the
+protection of his life in Washington. It could not have been for fear
+of <i>Northern</i> men.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Their savage ferocity toward each other when their passions are up, is
+the natural result of their habit of daily plundering and oppressing
+the slave.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Za"></a>
+The North Carolina Standard of August 30, 1837, contains the following
+illustration of this ferocity exhibited by two southern lawyers in
+settling the preliminaries of a duel.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The following conditions were proposed by Alexander K. McClung, of
+Raymond, in the State of Mississippi, to H.C. Stewart, as the laws to
+govern a duel they were to fight near Vicksburg:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Article 1st. The parties shall meet opposite Vicksburg, in the State
+of Louisiana, on Thursday the 29th inst. precisely at 4 o'clock, P.M.
+Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"2d. The weapons to be used by each shall weigh one pound two and a
+half ounces, measuring sixteen inches and a half in length, including
+the handle, and one inch and three-eighths in breadth. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"3d. Both knives shall be sharp on one edge, and on the back shall be
+sharp only one inch at the point. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"4th. Each party shall stand at the distance of eight feet from the
+other, until the word is given. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"5th. The second of each party shall throw up, with a silver dollar, on
+the ground, for the word, and two best out of three shall win the
+word. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"6th. After the word is given, either party may take what advantage he
+can with his knife, but on throwing his knife at the other, shall be
+shot down by the second of his opponent. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"7th. Each party shall be stripped entirely naked, except one pair of
+linen pantaloons; one pair of socks, and boots or pumps as the party
+please. Acceded to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"8th. The wrist of the left arm of each party shall be tied tight to
+his left thigh, and a strong cord shall be fastened around his left
+arm at the elbow, and then around his body. Rejected.
+</p>
+<p>
+"9th. After the word is given, each party shall be allowed to advance
+or recede as he pleases, over the space of twenty acres of ground,
+until death ensues to one of the parties. Agreed to&mdash;the parties to be
+placed in the centre of the space.
+</p>
+<p>
+"10th. The word shall be given by the winner of the same, in the
+following manner, viz: "Gentlemen are you ready?" Each party shall
+then answer, "I am!" The second giving the word shall then distinctly
+command&mdash;<i>strike</i>. Agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+"If either party shall violate these rules, upon being notified by the
+second of either party, he may be liable to be shot down instantly. As
+established usage points out the duty of both parties, therefore
+notification is considered unnecessary."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ab"></a>
+The FAVORITE AMUSEMENTS of slaveholders, like the gladiatorial shows
+of Rome and the Bull Fights of Spain, reveal a public feeling
+insensible to suffering, and a depth of brutality in the highest
+degree revolting to every truly noble mind. One of their most common
+amusements is cock fighting. Mains of cocks, with twenty, thirty, and
+fifty cocks on each side, are fought for hundreds of dollars aside.
+The fowls are armed with steel spurs or '<i>gafts</i>,' about two inches
+long. These 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by sawing off the
+<i>natural</i> 'spur,' leaving only enough of it to answer the purpose of a
+<i>stock</i> for the tube of the "gafts," which are so sharp that at a
+stroke the fowls thrust them through each other's necks and heads, and
+tear each other's bodies till one or both dies, then two others are
+brought forward for the amusement of the multitude assembled, and this
+barbarous pastime is often kept up for days in succession, hundreds
+and thousands gathering from a distance to witness it. The following
+advertisements from the Raleigh Register, June 18, 1838, edited by
+Messrs. Gales and Son, the father and brother of Mr. Gales, editor of
+the National Intelligencer, and late Mayor of Washington City, reveal
+the public sentiment of North Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+"CHATHAM AGAINST NASH, or any other county in the State. I am
+authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to FIGHT A
+MAIN OF COCKS, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties&mdash;to
+be fought the ensuing spring. GIDEON ALSTON. Chatham county, June 7,
+1838."
+</p>
+<p>
+Two weeks after, this challenge was answered as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+"TO MR. GIDEON ALSTON, of Chatham county, N.C.
+</p>
+<p>
+"SIR: In looking over the North Carolina Standard of the 20th inst. I
+discover a challenge over your signature, headed 'Chatham against
+Nash,' in which you state: that you are 'authorized to take a bet of
+any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place
+that may be agreed upon by the parties, to be fought the ensuing
+spring' which challenge I ACCEPT: and do propose to meet you at
+Rolesville, in Wake county, N.C. on the last Wednesday in May next,
+the parties to show thirty-one cocks each&mdash;fight four days, and be
+governed by the rules as laid down in Turner's Cock Laws&mdash;which, if
+you think proper to accede to, you will signify through this or any
+other medium you may select, and then I will name the sum for which we
+shall fight, as that privilege was surrendered by you in your
+challenge.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I am, sir, very respectfully, &amp;c. NICHOLAS W. ARRINGTON, near
+Hilliardston, Nash co. North Carolina June 22nd, 1838"
+</p>
+<p>
+The following advertisement in the Richmond Whig, of July 12, 1837,
+exhibits the public sentiment of Virginia.
+</p>
+<p>
+"MAIN OF COCKS.&mdash;A large 'MAIN OF COCKS,' 21 a side, for $25 'the
+fight', and $500 'the odd,' will be fought between the County of
+Dinwiddie on one part, and the Counties of Hanover and Henrico on the
+other.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The 'regular' fighting will be continued <i>three days</i>, and from the
+large number of 'game uns' on both sides and in the adjacent country,
+will be prolonged no doubt a <i>fourth</i>. To prevent confusion and
+promote 'sport,' the Pit will be enclosed and furnished with <i>seats</i>;
+so that those having a curiosity to witness a species of diversion
+originating in a better day (for they had no rag money then,) can have
+<i>that</i> very <i>natural</i> feeling gratified.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Petersburg Constellation is requested to copy."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Bb"></a>
+<i>Horse-racing</i> too, as every body knows, is a favorite amusement of
+slaveholders. Every slave state has its race course, and in the older
+states almost every county has one on a small scale. There is hardly a
+day in the year, the weather permitting, in which crowds do not
+assemble at the south to witness this barbarous sport. Horrible
+cruelty is absolutely inseparable from it. Hardly a race occurs of any
+celebrity in which some one of the coursers is not lamed, 'broken
+down,' or in some way seriously injured, often for life, and not
+unfrequently they are killed by the rupture of some vital part in the
+struggle. When the heats are closely contested, the blood of the
+tortured animal drips from the lash and flies at every leap from the
+stroke of the rowel. From the breaking of girths and other accidents,
+their riders (mostly slaves) are often thrown and maimed or killed.
+Yet these amusements are attended by thousands in every part of the
+slave states. The wealth and fashion, the gentlemen and <i>ladies</i> of
+the 'highest circles' at the south, throng the race course.
+</p>
+<p>
+That those who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs of dunghill fowls,
+and goad the poor birds to worry and tear each other to death&mdash;and
+those who can crowd by thousands to <i>witness</i> such barbarity&mdash;that
+those who can throng the race-course and with keen relish witness the
+hot pantings of the life-struggle, the lacerations and fitful spasms
+of the muscles, swelling through the crimsoned foam, as the tortured
+steeds rush in blood-welterings to the goal&mdash;that such, should look
+upon the sufferings of their slaves with, indifference is certainly
+small wonder.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps we shall be told that there are thronged race-courses at the
+North. True, there are a few, and they are thronged chiefly by
+<i>Southerners</i>, and 'Northern men with <i>Southern</i> principles,' and
+supported mainly by the patronage of slaveholders who summer at the
+North. Cock-fighting and horse-racing are "<i>Southern</i> institutions."
+The idleness, contempt of labor, dissipation, sensuality, brutality,
+cruelty, and meanness, engendered by the habit of making men and women
+work without pay, and flogging them if they demur at it, constitutes a
+congenial soil out of which cock-fighting and horse-racing are the
+spontaneous growth.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again,&mdash;The kind treatment of the slaves is often argued from the
+liberal education and enlarged views of slaveholders. The facts and
+reasonings of the preceding pages have shown, that 'liberal
+education,' despotic habits and ungoverned passions work together with
+slight friction. And every day's observation shows that the former is
+often a stimulant to the latter.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Cb"></a>
+But the notion so common at the north that the majority of the
+slaveholders are persons of education, is entirely erroneous. A <i>very
+few</i> slaveholders in each of the slave states have been men of <i>ripe</i>
+education, to whom our national literature is much indebted. A larger
+number may be called <i>well</i> educated&mdash;these reside mostly in the
+cities and large villages, but a majority of the slaveholders are
+ignorant men, thousands of them notoriously so, <i>mere boors</i> unable to
+write their names or to read the alphabet.
+</p>
+<p>
+No one of the slave states has probably so much general education as
+Virginia. It is the oldest of them&mdash;has furnished one half of the
+presidents of the United States&mdash;has expended more upon her university
+than any state in the Union has done during the same time upon its
+colleges&mdash;sent to Europe nearly twenty years since for her most
+learned professors, and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave
+state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens, and
+yet, the Governor of Virginia in his message to the legislature (Jan.
+7, 1839) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult
+males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage
+licenses in the year 1837, 'ONE THOUSAND AND FORTY SEVEN <i>were unable
+to write their names</i>.' The governor adds, 'These statements, it will
+be remembered, are confined to one sex: the education of females it is
+to be feared, is in a condition of <i>much greater neglect</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+The Editor of the Virginia Times, published at Wheeling, in his paper
+of Jan. 23, 1839, says,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"We have every reason to suppose that one-fourth of the people of the
+state cannot write their names, and they have not, of course, any
+other species of education."
+</p>
+<p>
+Kentucky is the child of Virginia; her first settlers were some of the
+most distinguished citizens of the mother state; in the general
+diffusion of intelligence amongst her citizens Kentucky is probably in
+advance of all the slave states except Virginia and South Carolina;
+and yet Governor Clark, in his last message to the Kentucky
+Legislature, (Dec 5, 1838) makes the following declaration: "From the
+computation of those most familiar with the subject, it appears that
+AT LEAST ONE THIRD OF THE ADULT POPULATION OF THE STATE ARE UNABLE TO
+WRITE THEIR NAMES."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following advertisement in the "Milledgeville (Geo.) Journal,"
+Dec. 26, 1837, is another specimen from one of the 'old thirteen.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"NOTICE.&mdash;I, Pleasant Webb, of the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe
+county, being an <i>illiterate man, and not able to write my own name</i>,
+and whereas it hath been represented to me that there is a certain
+promissory note or notes out against me that I know nothing of, and
+further that some man in this State holds a bill of sale for <i>a
+certain negro woman named Ailsey and her increase, a part of which is
+now in my possession</i>, which I also know nothing of. Now do hereby
+certify and declare, that I have no knowledge whatsoever of any such
+papers existing in my name as above stated and I hereby require all or
+any person or persons whatsoever holding or pretending to hold any
+such papers, to produce them to me within thirty days from the date
+hereof, shewing their authority for holding the same, or they will be
+considered fictitious and fraudulently obtained or raised, by some
+person or persons for base purposes after my death.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Given under my hand this 2nd day of December, 1837. PLEASANT WEBB.
+his mark X."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Db"></a>
+FINALLY, THAT SLAVES MUST HABITUALLY SUFFER GREAT CRUELTIES, FOLLOWS
+INEVITABLY FROM THE BRUTAL OUTRAGES WHICH THEIR MASTERS INFLICT ON
+EACH OTHER.
+</p>
+<p>
+Slaveholders, exercising from childhood irresponsible power over human
+beings, and in the language of President Jefferson, "giving loose to
+the worst of passions" in the treatment of their slaves, become in a
+great measure unfitted for self control in their intercourse with each
+other. Tempers accustomed to riot with loose reins, spurn restraints,
+and passions inflamed by indulgence, take fire on the least friction.
+We repeat it, the state of society in the slave states, the duels, and
+daily deadly affrays of slaveholders with each other&mdash;the fact that
+the most deliberate and cold-blooded murders are committed at noon
+day, in the presence of thousands, and the perpetrators eulogized by
+the community as "honorable men," reveals such a prostration of law,
+as gives impunity to crime&mdash;a state of society, an omnipresent public
+sentiment reckless of human life, taking bloody vengeance on the spot
+for every imaginary affront, glorying in such assassinations as the
+only true honor and chivalry, successfully defying the civil arm, and
+laughing its impotency to scorn.
+</p>
+<p>
+When such things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the
+dry? When slaveholders are in the habit of caning, stabbing, and
+shooting <i>each other</i> at every supposed insult, the unspeakable
+enormities perpetrated by such men, with such passions, upon their
+defenceless slaves, <i>must</i> be beyond computation. To furnish the
+reader with an illustration of slaveholding civilization and morality,
+as exhibited in the unbridled fury, rage, malignant hate, jealousy,
+diabolical revenge, and all those infernal passions that shoot up rank
+in the hot-bed of arbitrary power, we will insert here a mass of
+testimony, detailing a large number of affrays, lynchings,
+assassinations, &amp;c., &amp;c., which have taken place in various parts of
+the slave states within a brief period&mdash;and to leave no room for cavil
+on the subject, these extracts will be made exclusively from
+newspapers published in the slave states, and generally in the
+immediate vicinity of the tragedies described. They will not be made
+second hand from <i>northern</i> papers, but from the original <i>southern</i>
+papers, which now lie on our table.
+</p>
+<p>
+Before proceeding to furnish details of certain classes of crimes in
+the slave states, we advertise the reader&mdash;1st. That <i>we shall not</i>
+include in the list those crimes which are ordinarily committed in the
+free, as well as in the slave states. 2d. We shall not include any of
+the crimes perpetrated by whites upon slaves and free colored persons,
+who constitute a majority of the population in Mississippi and
+Louisiana, a large majority in South Carolina, and, on an average,
+two-fifths in the other slave states. 3d. Fist fights, canings,
+beatings, biting off noses and ears, gougings, knockings down, &amp;c.,
+unless they result in <i>death</i>, will not be included in the list, nor
+will <i>ordinary</i> murders, unless connected with circumstances that
+serve as a special index of public sentiment. 4th. Neither will
+<i>ordinary, formal duels</i> be included, except in such cases as just
+specified. 5th. The only crimes which, as the general rule, will be
+specified, will be deadly affrays with bowie knives, dirks, pistols.
+rifles, guns, or other death weapons, and <i>lynchings</i>. 6th. The crimes
+enumerated will, for the most part, be only those perpetrated
+<i>openly</i>, without <i>attempt at concealment</i>. 7th. We shall not attempt
+to give a full list of the affrays, &amp;c., that took place in the
+respective states during the period selected, as the only files of
+southern papers to which we have access are very imperfect.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reader will perceive, from these preliminaries, that only a
+<i>small</i> proportion of the crimes actually perpetrated in the
+respective slave states during the period selected, will be entered
+upon this list. He will also perceive, that the crimes which will be
+presented are of a class rarely perpetrated in the free states; and if
+perpetrated there at all, they are, with scarcely an exception,
+committed either by slaveholders, temporarily resident in them, or by
+persons whose passions have been inflamed by the poison of a southern
+contact&mdash;whose habits and characters have become perverted by living
+among slaveholders, and adopting the code of slaveholding morality.
+</p>
+<p>
+We now proceed to the details, commencing with the new state of
+Arkansas.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Eb"></a>
+ARKANSAS.
+</div>
+<p>
+At the last session of the legislature of that state, Col. John
+Wilson, President of the Bank at Little Rock, the capital of the
+state, was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had
+been elected to that office for a number of years successively, and
+was one of the most influential citizens of the state. While presiding
+over the deliberations of the House, he took umbrage at words spoken
+in debate by Major Anthony, a conspicuous member, came down from the
+Speaker's chair, drew a large bowie knife from his bosom, and attacked
+Major A., who defended himself for some time, but was at last stabbed
+through the heart, and fell dead on the floor. Wilson deliberately
+wiped the blood from his knife, and returned to his seat. The
+following statement of the circumstances of the murder, and the trial
+of the murderer, is abridged from the account published in the
+Arkansas Gazette, a few months since&mdash;it is here taken from the
+Knoxville (Tennessee) Register, July 4, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"On the 14th of December last, Maj. Joseph J. Anthony, a member of the
+Legislature of Arkansas, was murdered, while performing his duty as a
+member of the House of Representatives, by John Wilson, Speaker of
+that House.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The facts were these: A bill came from the Senate, commonly called the
+<i>Wolf Bill</i>. Among the amendments proposed, was one by Maj. Anthony,
+that the signature of the President of the Real Estate Bank should be
+attached to the certificate of the wolf scalp. Col. Wilson, the
+Speaker, asked Maj. Anthony whether he intended the remark as
+personal. Maj. Anthony promptly said, "<i>No, I do not</i>." And at that
+instant of time, a message was delivered from the Senate, which
+suspended the proceedings of the House for a few minutes. Immediately
+after the messenger from the Senate had retired, Maj. Anthony rose
+from his seat, and said he wished to explain, that he did not intend
+to insult the Speaker or the House; when Wilson, interrupting,
+peremptorily ordered him to take his seat. Maj. Anthony said, as a
+member, he had a right to the floor, to explain himself. Wilson said,
+in an angry tone, 'Sit down, or you had better;' and thrust his hand
+into his bosom, and drew out a large bowie knife, 10 or 11 inches in
+length, and descended from the Speaker's chair to the floor, with the
+knife drawn in a menacing manner. Maj. Anthony, seeing the danger he
+was placed in, by Wilson's advance on him with a drawn knife, rose
+from his chair, set it out of his way, stepped back a pace or two, and
+drew his knife. Wilson caught up a chair, and struck Anthony with it.
+Anthony, recovering from the blow, caught the chair in his left hand,
+and a fight ensued over the chair. Wilson received two wounds, one on
+each arm, and Anthony lost his knife, either by throwing it at Wilson,
+or it escaped by accident. After Anthony had lost his knife, Wilson
+advanced on Anthony, who was then retreating, looking over his
+shoulder. Seeing Wilson pursuing him, he threw a chair. Wilson still
+pursued, and Anthony raised another chair as high as his breast, with
+a view, it is supposed, of keeping Wilson off. Wilson then caught hold
+of the chair with his left hand, raised it up, and with his right hand
+deliberately thrust the knife, up to the hilt, into Anthony's heart,
+and as deliberately drew it out, and wiping off the blood with his
+thumb and finger, retired near to the Speaker's chair.
+</p>
+<p>
+"As the knife was withdrawn from Anthony's heart, he fell a lifeless
+corpse on the floor, without uttering a word, or scarcely making a
+struggle; so true did the knife, as deliberately directed, pierce his
+heart.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Three days elapsed before the constituted authorities took any notice
+of this horrible deed; and not then, until a relation of the murdered
+Anthony had demanded a warrant for the apprehension of Wilson. Several
+days then elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. He
+then, in a carriage and four, came to the place appointed for his
+trial. Four or five days were employed in the examination of
+witnesses, and never was a clearer case of murder proved than on that
+occasion. Notwithstanding, the court (Justice Brown dissenting)
+admitted Wilson to bail, and positively refused that the prosecuting
+attorney for the state should introduce the law, to show that it was
+not a bailable case, or even to hear an argument from him.
+</p>
+<p>
+"At the time appointed for the session of the Circuit Court, Wilson
+appeared agreeably to his recognizance. A motion was made by Wilson's
+counsel for <i>change of venue</i>, founded on the affidavits of Wilson,
+and two other men. The court thereupon removed the case to Saline
+county, and ordered the Sheriff to take Wilson into custody, and
+deliver him over to the Sheriff of Saline county.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Sheriff of Pulaski never confined Wilson one minute, but
+permitted him to go where he pleased, without a guard, or any
+restraint imposed on him whatever. On his way to Saline, he
+entertained him freely at his own house, and the next day delivered
+him over to the Sheriff of that county, who conducted the prisoner to
+the debtor's room in the jail, and gave him the key, so that he and
+every body else had free egress and ingress at all times. Wilson
+invited every body to call on him, as he wished to see his friends,
+and his room was crowded with visitors, who called to drink grog, and
+laugh and talk with him. But this theatre was not sufficiently large
+for his purpose. He afterwards visited the dram-shops, where he freely
+treated all that would partake with him, and went fishing and hunting
+with others at pleasure, and entirely with out restraint. He also ate
+at the same table with the Judge, while on trial.
+</p>
+<p>
+"When the court met at Saline, Wilson was put on his trial. Several
+days were occupied in examining the witnesses in the case. After the
+examination was closed, while Col. Taylor was engaged in a very able,
+lucid, and argumentative speech, on the part of the prosecution, some
+man collected a parcel of the rabble, and came within a few yards of
+the court-house door, and bawled in a loud voice, 'part them&mdash;part
+them!' Every body supposed there was an affray, and ran to the doors
+and windows to see; behold, there was nothing more than the man, and
+the rabble he had collected around him, for the purpose of annoying
+Col. Taylor while speaking. A few minutes afterwards, this same person
+brought a horse near the court-house door, and commenced crying the
+horse, as though he was for sale, and continued for ten or fifteen
+minutes to ride before the court-house door, crying the horse, in a
+loud and boisterous tone of voice. The Judge sat as a silent listener
+to the indignity thus offered the court and counsel by this man,
+without interposing his authority.
+</p>
+<p>
+"To show the depravity of the times, and the people, after the verdict
+had been delivered by the jury, and the court informed Wilson that he
+was discharged, there was a rush toward him: some seized him by the
+hand, some by the arm, and there was great and loud rejoicing and
+exultation, directly in the presence of the court: and Wilson told the
+Sheriff to take the jury to a grocery, that he might treat them, and
+invited every body that chose to go. The house was soon filled to
+overflowing. The rejoicing was kept up till near supper time: but to
+cap the climax, soon after supper was over, a majority of the jury,
+together with many others, went to the rooms that had been occupied
+several days by the friend and relation of the murdered Anthony, and
+commenced a scene of the most ridiculous dancing, (as it is believed,)
+in triumph for Wilson, and as a triumph over the feelings of the
+relations of the departed Anthony. The scene did not close here. The
+party retired to a dram-shop, and continued their rejoicing until
+about half after 10 o'clock. They then collected a parcel of horns,
+trumpets, &amp;c., and marched through the streets, blowing them, till
+near day, when one of the company rode his horse in the porch
+adjoining the room which was occupied by the relations of the
+deceased."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+This case is given to the reader at length, in order fully to show,
+that in a community where the law sanctions the commission of every
+species of outrage upon one class of citizens, it fosters passions
+which will paralyze its power to protect the other classes. Look at
+the facts developed in this case, as exhibiting the state of society
+among slaveholders. 1st. That the members of the legislature are <i>in
+the habit</i> of wearing bowie knives. Wilson's knife was 10 or 11 inches
+long.[<a name="rnote10-42"></a><a href="#note10-42">42</a>] 2d. The murderer, Wilson, was a man of wealth, president of
+the bank at the capital of the state, a high military officer, and
+had, for many years, been Speaker of the House of Representatives, as
+appears from a previous statement in the Arkansas Gazette. 3d. The
+murder was committed in open day, before all the members of the House,
+and many spectators, not one of whom seems to have made the least
+attempt to intercept Wilson, as he advanced upon Anthony with his
+knife drawn, but "made way for him," as is stated in another account.
+4th. Though the murder was committed in the state-house, at the
+capital of the state, days passed before the civil authorities moved
+in the matter; and they did not finally do it, until the relations of
+the murdered man demanded a warrant for the apprehension of the
+murderer. Even then, several days elapsed before he was brought before
+an examining court. When his trial came on, he drove to it in state,
+drew up before the door with "his coach and four," alighted, and
+strided into court like a lord among his vassals; and there, though a
+clearer case of deliberate murder never reeked in the face of the sun,
+yet he was admitted to bail, the court absolutely refusing to hear an
+argument from the prosecuting attorney, showing that it was not a
+bailable case. 5th. The sheriff of Pulaski county, who had Wilson in
+custody, "never confined him a moment, but permitted him to go at
+large wholly unrestrained." When transferred to Saline co. for trial,
+the sheriff of that county gave Wilson the same liberty, and he spent
+his time in parties of pleasure, fishing, hunting, and at houses of
+entertainment. 6th. Finally, to demonstrate to the world, that justice
+among slaveholders is consistent with itself; that authorizing
+man-stealing and patronising robbery, it will, of course, be the
+patron and associate of murder also, the judge who sat upon the case,
+and the murderer who was on trial for his life before him, were
+boon-companions together, eating and drinking at the same table
+throughout the trial. Then came the conclusion of the farce&mdash;the
+uproar round the court-house during the trial, drowning the voice of
+the prosecutor while pleading, without the least attempt by the court
+to put it down&mdash;then the charge of the judge to the jury, and their
+unanimous verdict of acquittal&mdash;then the rush from all quarters around
+the murderer with congratulations&mdash;the whole crowd in the court room
+shouting and cheering&mdash;then Wilson leading the way to a tavern,
+inviting the sheriff, and jury, and all present to "a treat"&mdash;then the
+bacchanalian revelry kept up all night, a majority of the jurors
+participating&mdash;the dancing, the triumphal procession through the
+streets with the blowing of horns and trumpets, and the prancing of
+horses through the porch of the house occupied by the relations of the
+murdered Anthony, adding insult and mockery to their agony.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-42"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-42">42</a>: A correspondent of the "Frederick Herald," writing from
+Little Rock, says, "Anthony's knife was about <i>twenty-eight inches</i> in
+length. They <i>all</i> carry knives here, or pistols. There are several
+kinds of knives in use&mdash;a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long,
+is called an 'Arkansas tooth-pick.'"]
+</p>
+<p>
+A few months before this murder on the floor of the legislature,
+George Scott, Esq., formerly marshall of the state was shot in an
+affray at Van Buren, Crawford co., Arkansas, by a man named Walker;
+and Robert Carothers, in an affray in St. Francis co., shot William
+Rachel, just as Rachel was shooting at Carothers' father. (<i>National
+Intelligencer, May 8, 1837, and Little Rock Gazette, August 30,
+1837.</i>)
+</p>
+<p>
+While Wilson's trial was in progress, Mr. Gabriel Sibley was stabbed
+to the heart at a public dinner, in St. Francis co., Arkansas, by
+James W. Grant. (<i>Arkansas Gazette, May 30, 1838.</i>)
+</p>
+<p>
+Hardly a week before this, the following occurred:
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 16th ult., an encounter took place at Little Rock, Ark.,
+between David F. Douglass, a young man of 18 or 19, and Dr. Wm. C.
+Howell. A shot was exchanged between them at the distance of 8 or 10
+feet with double-barrelled guns. The load of Douglass entered the left
+hip of Dr. Howell, and a buckshot from the gun of the latter struck a
+negro girl, 13 or 14 years of age, just below the pit of the stomach.
+Douglass then fired a second time and hit Howell in the left groin,
+penetrating the abdomen and bladder, and causing his death in four
+hours. The negro girl, at the last dates, was not dead, but no hopes
+were entertained of her recovery. Douglass was committed to await his
+trial at the April term of the Circuit Court."&mdash;<i>Louisville Journal</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Little Rock Gazette of Oct. 24, says, "We are again called upon
+to record the cold blooded murder of a valuable citizen. On the 10th
+instant, Col. John Lasater, of Franklin co., was murdered by John W.
+Whitson, who deliberately shot him with a shot gun, loaded with a
+handful of rifle balls, six of which entered his body. He lived twelve
+hours after he was shot.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Whitson is the son of William Whitson, who was unfortunately killed,
+about a year since, in a rencontre with Col. Lasater, (who was fully
+exonerated from all blame by a jury,) and, in revenge of his father's
+death, committed this bloody deed."
+</p>
+<p>
+These atrocities were all perpetrated within a few months of the time
+of the deliberate assassination, on the floor of the legislature by
+the speaker, already described, and are probably but a small portion
+of the outrages committed in that state during the same period. The
+state of Arkansas contains about forty-five thousand white
+inhabitants, which is, if we mistake not, the present population of
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. And we venture the assertion, that a
+public affray, with deadly weapons, has not taken place in that county
+for fifty years, if indeed ever since its settlement a century and a
+half ago.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Gb"></a>
+MISSOURI.
+</div>
+<p>
+Missouri became one of the United States in 1821. Its present white
+population is about two hundred and fifty thousand. The following are
+a few of the affrays that have occurred there during the years 1837
+and '38.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Salt River Journal" March 8, 1838, has the following.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Fatal Affray</i>.&mdash;An affray took place during last week, in the town
+of New London, between Dr. Peake and Dr. Bosley, both of that village,
+growing out of some trivial matter at a card party. After some words,
+Bosley threw a glass at Peake, which was followed up by other acts of
+violence, and in the quarrel Peake stabbed Bosley, several times with
+a dirk, in consequence of which, Bosley died the following morning.
+The court of inquiry considered Peake justifiable, and discharged him
+from arrest."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "St. Louis Republican," of September 29, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We learn that a fight occurred at Bowling-Green, in this state, a few
+days since, between Dr. Michael Reynolds and Henry Lalor. Lalor
+procured a gun, and Mr. Dickerson wrested the gun from him; this
+produced a fight between Lalor and Dickerson, in which the former
+stabbed the latter in the abdomen. Mr. Dickerson died of the wound."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following was in the same paper about a month previous, August 21,
+1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>A Horse Thief Shot</i>.&mdash;A thief was caught in the act of stealing a
+horse on Friday last, on the opposite side of the river, by a company
+of persons out sporting. Mr. Kremer, who was in the company, levelled
+his rifle and ordered him to stop; which he refused; he then fired and
+lodged the contents in the thief's body, of which he died soon
+afterwards. Mr. K. went before a magistrate, who after hearing the
+case, REFUSED TO HOLD HIM FOR FURTHER TRIAL!"
+</p>
+<p>
+On the 5th of July, 1838, Alpha P. Buckley murdered William Yaochum in
+an affray in Jackson county, Missouri. (Missouri Republican, July 24,
+1838.)
+</p>
+<p>
+General Atkinson of the United States Army was waylaid on the 4th of
+September, 1838, by a number of persons, and attacked in his carriage
+near St. Louis, on the road to Jefferson Barracks, but escaped after
+shooting one of the assailants. The New Orleans True American of
+October 29, '38, speaking of this says: "It will be recollected that a
+few weeks ago, Judge Dougherty, one of the most respectable citizens
+of St. Louis, was murdered upon the same road."
+</p>
+<p>
+The same paper contains the following letter from the murderer of
+Judge Dougherty.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Murder of Judge Dougherty</i>.&mdash;The St. Louis Republican received the
+following mysterious letter, unsealed, regarding this brutal
+murder:"&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"NATCHEZ, Miss., Sept. 24.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Messrs. Editors:&mdash;Revenge is sweet. On the night of the 11th, 12th,
+and 13th, I made preparations, and did, on the 14th July kill a
+rascal, and only regret that I have not the privilege of telling the
+circumstance. I have so placed it that I can never be identified; and
+further, I have no compunctions of conscience for the death of Thomas
+M. Dougherty."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+But instead of presenting individual affrays and single atrocities,
+however numerous, (and the Missouri papers abound with them,) in order
+to exhibit the true state of society there, we refer to the fact now
+universally notorious, that for months during the last fall and
+winter, some hundreds of inoffensive Mormons, occupying a considerable
+tract of land; and a flourishing village in the interior of the state,
+have suffered every species of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants of
+the surrounding counties&mdash;that for weeks together, mobs consisting of
+hundreds and thousands, kept them in a state of constant siege, laying
+waste their lands, destroying their cattle and provisions, tearing
+down their houses, ravishing the females, seizing and dragging off and
+killing the men. Not one of the thousands engaged in these horrible
+outrages and butcheries has, so far as we can learn, been indicted.
+The following extract of a letter from a military officer of one of
+the brigades ordered out by the Governor of Missouri, to terminate the
+matter, is taken from the North Alabamian of December 22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+Correspondence of the Nashville Whig.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+THE MORMON WAR.
+</div>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"MILLERSBURG, Mo. November 8.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Dear Sir&mdash;A lawless mob had organized themselves for the express
+purpose of driving the Mormons from the country, or exterminating
+them, for no other reason, that I can perceive, than that these poor
+deluded creatures owned a large and fertile body of land in their
+neighborhood, and would not let them (the Mobocrats) have it for their
+own price. I have just returned from the seat of difficulty, and am
+perfectly conversant with all the facts in relation to it. The mob
+meeting with resistance altogether unanticipated, called loudly upon
+the kindred spirits of adjacent counties for help. The Mormons
+determined to die in defence of their rights, set about fortifying
+their town "Far West," with a resolution and energy that kept the mob
+(who all the time were extending their cries of help to all parts of
+Missouri) at bay. The Governor, from exaggerated accounts of the
+Mormon depredations, issued orders for the raising of several thousand
+mounted riflemen, of which this division raised five hundred, and the
+writer of this was <i>honored</i> with the appointment of &mdash;&mdash; to the
+Brigade.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the first day of this month, we marched for the "seat of war," but
+General Clark, Commander-in-chief, having reached Far West on the day
+previous with a large force, the difficulty was settled when we
+arrived, so we escaped the infamy and disgrace of a bloody victory.
+Before General Clark's arrival, the mob had increased to about four
+thousand, and determined to attack the town. The Mormons upon the
+approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by
+the mob, Jo Smith and Rigdon, and a few other Mormons of less
+influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far
+appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from
+violence. Vain hope! The prisoners being secured, the mob entered the
+town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and
+outrage&mdash;forcing fifteen or twenty Mormon girls to yield to their
+brutal passions!!! Of these things I was assured by many persons while
+I was at Far West, in whose veracity I have the utmost confidence. I
+conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about eight
+hundred, among whom there were many young and interesting girls, and I
+assure you, a more distracted set of creatures I never saw. I assure
+you, my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old gray
+headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at
+this inclement season, with the thermometer at 8 degrees below zero,
+to abandon their warm houses, and many of them the luxuries and
+elegances of a high degree of civilization and intelligence and take
+up their march for the uncultivated wilds of the Missouri frontier.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The better informed here have but one opinion of the result of this
+Mormon persecution, and that is, it is a most fearful extension of
+Judge Lynch's jurisdiction."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The present white population of Missouri is but thirty thousand less
+than that of New Hampshire, and yet the insecurity of human life in
+the former state to that in the latter, is probably at least twenty to
+one.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Hb"></a>
+ALABAMA.
+</div>
+<p>
+This state was admitted to the Union in 1819. Its present white
+population is not far from three hundred thousand. The security of
+human life to Alabama, may be inferred from the facts and testimony
+which follow:
+</p>
+<p>
+The Mobile Register of Nov. 15, 1837, contains the annual message of
+Mr. McVay, the acting Governor of the state, at the opening of the
+Legislature. The message has the following on the frequency of
+homicides:
+</p>
+<p>
+"We hear of homicides in different parts of the state <i>continually</i>,
+and yet how few convictions for murder, and still fewer executions?
+How is this to be accounted for? In regard to 'assault and battery
+with intent to commit murder,' why is it that this offence continues
+so common&mdash;why do we hear of stabbings and shootings <i>almost daily</i> in
+some part or other of our state?"
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser" of April 22, 1837, has the
+following from the Mobile Register:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Within a few days a man was shot in an affray in the upper part of
+the town, and has since died. The perpetrator of the violence is at
+large. We need hardly speak of another scene which occurred in Royal
+street, when a fray occurred between two individuals, a third standing
+by with a cocked pistol to prevent interference. On Saturday night a
+still more exciting scene of outrage took place in the theatre.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An altercation commenced at the porquett entrance between the
+check-taker and a young man, which ended in the first being
+desperately wounded by a stab with a knife. The other also drew a
+pistol. If some strange manifestations of public opinion, do not
+coerce a spirit of deference to law, and the abandonment of the habit
+of carrying secret arms, we shall deserve every reproach we may
+receive, and have our punishment in the unchecked growth of a spirit
+of lawlessness, reckless deeds, and exasperated feeling, which will
+destroy our social comfort at home, and respectability abroad."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," of Nov. 7, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A trifling dispute arose between Silas Randal and Pharaoh Massingale,
+both of Marshall county. They exchanged but a few words, when the
+former drew a Bowie knife and stabbed the latter in the abdomen
+fronting the left hip to the depth of several inches; also inflicted
+several other dangerous wounds, of which Massengale died
+immediately.&mdash;Randal is yet at large, not having been apprehended."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Free Press" of August 16, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The streets of Gainesville, Alabama, have recently been the scene of
+a most tragic affair. Some five weeks since, at a meeting of the
+citizens, Col. Christopher Scott, a lawyer of good standing, and one
+of the most influential citizens of the place, made a violent attack
+on the Tombeckbee Rail Road Company. A Mr. Smith, agent for the T.R.R.
+Company, took Col. C's remarks as a personal insult, and demanded an
+explanation. A day or two after, as Mr. Smith was passing Colonel
+Scott's door, he was shot down by him, and after lingering a few hours
+expired.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It appears also from an Alabama paper, that Col. Scott's brother,
+L.S. Scott Esq., and L.J. Smith Esq., were accomplices of the Colonel
+in the murder."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is from the "Natchez Free Trader," June 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An affray, attended with fatal consequences, occurred in the town of
+Moulton, Alabama, on the 12th May. It appears that three young men
+from the country, of the name of J. Walton, Geo. Bowling, and
+Alexander Bowling, rode into Moulton on that day for the purpose of
+chastising the bar-keeper at McCord's tavern, whose name is Cowan, for
+an alleged insult offered by him to the father of young Walton. They
+made a furious attack on Cowan, and drove him into the bar room of the
+tavern. Some time after, a second attack was made upon Cowan in the
+street by one of the Bowlings and Walton, when pistols were resorted
+to by both parties. Three rounds were fired, and the third shot, which
+was said to have been discharged by Walton, struck a young man by the
+name of Neil, who happened to be passing in the street at the time,
+and killed him instantly. The combatants were taken into custody, and
+after an examination before two magistrates, were bailed."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following exploits of the "Alabama Volunteers," are recorded in
+the Florida Herald, Jan. 1, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"SAVE US FROM OUR FRIENDS.&mdash;On Monday last, a large body of men,
+calling themselves Alabama Volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of this
+city. It is reported that their conduct during their march from
+Tallahassee to this city has been a series of excesses of every
+description. They have committed almost every crime except murder, and
+have even threatened life.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Large numbers of them paraded our streets, grossly insulted our
+females, and were otherwise extremely riotous in their conduct. One of
+the squads, forty or fifty in number, on reaching the bridge, where
+there was a small guard of three or four men stationed, assaulted the
+guard, overturned the sentry-box into the river, and bodily seized two
+of the guard, and threw them into the river, where the water was deep,
+and they were forced to swim for their lives. At one of the men while
+in the water, they pointed a musket, threatening to kill him; and
+pelted with every missile which came to hand."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The following Alabama tragedy is published by the "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Sept. 2, 1837, from the Wetumpka Sentinel.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Our highly respectable townsman, Mr. Hugh Ware, a merchant of
+Wetumpka, was standing in the door of his counting room, between the
+hours of 8 and 9 o'clock at night, in company with a friend, when an
+assassin lurked within a few paces of his position, and discharged his
+musket, loaded with ten or fifteen buckshot. Mr. Ware instantly fell,
+and expired without a struggle or a groan. A coroner's inquest decided
+that the deceased came to his death by violence, and that Abner J.
+Cody, and his servant John, were the perpetrators. John frankly
+confessed, that his master, Cody, compelled him to assist, threatening
+his life if he dared to disobey; that he carried the musket to the
+place at which it was discharged; that his master then received it
+from him, rested it on the fence, fired and killed Mr. Ware."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Southern (Miss.) Mechanic," April 17, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"HORRID BUTCHERY.&mdash;A desperate fight occurred in Montgomery, Alabama,
+on the 28th ult. We learn from the Advocate of that city, that the
+persons engaged were Wm. S. Mooney and Kenyon Mooney, his son, Edward
+Bell, and Bushrod Bell, Jr. The first received a wound in the abdomen,
+made by that fatal instrument, the Bowie knife, which caused his death
+in about fifteen hours. The second was shot in the side, and would
+doubtless have been killed, had not the ball partly lost its force by
+first striking his arm. The third received a shot in the neck, and now
+lies without hope of recovery. The fourth escaped unhurt, and, we
+understand has fled. This is a brief statement of one of the bloodiest
+fights that we ever heard of."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Virginia Statesman," May 6, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Several affrays, wherein pistols, dirks and knives were used, lately
+occurred at Mobile. One took place on the 8th inst., at the theatre,
+in which a Mr. Bellum was so badly stabbed that his life is despaired
+of. On the Wednesday preceding, a man named Johnson shot another named
+Snow dead. No notice was taken of the affair."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Huntsville Advocate," June 20, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"DESPERATE AFFRAY.&mdash;On Sunday the 11th inst., an affray of desparate
+and fatal character occurred near Jeater's Landing, Marshall county,
+Alabama. The dispute which led to it arose out of a contested right to
+<i>possession</i> of a piece of land. A Mr. Steele was the occupant, and
+Mr. James McFarlane and some others, claimants. Mr. F. and his friends
+went to Mr. Steele's house with a view to take possession, whether
+peaceably or by violence, we do not certainly know. As they entered
+the house a quarrel ensued between the opposite parties, and some
+blows perhaps followed; in a short time, several guns were discharged
+from the house at Mr. McFarlane and friends. Mr. M. was killed, a Mr.
+Freamster dangerously wounded, and it is thought will not recover; two
+others were also wounded, though not so as to endanger life. Mr.
+Steele's brother was wounded by the discharge of a pistol from one of
+Mr. M's friends. We have heard some other particulars about the
+affray, but we abstain from giving them, as incidental versions are
+often erroneous, and as the whole matter will be submitted to legal
+investigation. Four of Steele's party, his brother, and three whose
+names are Lenten, Collins and Wills, have been arrested, and are now
+confined in the gaol in this place."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Norfolk Beacon," July 14, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A few days since at Claysville, Marshal co., Alabama, Messrs.
+Nathaniel and Graves W. Steele, while riding in a carriage, were shot
+dead, and Alex. Steele and Wm. Collins, also in the carriage, were
+severely wounded, (the former supposed mortally,) by Messrs. Jesse
+Allen, Alexander and Arthur McFarlane, and Daniel Dickerson. The
+Steeles, it appears, last year killed James McFarlane and another
+person in a similar manner, which led to this dreadful retaliation."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the Montgomery (Ala.) Advocate&mdash;Washington, Autauga Co., Dec. 28,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"FATAL RENCONTRE.&mdash;On Friday last, the 28th ult., a fatal rencontre
+took place in the town of Washington, Autauga county, between John
+Tittle and Thomas J. Tarleton, which resulted in the death of the
+former. After a patient investigation of the matter, Mr. Tarleton was
+released by the investigating tribunal, on the ground that the
+homicide was clearly justifiable."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel" July 6, 1837, quotes the following from
+the Mobile (Ala.) Examiner.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A man by the name of Peter Church was killed on one of the wharves
+night before last. The person by whom it was done delivered himself to
+the proper authorities yesterday morning. The deceased and destroyer
+were friends and the act occurred in consequence of an immaterial
+quarrel."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Milledgeville Federal Union" of July 11, 1837, has the following
+</p>
+<p>
+"In Selma, Alabama resided lately messrs. Philips and Dickerson,
+physicians. Mr. P. is brother to the wife of V. Bleevin Esq., a rich
+cotton planter in that neighborhood; the latter has a very lovely
+daughter, to whom Dr. D. paid his addresses. A short time since a
+gentleman from Mobile married her. Soon after this, a schoolmaster in
+Selma set a cry afloat to the effect, that he had heard Dr. D. say
+things about the lady's conduct before marriage which ought not to be
+said about any lady. Dr. D. denied having said such things, and the
+other denied having spread the story; but neither denials sufficed to
+pacify the enraged parent. He met Dr. D. fired at him two pistols, and
+wounded him. Dr. D. was unarmed, and advanced to Mr. Bleevin, holding
+up his hands imploringly, when Mr. B. drew a Bowie knife, and stabbed
+him to the heart. The doctor dropped dead on the spot: and Mr. Bleevin
+has been held to bail."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is taken from the "Alabama, Intelligencer," Sept. 17,
+1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 5th instant, a deadly rencounter took place in the streets of
+Russelville, (our county town,) between John A. Chambers, Esq., of the
+city of Mobile, and Thomas L. Jones, of this county. In the
+rencounter, Jones was wounded by several balls which took effect in
+his chin, mouth, neck, arm, and shoulder, believed to be mortal; he
+did not fire his gun.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Chambers forthwith surrendered himself to the Sheriff of the
+county, and was on the 6th, tried and fully acquitted, by a court of
+inquiry."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Maysville (Ky.) Advocate" of August 14, 1838, gives the following
+affray, which took place in Girard, Alabama, July 10th.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Two brothers named Thomas and Hal Lucas, who had been much in the
+habit of quarrelling, came together under strong excitement, and Tom,
+as was his frequent custom, being about to flog Hal with a stick of
+some sort, the latter drew a pistol and shot the former, his own
+brother, through the heart, who almost instantly expired!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Bee" of Oct. 5, 1838, relates an affray in Mobile,
+Alabama, between Benjamin Alexander, an aged man of ninety, with
+Thomas Hamilton, his grandson, on the 24th of September, in which the
+former killed the latter with a dirk.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Red River Whig" of July 7, 1838, gives the particulars of a
+tragedy in Western Alabama, in which a planter near Lakeville, left
+home for some days, but suspecting his wife's fidelity, returned home
+late at night, and finding his suspicions verified, set fire to his
+house and waited with his rifle before the door, till his wife and her
+paramour attempted to rush out, when he shot them both dead.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Morgan (Ala.) Observer," Dec. 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We are informed from private sources, that on last Saturday, a poor
+man who was moving westward with his wife and three little children
+and driving a small drove of sheep, and perhaps a cow or two, which
+was driven by his family, on arriving in Florence, and while passing
+through, met with a citizen of that place, who rode into his flock and
+caused him some trouble to keep it together, when the mover informed
+the individual that he must not do so again or he would throw a rock
+at him, upon which some words ensued, and the individual again
+disturbed the flock, when the mover, as near as we can learn, threw at
+him upon this the troublesome man got off his horse, went into a
+grocery, got a gun, and came out and deliberately shot the poor
+stranger in the presence of his wife and little children. The wounded
+man then made an effort to get into some house, when his murderous
+assailant overtook and stabbed him to the heart with a <i>Bowie knife</i>.
+This revolting scene, we are informed, occurred in the presence of
+many citizens, who, report says, never even lifted their voices in
+defence of the murdered man."
+</p>
+<p>
+A late number of the "Flag of the Union," published at Tuscalosa, the
+seat of the government of Alabama, states that "since the commencement
+of the late session of the legislature of that state, no less than
+THIRTEEN FIGHTS had been had within sight of the capitol." <i>Pistols
+and Bowie knives were used in every case</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The present white population of Alabama is about the same with that of
+New Jersey, yet for the last twenty years there has not been so many
+public deadly affrays, and of such a horrible character, in New
+Jersey, as have taken place in Alabama within the last eight months.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Ib"></a>
+MISSISSIPPI.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mississippi became one of the United States in 1817. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and sixty thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following extracts will serve to show that those who combine
+together to beat, rob, and manacle innocent men, women and children,
+will stick at nothing when their passions are up.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following murderous affray at Canton, Mississippi, is from the
+"Alabama Beacon," Sept, 13, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A terrible tragedy recently occurred at Canton, Miss., growing out of
+the late duel between Messrs. Dickins and Drane of that place. A
+Kentuckian happening to be in Canton, spoke of the duel, and charged
+Mr. Mitchell Calhoun, the second of Drane, with cowardice and
+unfairness. Mr. Calhoun called on the Kentuckian for an explanation,
+and the offensive charge was repeated. <i>A challenge and fight with
+Bowie knives, toe to toe</i>, were the consequences. Both parties were
+dreadfully and dangerously wounded, though neither was dead at the
+last advices. Mr. Calhoun is a brother to the Hon. John Calhoun,
+member of Congress."
+</p>
+<p>
+Here follows the account of the duel referred to above, between
+Messrs. Dickins and Drane.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Intelligence has been received in this town of a fatal duel that took
+place in Canton, Miss., on the 28th ult., between Rufus K. Dickins,
+and a Mr. Westley Drane. They fought with double barrelled guns,
+loaded with buckshot&mdash;both were mortally wounded."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Louisville Journal" publishes the following, Nov. 23.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 7th instant, a fatal affray took place at Gallatin,
+Mississippi. The principal parties concerned were, Messrs. John W.
+Scott, James G. Scott, and Edmund B. Hatch. The latter was shot down
+and then stabbed twice through the body, by J.G. Scott."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Alabama Beacon" of Sept. 13, 1838, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"An attempt was made in Vicksburg lately, by a gang of Lynchers, to
+inflict summary punishment on three men of the name of Fleckenstein.
+The assault was made upon the house, about 11 o'clock at night.
+Meeting with some resistance from the three Fleckensteins, a leader of
+the gang, by the name of Helt, discharged his pistol, and wounded one
+of the brothers severely in the neck and jaws. A volley of four or
+five shots was almost instantly returned, when Helt fell dead, a piece
+of the top of the skull being torn off, and almost the whole of his
+brains dashed out. His comrades seeing him fall, suddenly took to
+their heels. There were, it is supposed, some <i>ten or fifteen</i>
+concerned in the transaction."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Manchester (Miss.) Gazette," August 11, 1838, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"It appears that Mr. Asa Hazeltine, who kept a public or boarding
+house in Jackson, during the past winter, and Mr. Benjamin Tanner,
+came here about five or six weeks since, with the intention of opening
+a public house. Foiled in the design, in the settlement of their
+affairs some difficulty arose as to a question of veracity between the
+parties. Mr. Tanner, deeply excited, procured a pistol and loaded it
+with the charge of death, sought and found the object of his hatred in
+the afternoon, in the yard of Messrs. Kezer &amp; Maynard, and in the
+presence of several persons, after repeated and ineffectual attempts
+on the part of Capt. Jackson to baffle his fell spirit, shot the
+unfortunate victim, of which wound Mr. Hazeltine died in a short time.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We understand that Mr. Hazeltine was a native of Boston."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," Sept. 16, 1837, gives the details
+below:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"By a letter from Mississippi, we have an account of a rencontre which
+took place in Rodney, on the 27th July, between Messrs. Thos. J.
+Johnston and G.H. Wilcox, both formerly of this city. In consequence
+of certain publications made by these gentlemen against each other,
+Johnston challenged Wilcox. The latter declining to accept the
+challenge, Johnston informed his friends at Rodney, that he would be
+there at the term of the court then not distant, when he would make an
+attack upon him. He repaired thither on the 26th, and on the next
+morning the following communication was read aloud in the presence of
+Wilcox and a large crowd:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Rodney, July 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Johnston informs Mr. Wilcox, that at or about 1 o'clock of this
+day, he will be on the common, opposite the Presbyterian Church of
+this town, waiting and expecting Mr. Wilcox to meet him there.
+</p>
+<p>
+"I pledge my honor that Mr. Johnston will not fire at Mr. Wilcox,
+until he arrives at a distance of one hundred yards from him, and I
+desire Mr. Wilcox or any of his friends, to see that distance
+accurately measured.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Mr. Johnston will wait there thirty minutes.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+"J. M. DUFFIELD.
+</div>
+<p>
+"Mr. Wilcox declined being a party to any such arrangement, and Mr. D.
+told him to be prepared for an attack. Accordingly, about an hour
+after this, Johnston proceeded towards Wilcox's office, armed with a
+double-barrelled gun, (one of the barrels rifled,) and three pistols
+in his belt. He halted about fifty yards from W's door and leveled his
+gun. W. withdrew before Johnston could fire, and seized a musket,
+returned to the door and flashed. Johnston fired both barrels without
+effect. Wilcox then seized a double barrel gun, and Johnston a musket,
+and both again fired. Wilcox sent twenty-three buck shot over
+Johnston's head, one of them passing through his hat, and Wilcox was
+slightly wounded on both hands, his thigh and leg."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+From the "Alabama Beacon," May 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An affray of the most barbarous nature was expected to take place in
+Arkansas opposite Princeton, on Thursday last. The two original
+parties have been endeavoring for several weeks, to settle their
+differences at Natchez. One of the individuals concerned stood
+pledged, our informant states, to fight three different antagonists in
+one day. The fights, we understand, were to be with pistols; but a
+variety of other weapons were taken along&mdash;among others, the deadly
+Bowie knife. These latter instruments, we are told, were whetted and
+dressed up at Grand Gulf, as the parties passed up, avowedly with the
+intention of being used in the field."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Southern (Miss) Argus," Nov. 21, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We learn that, at a wood yard above Natchez, on Sunday evening last,
+a difficulty arose between Captain Crosly, of the steamboat Galenian,
+and one of his deck passengers. Capt. C. drew a Bowie knife, and made
+a pass at the throat of the passenger, which failed to do any harm,
+and the captain then ordered him to leave his boat. The man went on
+board to get his baggage, and the captain immediately sought the cabin
+for a pistol. As the passenger was about leaving the boat, the captain
+presented a pistol to his breast, which snapped. Instantly the enraged
+and wronged individual seized Capt. Crosly by the throat, and brought
+him to the ground, when he drew a dirk and stabbed him eight or nine
+times in the breast, each blow driving the weapon into his body up to
+the hilt. The passenger was arrested, carried to Natchez, tried and
+acquitted."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Planter's Intelligencer" publishes the following from the
+Vicksburg Sentinel of June 19, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"About 1 o'clock, we observed two men 'pummeling' one another in the
+street, to the infinite amusement of a crowd. Presently a third hero
+made his appearance in the arena, with Bowie knife in hand, and he
+cried out, "Let me come at him!" Upon hearing this threat, one of the
+pugilists 'took himself off,' our hero following at full speed.
+Finding his pursuit was vain, our hero returned, when an attack was
+commenced upon another individual. He was most cruelly beat, and cut
+through the skull with a knife; it is feared the wounds will prove
+mortal. The sufferer, we learn, is an inoffensive German."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Mississippian," Nov. 9, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On Tuesday evening last, 23d, an affray occurred at the town of
+Tallahasse, in this county, between Hugh Roark and Captain Flack,
+which resulted in the death of Roark. Roark went to bed, and Flack,
+who was in the barroom below, observed to some persons there, that he
+believed they had set up Roark to whip him; Roark, upon hearing his
+name mentioned, got out of bed and came downstairs. Flack met and
+stabbed him in the lower part of his abdomen with a knife, letting out
+his bowels. Roark ran to the door, and received another stab in the
+back. He lived until Thursday night, when he expired in great agony.
+Flack was tried before a justice of the peace, and we understand was
+only held to bail to appear at court in the event Roark should die."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Grand Gulf Advertiser" Nov. 7, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Attempt at Riot at Natchez</i>.&mdash;The <i>Courier</i> says, that in
+consequence of the discharge of certain individuals who had been
+arraigned for the murder of a man named <i>Medill</i>, a mob of about 200
+persons assembled on the night of the 1st instant, with the avowed
+purpose of <i>lynching</i> them. But fortunately, the objects of their
+vengeance had escaped from town. Foiled in their purpose, the rioters
+repaired to the shantee where the murder was committed, and
+precipitated it over the bluff. The military of the city were ordered
+out to keep order."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Natchez Free Trader."
+</p>
+<p>
+"A violent attack was lately made on Captain Barrett, of the steamboat
+Southerner, by three persons from Wilkinson co., Miss., whose names
+are Carey, and one of the name of J.S. Towles. The only reason for the
+outrage was, that Captain B. had the assurance to require of the
+gentlemen, who were quarreling on board his boat, to keep order for
+the peace and comfort of the other passengers. <i>Towles</i> drew a Bowie
+knife upon the Captain; which the latter wrested from him. A pistol,
+drawn by one of the Careys was also taken, and the assailant was
+knocked overboard. Fortunately for him he was rescued from drowning.
+The brave band then landed. On her return up the river, the Southerner
+stopped at Fort Adams, and on her leaving that place, an armed party,
+among whom were the Careys and Towles, fired into the boat, but
+happily the shot missed a crowd of passengers on the hurricane deck."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Mississippian," Dec. 18, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Greet Spikes, a citizen of this county, was killed a few days ago,
+between this place and Raymond, by a man named Pegram. It seems that
+Pegram and Spikes had been carrying weapons for each other for some
+time past. Pegram had threatened to take Spikes' life on first sight,
+for the base treatment he had received at his hands.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We have heard something of the particulars, but not enough to give
+them at this time. Pegram had not been seen since."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Lynchburg Virginian," July 23, 1838, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A fatal affray occurred a few days ago in Clinton, Mississippi. The
+actors in it were a Mr. Parham, Mr. Shackleford, and a Mr. Henry.
+Shackleford was killed on the spot, and Henry was slightly wounded by
+a shot gun with which Parham was armed."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," Nov. 22, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Butchery</i>.&mdash;A Bowie knife slaughter took place a few days since in
+Honesville, Miss. A Mr. Hobbs was the victim; Strother the butcher."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Vicksburg Sentinel," Sept. 28, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is only a few weeks since humanity was shocked by a most atrocious
+outrage, inflicted by the Lynchers, on the person of a Mr. Saunderson
+of Madison, co. in this state. They dragged this respectable planter
+from the bosom of his family, and mutilated him in the most brutal
+manner&mdash;maiming him most inhumanly, besides cutting off his nose and
+ears and scarifying his body to the very ribs! We believe the subject
+of this foul outrage still drags out a miserable existence&mdash;an object
+of horror and of pity. Last week a club of Lynchers, amounting to four
+or five individuals, as we have been credibly informed, broke into the
+house of Mr. Scott of Wilkinson co., a respectable member of the bar,
+forced him out, and hung him dead on the next tree. We have heard of
+numerous minor outrages committed against the peace of society, and
+the welfare and happiness of the country; but we mention these as the
+most enormous that we have heard for some months.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It now becomes our painful duty, to notice a most disgraceful outrage
+committed by the Lynchers of Vicksburg, on last Sunday. The victim was
+a Mr. Grace, formerly of the neighborhood of Warrenton, Va., but for
+two years a resident of this city. He was detected in giving free
+passes to slaves and brought to trial before Squire Maxey.
+Unfortunately for the wretch, either through the want of law or
+evidence, he could not be punished, and he was set at liberty by the
+magistrate. The city marshal seeing that a few in the crowd were
+disposed to lay violent hands on the prisoner in the event of his
+escaping punishment by law, resolved to accompany him to his house.
+The Lynch mob still followed, and the marshal finding the prisoner
+could only be protected by hurrying him to jail, endeavored to effect
+that object. The Lynchers, however, pursued the officer of the law,
+dragged him from his horse, bruised him, and conveyed the prisoner to
+the most convenient point of the city for carrying their blood-thirsty
+designs into execution. We blush while we record the atrocious deed;
+in this city, containing nearly 5,000 souls, in the broad light of
+day, this aged wretch was stripped and flogged, we believe within
+hearing of the lamentations and the shrieks of his afflicted wife and
+children."
+</p>
+<p>
+In an affray at Montgomery, Mississippi, July 1, 1838, Mr. A.L.
+Herbert was killed by Dr. J.B. Harrington. See Grand Gulf Advertiser,
+August 1, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Maryland Republican" of January 30, 1838, has the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A street rencounter lately took place in Jackson, Miss., between Mr.
+Robert McDonald and Mr. W.H. Lockhart, in which McDonald was shot with
+a pistol and immediately expired. Lockhart was committed to prison."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Nashville Banner," June 22, 1838, has the following:
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 8th inst. Col. James M. Hulet was shot with a rifle without
+any apparent provocation in Gallatin, Miss., by one Richard M. Jones."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," Dec. 8, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Aberdeen (Miss.) Advocate, of Saturday last, states that on the
+morning of the day previous, (the 9th) a dispute arose between Mr.
+Robert Smith and Mr. Alexander Eanes, both of Aberdeen, which resulted
+in the death of Mr. Smith, who kept a boarding house, and was an
+amiable man and a good citizen. In the course of the contradictory
+words of the disputants, the lie was given by Eanes, upon which Smith
+gathered up a piece of iron and threw it at Eanes, but which missed
+him and lodged in the walls of the house. At this Eanes drew a large
+dirk knife, and stabbed Smith in the abdomen, the knife penetrating
+the vitals, and thus causing immediate death. Smith breathed only a
+few seconds after the fatal thrust.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Eanes immediately mounted his horse and rode off, but was pursued by
+Mr. Hanes, who arrested and took him back, when he was put under guard
+to await a trial before the proper authorities."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Vicksburg Register," Nov. 17, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On the 2d inst. an affray occurred between one Stephen Scarbrough and
+A.W. Higbee of Grand Gulf, in which Scarbrough was stabbed with a
+knife, which occasioned his death in a few hours. Higbee has been
+arrested and committed for trial."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat" Nov. 10, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"<i>Life in the Southwest</i>.&mdash;A friend in Louisiana writes, under date of
+the 31st ult., that a fight took place a few days ago in Madison
+parish, 60 miles below Lake Providence, between a Mr. Nevils and a Mr.
+Harper, which terminated fatally. The police jury had ordered a road
+on the right bank of the Mississippi, and the neighboring planters
+were out with their forces to open it. For some offence, Nevils, the
+superintendent of the operations, flogged two of Harper's negroes. The
+next day the parties met on horseback, when Harper dismounted, and
+proceeded to cowskin Nevils for the chastisement inflicted on the
+negroes. Nevils immediately drew a pistol and shot his assailant dead
+on the spot. Both were gentlemen of the highest respectability.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An affray also came off recently, as the same correspondent writes
+us, in Raymond, Hinds co., Miss., which for a serious one, was rather
+amusing. The sheriff had a process to serve on a man of the name of
+Bright, and, in consequence of some difficulty and intemperate
+language, thought proper to commence the service by the application of
+his cowskin to the defendant. Bright thereupon floored his adversary,
+and, wresting his cowhide from him, applied it to its owner to the
+extent of at least five hundred lashes, meanwhile threatening to shoot
+the first bystander who attempted to interfere. The sheriff was
+carried home in a state of insensibility, and his life has been
+despaired of. The mayor of the place, however, issued his warrant, and
+started three of the sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the delinquent,
+but the latter, after keeping them at bay till they found it
+impossible to arrest him, surrendered himself to the magistrate, by
+whom he was bound over to the next Circuit Court. From the mayor's
+office, his honor and the parties litigant proceeded to the tavern to
+take a drink by way of ending hostilities. But the civil functionary
+refused to sign articles of peace by touching glasses with Bright,
+whereupon the latter made a furious assault upon him, and then turned
+and flogged 'mine host' within an inch of his life because he
+interfered. Satisfied with his day's work, Bright retired. Can we show
+any such specimens of chivalry and refinement in Kentucky!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," June 27, 1837.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"DEATH BY VIOLENCE.&mdash;The moral atmosphere in our state appears to be
+in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. <i>Almost every exchange
+paper which reaches us contains some inhuman and revolting case of
+murder or death by violence. Not less than fifteen deaths by violence
+have occurred, to our certain knowledge, within the past three
+months.</i> Such a state of things, in a country professing to be moral
+and christian, is a disgrace to human nature and is well calculated,
+to induce those abroad unacquainted with our general habits and
+feelings, to regard the morals of our people in no very enviable
+light; and does more to injure and weaken our political institutions
+than years of pecuniary distress. The frequency of such events is a
+burning disgrace to the morality, civilization, and refinement of
+feeling to which we lay claim and so often boast in comparison with
+the older states. And unless we set about and put an immediate and
+effectual termination to such revolting scenes, we shall be compelled
+to part with what all genuine southerners have ever regarded as their
+richest inheritance, the proud appellation of the '<i>brave, high-minded
+and chivalrous sons of the south</i>.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"This done, we should soon discover a change for the better&mdash;peace and
+good order would prevail, and the ends of justice be effectually and
+speedily attained, and then the people of this wealthy state would be
+in a condition to bid defiance to the disgraceful reproaches which are
+now daily heaped upon them by the religious and moral of other
+states."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+"The present white population of Mississippi is but little more than
+half as great as that of Vermont, and yet more horrible crimes are
+perpetrated by them EVERY MONTH, than have ever been perpetrated in
+Vermont since it has been a state, now about half a century. Whoever
+doubts it, let him get data and make his estimate, and he will find
+that this is no random guess."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Jb"></a>
+LOUISIANA.
+</div>
+<p>
+Louisiana became one of the United States in 1811. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and fifteen thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+The extracts which follow furnish another illustration of the horrors
+produced by passions blown up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary
+power. We have just been looking over a broken file of Louisiana
+papers, including the last six months of 1837, and the whole of 1838,
+and find ourselves obliged to abandon our design of publishing even an
+abstract of the scores and <i>hundreds</i> of affrays, murders,
+assassinations, duels, lynchings, assaults, &amp;c. which took place in
+that state during that period. Those which have taken place in New
+Orleans alone, during the last eighteen months, would, in detail, fill
+a volume. Instead of inserting the details of the principal atrocities
+in Louisiana, as in the states already noticed, we will furnish the
+reader with the testimony of various editors of newspapers, and
+others, residents of the state, which will perhaps as truly set forth
+the actual state of society there, as could be done by a publication
+of the outrages themselves.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "New Orleans Bee," of May 23, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"<i>Contempt of human life.</i>&mdash;In view of the crimes which are <i>daily</i>
+committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the
+inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which those laws are
+administered, that this <i>frightful deluge of human blood flows through
+our streets and our places of public resort</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Whither will such contempt for the life of man lead us? The
+unhealthiness of the climate mows down annually a part of our
+population; the murderous steel despatches its proportion; and if
+crime increases as it has, the latter will soon become <i>the most
+powerful agent in destroying life</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We cannot but doubt the perfection of our criminal code, when we see
+that <i>almost every criminal eludes the law</i>, either by boldly avowing
+the crime, or by the tardiness with which legal prosecutions are
+carried on, or, lastly, by the convenient application of <i>bail</i> in
+criminal cases."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Picayune" of July 30, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is with the most painful feelings that we <i>daily</i> hear of some
+<i>fatal</i> duel. Yesterday we were told of the unhappy end of one of our
+most influential and highly respectable merchants, who fell yesterday
+morning at sunrise in a duel. As usual, the circumstances which led to
+the meeting were trivial."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans correspondent of the New York Express, in his letter
+dated New Orleans, July 30, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"THIRTEEN DUELS have been fought in and near the city during the week;
+<i>five more were to take place this morning</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Merchant" of March 20, 1838, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Murder has been rife within the two or three weeks last past; and
+what is worse, the authorities of those places where they occur are
+<i>perfectly regardless of the fact</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Bee" of September 8, 1838, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Not two months since, the miserable BARBA became a victim to one of
+the most cold-blooded schemes of assassination that ever disgraced a
+civilized community. Last Sunday evening an individual, Gonzales by
+name, was seen in perfect health, in conversation with his friends. On
+Monday morning his dead body was withdrawn from the Mississippi, near
+the ferry of the first municipality, in a state of terrible
+mutilation. To cap the climax of horror, on Friday morning, about half
+past six o'clock, the coroner was called to hold an inquest over the
+body of an individual, between Magazine and Tchoupitoulas streets. The
+head was entirely severed from the body; the lower extremities had
+likewise suffered amputation; the right foot was completely
+dismembered from the leg, and the left knee nearly severed from the
+thigh. Several stabs, wounds and bruises, were discovered on various
+parts of the body, which of themselves were sufficient to produce
+death."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Georgetown (South Carolina) Union" of May 20, 1837, has the
+following extract from a New Orleans paper.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A short time since, two men shot one another down in one of our bar
+rooms, one of whom died instantly. A day or two after, one or two
+infants were found murdered, there was every reason to believe, by
+their own mothers. Last week we had to chronicle a brutal and bloody
+murder, committed in the heart of our city: the very next day a
+murder-trial was commenced in our criminal court: the day ensuing
+this, we published the particulars of Hart's murder. The day after
+that, Tibbetts was hung for attempting to commit a murder; the next
+day again we had to publish a murder committed by two Spaniards at the
+Lake&mdash;this was on Friday last. On Sunday we published the account of
+another murder committed by the Italian, Gregorio. On Monday, another
+murder was committed, and the murderer lodged in jail. On Tuesday
+morning another man was stabbed and robbed, and is not likely to
+recover, but the assassin escaped. The same day Reynolds, who killed
+Barre, shot himself in prison. On Wednesday, another person, Mr.
+Nicolet, blew out his brains. Yesterday, the unfortunate George
+Clement destroyed himself in his cell; and in addition to this
+dreadful catalogue we have to add that of the death of two, brothers,
+who destroyed themselves through grief at the death of their mother;
+and truly may we say that 'we know not what to-morrow will bring
+forth.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Louisiana Advertiser," as quoted by the Salt River (Mo.) Journal
+of May 25, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Within the last ten or twelve days, three suicides, four murders, and
+two executions, have occurred in the city!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Bee" of October 25, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<p>
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides that are
+<i>daily</i> committed in New Orleans."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Planter's Banner" of September 30. 1838, published at Franklin,
+Louisiana, after giving an account of an affray between a number of
+planters, in which three were killed and a fourth mortally wounded,
+says that "Davis (one of the murderers) was arrested by the
+by-standers, but a <i>justice of the peace</i> came up and told them, he
+did not think it right to keep a man 'tied in that manner,' and
+'thought it best to turn him loose.' <i>It was accordingly so done</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+This occurred in the parish of Harrisonburg. The Banner closes the
+account by saying:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Our informant states that <i>five white men</i> and <i>one</i> negro have been
+murdered in the parish of Madison, during the months of July and
+August."
+</p>
+<p>
+This <i>justice of the peace</i>, who bade the by-standers unloose the
+murderer, mentioned above, has plenty of birds of his own feather
+among the law officers of Louisiana. Two of the leading officers in
+the New Orleans police took two witnesses, while undergoing legal
+examination at Covington, near New Orleans, "carried them to a
+bye-place, and <i>lynched</i> them, during which inquisitorial operation,
+they divulged every thing to the officers, Messrs. Foyle and Crossman."
+The preceding fact is published in the Maryland Republican of August
+22, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge Canonge of New Orleans, in his address at the opening of the
+criminal court, Nov. 4, 1837, published in the "Bee" of Nov. 8, in
+remarking upon the prevalence of out-breaking crimes, says:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Is it possible in a civilized country such crying abuses are
+<i>constantly</i> encountered? How many individuals have given themselves
+up to such culpable habits! Yet we find magistrates and juries
+hesitating to expose crimes of the blackest dye to eternal contempt
+and infamy, to the vengeance of the law.
+</p>
+<p>
+"As a Louisianian parent, <i>I reflect with terror</i> that our beloved
+children, reared to become one day honorable and useful citizens, may
+be the victims of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. Without
+some powerful and certain remedy, <i>our streets will become butcheries
+overflowing with the blood of our citizens</i>."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper of Oct. 21, 1837,
+has a long editorial article, in which he argues for the virtual
+legalizing of LYNCH LAW, as follows:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"We think then that in the circumstances in which we are placed, the
+Legislature ought to sanction such measures as the situation of the
+country render necessary, by giving to justice a <i>convenient
+latitude</i>. There are occasions when the delays inseparable from the
+administration of justice would be inimical to the public safety, and
+when the most fatal consequences would be the result.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It appears to us, that there is an urgent necessity to provide
+against the inconveniences which result from popular judgment, and to
+check the disposition for the speedy execution of justice resulting
+from the unconstitutional principle of a pretended Lynch law, by
+authorizing the parish court to take cognizance without delay, against
+every free man who shall be convicted of a crime; from the accusations
+arising from the mere provocations to the insurrection of the working
+classes.
+</p>
+<p>
+"All judicial sentences ought to be based upon law, and the terrible
+privilege which the populace now have of punishing with death certain
+crimes, <i>ought to be consecrated by law</i>, powerful interests would not
+suffice in our view to excuse the interruption of social order, if the
+public safety was not with us the supreme law.
+</p>
+<p>
+"This is the reason that whilst we deplore the imperious necessity
+which exists, we entreat the legislative power to give the sanction of
+principle to what already exists in fact."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper, Oct 25, 1837, says:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides, whether
+justifiable or not, that are daily committed in New Orleans. It is not
+through any inherent vice of legal provision that such outrages are
+perpetrated with impunity: it is rather in the neglect of the
+<i>application of the law</i> which exists on this subject.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We will confine our observation to the dangerous facilities afforded
+by this code for the escape of the homicide. We are well aware that
+the laws in question are intended for the distribution of equal
+justice, yet we have too often witnessed the acquittal of delinquents
+whom we can denominate by no other title than that of homicides, while
+the simple affirmation of others has been admitted (in default of
+testimony) who are themselves the authors of the deed, for which they
+stand in judgment. The <i>indiscriminate system of accepting bail</i> is a
+blot on our criminal legislation, and is one great reason why so many
+violators of the law avoid its penalties. To this doubtless must be
+ascribed the non-interference of the Attorney General. The law of
+<i>habeas corpus</i> being subjected to the interpretation of every
+magistrate, whether versed or not in criminal cases, a degree of
+arbitrary and incorrect explanation necessarily results. How
+frequently does it happen that the Mayor or Recorder decides upon the
+gravest case without putting himself to the smallest trouble to inform
+the Attorney General, who sometimes only hears of the affair when
+investigation is no longer possible, or when the criminal has wisely
+commuted his punishment into temporary or perpetual exile.
+</p>
+<p>
+"That morality suffers by such practices, is beyond a doubt; yet
+moderation and mercy are so beautiful in themselves, that we would
+scarcely protest against indulgence, were it not well known that the
+acceptance of bail is the safeguard of every delinquent who, through
+wealth or connections, possesses influence enough to obtain it. Here
+arbitrary construction glides amidst the confusion of testimony; there
+it presumes upon the want of evidence, and from one cause or another
+it is extremely rare, that a refusal to bail has delivered the accused
+into the hands of justice. In criminal cases, the Court and Jury are
+the proper tribunals to decide upon the reality of the crime, and the
+palliating circumstances; <i>yet it is not unfrequent</i> for the public
+voice to condemn as an odious assassin, the very individual who by the
+acquittal of the judge, walks at large and scoffs at justice.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is time to restrict within its proper limits this pretended right
+of personal protection; it is time to teach our population to abstain
+from mutual murder upon slight provocation.&mdash;Duelling, Heaven knows,
+is dreadful enough, and quite a sufficient means of gratifying private
+aversion, and avenging insult. Frequent and serious brawls in our
+cafes, streets and houses, every where attest the insufficiency or
+misapplication of our legal code, or the want of energy in its organs.
+To say that unbounded license is the insult of liberty is folly.
+Liberty is the consequence of well regulated laws&mdash;without these,
+Freedom can exist only in name, and the law which favors the escape of
+the opulent and aristocratic from the penalties of retribution, but
+consigns the poor and friendless to the chain-gang or the gallows, is
+in fact the very essence of slavery!!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The editor of the same paper says (Nov. 4, 1837.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"Perhaps by an equitable, but strict application of that law, (the law
+which forbids the wearing of deadly weapons concealed,) the effusion
+of human blood might be stopt <i>which now defiles our streets and our
+coffee-houses as if they were shambles</i>! Reckless disregard of the
+life of man is rapidly gaining ground among us, and the habit of
+seeing a man whom it is taken for granted was armed, murdered merely
+for a <i>gesture</i>, may influence the opinion of a jury composed of
+citizens, whom, LONG IMPUNITY TO HOMICIDES OF EVERY KIND has
+persuaded, that the right of self-defence extends even to the taking
+of life for <i>gestures</i>, more or less threatening. So many DAILY
+instances of outbreaking passion which have thrown whole families into
+the deepest affliction, teach us a terrible lesson."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," July 6, 1837.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"<i>Wholesale Murders</i>.&mdash;No less than three murders were committed in
+New Orleans on Monday evening last. The first was that of a man in
+Poydras, near the corner of Tehapitoulas. The murdered individual had
+been suspected of a <i>liason</i> with another man's wife in the
+neighbourhood, was caught in the act, followed to the above corner and
+shot.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The second was that of a man in Perdido street. Circumstances not
+known.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The third was that of a watchman, on the corner of Custom House and
+Burgundy street, who was found dead yesterday morning, shot through
+the heart. The deed was evidently committed on the opposite side from
+where he was found, as the unfortunate man was tracked by his blood
+across the street. In addition to being shot through the heart, two
+wounds in his breast, supposed to have been done with a Bowie knife,
+were discovered. No arrests have been made to our knowledge."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The editor of the "Charleston, (S.C.) Mercury" of April, 1837, makes
+the following remarks.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The energy of a Tacon is much needed to vivify the police of New
+Orleans. In a single paper we find an account of the execution of one
+man for robbery and intent to kill, of the arrest of another for
+stabbing a man to death with a carving knife; and of a third found
+murdered on the Levee on the previous Sunday morning. In the last
+case, although the murderer was known, <i>no steps had been taken for
+his arrest</i>; and to crown the whole, it is actually stated in so many
+words, that the City guards are not permitted, according to their
+instructions, to patrol the Levee after night, for fear of attacks
+from persons employed in steamboats!"
+</p>
+<p>
+The present white population of Louisiana is but little more than that
+of Rhode Island, yet more appalling crime is committed in Louisiana
+<i>every day</i>, than in Rhode Island during a year, notwithstanding the
+tone of public morals is probably lower in the latter than in any
+other New England state.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Kb"></a>
+TENNESSEE.
+</div>
+<p>
+Tennessee became one of the United States in 1796. Its present white
+population is about seven hundred thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+The details which follow, go to confirm the old truth, that the
+exercise of arbitrary power tends to make men monsters. The following,
+from the "Memphis (Tennessee) Enquirer," was published in the Virginia
+Advocate, Jan. 26, 1838.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Below will be found a detailed account of one of the most unnatural
+and aggravated murders ever recorded. Col. Ward, the deceased, was a
+man of high standing in the state, and very much esteemed by his
+neighbors, and by all who knew him. The brothers concerned in this
+'murder, most foul and unnatural,' were Lafayette, Chamberlayne,
+Caesar, and Achilles Jones, (the nephews of Col. Ward.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"The four brothers, all armed, went to the residence of Mr. A.G. Ward,
+in Shelby co., on the evening of 22d instant. They were conducted into
+the room in which Col. Ward was sitting, together with some two or
+three ladies, his intended wife amongst the number. Upon their
+entering the room, Col. Ward rose, and extended his hand to Lafayette.
+He refused, saying he would shake hands with no such d&mdash;&mdash;d rascal.
+The rest answered in the same tone. Col. Ward remarked that they were
+not in a proper place for a difficulty, if they sought one. Col. Ward
+went from the room to the passage, and was followed by the brothers.
+He said he was unarmed, but if they would lay down their arms, he
+could whip the whole of them; or if they would place him on an equal
+footing, he could whip the whole of them one by one. Caesar told
+Chamberlayne to give the Col. one of his pistols, which he did, and
+both went out into the yard, the other brothers following. While
+standing a few paces from each other, Lafayette came up, and remarked
+to the Col., 'If you spill my brother's blood, I will spill yours,'
+about which time Chamberlayne's pistol fired, and immediately
+Lafayette bursted a cap at him. The Colonel turned to Lafayette, and
+said, 'Lafayette, you intend to kill,' and discharged his pistol at
+him. The ball struck the pistol of Lafayette, and glanced into his
+arm. By this time Albert Ward, being close by, and hearing the fuss,
+came up to the assistance of the Colonel, when a scuffle amongst all
+hands ensued. The Colonel stumbled and fell down&mdash;he received several
+wounds from a large bowie knife; and, after being stabbed,
+Chamberlayne jumped upon him, and stamped him several times. After the
+scuffle, Caesar Jones was seen to put up a large bowie knife. Colonel
+Ward said he was a dead man. By the assistance of Albert Ward, he
+reached the house, distance about 15 or 20 yards, and in a few minutes
+expired. On examination by the Coroner, it appeared that he had
+received several wounds from pistols and knives. Albert Ward was also
+badly bruised, not dangerously."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 22, 1838, published the following from
+the "Nashville (Tennessee) Whig."
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Nashville Whig, of the 11th ult., says: Pleasant Watson, of De
+Kalb county, and a Mr. Carmichael, of Alabama, were the principals in
+an affray at Livingston, Overton county, last week, which terminated
+in the death of the former. Watson made the assault with a dirk, and
+Carmichael defended himself with a pistol, shooting his antagonist
+through the body, a few inches below the heart. Watson was living at
+the last account. The dispute grew out of a horse race."
+</p>
+<p>
+The New Orleans Courier, April 7, 1837, has the following extract from
+the "McMinersville (Tennessee) Gazette."
+</p>
+<p>
+"On Saturday, the 8th instant, Colonel David L. Mitchell, the worthy
+sheriff of White county, was most barbarously murdered by a man named
+Joseph Little. Colonel Mitchell had a civil process against Little. He
+went to Little's house for the purpose of arresting him. He found
+Little armed with a rifle, pistols, &amp;c. He commenced a conversation
+with Little upon the impropriety of his resisting, and stated his
+determination to take him, at the same time slowly advancing upon
+Little, who discharged his rifle at him without effect. Mitchell then
+attempted to jump in, to take hold of him when Little struck him over
+the head with the barrel of his rifle, and literally mashed his skull
+to pieces; and, as he lay prostrate on the earth, Little deliberately
+pulled a large pistol from his belt, and placing the muzzle close to
+Mitchell's head, he shot the ball through it. Little has made his
+escape. <i>There were three men near by when the murder was committed,
+who made no attempt to arrest the murderer</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following affray at Athens, Tennessee, from the Mississippian,
+August 10, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An unpleasant occurrence transpired at Athens on Monday. Captain
+James Byrnes was stabbed four times, twice in the arm, and twice in
+the side by A.R. Livingston. The wounds are said to be very severe,
+and fears are entertained of their proving mortal. The affair
+underwent an examination before Sylvester Nichols, Esq., by whom
+Livingston was let to bail."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "West Tennessean," Aug. 4, 1837, says&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"A duel was fought at Calhoun, Tenn., between G.W. Carter and J.C.
+Sherley. They used yaugers at the distance of 20 yards. The former was
+slightly wounded, and the latter quite dangerously."
+</p>
+<p>
+June 23d, 1838, Benjamin Shipley, of Hamilton co., Tennessee, shot
+Archibald McCallie. (<i>Nashville Banner</i>, July 16, 1838.)
+</p>
+<p>
+June 23d, 1838, Levi Stunston, of Weakly co., Tennessee, killed
+William Price, of said county, in an affray. (<i>Nashville Banner, July
+6, 1838</i>.)
+</p>
+<p>
+October 8, 1838, in an affray at Wolf's Ferry, Tennessee, Martin
+Farley, Senior, was killed by John and Solomon Step. (<i>Georgia
+Telegraph, Nov 6, 1838.</i>.)
+</p>
+<p>
+Feb. 14, 1838, John Manie was killed by William Doss at Decatur,
+Tennessee. (<i>Memphis Gazette, May 15, 1838</i>.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"From the Nashville Whig."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Lb"></a>
+"<i>Fatal Affray in Columbia, Tenn</i>.&mdash;A fatal street encounter occurred
+at that place, on the 3d inst., between Richard H. Hays, attorney at
+law, and Wm. Polk, brother to the Hon. Jas. K. Polk. The parties met,
+armed with pistols, and exchanged shots simultaneously. A buck-shot
+pierced the brain of Hays, and he died early the next morning. The
+quarrel grew out of a sportive remark of Hays', at dinner, at the
+Columbia Inn, for which he offered an apology, not accepted, it seems,
+as Polk went to Hays' office, the same evening, and chastised him with
+a whip. This occurred on Friday, the fatal result took place on
+Monday."
+</p>
+<p>
+In a fight near Memphis, Tennessee, May 15, 1837, Mr. Jackson, of that
+place, shot through the heart Mr. W.F. Gholson, son of the late Mr.
+Gholson, of Virginia. (<i>Raleigh Register, June 13, 1837</i>.)
+</p>
+<p>
+The following horrible outrage, committed in West Tennessee, not far
+from Randolph, was published by the Georgetown (S.C.) Union, May 26,
+1837, from the Louisville Journal.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A feeble bodied man settled a few years ago on the Mississippi, a
+short distance below Randolph, on the Tennessee side. He succeeded in
+amassing property to the value of about $14,000, and, like most of the
+settlers, made a business of selling wood to the boats. This he sold
+at $2.50 a cord, while his neighbors asked $3. One of them came to
+remonstrate against his underselling, and had a fight with his
+brother-in-law Clark, in which he was beaten. He then went and
+obtained legal process against Clark, and returned with a deputy
+sheriff, attended by a posse of desperate villains. When they arrived
+at Clark's house, he was seated among his children&mdash;they put two or
+three balls through his body. Clark ran, was overtaken and knocked
+down; in the midst of his cries for mercy, one of the villains fired a
+pistol in his mouth, killing him instantly. They then required the
+settler to sell his property to them, and leave the country. He,
+fearing that they would otherwise take his life, sold them his
+valuable property for $300, and departed with his family. <i>The sheriff
+was one of the purchasers.</i>"
+</p>
+<p>
+The Baltimore American, Feb. 8, 1838, publishes the following from the
+Nashville (Tennessee) Banner:
+</p>
+<p>
+"A most atrocious murder was committed a few days ago at Lagrange, in
+this state, on the body of Mr. John T. Foster, a respectable merchant
+of that town. The perpetrators of this bloody act are E. Moody, Thomas
+Moody, J.E. Douglass, W.R. Harris, and W.C. Harris. The circumstances
+attending this horrible affair, are the following:&mdash;On the night
+previous to the murder, a gang of villains, under pretence of wishing
+to purchase goods, entered Mr. Foster's store, took him by force, and
+rode him through the streets <i>on a rail</i>. The next morning, Mr. F. met
+one of the party, and gave him a caning. For this just retaliation for
+the outrage which had been committed on his person, he was pursued by
+the persons alone named, while taking a walk with a friend, and
+murdered in the open face of day."
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Mb"></a>
+The following presentment of a Tennessee Grand Jury, sufficiently
+explains and comments on itself:
+</p>
+<p>
+The Grand Jurors empanelled to inquire for the county of Shelby, would
+separate without having discharged their duties, if they were to omit
+to notice public evils which they have found their powers inadequate
+to put in train for punishment. The evils referred to exist more
+particularly in the town of Memphis.
+</p>
+<p>
+The audacity and frequency with which outrages are committed, forbid
+us, in justice to our consciences, to omit to use the powers we
+possess, to bring them to the severe action of the law; and when we
+find our powers inadequate, to draw upon them public attention, and
+the rebuke of the good.
+</p>
+<p>
+An infamous female publicly and grossly assaults a lady; therefore a
+public meeting is called, the mayor of the town is placed in the
+chair, resolutions are adopted, providing for the summary and lawless
+punishment of the wretched woman. In the progress of the affair,
+<i>hundreds of citizens</i> assemble at her house, and raze it to the
+ground. The unfortunate creature, together with two or three men of
+like character, are committed, in an open canoe or boat, without oar
+or paddle, to the middle of the Mississippi river.
+</p>
+<p>
+Such is a concise outline of the leading incidents of a recent
+transaction in Memphis. It might be filled up by the detail of
+individual exploits, which would give vivacity to the description; but
+we forbear to mention them. We leave it to others to admire the
+manliness of the transaction, and the courage displayed by a mob of
+hundreds, in the various outrages upon the persons and property of
+three or four individuals who fell under its vengeance.
+</p>
+<p>
+The present white population of Tennessee is about the same with that
+of Massachusetts, and yet more outbreaking crimes are committed in
+Tennessee in a <i>single month</i>, than in Massachusetts during a whole
+year; and this, too, notwithstanding the largest town in Tennessee has
+but six thousand inhabitants; whereas, in Massachusetts, besides one
+of eighty thousand, and two others of nearly twenty thousand each,
+there are at least a dozen larger than the chief town in Tennessee,
+which gives to the latter state an important advantage on the score of
+morality, the country being so much more favorable to it than large
+towns.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+KENTUCKY.
+</div>
+<p>
+Kentucky has been one of the United States since 1792. Its present
+white population is about six hundred thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+The details which follow show still further that those who unite to
+plunder of their rights one class of human beings, regard as <i>sacred</i>
+the rights of no class.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following affair at Maysville, Kentucky, is extracted from the
+Maryland Republican, January 30, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A fight came on at Maysville, Ky. on the 29th ultimo, in which a Mr.
+Coulster was stabbed in the side and is dead; a Mr. Gibson was well
+hacked with a knife; a Mr. Ferris was dangerously wounded in the head,
+and another of the same name in the hip; a Mr. Shoemaker was severely
+beaten, and several others seriously hurt in various ways."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following is extracted from the N.C. Standard.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"A most bloody and shocking transaction took place in the little town
+of Clinton, Hickman co. Ken. The circumstances are briefly as follows:
+A special canvass for a representative from the county of Hickman, had
+for some time been in progress. A gentleman by the name of Binford was
+a candidate. The State Senator from the district, Judge James, took
+some exceptions to the reputation of Binford, and intimated that if B.
+should be elected, he (James) would resign rather than serve with such
+a colleague. Hearing this, Binford went to the house of James to
+demand an explanation. Mrs. James remarked, in a jest as Binford
+thought, that if she was in the place of her husband she would resign
+her seat in the Senate, and not serve with such a character. B. told
+her that she was a woman, and could say what she pleased. She replied
+that she was not in earnest. James then looked B. in the face and said
+that, if his wife said so, it was the fact&mdash;'he was an infamous
+scoundrel and d&mdash;&mdash;d rascal.' He asked B. if he was armed, and on
+being answered in the affirmative, he stepped into an adjoining room
+to arm himself; He was prevented by the family from returning, and
+Binford walked out. J. then told him from his piazza, that he would
+meet him next day in Clinton.
+</p>
+<p>
+"True to their appointment, the enraged parties met on the streets the
+following day. James shot first, his ball passing through his
+antagonist's liver, whose pistol fired immediately afterwards, and
+missing J., the ball pierced the head of a stranger by the name of
+Collins, who instantly fell and expired. After being shot, Binford
+sprang upon J. with the fury of a wounded tiger, and would have taken
+his life but for a second shot received through the back from Bartin
+James, the brother of Thomas. Even after he received the last fatal
+wound he struggled with his antagonist until death relaxed his grasp,
+and he fell with the horrid exclamation, <i>'I am a dead man!'</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"Judge James gave himself up to the authorities; and when the
+informant of the editor left Clinton, Binford, and the unfortunate
+stranger lay shrouded corpses together."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+The "N.O. Bee" thus gives the conclusion of the matter:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Judge James was tried and acquitted, the death of Binford being
+regarded as an act of justifiable homicide."
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Flemingsburg Kentuckian," June 23,'38.
+</p>
+<p>
+AFFRAY.&mdash;Thomas Binford, of Hickman county, Kentucky, recently attacked
+a Mr. Gardner of Dresden, with a drawn knife, and cut his face pretty
+badly. Gardner picked up a piece of iron and gave him a side-wipe
+above the ear that brought him to terms. The skull was fractured about
+two inches. Binford's brother was killed at Clinton, Kentucky, last
+fall by Judge James.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Red River Whig" of September 15, 1838, says:&mdash;"A ruffian of the
+name of Charles Gibson, attempted to murder a girl named Mary Green,
+of Louisville, Ky. on the 23d ult. He cut her in six different places
+with a Bowie knife. His object, as stated in a subsequent
+investigation before the Police Court, was to cut her throat, which
+she prevented by throwing up her arms."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+From the "Louisville Advertiser," Dec. 17th, 1838:&mdash;"A startling
+tragedy occurred in this city on Saturday evening last, in which A.H.
+Meeks was instantly killed, John Rothwell mortally wounded, William
+Holmes severely wounded, and Henry Oldham slightly, by the use of
+Bowie knives, by Judge E.C. Wilkinson, and his brother, B.R.
+Wilkinson, of Natchez, and J. Murdough, of Holly Springs, Mississippi.
+It seems that Judge Wilkinson had ordered a coat at the shop of
+Messrs. Varnum &amp; Redding. The coat was made; the Judge, accompanied by
+his brother and Mr. Murdough, went to the shop of Varnum &amp; Redding,
+tried on the coat, and was irritated because, as he believed, it did
+not fit him. Mr. Redding undertook to convince him that he was in
+error, and ventured to assure the Judge that the coat was well made.
+The Judge instantly seized an iron poker, and commenced an attack on
+Redding. The blow with the poker was partially warded off&mdash;Redding
+grappled his assailant, when a companion of the Judge drew a Bowie
+knife, and, but for the interposition and interference of the
+unfortunate Meeks, a journeyman tailor, and a gentleman passing by at
+the moment, Redding might have been assassinated in his own shop.
+Shortly afterwards, Redding, Meeks, Rothwell, and Holmes went to the
+Galt House. They sent up stairs for Judge Wilkinson, and he came down
+into the bar room, when angry words were passed. The Judge went up
+stairs again, and in a short time returned with his companions, all
+armed with knives. Harsh language was again used. Meeks, felt called
+on to state what he had seen of the conflict, and did so, and Murdough
+gave him the d&mdash;d lie, for which Meeks struck him. On receiving the
+blow with the whip, Murdough instantly plunged his Bowie knife into
+the abdomen of Meeks, and killed him on the spot.
+</p>
+<p>
+"At the same instant B.R. Wilkinson attempted to get at Redding, and
+Holmes and Rothwell interfered, or joined in the affray. Holmes was
+wounded, probably by B.R. Wilkinson; and the Judge, having left the
+room for an instant, returned, and finding Rothwell contending with
+his brother, or bending over him, he (the Judge) stabbed Rothwell in
+the back, and inflicted a mortal wound.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Judge Wilkinson, his brother, and J. Murdough, have been recently
+tried and ACQUITTED."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 27, 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It appears from the statement of the Lexington Intelligencer, that
+there has been for some time past, an enmity between the drivers of
+the old and opposition lines of stages running from that city. On the
+evening of the 13th an encounter took place at the Circus between two
+of them, Powell and Cameron, and the latter was so much injured that
+his life was in imminent danger. About 12 o'clock the same night,
+several drivers of the old line rushed into Keizer's Hotel, where
+Powell and other drivers of the opposition-line boarded, and a general
+melee took place, in the course of which several pistols were
+discharged, the ball of one of them passing through the head of
+Crabster, an old line driver, and killing him on the spot. Crabster,
+before he was shot, had discharged his own pistol which had burst into
+fragments. Two or three drivers of the opposition were wounded with
+buck shot, but not dangerously."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Mobile Advertiser" of September 15, 1838, copies the following
+from the Louisville (Ky.) Journal.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A Mr. Campbell was killed in Henderson county on the 31st ult. by a
+Mr. Harrison. It appears, that there was an affray between the parties
+some months ago, and that Harrison subsequently left home and returned
+on the 31st in a trading boat. Campbell met him at the boat with a
+loaded rifle and declared his determination to kill him, at the same
+time asking him whether he had a rifle and expressing a desire to give
+him a fair chance. Harrison affected to laugh at the whole matter and
+invited Campbell into his boat to take a drink with him. Campbell
+accepted the invitation, but, while he was in the act of drinking,
+Harrison seized his rifle, fired it off, and laid Campbell dead by
+striking him with the barrel of it."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Missouri Republican" of July 29, 1837 published the details which
+follow from the Louisville Journal.
+</p>
+<p>
+MOUNT STERLING, Ky. July 20, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Gentlemen:&mdash;A most unfortunate and fatal occurrence transpired in our
+town last evening, about 6 o'clock. Some of the most prominent friends
+of Judge French had a meeting yesterday at Col. Young's, near this
+place, and warm words ensued between Mr. Albert Thomas and Belvard
+Peters, Esq., and a few blows were exchanged, and several of the
+friends of each collected at the spot. Whilst the parties were thus
+engaged. Mr. Wm. White, who was a friend of Mr. Peters, struck Mr.
+Thomas, whereupon B.F. Thomas Esq. engaged in the combat on the side
+of his brother and Mr. W. Roberts on the part of Peters&mdash;Mr. G.W.
+Thomas taking part with his brothers. Albert Thomas had Peters down
+and was taken off by a gentleman present, and whilst held by that
+gentleman, he was struck by White; and B.F. Thomas having made some
+remark White struck him. B.F. Thomas returned the blow, and having a
+large knife, stabbed White, who nevertheless continued the contest,
+and, it is said, broke Thomas's arm with a rock of a chair. Thomas
+then inflicted some other stabs, of which White died in a few minutes.
+Roberts was knocked down twice by Albert Thomas, and, I believe, is
+much hurt. G.W. Thomas was somewhat hurt also. White and B.F. Thomas
+had always been on friendly terms. You are acquainted with the Messrs.
+Thomas. Mr. White was a much larger man than either of them, weighing
+nearly 200 pounds, and in the prime of life. As you may very naturally
+suppose, great excitement prevails here, and Mr. B.F. Thomas regrets
+the fatal catastrophe as much as any one else, but believes from all
+the circumstances that he was justifiable in what he did, although he
+would be as far from doing such an act when cool and deliberate as any
+man whatever."
+</p>
+<p>
+The "New Orleans Bulletin" of Aug. 24, 1838, extracts the following
+from the Louisville Journal.
+</p>
+<p>
+"News has just reached us, that Thomas P. Moore, attacked the Senior
+Editor of this paper in the yard of the Harrodsburg Springs. Mr. Moore
+advanced upon Mr. Prentice with a drawn pistol and fired at him; Mr.
+Prentice then fired, neither shot taking effect. Mr. Prentice drew a
+second pistol, when Mr. Moore quailed and said he had no other arms;
+whereupon Mr. Prentice from superabundant magnanimity spared the
+miscreant's life."
+</p>
+<p>
+From "The Floridian" of June 10, 1837. MURDER. Mr. Gillespie, a
+respectable citizen aged 50, was murdered a few days since by a Mr.
+Arnett, near Mumfordsville, Ky., which latter shot his victim twice
+with a rifle.
+</p>
+<p>
+The "Augusta (Ga.) Sentinel," May 11, 1838, has the following account
+of murders in Kentucky:
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"At Mill's Point, Kentucky, Dr. Thomas Rivers was shot one day last
+week, from out of a window, by Lawyer Ferguson, both citizens of that
+place, and both parties are represented to have stood high in the
+estimation of the community in which they lived. The difficulty we
+understand to have grown out of a law suit at issue between them."
+</p>
+<p>
+Just as our paper was going to press, we learn that the brother of Dr.
+Rivers, who had been sent for, had arrived, and immediately shot
+Lawyer Ferguson. He at first shot him with a shot gun, upon his
+retreat, which did not prove fatal; he then approached him immediately
+with a pistol, and killed him on the spot."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Nb"></a>
+The Right Rev. B.B. Smith, Bishop of the Episcopal diocese of
+Kentucky, published about two years since an article in the Lexington
+(Ky.) Intelligencer, entitled "Thoughts on the frequency of homicides
+in the state of Kentucky." We conclude this head with a brief extract
+from the testimony of the Bishop, contained in that article.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"The writer has never conversed with a traveled and enlightened
+European or eastern man, who has not expressed the most undisguised
+horror at the frequency of homicide and murder within our bounds, and
+at the <i>ease with which the homicide escapes from punishment</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"As to the frequency of these shocking occurrences, the writer has
+some opportunity of being correctly impressed, by means of a yearly
+tour through many counties of the State. He has also been particular
+in making inquiries of our most distinguished legal and political
+characters, and from some has derived conjectural estimates which were
+truly alarming. A few have been of the opinion, that on an average one
+murder a year may be charged to the account of every county in the
+state, making the frightful aggregate of 850 human lives sacrificed to
+revenge, or the victims of momentary passion, in the course of every
+ten years.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Others have placed the estimate much lower, and have thought that
+thirty for the whole state, every year, would be found much nearer the
+truth. An attempt has been made lately to obtain data more
+satisfactory than conjecture, and circulars have been addressed to the
+clerks of most of the counties, in order to arrive at as correct an
+estimate as possible of the actual number of homicides during the
+three years last past. It will be seen, however, that statistics thus
+obtained, even from every county in the state, would necessarily be
+imperfect, inasmuch as the records of the courts <i>by no means show all
+the cases</i>, which occur, some escaping without <i>any</i> of the forms of a
+legal examination, and there being <i>many affrays</i> which end only in
+wounds, or where the parties are separated.
+</p>
+<p>
+"From these returns, it appears that in 27 counties there have been,
+within the last three years, of homicides of every grade, 35, but only
+8 convictions in the same period, leaving 27 cases which have passed
+wholly unpunished. During the same period there have been from
+eighty-five counties, only eleven commitments to the state prison,
+nine for manslaughter, and two for shooting with intent to kill, <i>and
+not an instance of capital punishment in the person of any white
+offender</i>. Thus an approximation is made to a general average, which
+probably would not vary much from one in each county every three
+years, or about 280 in ten years.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It is believed that such a register of crime amongst a people
+professing the protestant religion and speaking the English language,
+is not to be found, with regard to any three-quarters of a million of
+people, since the downfall of the feudal system. Compared with the
+records of crime in Scotland, or the eastern states, the results are
+ABSOLUTELY SHOCKING! <i>It is believed there are more homicides, on an
+average of two years, in any of our more populous counties, than in
+the whole of several of our states, of equal or nearly equal white
+population with Kentucky.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"The victims of these affrays are not always, by any means, the most
+worthless of our population.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It too often happens that the enlightened citizen, the devoted
+lawyer, the affectionate husband, and precious father, are thus
+instantaneously taken from their useful stations on earth, and
+hurried, all unprepared, to their final account!
+</p>
+<p>
+"The question, is again asked, what could have brought about, and can
+perpetuate, this shocking state of things?"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+As an illustration of the recklessness of life in Kentucky, and the
+terrible paralysis of public sentiment, the bishop states the
+following fact.
+</p>
+<p>
+"A case of shocking homicide is remembered, where the guilty person
+was acquitted by a sort of acclamation, and the next day was seen in
+public, with two ladies hanging on his arm!"
+</p>
+<p>
+Notwithstanding the frightful frequency of deadly affrays in Kentucky,
+as is certified by the above testimony of Bishop Smith, there are
+fewer, in proportion to the white population, than in any of the
+states which have passed under review, unless Tennessee may be an
+exception. The present white population of Kentucky is perhaps seventy
+thousand more than that of Maine, and yet more public fatal affrays
+have taken place in the former, within the last six months, than in
+the latter during its entire existence as a state.
+</p>
+<p>
+The seven slave states which we have already passed under review, are
+just one half of the slave states and territories, included in the
+American Union. Before proceeding to consider the condition of society
+in the other slave states, we pause a moment to review the ground
+already traversed.
+</p>
+<p>
+The present entire white population of the states already considered,
+is about two and a quarter millions; just about equal to the present
+white population of the state of New York. If the amount of crime
+resulting in loss of life, which is perpetrated by the white
+population of those states upon the <i>whites alone</i>, be contrasted with
+the amount perpetrated in the state of New York, by <i>all</i> classes,
+upon <i>all</i>, we believe it will be found, that more of such crimes have
+been committed in these states within the last 18 months, than have
+occurred in the state of New York for half a century. But perhaps we
+shall be told that in these seven states, there are scores of cities
+and large towns, and that a majority of all these deadly affrays, &amp;c.,
+take place in <i>them</i>; to this we reply, that there are <i>three times as
+many</i> cities and large towns in the state of New York, as in all those
+states together, and that nearly all the capital crimes perpetrated in
+the state take place in these cities and large villages. In the state
+of New York, there are more than <i>half a million</i> of persons who live
+in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, whereas
+in Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and
+Missouri, there are on the largest computation not more than <i>one
+hundred thousand</i> persons, residing in cities and villages of more
+than two thousand inhabitants, and the white population of these
+places (which alone is included in the estimate of crime, and that too
+<i>inflicted upon whites only</i>,) is probably not more than <i>sixty-five
+thousand</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+But it will doubtless be pleaded in mitigation, that the cities and
+large villages in those states are <i>new</i>; that they have not had
+sufficient time thoroughly to organize their police, so as to make it
+an effectual terror to evil doers; and further, that the rapid growth
+of those places has so overloaded the authorities with all sorts of
+responsibilities, that due attention to the preservation of the public
+peace has been nearly impossible; and besides, they have had no
+official experience to draw upon, as in the older cities, the offices
+being generally filled by young men, as a necessary consequence of the
+newness of the country, &amp;c. To this we reply, that New Orleans is more
+than a century old, and for half that period has been the centre of a
+great trade; that St. Louis, Natchez, Mobile, Nashville, Louisville
+and Lexington, are all half a century old, and each had arrived at
+years of discretion, while yet the sites of Buffalo, Rochester,
+Lockport, Canandaigua, Geneva, Auburn, Ithaca, Oswego, Syracuse, and
+other large towns in Western New-York, <i>were a wilderness</i>. Further,
+as <i>a number</i> of these places are larger than <i>either</i> of the former,
+their growth must have been more <i>rapid</i>, and, consequently, they must
+have encountered still greater obstacles in the organization of an
+efficient police than those south western cities, with this exception,
+THEY WERE NOT SETTLED BY SLAVEHOLDERS.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="OBJECT_7_Fb"></a>
+The absurdity of assigning the <i>newness</i> of the country, the
+unrestrained habits of pioneer settlers, the recklessness of life
+engendered by wars with the Indians, &amp;c., as reasons sufficient to
+account for the frightful amount of crime in the states under review,
+is manifest from the fact, that Vermont is of the same age with
+Kentucky; Ohio, ten years younger than Kentucky, and six years younger
+than Tennessee; Indiana, five years younger than Louisiana; Illinois,
+one year younger than Mississippi; Maine, of the same age with
+Missouri, and two years younger than Alabama; and Michigan of the same
+age with Arkansas. Now, let any one contrast the state of society in
+Maine, Vermont, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan with that of
+Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Missouri, Louisiana, Arkansas, and
+Mississippi, and candidly ponder the result. It is impossible
+satisfactorily to account for the immense disparity in crime, on any
+other supposition than that the latter states were settled and are
+inhabited almost exclusively by those who carried with them the
+violence, impatience of legal restraint, love of domination, fiery
+passions, idleness, and contempt of laborious industry, which are
+engendered by habits of despotic sway, acquired by residence in
+communities where such manners, habits and passions, mould society
+into their own image.[<a name="rnote10-43"></a><a href="#note10-43">43</a>] The practical workings of this cause are
+powerfully illustrated in those parts of the slave states where slaves
+abound, when contrasted with those where very few are held. Who does
+not know that there are fewer deadly affrays in proportion to the
+white population&mdash;that law has more sway and that human life is less
+insecure in East Tennessee, where there are very few slaves, than in
+West Tennessee, where there are large numbers. This is true also of
+northern and western Virginia, where few slaves are held, when
+contrasted with eastern Virginia; where they abound; the same remark
+applies to those parts of Kentucky and Missouri, where large numbers
+of slaves are held, when contrasted with others where there are
+comparatively few.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note10-43"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote10-43">43</a>: Bishop Smith of Kentucky, in his testimony respecting
+homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the
+influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of
+which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in
+these affrays? Are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious
+in consequence of their early habits of command? And are not our
+taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an
+inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid
+and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by
+the sweat of their brow?&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;Is not intemperance more social, more
+inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of
+gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe
+manual labor? Is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and
+strong drink?"
+</p>
+<p>
+The Bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is
+however only the product of the preceding.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly
+high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront,
+whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and
+ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in
+applauding instead of punishing the offender."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Bishop says of the young men of Kentucky, that they "grow up
+proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that
+the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "NEARLY
+UNIVERSAL."]
+</p>
+<p>
+We see the same cause operating to a considerable extent in those
+parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, settled mainly by slaveholders
+and others, who were natives of slave states, in contrast with other
+parts of these states settled almost exclusively by persons from free
+states; that affrays and breaches of the peace are far more frequent
+in the former than in the latter, is well known to all.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="ATLANT"></a>
+We now proceed to the remaining slave states. Those that have not yet
+been considered, are Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South
+Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of Florida. As Delaware has
+hardly two thousand five hundred slaves, arbitrary power over human
+beings is exercised by so few persons, that the turbulence infused
+thereby into the public mind is but an inconsiderable element, quite
+insufficient to inflame the passions, much less to cast the character
+of the mass of the people; consequently, the state of society there,
+and the general security of life is but little less than in New Jersey
+and Pennsylvania, upon which states it borders on the north and east.
+The same causes operate in a considerable measure, though to a much
+less extent to Maryland and in Northern and Western Virginia. But in
+lower Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, the
+general state of society as it respects the successful triumph of
+passion over law, and the consequent and universal insecurity of life
+is, in the main, very similar to that of the states already
+considered. In some portions of each of these states, human life has
+probably as little real protection as in Arkansas, Mississippi and
+Louisiana; but generally throughout the former states and sections,
+the laws are not so absolutely powerless as in the latter three.
+Deadly affrays, duels, murders, lynchings, &amp;c., are, in proportion to
+the white population, as frequent and as rarely punished in lower
+Virginia as in Kentucky and Missouri; in North Carolina and South
+Carolina as in Tennessee; and in Georgia and Florida as in Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+To insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in
+detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented,
+would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. Instead of
+this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the
+slaveholding region bordering on the Atlantic, by the testimony of the
+slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. Leaving
+out of view Florida, where law is the <i>most</i> powerless, and Maryland
+where probably it is the <i>least</i> so, we propose to select as a fair
+illustration of the actual state of society in the Atlantic
+slaveholding regions, North Carolina whose border is but 250 miles
+from the free states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and Georgia which
+constitutes its south western boundary.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="ATLANT_a"></a>
+We will begin with GEORGIA. This state was settled more than a century
+ago by a colony under General Oglethorpe. The colony was memorable for
+its high toned morality. One of its first regulations was an absolute
+prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose,
+the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported,
+the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the
+spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that
+exists in Georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her
+own mouth.
+</p>
+<p>
+The editor of the Darien (Georgia) Telegraph, in his paper of November
+6, 1838, published the following.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>Murderous Attack</i>.&mdash;Between the hours of three and four o'clock, on
+Saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by FOURTEEN armed
+ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. All his
+assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. Many of
+them are known to us; but <i>there is neither law nor justice to be had
+in Darien! We are doomed to death</i> by the employers of the assassins
+who attacked us on Saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy
+them. The cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is
+some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this
+office, and extensively circulated through the county, <i>before the
+election</i>. The names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was
+made, are, A. Lefils, jr. (son to the representative), Madison Thomas,
+Francis Harrison, Thomas Hopkins, Alexander Blue, George Wing, James
+Eilands, W.I. Perkins, A.J. Raymur: the others we cannot at present
+recollect. The two first, LEFILS and THOMAS struck us at the same
+time. Pistols were levelled at us in all directions. We can produce
+the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement."
+</p>
+<p>
+The same number of the "Darien Telegraph," from which the preceding is
+taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the
+preliminaries of duels. The correspondence fills, with the exception
+of a dozen lines, <i>five columns</i> of the paper. The parties were Col.
+W. Whig Hazzard, commander of one of the Georgia regiments in the
+recent Seminole campaign, Dr. T.F. Hazzard, a physician of St.
+Simons, and Thomas Hazzard, Esq. a county magistrate, on the one side,
+and Messrs. J.A. Willey, A.W. Willey, and H.B. Gould, Esqs. of
+Darien, on the other. In their published correspondence the parties
+call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+The magistrate, Thomas Hazzard, who accepts the challenge of J.A.
+Willey, says, in one of his letters, "Being a magistrate, under a
+solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &amp;c., and yet
+this personification of Georgia justice superscribes his letter as
+follows: "To the Liar, Puppy, Fool, and Poltroon, Mr. John A. Willey"
+The magistrate closes his letter thus:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Here I am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in <i>propria
+forma</i>); and in the Farm Field, on St. Simon's Island, (<i>Deo
+juvante</i>,) I will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my
+power to satisfy your thirst for blood! And more, I will wager you
+$100, to be planked on the scratch! that J.A. Willey will neither
+kill or defeat T.F. Hazzard."
+</p>
+<p>
+The following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of
+slaveholding civilization.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<div class="centered">
+"ARTICLES OF BATTLE BETWEEN JOHN A. WILLEY AND W. WHIG HAZZARD.
+</div>
+<p>
+"Condition 1. The parties to fight on the same day, and at the same
+place, (St. Simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting
+between T.F. Hazzard and J.A. Willey will take place.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Condition 2. The parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand,
+and a dirk in the left.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Condition 3. On the word "Charge," the parties to advance, and attack
+with the broadsword, or close with the dirk.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Condition 4. THE HEAD OF THE VANQUISHED TO BE CUT OFF BY THE VICTOR,
+AND STUCK UPON A POLE ON THE FARM FIELD DAM, the original cause of
+dispute.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Condition 5. Neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a
+sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk.
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+"This Col. W. Whig Hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the
+southern part of Georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we
+learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three
+deliberate rounds in a duel."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Macon (Georgia) Telegraph of October 9, 1838, contains the
+following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an
+individual was killed, one on Tuesday and the other on Saturday of the
+same week. In publishing the case, the Macon editor remarks:
+</p>
+<p>
+"We are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in
+bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital
+offences. Under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to
+leave the state, or step over to Texas, or some other place not
+farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. So
+long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long
+will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not)
+<i>be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+To these remarks of the Macon editor, who is in the centre of the
+state, near the capital, the editor of the Darien Telegraph, two
+hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of October
+30. 1838.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. They apply,
+with peculiar force, to this community. <i>Murderers and rioters will
+never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as Darien is what it is</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+It is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than
+a week after this Darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in
+the street by "<i>fourteen</i> gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives,
+dirks, pistols, &amp;c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the
+spot if he had not been rescued.
+</p>
+<p>
+We give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of
+the outrages, Col. W.N. Bishop, was at the time a high functionary of
+the State of Georgia, and, as we learn from the Macon Messenger, still
+holds two public offices in the State, one of them from the direct
+appointment of the governor.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the "Georgia Messenger" of August 25, 1837.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"During the administration of WILSON LUMPKIN, WILLIAM N. BISHOP
+received from his Excellency the appointment of Indian Agent, in the
+place of William Springer. During that year (1834,) the said governor
+gave the command of a company of men, 40 in number, to the said W.N.
+Bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the
+State. This band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the
+Cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the
+Cherokees in the neighborhood of Spring Place were peaceable and by no
+means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any
+excursion whatever out of the county of Murray. It is also <i>a
+notorious fact</i>, that the said band, from the day of their
+organization, never permitted a citizen of Murray county opposed to
+the dominant party of Georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at
+any election whatever. From that period to the last of January
+election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the
+State, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they
+called it. That they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest
+citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will.
+</p>
+<p>
+"Such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the
+administration. Appeals from the citizens of Murray county brought
+them no relief&mdash;and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the
+first Monday in January last, to turn out and elect such Judges of the
+Inferior Court and county officers, as would be above the control of
+Bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as
+he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on
+their rights. Accordingly on Sunday evening previous to the election,
+about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came
+in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town,
+vote in the morning and return home. They were met by Bishop and his
+State band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or
+war.' They unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' At that moment
+Bishop ordered a fire, and instantly <i>every musket of his band was
+discharged on those citizens</i>, 5 of whom were wounded, and others
+escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. Not satisfied with the
+outrage, <i>they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly
+to death</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"In this way the voters were driven from Spring Place, and before day
+light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of Bishop, and
+soon after sun rise they were closed; Bishop having ascertained that
+the band and Schley men had all voted. A runner was then dispatched to
+Milledgeville, and received from Governor Schley commissions for those
+self-made officers of Bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and
+the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign,
+being each members of Bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+"After these outrages, Bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary
+on the part of the injured citizens of Murray county, had a jury drawn
+to suit him and appointed one of his band Clerk of the Superior Court.
+For these acts, the Governor and officers of the Central Bank rewarded
+him with an office in the Bank of the State, since which his own jury
+found <i>eleven true bills</i> against him."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+In the Milledgeville Federal Union of May 2, 1837, we find the
+following presentment of the Grand Jury of Union County, Georgia,
+which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the
+state we insert.
+</p>
+<p>
+Presentment of the Grand Jury of Union Co., March term, 1837.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of
+Wm. N. Bishop to the high and responsible office of Teller, of the
+Central Bank of the State of Georgia&mdash;an institution of such magnitude
+as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen
+of this State; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our
+<i>indignant reprehension</i> of the promotion of such a character to one
+of its most responsible posts&mdash;and do exceedingly regret the blindness
+or <i>depravity</i> of those who can sanction such a measure.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We request that our presentment be published in the Miners' Recorder
+and Federal Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+JOHN MARTIN, Foreman"
+</p>
+<p>
+On motion of Henry L. Sims, Solicitor General, "Ordered by the court,
+that the presentments of the Grand Jury, be published according to
+their request." THOMAS HENRY, Clerk.
+</p>
+<p>
+The same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts,
+contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who
+enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of
+Georgia and acting in an official capacity.
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"MURDER.&mdash;One of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever
+fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in Cherokee county,
+by Julius Bates, the son of the principal keeper of the Penitentiary,
+upon an Indian.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of
+both parties, are these. At the last Superior Court of Cass county,
+the unfortunate Indian was sentenced to the Penitentiary. Bates, as
+<i>one of the Penitentiary guard</i>, was sent with another to carry him
+and others, from other counties to Milledgeville. He started from
+Cassville with the Indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him
+within a quarter of a mile of Canton, the C.H. in Cherokee, a distance
+of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more
+than half the day. On arriving at a small creek near town, the Indian
+[who had walked until the <i>soles of his feet were off and those of his
+heel turned back</i>,] made signs to get water, Bates refused to let him,
+and ordered him to go on: the Indian stopped and finally set down,
+whereupon Bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and
+continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck,
+until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of
+the blows. The unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a
+few hours.
+</p>
+<p>
+"An inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by Bates.
+A warrant was issued, but Bates had departed that morning in charge of
+other prisoners taken from Canton, and the worthy officers of the
+county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had
+passed the limits of the county.' We understand that the warrant was
+immediately sent to the Governor to have him arrested. Will it be
+done? We shall see."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+<a name="ATLANT_b"></a>
+Having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society
+among the slaveholders of Georgia, we will tax the reader's patience
+with only a single illustration of the public sentiment&mdash;the degree of
+actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of North Carolina.
+</p>
+<p>
+North Carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white
+population is about five hundred thousand.
+</p>
+<p>
+Passing by the murders, affrays, &amp;c. with which the North Carolina
+papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the
+public sentiment of North Carolina among 'gentlemen of property and
+standing.'
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="ATLANT_c"></a>
+The 'North Carolina Literary and Commercial Journal,' of January 20,
+1838, published at Elizabeth City, devotes a column and a half to a
+description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a
+rail, pumping, &amp;c., of a Mr. Charles Fife, a merchant of that city,
+for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' The editor informs us that
+this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day,
+and <i>by a number of the citizens</i>, 'THE MOST RESPECTABLE IN THE CITY,'
+&amp;c. We proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's
+statement in his own words.&mdash;
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Such being the case, a number of the citizens, THE MOST RESPECTABLE
+IN THIS CITY, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the
+fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken
+tied to him. He was taken down to the water and his head tarred and
+feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a
+few minutes he underwent a little cooling. He was then told that he
+must leave town by the next Saturday&mdash;if he did not he would be
+visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of
+the laws of Judge Lynch.
+</p>
+<p>
+"On Saturday last, he was again visited, and as Fife had several of
+his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several
+were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. Fife was again
+mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they
+would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at
+liberty. Several of our magistrates <i>took no notice of the affair</i>,
+and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. The whole
+subject every one supposed was ended, as Fife was to leave in a few
+days, when WHAT WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. Charles R.
+Kinney had visited Fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took
+upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the
+defender of Fife. The consequence was, that all the rioters were
+summoned by the Sheriff to appear in the Court House and give bail for
+their appearance at our next court. On Monday last the court opened at
+12 o'clock, Judge Bailey presiding. Such an excitement we never
+witnessed before in our town. A great many witnesses were examined,
+which proved the character of Fife beyond a doubt. At one time rather
+serious consequences were apprehended&mdash;high words were spoken, and
+luckily a blow which was aimed at Mr. Kinney, was parried off, and we
+are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being
+given. The next day Fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes,
+but has since been released on paying $100. The interference of Mr.
+Kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which
+properly belonged to our magistrates. Fife had agreed to go away, and
+the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. We have no
+unfriendly feelings towards Mr. Kinney: no personal animosities to
+gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. But
+when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as Fife, under
+the plea that the laws have been violated&mdash;when he arraigns the acts
+of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to
+reflect seriously on the consequences. The Penitentiary system is the
+result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. As man advances in
+the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized
+life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace,
+and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. Now, what is
+the Lynch law but the Penitentiary system carried out to its full
+extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply
+thus: <i>There are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no
+effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide
+and give them</i> JUSTICE."
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+Let the reader notice, 1st, that this outrage was perpetrated with
+great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to
+leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed,
+the outrage was again deliberately repeated. 2d. It was perpetrated by
+"thirty persons,' "<i>the most respectable in the city</i>." 3d. That at
+the second lynching of Fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered
+to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had
+refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) <i>were knocked
+down</i>, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a
+professional butcher, "nothing <i>serious</i> occurred!" 4th. That not a
+single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the
+barbarities inflicted upon Fife, or of the assaults upon his friends,
+knocking them down, &amp;c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to
+acquiesce in the proceedings." 5th. That this conduct of the
+magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is
+plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the
+whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "WHAT
+WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. C.R. Kinney had actually took
+upon him to examine witnesses," &amp;c., and also from the editor's
+declaration, "Such an excitement we never before witnessed in our
+town." Excitement at what? Not because the laws had been most
+impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons,
+"the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been
+twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in
+utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all
+complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding Sodom
+there was found a solitary Lot who dared to uplift his voice for <i>law</i>
+and the <i>right of trial by jury</i>; this crime stirred up such an uproar
+in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "<i>never witnessed
+before</i>," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in
+invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down,
+even in the presence of the Court, if the blow had not been "parried."
+6th. Mark the murderous threat of the editor&mdash;when he arraigns the
+<i>acts</i>," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place,
+it is high time for him to reflect seriously <i>on the consequences</i>."
+7th. The open advocacy of "Lynch law" by a set argument, boldly
+setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article,
+reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in North
+Carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of
+civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is
+none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still,
+though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes.
+</p>
+<p>
+It may be stated, in conclusion, that the North Carolina "Literary and
+Commercial Journal," from which the article is taken, is a large
+six-columned paper, edited by F.S. Proctor, Esq., a graduate of a
+University, and of considerable literary note in the South.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="ATLANT_d"></a>
+Having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all
+comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, <i>ponder these
+things</i>, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified <i>of her
+children</i>." Verily, they have their reward! "With what measure ye mete
+withal it shall be measured to you again." Those who combine to
+trample on others, will trample on <i>each other</i>. The habit of
+trampling upon <i>one</i>, begets a state of mind that will trample upon
+<i>all</i>. Accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence
+of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when
+excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint
+nor delay; <i>gratification</i> is the <i>first</i> thought&mdash;prudence generally
+comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each
+other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered
+and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over <i>them</i>. Surely
+it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals,
+must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. If, when in
+passion, they seize those who are <i>on their own level</i>, and dash them
+under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon
+those who are <i>always</i> under their feet?
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<h2>
+<a name="IDX"></a>
+	INDEX.
+</h2>
+
+<hr>
+<p>
+To facilitate the use of the Index, some of the more common topics are
+arranged under one general title. Thus all the volumes which are cited
+are classed under the word, BOOKS; and to that head reference must be
+made. The same plan has been adopted concerning <i>Female Slave-Drivers,
+Laws, Narratives, Overseers, Runaways, Slaveholders, Slave-Murderers,
+Slave-Plantations, Slaves, Female</i> and <i>Male, Testimony</i> and
+<i>Witnesses</i>. Therefore, with a few <i>emphatical</i> exceptions only, the
+facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject
+which any circumstance includes. All other miscellaneous articles will
+be discovered in alphabetical order.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<h3>
+A.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Absolute power of slaveholders
+Absurdity of slaveholding pretexts
+Abuse of power
+Acclimated slaves
+Adrian
+Adultery in a preacher's house
+Advertisement for slaves
+Advertisement for slaves to hire
+Advertisements
+Affray
+African slave-trade
+Aged slaves uncommon
+Alabama
+Alexander the tyrant
+Allowance of provisions
+Amalgamation
+American Colonization Society
+"Amiable and touching charity!"
+Amusements of slave-drivers
+Animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted
+Antioch, massacre at
+"Arbitrary,"
+Arbitrary power, cruelty of
+    "      "     pernicious
+Ardor in betting
+Arius
+Arkansas
+Atlantic Slaveholding Region
+Auctioneers of slaves
+Auctions for slaves
+Augustine
+Aurelius
+Aversion between the oppressor and the slave
+</pre>
+<h3>
+B.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Babbling of slaveholders
+Backs of slaves carded
+  "        "    putrid
+"Ball and chain" men
+Baptist preachers
+Battles in Congress
+Beating a woman's face with shoes
+Bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar
+Begetting slaves for pay
+"Bend your backs"
+Benevolence of slaveholders
+Betting on crops
+    "      slaves
+Beware of Kidnappers
+Bibles searched for
+Blind slaves
+Blocks with sharp pegs and nails
+Blood-bought luxuries
+Bodley, H.S.
+Bones dislocated
+BOOKS.
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  African Observer
+  American Convention, minutes of
+      "    Museum
+      "    State Papers
+  Andrews' Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Bay's Reports
+  Benezet's Caution to Britain and her Colonies
+  Blackstone's Commentaries, by Tucker
+  Book and Slavery irreconcilable
+  Bourgoing's Spain
+  Bourne's Picture of Slavery
+  Brevard's Digest of the Laws of South Carolina
+  Brewster's Exposition of Slave Treatment
+  Buchanan's Oration
+  Carey's American Museum
+  Carolina, History of
+  Channing on Slavery
+  Charity, "amiable and touching!"
+  Childs' Appeal
+  Civil Code of Louisiana
+  Clay's Address to Georgia Presbytery
+  Colonization Society's Reports
+  Cornelius Elias, Life of
+  Davis's Travels in Louisiana
+  Debates in Virginia Convention
+  Devereux's North Carolina Reports
+  Dew's Review of Debates in the Virginia Legislature
+  Edwards' Sermon
+  Emancipation in the West Indies
+  Emigrant's Guide through the Valley of Mississippi
+  Gales' Congressional Debates
+  Harris and Johnson's Reports
+  Haywood's Manual
+  Hill's reports
+  Human Rights
+  James' Digest
+  Jefferson's Notes
+  Josephus' History
+  Justinian, Institutes of
+  Kennet's Roman Antiquities
+  Laponneray's Life of Robespierre
+  Law of Slavery
+  Laws of United States
+  Leland's necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Letters from the South, by J.K. Paulding
+  Life of Elias Cornelius
+  Louisiana, civil code of
+      "    , sketches of
+  Martineau's Harriet, Society in America
+  Martin's Digest of the laws of Louisiana
+  Maryland laws of
+  Mead's Journal
+  Mississippi Revised Code
+  Missouri Laws
+  Modern state of Spain by J.F. Bourgoing
+  Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws
+  Necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Niles' Baltimore Register
+  North Carolina Reports by Devereaux
+  Oasis
+  Parrish's remarks on slavery
+  Paulding's letters from the South
+  Paxton's letters on slavery
+  Presbyterian Synod, Report of
+  Picture of slavery
+  Prince's Digest
+  Prison Discipline Society, reports of
+  Rankin's Letters
+  Reed and Matheson's visit to Am. churches
+  Review of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities
+  Rice, speech of in Kentucky convention
+  Robespierre, Life of
+  Robin's travels
+  Roman Antiquities
+  Slavery's Journal
+  Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Society in America
+  Sewall's Diary
+  South Carolina, Laws of
+  South vindicated by Drayton
+  Spirit of Laws
+  Swain's address
+  Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws
+  Taylor's Agricultural Essays
+  Travels in Louisiana
+  Tucker's Blackstone
+  Tucker's Judge, Letter
+  Turner's Sacred History of the world
+  Virginia Legislature, Review of Debates in
+     "     , Revised Code
+     "     , Negro-raising state
+  Visit to American churches
+  Western Medical Journal
+  Western Medical Reformer
+  Western Review
+  Wheeler's Law of slavery
+  Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry
+  Woolman John, Life of
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Books of slaves stolen
+Borrowing of slaves
+Bourne, George, anecdote of
+Boy killed
+Boys' fight to amuse their drivers
+Bowie Knives
+Boys' retort
+Brandings
+Branding with hot iron
+Brasses
+"Breeders"
+Breeding of slaves prevented
+"Breeding wenches"
+     "       "     comparative value of
+Bribes for begetting slaves
+Brick-yards
+"Broken-winded" slaves
+Brutality to slaves
+Brutes and slaves treated alike
+Burial of slaves
+Burning of McIntosh
+Burning slaves
+Burning with hot iron
+Burning with smoothing irons
+Butchery
+</pre>
+<h3>
+	C.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Cabins of slaves
+Cachexia Africana
+Caligula
+Can't believe
+Capital Crimes
+Captain in the U.S. navy, tried for murder
+Carding of Slaves
+Cat-hauling
+Cato the Just
+Causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves
+Chained slave
+Chains
+Changes in the market
+Character of Overseers
+    "        Romans
+    "        Slave-drivers
+Charleston
+    "        Infirmary at
+    "        Jail
+    "        Slave auctions
+    "        Surgery at
+    "        Work-house
+Chastity punished
+Child-bearing prevented
+Childbirth of slaves
+Childhood unprotected
+Children flogged
+    "    naked
+Choking of slaves
+Chopping of slaves piecemeal
+Christian females tortured
+    "     martyr
+    "     slave-hunting
+    "     slave-murderer
+Christian, slave whipped to death
+Christians, persecutions of
+    "      slavery among
+    "      treat their slaves like others
+Christian woman kidnapped
+Chronic diseases
+Churches, abuse of power in
+Church members
+"Citizens sold as slaves"
+Civilization and morality
+Clarkson, Thomas
+Claudius
+Clemens
+Clothing for slaves
+Cock-fighting
+Code of Louisiana
+Collars of iron
+Columbia, district of
+    "     fatal affray at
+Comfort of slaves disregarded
+Commodus
+Concubinage
+Condemned criminals
+Condition of slaves
+Confinement at night
+Congress of the United States
+    "       a bear garden
+Connecticut, law of, against Quakers
+Constables, character of
+Constantine the Great
+Contempt of human life
+Contrasts of benevolence
+Conversation between C. and H
+Converted slave
+Cooking for slaves
+Correction moderate
+Corrupting influence of slavery
+Cotton-picking
+Cotton-plantations
+Cotton seed mixed with corn for food
+Council of Nice
+Courts, decrees of
+Cowhides, with shovel and tongs
+Crack of the whip heard afar off
+Crimes of slaves, capital
+Criminals condemned
+Cringing of Northern Preachers
+Cropping of ears
+Crops for exportation
+Cruelties, common
+    "      inflicted upon slaves
+    "      of Cortez in Mexico
+    "         Ovando in Hispaniola
+    "         Pizarro in Peru
+    "      of slave-drivers incredible
+Cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest
+Cultivation of rice
+Cutting of A.T. s throat by a Presbyterian woman
+</pre>
+<h3>
+D.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+D'Almeydra, Donna Sophia
+Damaged negroes bought
+Darlington C.H., South Carolina
+Dauphin Island, Mobile Bay
+"Dead or Alive"
+Dead slave claimed
+Deaf slaves
+Death at child birth
+Death-bed, horrors of a slave driver
+Death by violence,
+Death of a slave murderer
+Decrees of Courts
+Decisions, judicial
+Declarations of slaveholders
+Deformed slaves
+Delivery of a dead child from whipping
+Description of slave drivers, by John Randolph
+Despair of slaves
+Desperate affray
+"Despot"
+"Dimensum" of Roman slaves
+Diseased slaves
+Dislocation of bones
+District of Columbia
+     "        "      prisons in
+Ditty of slaves
+"Doe-faces"&mdash;"Dough-faces"
+Dogs provided for
+Dogs to hunt slaves
+Domestic slavery
+Domitian
+Donnell, Rev. Mr.
+"Dough-faces"
+"Drivers"
+Driving of slaves
+Droves of "human cattle"
+   "    "    slaves
+Duelling
+Dumb slaves
+Dwellings of slaves
+Dying slave
+Dying young women
+</pre>
+<h3>
+E.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Ear-cropping
+Early market
+Ear-notching
+Ear-slitting
+Eating tobacco worms
+Effects of public opinion concerning slavery
+Emancipation society of North Carolina
+English ladies and gentlemen
+Enormities of slave drivers
+Evenings in the "Negro quarter"
+Evidence of slaves vs. white persons null
+Ewall, Merry
+Examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves
+Exchange of slaves
+Exportation of slave from Virginia
+Eyes struck out
+</pre>
+<h3>
+F.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Faith objectors who "<i>can't believe</i>"
+Fatal rencontre
+"Fault-finding"
+Favorite amusements of slaveholders
+Fear, the only motive of slaves
+Feast for slaves
+Feeding insufficient
+Feeble infants
+<i>Felonies</i> on account of slavery
+      "         perpetrated with impunity
+Female hypocrite
+Female slave deranged
+FEMALE SLAVE DRIVERS
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Burford, Mrs.
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth L.
+  Charleston
+  Charlestown, Va
+  Galway, Mrs.
+  Harris, Mrs.
+  H., Mrs. throat cutter
+  Laurie, Madame La
+  Mallix, Mrs.
+  Mann, Mrs.
+  Mabtin, Mrs.
+  Maxwell, Mrs.
+  McNeil, Mrs.
+  Morgan, Mrs.
+  Newman, Mrs. B.
+  Pence, Mrs.
+  Phinps, Mrs.
+  Professor of religion
+  Ruffner, Mrs.
+  South Carolina
+  Starky, Mrs.
+  Swan, Mrs.
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  T., Mrs.
+  Trip, Mrs.
+  Truby, Mrs
+  Turner, Mrs.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Female slave starved to death
+  "      "   whipped to death by a Methodist preacher
+Female stripped by order of her mistress
+Fetters
+Field-hands
+Fighting of boys to amuse their drivers
+Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves
+Fingers cut off
+Flogging for unfinished tasks
+    "    of children
+    "    pregnant women until they miscarry
+    "    slaves
+    "    young man
+Floggings
+Florida
+Food, kinds of
+  "     of slaves
+  "     quality of
+  "     quantity of
+Free citizens stolen
+Free woman
+  "    "   kidnapped
+Frequent murders
+Friends, memorial of
+Front-teeth knocked out
+Fundamental rights destroyed
+</pre>
+<h3>
+G.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Gadsden Thomas N. Slave Auctioneer
+Gagging of slaves
+Galloway flogging Jo.
+Gambling on crops
+Gambling slaveholder
+Gang of slaves
+Generosity of slaveholders
+Georgia
+Girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons
+Girls' toe cut off
+Good treatment of slaves
+Governor of North Carolina
+    "    "  Shiraz
+Grand Jury presentment of,
+Guiltiness of Slavery
+Gun shot wounds
+</pre>
+<h3>
+H.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Habits of slave-drivers
+Hampton Wade, murderer of slaves
+Handcuffs
+"Hands tied"
+Hanging of nine slaves
+Harris Benjamin, slave murderer
+Head found
+Head of a runaway slave on a pole
+Health of slaves
+Heart of slaveholders
+Helton James, slave murderer
+Herding of slaves
+Hired slaves
+Hiring of slaves
+"Horrible malady"
+"Horrid butchery"
+Horrors of a slave-driver at death
+   "    "  the "middle passage"
+Horse-racing
+Horses more cared for than slaves
+Hospitality of slaveholders
+Hours of rest
+  "   "  work
+Hospital at New Orleans
+House-slaves
+Houses of slaves
+"House-wench"
+Hovels of slaves
+Huguenots, persecution of
+"Human cattle"
+Human rights against slavery
+Hunger of slaves
+Hunter of slaves
+Hunting men with dogs
+Hunting of slaves
+Hunt, Rev. Thomas P.
+Husband whipping his wife
+Huts of slaves
+Hymn-books searched for
+Hypocrisy of vice
+</pre>
+<h3>
+	I.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Idiot slaves
+Ignatius
+Ignorance of northern citizens of slavery
+       "   " slaveholders
+Impunity of killing slaves
+Inadequate clothing
+Income from hiring slaves
+Incorrigible slaves
+Incredibility of evidence against slavery
+Incredulity discreditable to consistency
+        "       "          " intelligence
+Indecency of slave-drivers
+Indiana Legislature, resolutions of
+Infant drowned
+Infant slaves
+Infirmary at Charleston
+Infliction of pain
+Inspection of naked slaves
+Intercession for slaves
+Interest of slaveholders
+Introduction
+Iron collars
+Iron fetters
+Iron head-front
+Israelites in Egypt
+</pre>
+<h3>
+J.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Jewish law
+Joe flogged
+Jones, Anson, Minister from Texas
+Judicial decisions
+</pre>
+<h3>
+K.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Kentucky
+   "     Sunday morning
+Kicking of slaves
+Kidnappers
+Kidnapping
+Kindness of slaveholders
+Kinds of food
+Kind treatment of slaves.
+Knives, Bowie
+Knocking out of teeth
+</pre>
+<h3>
+	L.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Labor, hours of
+Labor of slaves
+Ladies Benevolent Society
+Ladies flog with cowhides
+Ladies, public opinion known by
+Ladies use shovel and tongs
+Law concerning slavery
+Law-making
+Laws, Georgia
+  "   Louisiana
+  "   Maryland
+  "   Mississippi
+  "   North Carolina
+  "   South Carolina
+  "   Spirit of
+  "   Tennessee
+  "   United States
+  "   Virginia
+Law, safeguards of taken from slaves
+Law suit for a murdered slave,
+Legal restraints
+Licentiousness
+      "        encouraged by preachers
+Licentiousness of slavedrivers
+"Lie down" for whipping,
+Life in the South-west,
+Lives of slaves unprotected
+Lodging of slaves
+Long, his cruelty
+'Loss of property'
+Louisiana
+    "     law of
+    "     sketches of,
+Louis XIV. of France
+Lovers severed,
+Lunatic slaves
+"Lynchings" in the United States
+Lynch Law,
+</pre>
+<h3>
+	M.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Maimed slaves
+Maimings
+Malady of slaves
+Manacling of slaves
+Maniac woman
+Man sold by a Presbyterian elder
+Man-stealing paid for
+Marriage unknown among slaves
+Martyr for Christ
+Maryland Journal
+Maryville Intelligencer
+Massacre at Antioch
+  "      "  Thessalonica
+  "      "  Vicksburg
+Masters grant no redress to slaves
+McIntosh, burning of
+Maximin
+Meals number of
+  "   of slaves
+"Meat once a year"
+Mediation for slaves
+Medical attendance
+  "     college of South Carolina
+  "     Infirmary at Charleston
+Medicine administered to slaves
+Members of churches
+Memorial of friends
+Menagerie of slaves
+Men and women whipped
+Methodist colored preacher hung,
+Methodist girl whipped for her chastity
+Methodist preacher, a slave dealer
+    "        "          "   driver
+    "     woman cut off a girl's toe
+Method of taking meals
+"Middle passage"
+Miscarriage of women at the whipping post
+Mississippi
+Missouri
+Mistresses flog slaves
+Mobile
+"Moderate correction"
+Moors, repulsion of
+Morgan, William
+Mormons
+Mothers and babes separated
+Mothers of slaves
+Mulatto children in all families
+Multiplying of slaves
+Murderers of slaves tried and acquitted
+Murder of slaves by law
+    "        "   "  bad feeling
+    "        "   "  piece-meal
+    "        "   every seven years
+    "        "   frequent
+    "        "   with impunity
+Murders in Alabama
+   "    "  Arkansas
+</pre>
+<h3>
+N.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Naked children
+  "   "Dave"
+  "   females whipped
+  "     "     inspected
+  "   Men and women at work in a field
+Nakedness of slaves
+Nantz, edict of
+'National slave-market'
+Natchez
+Nat Turner
+'Negro Head Point'
+'Negroes for sale'
+'Negroes taken'
+Nero
+'Never lose a day's work'
+New England, witches of
+New Orleans
+  "    "    Hospital
+New York, thirteen persons burnt at
+Nice, council of
+'Nigger put in the bill'
+Night-confinement
+Night at a slaveholder's house
+Night in slave huts
+Nine slaves hanged
+No marriage among slaves
+North Carolina
+   "      "     Governor of
+   "      "     Legislature of
+   "      "     Kidnappers
+Northern visitors to the slave states
+Nothing can disgrace slave-drivers
+Novel torture
+Nudity of slaves
+Nursing of slave-children
+</pre>
+<h3>
+O.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Objections considered
+Ocra, a slave-driver
+Oiling of a slave
+Old age uncommon among slaves
+ "   "  unprotected
+Old dying slaves
+"Old settlement"
+  "  slaves
+Oppressor aversion of to his slave
+Outlawry of slaves
+Outrageous Felonies on account of slavery
+    "        "      perpetrated with impunity
+Overseers, character of
+    "      generally armed
+    "      no appeal from
+OVERSEERS OF SLAVES&mdash;
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Alabama
+  Alexander killed
+  Bellemont
+  Bellows
+  Blocken's
+  Bradley
+  Cormick's
+  Cruel to a proverb
+  Farr, James
+  Galloway
+  Gibbs
+  Goochland
+  Methodist preacher
+  Milligan's Bend
+  Nowland's
+  Tune
+  Turner's cousin
+  Walker
+  Overworking of slaves
+  Ownership Of human beings destroys their comfort.
+</pre>
+<h3>
+P.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+"Paddle" torture
+Paddle whipping
+Pain, the means of slave drivers
+"Pancake sticks"
+Parents and children separated
+Parlor-slaves
+Parricide threatened
+Patrol
+Pay for begetting mulatto slaves
+Periodical pressure
+Persecution of Huguenots
+Persecution for religion
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+Philanthropist
+Philip II. and the Moors
+Physicians not employed for slaves
+Physicians of slaves
+Physician's statement
+Pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts
+Plantations
+Pleas for cruelty to slaves
+Ploughs and whips equally common
+Pliny
+Poles, Russian clemency to
+Polycarp
+"Poor African slave"
+Portuguese slaves
+Pothinus
+Prayer of slaves
+Praying and slave-whipping in the same room
+Praying slaves whipped
+Preacher claims a dead slave
+Preacher hung
+Preachers, cringing of
+Preacher's "hands tied"
+Preachers silenced
+Pregnant slaves
+    "      "    whipped
+Presbyterian Elders at Lynchburg
+Presbyterian minister killed his slave
+Presbyterian slave-trader
+Presbyterian woman desirious to cut A.T.'s throat
+Presentment of the Grand Jury at Cheraw
+Pretexts for slavery absurd
+Prisons in the District of Columbia
+Prison slave
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES&mdash;
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Clothing
+  Dwellings
+  Food
+  Kinds of food
+  Labor
+  Number of meals
+  Quality of food
+  Quantity of food
+  Time of meals.
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Promiscuous concubinage
+"Property"
+    "     'loss of'
+Protection of slaves
+Protestants in France
+Provisions, allowance of
+Public opinion destroys fundamental rights,
+  "       "    diabolical
+  "       "    protects the slave
+Punishment of slaves
+Punishments
+Purchasing a wife
+Puryer "the devil"
+Putrid backs of slaves
+</pre>
+<h3>
+Q.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Quality of food
+Quantity of food
+</pre>
+<h3>
+R.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Race of slaves murdered every seven years
+Randolph John will of
+   "       "  description of slavedrivers
+   "       "             "Doe faces"
+Rations
+Rearing of slaves
+Relaxation, no time for
+Religious persecutions
+Respect for woman lost
+Rest, hours of
+Restraints, legal
+Retort of a boy
+Rhode Island, kidnappers and pirates of
+Rice plantations
+Richmond Whig
+Rio Janeiro slavery at
+Riot at Natchez
+Riots in the United States
+Robespierre
+Romans
+Roman slavery
+Runaways
+RUNAWAY SLAVES&mdash;
+  Advertisements for
+  Baptist man and woman
+  Buried alive
+  Chilton's
+  Converted
+  "Dead or alive"
+  Head on a pole
+  Hung
+  Hunting of
+  Intelligent man
+  Jim Dragon
+  Luke
+  Man buried
+   "  dragged by a horse
+   "  maimed
+   "  murdered
+   "  severe punishments of
+   "  shot
+   "   "   by Baptist preacher
+   "  taken from jail
+   "  tied and driven
+   "  to his wife
+   "  whipped to death
+  Many, annually shot I
+  Stallard's man
+  White Peter
+  Young woman
+</pre>
+<h3>
+S.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Sabbath, a nominal holiday
+Safeguards of the law taken from slaves
+Sale of a man by a Presbyterian elder
+Sale of slaves
+Savannah, Ga.
+Savannah slave-hunter
+Save us from our friends
+Scarcity, times of
+Scenes of horror
+Search for Bibles and Hymn books
+Secretary of the Navy
+Separation of slaves
+Shame unknown among naked slaves
+Shoes for slaves
+Sick, treatment of
+"Six pound paddle,"
+"Slack-jaw,"
+Slave-breeders
+  "   breeding
+Slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities
+  "     "     character of
+SLAVEHOLDERS&mdash;
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Adams
+  Baptist preachers
+  Barr
+  Baxter, George A.
+  Baxter, John
+  Blocker, Colonel
+  Blount
+  Britt, Benjamin W.
+  Burbecker
+  Burvant, Mrs.
+  C.A., Rev.
+  Casey
+  Chilton, Joseph
+  Clay
+  C., Mr.
+  Cooper, Charity
+  Curtis,
+  Davis, Samuel
+  Dras, Henry
+  Delaware
+  Female hypocrite
+  Gautney, Joseph
+  Gayle, Governor
+  Governor of North Carolina
+  Green
+  Hampton, Wade
+  Harney, William S.
+  Harris, Benjamin James
+  Hayne, Governor
+  Hedding
+  Henrico county, Va.
+  Heyward, Nathaniel
+  Hughes, Philip O.
+  Hutchinson
+  Hypocrite woman
+  Indecency of
+  Jones
+  Jones, Henry
+  Lewis, Benjamin
+  Lewis, Isham
+  Lewis, Lilburn
+  Lewis, Rev. Mr.
+  Long, Lucy
+  Long, Reuben
+  L., of Bath, Ky.
+  Maclay, John
+  Martin, Rev. James
+  Matthews' Bend
+  M'Coy
+  M'Cue, John
+  Methodist
+  Methodist Preachers
+  M'Neilly
+  Moresville
+  Morgan
+  Mosely, William
+  Murderer
+  Mushat, Rev. John
+  Nansemond, Va.
+  Natchez planter
+  Nelson, Alexander
+  Nichols, of Connecticut
+  North Carolina
+  Owens, Judge
+  Painter
+  Physician
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Presbyterian
+  Presbyterian minister, Huntsville
+         "       "       North Carolina
+         "     preacher
+  Professing Christian
+  Puryar, "the Devil"
+  Randolph, John
+  Reiks, Micajah
+  Rodney
+  Ruffner
+  Shepherd, S.C.
+  Sherrod, Ben
+  Slaughter,
+  Smith, Judge
+  Sophistry of
+  South Carolina
+  Sparks, William
+  Stallard, David
+  Starky,
+  Swan, John
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  Thompson
+  Thorpe
+  Tripp, James
+  Truly, James
+  Turner, Fielding S.
+  Turner, uncle of
+  Virginian,
+  Wall
+  Watkins, Billy
+  Watkins, Robert H.
+  Watson, A.
+  W., Colonel
+  Webb, Carroll
+   "    Pleasant
+  West's uncle
+  Widow and daughter, Savannah river
+  Willis, Robert
+  Wilson, William
+  Woman
+  Woman, professor of religion,
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Slaveholders justify their cruelties by example
+     "       possess absolute power
+     "       sophistry of
+Slaveholding amusements
+     "       brutality
+     "       indecency
+     "       murderers
+     "       religion
+Slave-mothers,
+   "   plantations second only to hell
+Slavery among Christians
+SLAVERY ILLUSTRATED&mdash;
+Slave-auctions
+   "  blocks with nails
+   "  boys fight to amuse their drivers,
+   "  branding
+   "  breeding
+   "  burner
+   "  burning
+Slave-cabins
+   "    "    at night
+Slave-children nursed
+   "  choking
+   "  clothing
+   "  collars
+   "  cookery
+Slave-ditty
+   "  dogs
+   "  driver's death
+   "     "     licentiousness of
+   "  driving
+   "  fetters
+   "  food
+   "  gagging
+   "  gangs
+   "  handcuffs
+   "  herding
+Slaveholders, civilization and morality of
+     "        declarations of
+     "        habits of
+     "        heart of
+     "        hospitality of
+     "        interest of
+     "        sophistry of
+     "        "treat their slaves well"
+Slaveholding professor
+"Slaveholding religion"
+Slave-hovels
+   "  hunting
+   "    "     by Christians
+Slave imprisoned
+   "  in chains
+   "  in the stocks
+   "  kicking
+   "  killed, and put in the bill
+   "  killing with impunity
+   "  labor
+   "  manacles
+   "  martyr
+   "  meals
+   "  mothers
+   "  murderers, tried and acquitted
+   "  patrol
+   "  physicians
+   "  punishments of
+Slave quarters,
+Slavery, code of law respecting
+   "     among Christians
+   "     domestic
+   "     guilt of
+   "     of whites
+   "     public opinion and effects of
+   "     unmixed cruelty
+Slave selling
+Slaves aversion of to their oppressors
+  "    backs of, putrid
+  "    blind
+  "    books of searched for
+  "    branded
+  "    brutality to
+  "    burial of
+  "    carded
+  "    cat-hauling of
+  "    comfort of disregarded
+  "    deaf
+  "    dead or alive
+  "    deformed
+  "    deprived of every safeguard of the law
+  "    described
+  "    diseased
+  "    dread to be sold for the South
+  "    dumb
+  "    dying
+  "    evidence of against white persons null
+  "    exchanged
+  "    reported from Virginia
+  "    fear their only motive
+  "    feasted and flogged
+  "    hired
+  "    idiots
+  "    incorrigible
+  "    infant
+  "    in the stocks
+  "    "  U.S. treatment of
+  "    lunatics
+  "    maimed
+  "    merchandise
+  "    multiply
+  "    murdered by cottonseed
+  "      "         overwork
+  "      "         piece-meal
+  "      "         starvation
+  "      "      every seven years
+  "      "      frequently
+  "      "      with impunity
+  "    naked
+  "    not treated as human beings
+  "    outlawed
+  "    overworked
+  "    prayers of
+  "    privations of
+  "    protection of
+  "    sale of
+  "    stock
+  "    surgeons of
+  "    taking medicine
+  "    tantalized
+  "    starvation of
+  "    teeth of knocked out
+  "    tied up all night
+  "    toe cut off
+  "    torments of
+  "    travelling in droves
+  "    treated worse as they are farther South
+  "    treatment of by Christians
+  "    under overseers
+  "    watching of
+  "    without redress
+  "       "    shelter
+  "    working animals
+  "    worn out
+  "    worse treated than brutes
+  "    wounded by gun-shot
+Slave testimony excluded
+  "   torturing hypocrite
+  "   trade with Africa
+  "   trading
+  "      "    honorable
+  "   traffic
+Slave Murderers
+Slave plantation
+Slave usage contrasted with that of animals
+  Slave whipping
+  Slave yokes
+    "   Whipped
+    "   Whipped and burnt
+    "   Whipped to death
+  Slaves treatment of
+  Slave trade
+Sleeping in clothes
+Slitting of ears
+Smoothing iron on girl's backs
+Sophistry of slaveholders
+South Carolina laws of
+  "      "     medical college
+Southern dogs and horses
+Spartan slavery
+Speece, Rev. Conrad opposed to emancipation
+Spirit of laws
+Springfield, S.C.
+Starvation of a female slave
+    "       " slaves
+Statement of a physician
+State, abuse of power in
+Stealing of freemen
+Stevenson, Andrew, letter by
+St. Helena, S.C.
+Stillman's, Dr. medical infirmary at Charleston
+Stocks for slaves
+"Stock without shelter:
+"Subject of prayer"
+Suffering of slaves
+  "        "    "   drives to despair and suicide
+Sugar-planters
+Suicide of slaves
+Suit for a dead slave
+  "   "  " murdered slave
+Sunday morning in Kentucky
+Surgeon of slaves
+Surgery at Charleston
+"Susceptibility of pain"
+</pre>
+<h3>
+T.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Tanner's oil poured on a slave
+Tantalising of slaves
+Tappan, Arthur
+Tarring of slaves
+Taskwork of slaves
+Teeth knocked out
+Tender regard of slaveholders for slave
+Tennessee
+TESTIMONY.&mdash;
+  Allen, Rev. William T.
+  Avery, George A.
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, Gordon
+  Clergyman
+  Cruelty to slaves
+  Dickey, Rev. William
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Gildersleeve, William C.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+  Grimké, Sarah M.
+  Hawley, Rev. Francis
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Macy, F.C.
+    "   Reuben G.
+    "   Richard
+    "   T.D.M.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Nelson, John M.
+  New Orleans
+  Of slaves excluded
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Poe, William
+  Powel, Eleazar
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Secretary of the Navy
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Virginian
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimké
+  White, Hiram
+  Wist, William
+Texas
+Theodosius the Great
+Thessalonica, massacre at
+Thumb-screws
+Tiberius
+Time for relaxation, not allowed
+Times of scarcity
+Titus
+Tobacco worms eaten
+Tooth knocked out
+Tortures
+   "     eulogized by a professor of religion
+Trading with negroes
+Traffic in slaves
+Trajan
+Treatment of sick slaves
+Treatment of slaves in the United States by professing Christians,
+    "     little better than that of brutes
+Trial of women,&mdash;"<i>white and black</i>,"
+Trials for murdering slaves
+Turkish slavery
+Turner, Nat
+Twelve slaves killed by overwork
+Twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the United
+  States
+Tying up of slaves at night
+"Tyrant"
+</pre>
+<h3>
+U.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+"Uncle Jack," Baptist preacher
+Under garments not allowed to slaves
+United States, Laws of
+University of Virginia
+Untimely seasons
+Usage of slaves and brutes contrasted
+</pre>
+<h3>
+V.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Vapid babblings of slaveholders
+Vice, hypocrisy of
+Vicksburg, massacre of
+Virginia, a slave menagerie
+  "       exportation of slaves from
+  "       University of
+Visitors to slave states
+Vitellius
+</pre>
+<h3>
+W.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Washing for slaves
+Washington slavery
+  "        the national slave market
+West Indian slaves
+Whip, cracking of heard at a distance
+"Whipped to death"
+WHIPPING&mdash;
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Children
+  Every day
+  Females
+  On three plantations heard at one time
+  Pregnant women
+  Slaves
+  Slaves after a feast
+    "    for praying
+  With paddle
+  Women with prayer
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Whipping-posts
+Whips equally common on plantations as ploughs
+"White or black;" trial of
+Whites in slavery
+White slave
+Wholesale murders
+Wife, purchase of a
+Will of John Randolph
+Wilmington, N.C.
+Witches of New-England
+WITNESSES.
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<pre>
+  Abbot, Jordan
+  Abdie, P.
+  Adams, Mr.
+  African Observer
+  Alexandria Gazette
+  Allan, Rev. William T.
+  Alston, J.A., Heirs of
+  Alton Telegraph
+  Alvis, J.
+  Anderson, Benjamin
+  Andrews, Professor
+  Anthony, Julius C.
+  Antram, Joshua
+  Appleton, John James
+  Arkansas Advocate
+  Armstrong, William
+  Artop, James
+  Ashford, J.P.
+  Augusta Chronicle
+  Avery, George A.
+  Aylethorpe, Thomas
+  Bahi, P.
+  Baker, William
+  Baldwin, J.G.
+  Baldwin, Jonathan F.
+  Ballinger, A.S.
+  Baltimore Sun
+  Baptist Deacon
+  Bardwell, Rev. William
+  Barker, Jacob
+  Barnard, Alonzo
+  Barnes, George W.
+  Barr, James
+   "    Mrs.
+   "    Rev. Hugh
+  Barrer, B.G.
+  Barton, David W.
+    "     Richard W.
+  Bateman, William
+  Baton Rouge, Agricultural Society of
+  Bayli, P.
+  Beall, Samuel
+  Beasley, A.G.A.
+     "     John C.
+     "     Robert
+  Beene, Jesse
+  Bell, Abraham
+   "    Samuel
+  Bennett, D.B.
+  Besson, Jacob
+  Bezon, Mr.
+  Bingham, Joel S.
+  Birdseye, Ezekiel
+  Birney, James G.
+  Bishop, J.
+  Blackwell, Samuel
+  Bland, R.J.
+  Bliss Mayhew and Co
+    "   Philemon,
+  Bolton, J.L. and W.H.
+  Boudinot, Tobias
+  Bouldin, T.T.
+  Bourgoing, J.F.
+  Bourne, George
+  Bradley, Henry
+  Bragg, Thomas
+  Brasseale, W.H.
+  Brewster, Jarvis
+  Brothers, Menard
+  Brove, A.
+  Brown, J.A.
+    "    John
+    "    Rev. Abel
+    "    William
+  Bruce Mr.
+  Buchanan, Dr.
+  Buckels, William D.
+  Burvant, Madame
+  Burwell
+  Bush, Moses E.
+  Buster, Mr.
+  Butt, Moses
+  Byrn, Samuel H.
+  Calvert, Robert
+  Carney, R.P.
+  Carolina, History of
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, B.F.
+     "     Gardon
+  Charleston Courier
+      "      Mercury
+      "      Patriot
+  Cherry, John W.
+  Child, David L.
+    "    Mrs.
+  Choules, Rev. John O.
+  Citizens of Onslow
+  Clark, W.G.
+  Clarke John
+  Clay, Henry,
+  "  Thomas
+  Clenderson, Benjamin
+  Clergyman
+  Coates Lindley
+  Cobb, W.D.
+  Colborn, J.L.
+  Cole, Nathan
+  Coleman, H.
+  Colonization Society
+  Columbian Inquirer
+  Comegys, Governor
+  Congress, Member of
+  Connecticut, Medical Society of
+  Constant, Dr.
+  Cooke, Owen
+  Cook, Giles
+    "   H.L.
+  Cooper, Thomas
+  Cornelius, Rev. Elias
+  Corner, Charles
+    "     L.E.
+  Cotton plantere
+  Cowles, Mrs. Mary
+    "     Rev. Sylvester
+  Craige, Charles
+  Crane, William
+  Crutchfield, Thomas
+  Cuggy, T.
+  Curtis, Mr.
+     "    Rev. John H.
+  Cuyler, J.
+  Daniel and Goodman
+  Darien Telegraph
+  Davidson, Rev. Patrick
+  Davis, John
+  Davis, Benjamin
+  Dean, Jethro
+    "   Thomas
+  Demming, Dr.
+  Denser, T.S.
+  Derbigny, Judge
+  Dew, Philip A.
+   "   President
+  Dickey, Rev. James H.
+    "     William
+  Dickinson, Mr.
+  Dillahunty, John H.
+  Doddridge, Philip
+  Dorrah, James
+  Downman, Mrs. Lucy M.
+  Douglas, Rev. J.W.
+  Drake and Thomson
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Drown, William
+  Dudley, Rev. John
+  Duggan, John
+  Dunn, John L.
+  Dunham, Jacob
+  Durell, Judge
+  Durett, Francis
+  Dustin, W.
+  Dyer, William
+  Eastman, Rev. D.B.
+  Eaton, General William
+  Edmunds, Nicholas
+  Edwards, F.L.C.
+     "     President
+     "   Junior "
+  Ellison, Samuel
+  Ellis, Orren
+  Ellsworth, Elijah
+  Emancipation Society of N.C.
+  English, Walter R.
+  Evans, R.A.
+  Everett, William
+  Faulkner, Mr.
+  Fayetteville Observer
+  Fernandez and Whiting
+  Finley, James C.
+    "     R.S.
+  Fishers, E.H. and I.
+  Fitzhugh, William H.
+  Ford, John
+  Foster, Francis
+  Fox, John B.
+  Foy, Enoch
+  Francisville Chronicle
+  Franklin Republican
+  Frederick, John
+  Friends, Yearly Meeting of
+  Fuller, Isaac C.
+  Fullerton, G.S.
+  Furman, B.
+  Gadsden, Thomas N.
+  Gaines, Rev. Ludwell, G.
+  Gales, Joseph
+  Garcia, Henrico Y.
+  Garland, Maurice H.
+  Gates, Seth M.
+  Gayle, John
+  Georgetown Union
+  Georgia Constitutionalist
+     "    Journal
+  Georgian
+  Gholson, Mr.
+  Giddings, Mr.
+  Gilbert, E.W.
+  Gildersterre, William C.
+  Glidden, Mr.
+  Goode, Mr.
+  Gourden and Co.
+  Grace, Byrd M.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+     "    Rev. Dr.
+  Grand Gulf Advertiser
+  Graham, Jehab
+  Gray, Abraham
+  Greene, R.A.
+  Green, James R.
+  Gregory, Ossian
+  Gridley, H.
+  Grimké, Sarah M.
+  Grosvenor. Rev. Cyrus P.
+  Guex, D.F.
+  Gunnell, John J.H.
+  Guthrie, A.A.
+  Guyler, J.
+  Halley, Preston
+  Hall, Samuel
+  Han, E.
+  Hand, John H.
+  Hansborough, William
+  Hanson, Peter
+  Harding, N.H.
+  Harman, Samuel
+  Harrison, General W.H.
+  Hart, F.A.
+   "    Rev. Mr.
+  Harvey, J.
+  Hawley, David
+    "     Rev. Francis
+  Hayne, General R.Y.
+  Henderson, John
+     "       Judge
+  Hendren, H.
+  Herring, D.
+    "      Dr.
+  Hitchcock, Judge
+  Hite, S.N.
+  Hodges, B.W.
+    "     Rev. Coleman S.
+  Holcombe, John P.
+  Holmes, George
+  Home, Frederick
+  Honerton, Philip
+  Hopkins, Rev. Henry T.
+  Horsey, Outerbridge
+  Hough, Rev. Joseph
+  Houstoun, Edward
+  Hudnall, Thomas
+  Hughes, Benjamin
+  Hunt, John
+   "    Rev. Thomas P.
+  Hussey, George P.C.
+  Huston, Felix
+  Hutchings, A.J.
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Indiana, Legislature of
+  Jackson, Stephen M.
+      "    Telegraph
+  James, Joseph
+  Jarnett, James T. De
+  Jarvett, James T.
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Jenkins, John
+  Jett, Marshall
+  Johnson, Bryant
+      "    Cornelius
+      "    Isaac
+      "    Josiah S.
+  Jolley, J.L.
+  Jones, Alexander
+    "    Anson
+    "    Hill
+    "    James
+    "    R.H.
+    "    W. Jefferson
+  Jourdan, Green B.
+  Judd, D.
+    "   Mrs. Nancy
+  Keeton, G.W.
+  Kennedy, John
+  Kentucky, Synod of
+  Kephart, George
+  Kernin, Charles
+  Keyes, Willard
+  Kimball and Thome
+     "    George
+  Kimborough, James
+  King, Charles
+    "   John H.
+    "   Nehemiah
+  Knapp, Henry E.
+    "    Isaac
+  Kyle, Frederick
+    "   James
+  Lacy, Theodore A.
+  Ladd, William
+  Lains, O.W.
+  Lambeth, William L.
+  Lambre, Mr.
+  Lancette, R.
+  Langhorne, Scruggs and Cook
+  Larrimer, Thomas
+  Latimer, W.K.
+  Lawless, Judge
+  Lawyer, Zadok
+  Ledwith, Thomas
+  Leftwich, William
+  Lemes, Ferdinand
+  Leverich and Co.
+  Lewis, Kirkman
+  Lexington Intelligencer
+      "     Observer
+  Little, Mrs. Sophia
+  Loflano, Hazlet
+  Long, Joseph
+  Loomis, Henry H.
+  Loring, R.
+     "    Thomas
+  Louisville Reporter
+  Lowry, Mrs. Nancy
+  Luminais, A.
+  Lyman, Judge
+     "   Rev. H.
+  Macoin, J.
+  Macon Messenger
+   "    Telegraph
+  Macy, F.C.
+   "    Reuben G.
+   "    Richard
+   "    T.D.M.
+  Magee, William
+  Males, Henry
+  Maltby, Stephen E.
+  Manning, P.T.
+  Marietta College, student of
+  Marks, James
+  Marriott, Charles
+  Marshall, John T.
+  Martineau, Harriet
+  Maryland Journal
+  Maryville Intelligencer
+  Mason, Samuel
+  Mathieson, Rev. James
+  May, Rev. Samuel J.
+  McCue, Moses
+  McDonnell, James
+  McGehee, Edward J.
+  McGregor, Henry M.
+  McMurrain, John
+  Mead Whitman
+  Medical College of South Carolina
+  Memphis Gazette
+     "    Inquirer
+  Menefee, R.H.
+  Menzies, Judge
+  Mercer, Mr.
+  Metcalf, Asa B.
+  Middleton, Mr.
+  Miles, Lemuel
+  Milledgeville Journal
+        "       Recorder
+  Miller, C.
+  Minister from Texas, A. Jones
+  Minor, W.I.
+  Missouri Republican
+  Mitchell, Dr. Robert
+  Mitchell, Isaac
+  M'Neilly
+  Mobile Advertiser
+    "    Examiner
+    "    Register
+  Mongin, R.P.T.
+  Montesquieu
+  Montgomery, W.H.
+  Moore, Mr. Va.
+  Moorhead, John H.
+  Morris, E.W.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Moyne Dr. F. Julius Le
+  Muggridge, Matthew
+  Muir J.G.
+  Murat A.
+  Murphy S.B.
+  Napier T. and L.
+  Natchez Courier
+     " Daily Free Trade
+  National Intelligencer
+  Nelson Dr. David
+     "   John M.
+  Nesbitt Wilson
+  Newbern Sentinel
+    "     Spectator
+  New Hampshire, legislature of
+  Newman Mrs. B.
+  New Orleans Argus
+      "       Bee
+      "       Bulletin
+      "       Courier
+      "       Kidnapping at
+      "       Mercantile Advertiser
+      "       Post
+  New York American
+      "    Sun
+  Neyle S.
+  Nicholas Judge
+  Nicoll Robert
+  Niles Hezekiah
+  Noe James
+  Norfolk Beacon
+     "    Herald
+  N.C. Literary and Commercial-Standard
+  N.C. Journal
+  Nourse Rev. James
+  Nye Horace
+  O'Byrne
+  O'Connell Daniel
+  Oliver Colonel
+  O'Neill Peter
+  Onslow, Citizens of
+  Orme Moses
+  O'Rorke John
+  Overstreet, Richard
+  Overstreet, William
+  Owen, Captain N.F.
+  Owen, John W.
+  Owens, J.G.
+  Parrish, John
+  Parrott, Dr.
+  Patterson, Willie
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Peacock, Jesse
+  Perry, Thomas C.
+  Petersburg Constellation
+  Philanthropist
+  Pickard, J.S.
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Pinkney, William
+  Planter's Intelligencer
+  Planters of South Carolina
+  Poe, William
+  Porter, Mr.
+  Portsmouth Times
+  Powell, Eleazar
+  Presbyterian elder
+  President of the United States
+  Pringle, Thomas
+  Pritchard, William H.
+  Probate sale
+  Purdon, James
+  Ragland, Samuel
+  Raleigh Register
+  Ralston, Samuel
+  Randall, J.B.
+  Randolph, John
+  Riadolph, Thomas Mann
+  Rankin, Rev. John
+  Rascoe, William D.
+  Rawlins, Samuel
+  Raworth, Egbert A.
+  Redden J.V.
+  Red River Whig
+  Reed, Rev. Andrew
+  Reed, William H.
+  Reese, Enoch
+  Reins, Richard
+  Reeves, W.P.
+  Renshaw Rev. C.S.
+  Rhodes, Durant H.
+  Rice, H.W.
+  Rice, Rev. David
+  Richardson, G.C.
+  Richards, James K.
+  Richards, Moses R.
+  Richards, Stephen M.
+  Richmond Compiler
+  Richmond Inquirer
+  Richmond Whig
+  Ricks, Micajah
+  Riley, W.
+  Ripley, George B.
+  Roach, Philip
+  Robbins, Welcome H.
+  Robarts, William
+  Roberts, J.H.
+  Robin, C.C.
+  Robinson, N.M.C.
+  Robinson, William
+  Roebuck, George
+  Rogers, N.P.
+  Rogers, Thomas
+  Ross, Abner
+  Rowland, John A.
+  Ruffin, Judge
+  Russel, Benjamin
+  Russel, W.
+  Rymes, Littlejohn
+  Sadd, Rev. Joseph M.
+  Salvo, Conrad
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Saunders, James
+  Savage, Rev. Thomas
+  Savannah Georgian
+  Savannah Republican
+  Savory, William
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Schmidt, Louis
+  Scott, Rev. Orange
+  Scott, William
+  Scrivener, J.
+  Seabrook, Whitmarsh B.
+  Secretary of the navy
+  Selfer
+  Senator of the United States
+  Sevier, Ambrose H.
+  Sewall, Stephen
+  Shafter, M.M.
+  Sheith, M.J.
+  Shield and Walker
+  Shields, Polly C.
+  Shropshire, David
+  Simmons, B.C.
+  Simpson, John
+  Sizer, R.W.
+  Skinner, W.
+  Slaveholders
+  Smith, Bishop of Kentucky
+  Smith, Gerrit
+  Smith, Professor
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Smyth, Alexander
+  Snow, Henry H.
+  Snowden, J.
+  Snowden, Rev. Samuel
+  South Carolina, legislature of
+  South Carolina, Medical College of
+  South Carolina, Slaveholder of
+  Southern Argus
+  Southern Christian Herald
+  Southerner
+  Southmayd, Rev. Daniel S.
+  Spillman, Mr.
+  Stansell, William
+  Staughton, Rev. Dr.
+  Staunton Spectator
+  Steams and Co.
+  Stevenson, Andrew
+  Stewart, Samuel
+  Stillmam, Dr.
+  Stith, W. and A.
+  Stone, Asa A.
+  Stone, Silas
+  Stone, William L.
+  Strickland, William
+  Stroud, George M.
+  Stuart, Charles
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Swain, B.
+  Synod of South Carolina and Georgia
+  Tart, John
+  Tate, Calvin H.
+  Taylor, James H.
+    "     John
+    "     Lawton, and Co.
+  Texan minister, Anson Jones
+  Thatcher, Colonel
+  Thome and Kimball
+  Thome, James A.
+  Thompson, Henry P.
+  Thomson, Mr.
+    "    , Sandford
+  Todd, R.S.
+  Toler, William
+  Tolin, Cornelius D.
+  Townsend, Ely
+    "     , Samuel
+  Tucker, Judge
+  Turnbull, Robert
+  Turner, John
+    "   , John D.
+    "   , L.
+  Tarton, S.B.
+  Tuscaloosa Flag of the Union
+  Upsher, Judge
+  Ustick, William A.
+  Vance, John
+  Van Buren, Martin
+  Varillat, H.
+  Vicksburg Register
+  Virginia Minister
+  Virginian
+  Walker, John
+  Walton, George
+    "   , John W.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+  Washington Globe
+  Waugh, Dr. Jeremiah S.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimké
+  Wells, Thomas J.
+  West Eli
+  Western Luminary
+    "     Medical Journal
+    "        "    Reformer
+    "     Review
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Whitbread, Samuel
+  Whitefield, George
+    "       , Needham
+  Whitehead, C.C.
+    "      , W.W.
+  White, Hiram
+  Wightman, Rev. William M.
+  Wilberforce, W.
+  Wilkins, C.W.
+  Wilkinson, Alfred
+  Williams, George W.
+  Willis, Robert
+  Willis, William
+  Wilmington Advertiser
+  Wilson, Rev. Joseph G.
+  Winchester Virginian
+  Wirt, William
+  Wisner, F.
+  Witherspoon, Dr.
+  Woodward, Jeremiah
+  Woolman, John
+  Wotton, John
+  Wright, Mr.
+  Yampert, T.J. De
+  Yearly meeting of Friends
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Woman dying
+  "   flogged because her child died
+  "   maniac
+  "   no respect for
+Women at childbirth
+  "    " the same labor with men
+  "    " work
+  "   miscarry under the whip
+  "   not breeding
+  "   pregnant whipped
+  "   severe whippers of slaves
+  "   slaves
+Workhouse at Charleston
+Working hours
+  "     of slaves
+Worn-out slaves
+"Worse and worse"
+Worship of God prohibited
+Wounds by gunshot
+Wright Isaac
+</pre>
+<h3>
+Y.
+</h3>
+<pre>
+Yokes for slaves
+</pre>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+<a name="AE_10_sp"></a>
+THE
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+No. 10.
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<H2 class="centered">
+SPEECH
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+of
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+HON. THOMAS MORRIS,
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+OF OHIO,
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+IN REPLY TO THE SPEECH OF
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+THE
+</h2>
+<h2 class="centered">
+HON. HENRY CLAY.
+</h2>
+<h2 class="centered">
+IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1839.
+</h2>
+<h2 class="centered">
+NEW YORK:
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3 class="centered">
+PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+NO. 143 NASSAU STREET:
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+1839.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<p>
+This No. contains 2-1/2 sheets.&mdash;Postage, under 100 miles, 4 cts. over
+  100, 7 cts.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Please Read and circulate.</i>
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+SPEECH
+</h2>
+<hr>
+<p>
+MR. PRESIDENT&mdash;I rise to present for the consideration of the Senate,
+numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own State, but
+citizens of several other States, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan,
+Illinois, and Indiana. These petitioners, amounting in number to
+several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in
+communicating to Congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which,
+to them, appear of the highest importance. These petitions, sir, are
+on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and
+from this District, the slave trade between the different States of
+this Confederacy, between this country and Texas, and against the
+admission of that country into the Union, and also against that of any
+other State, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery.
+I take this opportunity to present all these petitions together,
+having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in
+order that as small a portion of the attention of the Senate might be
+taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard
+to the rights of the petitioners. And I now present them under the
+most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this
+or any other country. I present them on the heel of the petitions
+which have been presented by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay]
+signed by the inhabitants of this District, praying that Congress
+would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the District,
+from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. This is something
+new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most
+extraordinary in itself. These petitions I am bound in duty to
+present&mdash;a duty which I cheerfully perform, for I consider it not only
+a duty but an honor. The respectable names which these petitions bear,
+and being against a practice which I as deeply deprecate and deplore
+as they can possibly do, yet I well know the fate of these petitions;
+and I also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which I
+present them. In availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own
+views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the
+character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to
+all that I am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. The strong
+prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the District, the
+unwillingness of the Senate to hear, the power which is arrayed
+against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose
+rights I am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate
+in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and
+surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more
+able and eloquent than the <i>lone</i> and humble individual who now
+addresses you.
+</p>
+<p>
+What, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena,
+opposed by such powerful odds? Nothing, sir, nothing but a strong
+sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause I advocate is
+just; that the petitioners whom I represent are honest, upright,
+intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who
+are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the
+purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and
+benevolence. In representing such men, and in such a cause, though by
+the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the
+Senate of the United States, order, and a decent respect to the
+opinions of others, would prevail. From the causes which I have
+mentioned, I can hardly hope for this. I expect to proceed through
+scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a
+full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion.
+Permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that I have been now six years a
+member of this body. I have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion
+of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the
+Senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. I
+question very much if I have occupied the time of the Senate during
+the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six
+days. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be thought obtrusive, or
+charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. I hope, Mr.
+President, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here.
+Who has began the agitation now? The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay.]
+Who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the Senate and
+the country on its results? The Senator from South Carolina, Mr.
+[Calhoun.] And pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation
+begun? Let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records
+on your table, that when I, as a member of this body, but a few days
+since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these
+petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung
+from their seats and objected to its introduction. And when you, sir,
+decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion
+or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and
+this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that
+the Senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in
+cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution
+printed, by order of the Senate, was denied.
+</p>
+<p>
+Let the Senator from South Carolina before me remember that, at the
+last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery,
+they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on,
+and decided; and let the Senator from Kentucky reflect, that the
+petition which he offered against our right, was also received and
+ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and I call on
+the Senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which I
+have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the
+printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or
+referred. Posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time,
+may well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the United
+States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. Permit
+me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater
+than the throne itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It is a power,
+according to the calculation of the Senator from Kentucky, which owns
+twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if
+money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a
+power which claims human property more than double the amount which
+the whole money of the world could purchase. What can stand before
+this power? Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. This
+power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but
+it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or
+other aid. Let it be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years
+since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence
+sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception
+of petitions against the action of the Senate on their resolutions of
+censure against the President. The country took instant alarm, and the
+political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. The
+same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the
+same thing. This is the array of power that even now is attempting
+such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also
+now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the Bank
+power. It, too, begins to tremble for its safety. What is to be done?
+Why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the
+right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of
+debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. But all
+will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of
+the black power of the South with the white power of the North must
+take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction
+of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. Let
+me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as I said on a
+former day, God forbid that they should ever rule this country! I have
+seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for
+some time past; I informed my private friends of the political party
+with which I have heretofore acted, during the first week of this
+session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the
+present administration; and I warned them of the folly and mischief
+they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery.
+All doubts are now terminated. The display made by the Senator from
+Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as
+abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his
+efforts met from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,]
+clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political
+chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new
+bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the
+advantage of political aspirants.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] seemed, at the
+conclusion of the argument made by the Senator from Kentucky, to be
+filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. He told us, that about
+twelve months since HE had offered a resolution which turned the tide
+in favor of the great principle of State rights, and says he is highly
+pleased with the course taken by the Kentucky Senator. All is now safe
+by the acts of that Senator. The South is now consolidated as one man;
+it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is
+the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a
+political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by
+it; and that abolition is now DEAD, and will soon be forgotten. So far
+the Senator from South Carolina, as I understand him. But, sir, is
+this really the case? Is the South united as one man, and is the
+Senator from Kentucky the great centre of attraction? What a lesson to
+the friends of the present Administration, who have been throwing
+themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! The
+black enchantment I hope is now at an end&mdash;the dream dissolved, and we
+awake into open day. No longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt
+on this subject. But is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just
+beginning? Is abolitionism DEAD&mdash;or is it just awaking into life? Is
+the right of petition strangled and forgotten&mdash;or is it increasing in
+strength and force? These are serious questions for the gentleman's
+consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an
+impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. Sir, when
+these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of
+course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in
+fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like
+the enemies of the strong man in days of old. But let me bring back
+the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to
+sober realities and solemn facts. I have now lying before me the names
+of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely
+conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these
+petitioners called) are not <i>all dead</i>. These are my first proofs to
+show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. I have also, sir, since
+the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by
+Providence to suit the occasion, and by whom I know not. It is the
+Cincinnati Republican of the 2d instant, which contains an extract
+from the Louisville Advertiser, a paper printed in Kentucky, in
+Louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty
+miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. That paper is the
+leading Administration journal, too, as I am informed, in Kentucky.
+Hear what it says on the death of abolition:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"ABOLITION&mdash;CINCINNATI&mdash;THE LOUISVILLE ADVERTISER.
+</p>
+<p>
+"We copy the following notice of an article which we lately published,
+upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the
+Louisville Advertiser:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"'ABOLITION.&mdash;The reader is referred to an interesting article which we
+have copied from the Cincinnati Republican&mdash;a paper which lately
+supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has <i>turned</i>, but
+not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress,
+or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio. It does not, however, give a
+correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati. There
+they are in the ascendant. They control the city elections, regulate
+what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public
+opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and
+intelligence. The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco
+Focos&mdash;but "drones" and "consumers"&mdash;the "rich and well-born," of
+course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ
+the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States.
+Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati. We
+doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway
+in that place in the last four years. When negroes reach "the Queen
+city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its
+wealth. They receive the aid of the <i>elite</i> of the Buckeyes; and we
+have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her
+one of the dependencies of Cincinnati! Let our mutual sons go on. The
+day of mutual retribution is at hand&mdash;much nearer than is now
+imagined. The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the
+slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its
+new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the
+right of petitioning Congress to abolish slavery. There are about two
+hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time,
+and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears
+that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books
+and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize
+additional societies&mdash;or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war
+which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire
+whole; much of it I repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of
+Cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding State&mdash;from the State
+of the Senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that
+it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds&mdash;and as
+the South Carolina Senator pronounces them dead, I produce this from a
+slaveholding State, for the special benefit and consolation of the two
+Senators. It comes from a source to which, I am sure, both gentlemen
+ought to give credit. But suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is
+liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? Is liberty of speech, of the
+press, and the right of petition also dead? True, it has been
+strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if
+they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt,
+in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to
+the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead,
+but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot
+what it may, I shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all
+circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the
+common gift of the Creator to all men, and against the power of these
+two great interests&mdash;the slave power of the South, and banking power
+of the North&mdash;which are now uniting to rule this country. The cotton
+bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with
+slave labor. These two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced
+each other, both looking to the same object&mdash;to live upon the
+unrequited labor of others&mdash;and have now erected for themselves a
+common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which
+they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and
+free labor.
+</p>
+<p>
+With these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let
+no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that I charge
+gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners
+here such as I now present&mdash;men who love liberty, and are opposed to
+slavery&mdash;that in behalf of these citizens I speak; and, by whatever
+name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose
+cause I advocate. I make no war upon the rights of others. I do no act
+but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar
+institutions of any State; but acts only in defence of my own rights,
+of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my State, I shall not cease
+while the current of life shall continue to flow.
+</p>
+<p>
+I shall, Mr. President, in the further consideration of this subject,
+endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second,
+why slavery is wrong, and why I am opposed to it; third, the power of
+slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question,
+so often asked, what have the free States to do with slavery? Then
+make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the Senator
+from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. President, the duty I am requested to perform is one of the
+highest which a Representative can be called on to discharge. It is to
+make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his
+constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, I feel
+honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the
+duty. The petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone,
+but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of
+their will. It is true these petitions have not been sent here by the
+whole people of the United States, but from a portion of them only;
+yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon
+which it rests, that no portion of the American people, until a day or
+two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter
+petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented,
+they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in
+this District, but content themselves with objecting to others
+enjoying the rights they practise, and praying Congress not to receive
+or hear petitions from the people of the States&mdash;a new device of slave
+power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. I
+would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which
+denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their
+petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the
+District, if they believe the practice just, that their names might
+have gone down to posterity. No, sir; very few yet have the moral
+courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of
+these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that
+they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding
+slaves. Not so, sir, with the petitioners which I have the honor to
+represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names
+should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on
+this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that
+slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of
+political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending
+a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and
+blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. Who has said that
+these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not
+to be granted? Who has said that slavery is not an evil? Who has said
+it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? Who has said it does
+not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and
+wretchedness to another, in its train? Who has said, it is not unjust
+to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the
+master? Who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection,
+by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their
+parents? In fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's
+honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? Few, very few,
+perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its
+misery; and even many whose local situations are within its
+jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its
+continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look
+forward with strong hope to its final termination. SLAVERY! a word,
+like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced
+here but by those who worship at its shrine&mdash;and should one who is not
+such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous
+consequences are immediately predicted, the Union is to be dissolved,
+and the South to take care of itself.
+</p>
+<p>
+Do not suppose, Mr. President, that I feel as if engaged in a
+forbidden or improvident act. No such thing. I am contending with a
+local and "<i>peculiar</i>" interest, an interest which has already banded
+together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a
+petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. I
+am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his
+Creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away.
+No, sir! I am contending for the rights of the white person in the
+free States, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden
+down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as
+<i>property</i>. I am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens
+that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself
+with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion
+and perpetuate its existence. I am endeavoring to drive from the back
+of the <i>negro slave</i> the politician who has seated himself there to
+ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this
+unholy combination. The chains of slavery are sufficiently strong,
+without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free
+States. I feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the
+institutions of my own State, the persons and firesides of her
+citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being
+used and felt in the free States. To say that I am opposed to slavery
+in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable
+of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for
+its existence; and such I sincerely believe to be the feeling of many
+in the free States who use the phrase. I, sir, am not only opposed to
+slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory
+as well as practice. This principle is deeply implanted within me; it
+has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." In my
+infant years I learned to hate slavery. Your fathers taught me it was
+wrong in their Declaration of Independence: the doctrines which they
+promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the
+issue of the contest that made us a nation. They proclaimed "that all
+men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with
+certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and
+the pursuit of happiness." These truths are solemnly declared by them.
+I believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. Who can
+acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? It is, then, because
+I love the principles which brought your government into existence,
+and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you,
+sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other Senators seats in
+this body&mdash;it is because I love all this, that I hate slavery. Is it
+because I contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to
+slavery, that I have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? Yes;
+Virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the
+Legislature of my State to dismiss me from public confidence. Who
+taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? <i>Jefferson</i>,
+the great and the good Jefferson! Yes, <i>Virginia Senators</i>, it was
+your own Jefferson, Virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for
+the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than
+any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to
+hate slavery; it was in his school I was brought up. That Mr.
+Jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in
+our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings
+abundantly prove the fact. I hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it,
+of the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, a part of
+which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of
+South Carolina and Georgia. I will read it. Speaking of the wrongs
+done us by the British Government, in introducing slaves among us, he
+says: "He (the British King) has waged cruel war against human nature
+itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the
+persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and
+carrying them into SLAVERY in another hemisphere, or to incur
+miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical
+warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the
+Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market
+where MEN should be BOUGHT and SOLD, he has prostituted his
+prerogative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or
+restrain execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors might
+want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very
+people to rise in arms against us, and purchase that liberty of which
+he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has also
+obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the
+liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit
+against the lives of another." Thus far this great statesman and
+philanthropist. Had his contemporaries been ruled by his opinions, the
+country had now been at rest on this exciting topic. What
+abolitionist, sir, has used stronger language against slavery than Mr.
+Jefferson has done? "Cruel war against human nature," "violating its
+most sacred rights," "piratical warfare," "opprobrium of infidel
+powers," "a market where men should be bought and sold," "execrable
+commerce," "assemblage of horrors," "crimes committed against the
+liberty of the people," are the brands which Mr. Jefferson has burned
+into the forehead of slavery and the slave trade. When, sir, have I,
+or any other person opposed to slavery, spoken in stronger and more
+opprobrious terms of slavery, than this? You have caused the bust of
+this great man to be placed in the centre of your Capitol; in that
+conspicuous part where every visitor must see it, with its hand
+resting on the Declaration of Independence, engraved upon marble. Why
+have you done this? Is it not mockery? Or is it to remind us
+continually of the wickedness and danger of slavery? I never pass that
+statue without new and increased veneration for the man it represents,
+and increased repugnance and sorrow that he did not succeed in driving
+slavery entirely from the country. Sir, if I am an abolitionist,
+Jefferson made me so; and I only regret that the disciple should be so
+far behind the master, both in doctrine and practice. But, sir, other
+reasons and other causes have combined to fix and establish my
+principles in this matter, never, I trust, to be shaken. A free State
+was the place of my birth; a free Territory the theatre of my juvenile
+actions. Ohio is my country, endeared to me by every fond
+recollection. She gave me political existence, and taught me in her
+political school; and I should be worse than an unnatural son did I
+forget or disobey her precepts. In her Constitution it is declared,
+"That all men are born equally free and independent," and "that there
+shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the State,
+otherwise than for the punishment of crimes." Shall I stand up for
+slavery in any case, condemned as it is by such high authority as
+this? No, never! But this is not all, Indiana, our younger Western
+sister, endeared to us by every social and political tie, a State
+formed in the same country as Ohio, from whose territory slavery was
+forever excluded by the ordinance of July, 1787&mdash;she too, has declared
+her abhorrence of slavery in more strong and empathic terms than we
+have done. In her constitution, after prohibiting slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, being introduced into the State, she declares,
+"But as to the holding any part of the human creation in slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, can originate only in <i>tyranny</i> and
+<i>usurpation</i>, no alteration of her constitution should ever take
+place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the
+State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party
+had been duly convicted." Illinois and Michigan also formed their
+constitutions on the same principles. After such a cloud of witnesses
+against slavery, and whose testimony is so clear and explicit, as a
+citizen of Ohio, I should be recreant to every principle of honor and
+of justice, to be found the apologist or advocate of slavery in any
+State, or in any country whatever. No, I cannot be so inconsistent as
+to say I am opposed to slavery in the <i>abstract</i>, in its separation
+from a human being, and still lend my aid to build it up, and make it
+perpetual in its operation and effects upon <i>man</i> in this or any other
+country. I also, in early life, saw a slave kneel before his master,
+and hold up his hands with as much apparent submission, humility, and
+adoration, as a man would have done before his Maker, while his master
+with out-stretched rod stood over him. This, I thought, is slavery;
+one man subjected to the will and power of another, and the laws
+affording him no protection, and he has to beg pardon of man, because
+he has offended man, (not the laws,) as if his master were a superior
+and all powerful being. Yes, this is slavery, boasted American
+slavery, without which, it is contended even here, that the union of
+these States would be dissolved in a day, yes, even in an hour!
+Humiliating thought, that we are bound together as States by the
+chains of slavery! It cannot be&mdash;the blood and the tears of slavery
+form no part of the cement of our Union&mdash;and it is hoped that by
+falling on its bands they may never corrode and eat them asunder. We
+who are opposed to and deplore the existence of slavery in our
+country, are frequently asked, both in public and private, what have
+you to do with slavery? It does not exist in your State; it does not
+disturb you! Ah, sir, would to God it were so&mdash;that we had nothing to
+do with slavery, nothing to fear from its power, or its action within
+our own borders, that its name and its miseries were unknown to us.
+But this is not our lot; we live upon its borders, and in hearing of
+its cries; yet we are unwilling to acknowledge, that if we enter its
+territories and violate its laws, that we should be punished at its
+pleasure. We do not complain of this, though it might well be
+considered just ground of complaint. It is our firesides, our rights,
+our privileges, the safety of our friends, as well as the sovereignty
+and independence of our State, that we are now called upon to protect
+and defend. The slave interest has at this moment the whole power of
+the country in its hands. It claims the President as a Northern man
+with Southern feelings, thus making the Chief Magistrate the head of
+an interest, or a party, and not of the country and the people at
+large. It has the cabinet of the President, three members of which are
+from the slave States, and one who wrote a book in favor of Southern
+slavery, but which fell dead from the press, a book which I have seen,
+in my own family, thrown musty upon the shelf. Here then is a decided
+majority in favor of the slave interest. It has five out of nine
+judges of the Supreme Court; here, also, is a majority from the slave
+States. It has, with the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of
+the House of Representatives, and the Clerks of both Houses, the army
+and the navy; and the bureaus, have, I am told, about the same
+proportion. One would suppose that, with all this power operating in
+this Government, it would be content to <i>permit</i>&mdash;yes I will use the
+word <i>permit</i>&mdash;it would be content to permit us, who live in the free
+States, to enjoy our firesides and our homes in quietness; but this is
+not the case. The slaveholders and slave laws claim that as property,
+which the free States know only as persons, a reasoning property,
+which, of its own will and mere motion, is frequently found in our
+States; and upon which THING we sometimes bestow food and raiment, if
+it appear hungry and perishing, believing it to be a human being; this
+perhaps is owing to our want of vision to discover the process by
+which a man is converted into a THING. For this act of ours, which is
+not prohibited by our laws, but prompted by every feeling, Christian
+and humane, the slaveholding power enters our territory, tramples
+under foot the sovereignty of our State, violates the sanctity of
+private residence, seizes our citizens, and disregarding the authority
+of our laws, transports them into its own jurisdiction, casts them
+into prison, confines them in fetters, and loads them with chains, for
+pretended offences against their own laws, found by willing grand
+juries upon the oath (to use the language of the late Governor of
+Ohio) of a perjured villain. Is this fancy, or is it fact, sober
+reality, solemn fact? Need I say all this, and much more, as now
+matter of history in the case of the Rev. John B. Mahan, of Brown
+county, Ohio? Yes, it is so; but this is but the beginning&mdash;a case of
+equal outrage has lately occurred, if newspapers are to be relied on,
+in the seizure of a citizen of Ohio, without even the forms of law,
+and who was carried into Virginia and shamefully punished by tar and
+feathers, and other disgraceful means, and rode upon a rail, according
+to the order of Judge Lynch, and this, only because in Ohio he was an
+abolitionist. Would I could stop here&mdash;but I cannot. This slave
+interest or power seizes upon persons of color in our States, carries
+them into States where men are property, and makes merchandize of
+them, sometimes under sanction of law, but more properly by its abuse,
+and sometimes by mere personal force, thus disturbing our quiet and
+harassing our citizens. A case of this kind has lately occurred, where
+a colored boy was seduced from Ohio into Indiana, taken from thence
+into Alabama and sold as a slave; and to the honor of the slave
+States, and gentlemen who administer the laws there, be it said, that
+many who have thus been taken and sold by the connivance, if not
+downright corruption, of citizens in the free States, have been
+liberated and adjudged free in the States where they have been sold,
+as was the case of the boy mentioned, who was sold in Alabama.
+</p>
+<p>
+Slave power is seeking to establish itself in every State, in defiance
+of the constitution and laws of the States within which it is
+prohibited. In order to secure its power beyond the reach of the
+States, it claims its parentage from the Constitution of the United
+States. It demands of us total silence as to its proceedings, denies
+to our citizens the liberty of speech and the press, and punishes them
+by mobs and violence for the exercise of these rights. It has sent its
+agents into the free States for the purpose of influencing their
+Legislatures to pass laws for the security of its power within such
+State, and for the enacting new offences and new punishments for their
+own citizens, so as to give additional security to its interest. It
+demands to be heard in its own person in the hall of our Legislature,
+and mingle in debate there. Sir, in every stage of these oppressions
+and abuses, permit me to say, in the language of the Declaration of
+Independence&mdash;and no language could be more appropriate&mdash;we have
+petitioned for redress in the most humble terms, and our repeated
+petitions have been answered by repeated injury. A power, whose
+character is marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit
+to rule over a free people. In our sufferings and our wrongs we have
+besought our fellow-citizens to aid us in the preservation of our
+constitutional rights, but, influenced by the love of gain or
+arbitrary power, they have sometimes disregarded all the sacred rights
+of man, and answered in violence, burnings, and murder. After all
+these transactions, which are now of public notoriety and matter of
+record, shall we of the free States tauntingly be asked what we have
+to do with slavery? We should rejoice, indeed, if the evils of slavery
+were removed far from us, that it could be said with truth, that we
+have nothing to do with slavery. Our citizens have not entered its
+territories for the purpose of obstructing its laws, nor do we wish to
+do so, nor would we justify any individual in such act; yet we have
+been branded and stigmatized by its friends and advocates, both in the
+free and slave States, as incendiaries, fanatics, disorganizers,
+enemies to our country, and as wishing to dissolve the Union. We have
+borne all this without complaint or resistance, and only ask to be
+secure in our persons, by our own firesides, and in the free exercise
+of our thoughts and opinions in speaking, writing, printing and
+publishing on the subject of slavery, that which appears to us to be
+just and right; because we all know the power of truth, and that it
+will ultimately prevail, in despite of all opposition. But in the
+exercise of all these rights, we acknowledge subjection to the laws of
+the State in which we are, and our liability for their abuse. We wish
+peace with all men; and that the most amicable relations and free
+intercourse may exist between the citizens of our State and our
+neighboring slaveholding States; we will not enter their States,
+either in our proper persons, or by commissioners, legislative
+resolutions, or otherwise, to interfere with their slave policy or
+slave laws; and we shall expect from them and their citizens a like
+return, that they do not enter our territories for the purpose of
+violating our laws in the punishment of our people for the exercise of
+their undoubted rights&mdash;the liberty of speech and of the press on the
+subject of slavery. We ask that no man shall be seized and transported
+beyond our State, in violation of our own laws, and that we shall not
+be carried into and imprisoned in another State for acts done in our
+own. We contend that the slaveholding power is properly chargeable
+with all the riots and disorders which take place on account of
+slavery. We can live in peace with all our sister States; if that
+power will be controlled by law, each can exercise and enjoy the full
+benefits secured by their own laws; and this is all we ask. If we hold
+up slavery to the view of an impartial public as it is, and if such
+view creates astonishment and indignation, surely we are not to be
+charged as libellers. A State institution ought to be considered the
+pride, not the shame of the State; and if we falsify such
+institutions, the disgrace is ours, not theirs. If slavery, however,
+is a blemish, a blot, an eating cancer in the body politic, it is not
+our fault if, by holding it up, others should see in the mirror of
+truth its deformity, and shrink back from the view. We have not, and
+we intend not, to use any weapons against slavery, but the moral power
+of truth and the force of public opinion. If we enter the slave
+States, and tamper with the slave contrary to law, punish us, we
+deserve it; and if a slaveholder is found in a free State, and is
+guilty of a breach of the law there, he also ought to be punished.
+These petitioners, as far as I understand them, disclaim all right to
+enter a slave State for the purpose of intercourse with the slave. It
+is the master whom they wish to address; and they ask and ought to
+receive protection from the laws, as they are willing to be judged by
+the laws. We invite into the arena of public discussion in our State
+the slaveholder; we are willing to hear his reasons and facts in favor
+of slavery, or against abolitionists: we do not fear his errors while
+we are ourselves free to combat them. The angry feelings which in some
+degree exist between the citizens of the free and slaveholding States,
+on account of slavery, are, in many cases, properly chargeable to
+those who defend and support slavery. Attempts are almost daily making
+to force the execution of slave laws in the free States; at least,
+their power and principles: and no term is too reproachful to be
+applied to those who resist such acts, and contend for the rights
+secured to every man under their own laws. We are often reminded that
+we ought to take color as evidence of property in a human being. We do
+not believe in such evidence, nor do we believe that a man can justly
+be made property by human laws. We acknowledge, however, that a <i>man</i>,
+not a <i>thing</i> may be held to service or labor under the laws of a
+State, and, if he escape into another State, he ought to be delivered
+up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due;
+that this delivery ought to be in pursuance of the laws of the State
+where such person is found, and not by virtue of any act of Congress.
+</p>
+<p>
+This brings me, Mr. President, to the consideration of the petition
+presented by the Senator from Kentucky, and to an examination of the
+views he has presented to the Senate on this highly important subject.
+Sir, I feel, I sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering into a
+controversy with that old and veteran Senator; but nothing high or low
+shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my duty here. If
+imperfectly done, it may be ascribed to the want of ability, not
+intention. If the power of my mind, and the strength of my body, were
+equal to the task, I would arouse every man, yes, every woman and
+child in the country, to the danger which besets them, if such
+doctrines and views as are presented by the Senator should ever be
+carried into effect. His denunciations are against abolitionists, and
+under that term are classed all those who petition Congress on the
+subject of slavery. Such I understand to be his argument, and as such
+I shall treat it. I, in the first place, put in a broad denial to all
+his general facts, charging this portion of my fellow citizens with
+improper motives or dangerous designs. That their acts are lawful he
+does not pretend to deny. I called for proof to sustain his charges.
+None such has been offered, and none such exists, or can be found. I
+repel them as calumnies double-distilled in the alembic of slavery. I
+deny them, also, in the particulars and inferences; and let us see
+upon what ground they rest, or by what process of reasoning they are
+sustained.
+</p>
+<p>
+The very first view of these petitioners against our right of petition
+strikes the mind that more is intended than at first meets the eye.
+Why was the committee on the District overlooked in this case, and the
+Senator from Kentucky made the organ of communication? Is it
+understood that anti-abolitionism is a passport to popular favor, and
+that the action of this District shall present for that favor to the
+public a gentleman upon this hobby? Is this petition presented as a
+subject of fair legislation? Was it solicited by members of Congress,
+from citizens here, for political effect? Let the country judge. The
+petitioners state that no persons but themselves are authorized to
+interfere with slavery in the District; that Congress are their own
+Legislature; and the question of slavery in the District is only
+between them and their constituted legislators; and they protest
+against all interference of others. But, sir, as if ashamed of this
+open position in favor of slavery, they, in a very coy manner, say
+that some of them are not slaveholders, and might be forbidden by
+conscience to hold slaves. There is more dictation, more political
+heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained in this petition, than I
+have ever before seen couched together in so many words. We! Congress
+their OWN Legislature in all that concerns this District! Let those
+who may put on the city livery, and legislate for them and not for his
+constituents, do so; for myself, I came here with a different view,
+and for different purposes. I came a free man, to represent the people
+of Ohio; and I intend to leave this as such representative, without
+wearing any other livery. Why talk about executive usurpation and
+influence over the members of Congress? I have always viewed this
+District influence as far more dangerous than that of any other power.
+It has been able to extort, yes, extort from Congress, millions to pay
+District debts, make District improvements, and in support of the
+civil and criminal jurisprudence of the District. Pray, sir, what
+right has Congress to pay the corporate debts of the cities in the
+District more than the Debts of the corporate cities in your State and
+mine? None, sir. Yet this has been done to a vast amount; and the next
+step is, that we, who pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition
+Congress on the subject of their institutions, for, if we can be
+prevented in one case, we can in all possible cases. Mark, sir, how
+plain a tale will silence these petitioners. If slavery in the
+District concerns only the inhabitants and Congress, so does all
+municipal regulations. Should they extend to granting lottery,
+gaming-houses, tippling-houses, and other places calculated to promote
+and encourage vice&mdash;should a representative in Congress be instructed
+by his constituents to use his influence, and vote against such
+establishments, and the people of the District should instruct him to
+vote for them, which should he obey? To state the question is to
+answer it; otherwise the boasted right of instruction by the
+constituent body is "mere sound," signifying nothing. Sir, the
+inhabitants of this district are subject to state legislation and
+state policy; they cannot complain of this, for their condition is
+voluntary; and as this city is the focus of power, of influence, and
+considered also as that of fashion, if not of folly, and as the
+streams which flow from here irradiate the whole country, it is right,
+it is proper, that it should be subject to state policy and state
+power, and not used as a leaven to ferment and corrupt the whole body
+politic.
+</p>
+<p>
+The honorable Senator has said the petition, though from a city, is
+the fair expression of the opinion of the District. As such I treated
+it, am willing to acknowledge the respectability of the petitioners
+and their rights, and I claim for the people of my own state equal
+respectability and equal rights that the people of the District are
+entitled to: any peculiar rights and advantages I cannot admit.
+</p>
+<p>
+I agree with the Senator, that the proceedings on abolition petitions,
+heretofore, have not been the most wise and prudent course. They ought
+to have been referred and acted on. Such was my object, a day or two
+since, when I laid on your table a resolution to refer them to a
+committee for inquiry. You did not suffer it, sir, to be printed. The
+country and posterity will judge between the people whom I represent
+and those who caused to be printed the petition from the city. It
+cannot be possible that justice can have been done in both cases. The
+exclusive legislation of Congress over the District is as much the act
+of the constituent body, as the general legislation of Congress over
+the States, and to the operation of this act have the people within
+the District submitted themselves. I cannot, however, join the Senator
+that the majority, in refusing to receive and refer petitions, did not
+intend to destroy or impair the right in this particular. They
+certainly have done so.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator admits the abolitionists are now formidable; that
+something must be done to produce harmony. Yes, sir, do justice, and
+harmony will be restored. Act impartially, that justice may be done:
+hear petitions on both sides, if they are offered, and give righteous
+judgments, and your people will be satisfied. You cannot compromise
+them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep with fallacies in the
+shape of reports. You cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them
+by sophistry. Remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor can you
+overthrow it. You must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have
+taken, and receive petitions. The reason of the case, the argument and
+the judgment of the people, are all against you. One in this cause can
+"chase a thousand," and the voice of justice will be heard whenever
+you agitate the subject. In Indiana, the right to petition has been
+most nobly advocated in a protest, by a member, against some puny
+resolutions of the Legislature of that State to whitewash slavery.
+Permit me to read a paragraph, worthy an American freeman:
+</p>
+<p>
+"But who would have thought until lately, that any would have doubted
+the right to petition in a respectful manner to Congress? Who would
+have believed, that Congress had any authority to refuse to consider
+the petitions of the people? Such a step would overthrow the autocrat
+of Russia, or cost the Grand Seignior of Constantinople his head. Can
+it be possible, therefore, that it has been reserved for a republican
+Government, in a land boasting of its free institutions, to set the
+first precedent of this kind? Our city councils, our courts of
+justice, every department of Government are approached by petition,
+however unanswerable, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful.
+None go away unread, or unheard. The life of every individual is a
+perfect illustration of the subject of petitioning. Petition is the
+language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad variety of
+woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some power superior to himself.
+Petitioning is the foundation of all government, and of all
+administrations of law. Yet it has been reserved for our Congress,
+seconded indirectly by the vote of this Legislature, to question this
+right, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted,
+that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a guaranty of it
+in the first draft of the Federal Constitution. Yet this sacred right
+has been, at one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the feet
+of slavery. The old bulwarks of our Federal and State Constitutions
+seem utterly to have been forgotten, which declare, 'that the freedom
+of speech and the press shall not be abridged, nor the right of the
+people peaceably to assemble and <i>petition</i> for the redress of their
+grievances.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+These, sir, are the sentiments which make abolitionists formidable,
+and set at nought all your councils for their overthrow. The honorable
+Senator not only admits that abolitionists are formidable, but that
+they consist of three classes. The friends of humanity and justice, or
+those actuated by those principles, compose one class. These form a
+very numerous class, and the acknowledgment of the Senator proves the
+immutable principles upon which opposition to slavery rests. Men are
+opposed to it from principles of humanity and justice&mdash;men are
+abolitionists, he admits, on that account. We thank the Senator for
+teaching us that word, we intend to improve it. The next class of
+abolitionists, the Senator says, are so, apparently, for the purpose
+of advocating the right of petition. What are we to understand from
+this? That the right of petition needs advocacy. Who has denied this
+right, or who has attempted to abridge it? The slaveholding power,
+that power which avoids open discussion, and the free exercise of
+opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of the
+right of petition necessary, having seized upon all the powers of the
+Government. It is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron
+rule, no matter to what political party they have heretofore belonged;
+they are uniting with the first class, and act from principles of
+humanity and justice; and if the mists and shades of slavery were not
+the atmosphere in which gentlemen were enveloped, they would see
+constant and increasing numbers of our most worthy and intelligent
+citizens attaching themselves to the two classes mentioned, and
+rallying under the banners of abolitionism. They are compelled to go
+there, if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend and
+perpetuate the liberties of the country. The hopes of the oppressed
+spring up afresh from this discussion of the gentleman. The third
+class, the Senator says, are those who, to accomplish their ends, act
+without regard to consequences. To them, all the rights of property,
+of the States, of the Union, the Senator says, are nothing. He says
+they aim at other objects than those they profess&mdash;emancipation in the
+District of Columbia. No, says the Senator, their object is <i>universal
+emancipation</i>, not only in the District, but in the Territories and in
+the States. Their object is to set free three millions of negro
+slaves. Who made the Senator, in his place here, the censor of his
+fellow citizens? Who authorized him to charge them with other objects
+than those they profess?  How long is it since the Senator himself, on
+this floor, denounced slavery as an evil? What other inducements or
+object had he then in view? Suppose universal emancipation to be the
+object of these petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy
+object; worthy of the Christian, the philanthropist, the statesman,
+and the citizen? But the Senator says, they (the petitioners) aim to
+excite one portion of the country against another. I deny, sir, this
+charge, and call for the proof; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and
+unjust towards my fellow citizens. This is the language of a stricken
+conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charging
+guilt upon others. It is the language of those who, failing in
+argument, endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of their
+opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. It is
+the language of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and
+honorable investigation, the object of which is truth. I again put in
+a broad denial to this charge, that any portion of these petitioners,
+whom I represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against
+another; and without proof I cannot admit that the assertion of the
+honorable Senator establishes the fact. It is but opinion, and naked
+assertion only. The Senator complains that the means and views of the
+abolitionists are not confined to securing the right of petition only;
+no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the BALLOT BOX; and if
+that fail, says the Senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet.
+Sir, no man, who is an American in feeling and in heart, but ought to
+repel this charge instantly, and without any reservation whatever,
+that if they fail at the ballot box they will resort to the bayonet.
+If such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country,
+it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising the
+right of petition, but by those only who deny that right to others,
+and seek to usurp the whole power of the Government. If the ballot box
+fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now
+are. Does the Senator believe that any portion of the honest yeomanry
+of the country entertain such thoughts? I hope he does not. If
+thoughts of this kind exist, they are to be found in the hearts of
+aspirants to office, and their adherents, and none others. Who, sir,
+is making this question a political affair? Not the petitioners. It
+was the slaveholding power which first made this move. I have noticed
+for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as
+well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists
+for exercising the rights of freemen.
+</p>
+<p>
+Both political parties, however, have courted them in private and
+denounced them in public, and both have equally deceived them. And who
+shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his
+principles to the <i>ballot box? Who fears the ballot box?</i> The honest
+in heart, the lover of our country and its institutions? No, sir! It
+is feared by the tyrant; he who usurps power, and seizes upon the
+liberty of others; he, for one, fears the ballot box. Where is the
+slave to party in this country who is so lost to his own dignity, or
+so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not, or will not,
+carry his principles and his judgment into the ballot box? Such an one
+ought to have the mark of Cain in his forehead, and sent to labor
+among the negro slaves of the South. The honorable Senator seems
+anxious to take under his care the ballot box, as he has the slave
+system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it
+for the redress of what they deem a political grievance. Suppose the
+power of the Executive chair should take under its care the right of
+voting, and who should proscribe any portion of our citizens who
+should carry with them to the polls of election their own opinions,
+creeds, and doctrines. This would at once be a deathblow to our
+liberties, and the remedy could only be found in revolution. There can
+be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the ballot box is free.
+Our Government is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation
+rests on public opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the
+nation. The moral power of that of the ballot box is sufficient to
+correct all abuses. Let me, then, proclaim here, from this high arena,
+to the citizens not only of my own State, but to the country, to all
+sects and parties who are entitled to the right of suffrage, To THE
+BALLOT BOX! carry with you honestly your own sentiments respecting the
+welfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you
+can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. Fear
+not the frowns of power. It trembles while it denounces you. The
+Senator complains that the abolitionists have associated with the
+politics of the country. So far as I am capable of judging, this
+charge is not well founded; many politicians of the country have used
+abolitionists as stepping stones to mount into power; and, when there,
+have turned about and traduced them. He admits that political parties
+are willing to unite with them any class of men, in order to carry
+their purposes. Are abolitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the
+same course? It seems the Senator is willing that his party should
+make use of even abolitionists; but he is not willing that
+abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. This seems
+not to be in accordance with that equality of rights about which we
+heard so much at the last session. Abolitionists have nothing to fear.
+If public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and
+amongst them as the locusts of Egypt. The Senator seems to admit that,
+if the abolitionists are joined to either party, there is
+danger&mdash;danger of what? That humanity and justice will prevail? that
+the right of petition will be secured to ALL EQUALLY? and that the
+long lost and trodden African race will be restored to their natural
+rights? Would the Senator regret to see this accomplished by argument,
+persuasion, and the force of an enlightened public opinion? I hope
+not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this
+warfare.
+</p>
+<p>
+These ultra-abolitionists, says the Senator, invoke the power of this
+government to their aid. And pray, sir, what power should they invoke?
+Have they not the same right to approach this government as other men?
+Is the Senator or this body authorized to deny them any privileges
+secured to other citizens? If so, let him show me the charter of his
+power and I will be silent. Until he can do this, I shall uphold,
+justify, and sustain them, as I do other citizens. The exercise of
+power by Congress in behalf of the slaves within this District, the
+Senator seems to think, no one without the District has the least
+claim to ask for. It is because I reside without the District, and am
+called within it by the Constitution, that I object to the existence
+of slavery here. I deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point.
+On this then, we are equal. The Senator, however, is at war with
+himself. He contends the object of the cession by the States of
+Virginia and Maryland, was to establish a seat of Government <i>only</i>,
+and to give Congress whatever power was necessary to render the
+District a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and
+that Congress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this
+District; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to attain the
+object, Congress have power to abolish slavery in the District. I am
+sure I quote the gentleman substantially; and I thank him for this
+precious confession in his argument; it is what I believe, and I know
+it is all I feel disposed to ask. If we can, then, prove that this
+District is not as comfortable and convenient a place for the
+deliberations of Congress, and the comfort of our citizens who may
+visit it, while slavery exists here, as it would be without slavery,
+then slavery ought to be abolished; and I trust we shall have the
+distinguished Senator from Kentucky to aid us in this great national
+reformation. I take the Senator at his word. I agree with him that
+this ought to be such a place as he has described; but I deny that it
+is so. And upon what facts do I rest my denial? We are a Christian
+nation, a moral and religious people. I speak for the free States, at
+least for my own State; and what a contrast do the very streets of
+your capital daily present to the Christianity and morality of the
+nation? A race of slaves, or at least colored persons, of every hue
+from the jet black African, in regular gradation, up to the almost
+pure Anglo-Saxon color. During the short time official duty has called
+me here, I have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and the
+almost white negro; and I have been astonished at the numbers of the
+mixed race, when compared with those of full color, and I have deeply
+deplored this stain upon our national morals; and the words of Dr.
+Channing have, thousands of times, been impressed on my mind, that "a
+slave country reeks with licentiousness."  How comes this amalgamation
+of the races? It comes from slavery. It is a disagreeable annoyance to
+persons who come from the free States, especially to their Christian
+and moral feelings. It is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of
+their duties while here. Remove slavery from this District, and this
+evil will disappear. We argue this circumstance alone as sufficient
+cause to produce that effect. But slavery presents within the District
+other and still more appalling scenes&mdash;scenes well calculated to
+awaken the deepest emotions of the human heart. The slave-trade exists
+here in all its HORRORS, and unwhipt of all its crimes. In view of the
+very chair which you now occupy, Mr. President, if the massy walls of
+this building, did not prevent it, you could see the prison, the
+<i>pen</i>, the HELL, where human beings, when purchased for sale, are kept
+until a cargo can be procured for transportation to a Southern or
+foreign market, for I have little doubt slaves are carried to Texas
+for sale, though I do not know the fact.
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir, since Congress have been in session, a mournful group of these
+unhappy beings, some thirty or forty, were marched, as if in derision
+of members of Congress, in view of your Capitol, chained and manacled
+together, in open day-light, yes, in the very face of heaven itself,
+to be shipped at Baltimore for a foreign market. I did not witness
+this cruel transaction, but speak from what I have heard and believe.
+Is this District, then, a fit place for our deliberations, whose
+feelings are outraged with impunity with transactions like this?
+Suppose, sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at this moment
+exhibited under the windows of our chamber, do you think the Senate
+could deliberate, could continue with that composure and attention
+which I see around me? No, sir; all your powers could not preserve
+order for a moment. The feelings of humanity would overcome those of
+regard for the peculiar institutions of the States; and though we
+would be politically and legally bound not to interfere, we are not
+morally bound to withhold our sympathy and our execration in
+witnessing such inhuman traffic. This traffic alone, in this District,
+renders it an uncomfortable and unfit place for your seat of
+Government. Sir, it is but one or two years since I saw standing at
+the railroad depot, as I passed from my boarding house to this
+chamber, some large wagons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the
+cars had not then arrived. I was inquired of, when I returned to my
+lodgings, by my landlady, if I knew the object of those wagons which I
+saw in the morning. I replied, I did not; I suppose they came and were
+waiting for loading. "Yes, for slaves," said she; "and one of those
+wagons was filled with little boys and little girls, who had been
+bought up through the country, and were to be taken to a southern
+market. Ah, sir!" continued she, "it made my very heart ache to see
+them." The very recital unnerved and unfitted me for thought or
+reflection on any other subject for some time. It is scenes like this,
+of which ladies of my country and my state complained in their
+petitions, some time since, as rendering this District unpleasant,
+should they visit the capital of the nation as wives, sisters,
+daughters, or friends of members of Congress. Yet, sir, these
+respectable females were treated here with contemptuous sneers; they
+were compared, on this floor, to the fish-women of Paris, who dipped
+their fingers in the blood of revolutionary France. Sir, if the
+transaction in slaves here, which I have mentioned, could make such an
+impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the District, one who
+had been used to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would be the
+feelings of ladies from free states on beholding a like transaction? I
+will leave every gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves. I
+am unable to describe it. Shall the capital of your country longer
+exhibit scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your
+country cannot visit it without disgust? No; wipe off the foul stain,
+and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of
+Government. The Senator, as if conscious that his argument on this
+point had proved too much, and of course had proven the converse of
+what he wished to establish, concluded this part by saying, that if
+slavery is abolished, the act ought to be confined to the city alone.
+We thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opinion upon this
+arid waste of public feeling. Liberty may yet vegetate and grow even
+here.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator insists that the States of Virginia and Maryland would
+never have ceded this District if they had have thought slavery would
+ever have been abolished in it. This is an old story twice told. It
+was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for
+its own security. Let the States ask a retrocession of the District,
+and I am sure the free States will rejoice to make the grant.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery
+should not exist in the Territories, even in Florida. He insists that,
+by the treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the right to
+remove their EFFECTS when they please; and that, by this condition,
+they have the right to retain their slaves as effects, independently
+of the power of Congress. I am no diplomatist, sir, but I venture to
+deny the conclusion of the Senator's argument. In all our intercourse
+with foreign nations, in all our treaties in which the words "goods,
+effects," &amp;c. are used, slaves have never been considered as included.
+In all cases in which slaves are the subject matter of controversy,
+they are specially named by the word "slaves; and, if I remember
+rightly, it has been decided in Congress, that slaves are not property
+for which a compensation shall be made when taken for public use, (or
+rather, slaves cannot be considered as taken for public use,) or as
+property by the enemy, when they are in the service of the United
+States. If I am correct, as I believe I am, in the positions I have
+assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by this part of his argument,
+against abolitionists, for asking that slavery shall not exist in
+Florida."
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman contends that the power to remove slaves from one State
+to another, for sale, is found in that part of the Constitution which
+gives Congress the power to regulate commerce within the States, &amp;c.
+This argument is <i>non sequiter</i>, unless the honorable Senator can
+first prove that slaves are proper articles for commerce. We say that
+Congress have power over slaves only as persons. The United States can
+protect persons, <i>but cannot make them property</i>, and they have full
+power in regulating commerce, and can, in such regulations, prohibit
+from its operations every thing but property; property made so by the
+laws of nature, and not by any municipal regulations. The dominion of
+man over things, as property, was settled by his Creator when man was
+first placed upon the earth. He was to subdue the earth, and have
+dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, and over
+every living thing that moveth upon the earth; every herb bearing
+seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed, was given for his use.
+This is the foundation of all right in property of every description.
+It is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man cannot
+be included in the grant. Every municipal regulation, then, of any
+State, or any of its peculiar institutions, which makes man property,
+is a violation of this great law of nature, and is founded in
+usurpation and tyranny, and is accomplished by force, fraud, or an
+abuse of power. It is a violation of the principles of truth and
+justice, in subjecting the weaker to the stronger man. In a Christian
+nation such property can form no just ground for commercial
+regulations, but ought to be strictly prohibited. I therefore believe
+it is the duty of Congress, by virtue of this power, to regulate
+commerce, to prohibit, at once, slaves being used as articles of
+trade.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman says, the Constitution left the subject of slavery
+entirely to the States. To this position I assent; and, as the States
+cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of
+Congress, that body cannot make slaves an article of commerce, because
+slavery is left entirely to the States in which it exists; and slaves
+within those States, according to the gentleman, are excluded from the
+power of Congress. Can Congress, in regulating commerce among the
+several States, authorize the transportation of articles from one
+State, and their sale in another, which they have not power so to
+authorize in any State? I cannot believe in such doctrine; and I now
+solemnly protest against the power of Congress to authorize the
+transportation to, and the sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatever,
+or for any possible purpose under the sun. Who is there in Ohio, or
+elsewhere, that will dare deny this position? If Ohio contains such a
+recreant to her constitution and policy, I hope he may have the
+boldness to stand forth and avow it. If the States in which slavery
+exists love it as a household god, let them keep it there, and not
+call upon us in the free States to offer incense to their idol. We do
+not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure hands,
+upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman admits that, at the formation of our Government, it was
+feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country;
+and, as the BALLOT BOX seems continually to haunt his imagination, he
+says there is real danger of dissolution of the Union if
+abolitionists, as is evident they do, will carry their principles into
+the BALLOT BOX. If not disunion in fact, at least in feeling, in the
+country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms. And the
+gentleman further says we are taught by holy writ, "that the race is
+not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." The moral of the
+gentleman's argument is, that truth and righteousness will prevail,
+though opposed by power and influence; that abolitionists, though few
+in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as I have said, may chase a
+thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and, as their weapons of
+warfare are not "carnal, but mighty to the pulling down of strong
+holds," even slavery itself; and as the ballot box is the great moral
+lever in political action, the gentleman would exclude abolitionists
+entirely from its use, and for opinion's sake, deny them this high
+privilege of every American citizen. Permit me, sir, to remind the
+gentleman of another text of holy writ. "The wicked flee when no man
+pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." The Senator says that
+those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to be under too much
+alarm. Does this prove the application of the text I have just quoted:
+"Conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." The Senator appeals to
+abolitionists, and beseeches them to cease their efforts on the
+subject of slavery, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their
+benevolence." What! Abolitionists benevolent! He hopes they will
+select some object not so terrible. Oh, sir, he is willing they should
+pay tithes of "mint and rue," but the weighter matters of the law,
+judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. I ought to
+thank the Senator for introducing holy writ into this debate, and
+inform him his arguments are not the sentiments of Him, who, when on
+earth, went about doing good.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts
+in behalf of abolitionism. Who authorized the Senator, as a
+politician, to use his influence to point out to the clergy what they
+should preach, or for what they should pray? Would the Senator dare
+exert his power here to bind the consciences of men? By what rule of
+ethics, then, does he undertake to use his influence, from this high
+place of power, in order to gain the same object, I am at a loss to
+determine. Sir, this movement of the Senator is far more censurable
+and dangerous, as an attempt to unite Church and State, than were the
+petitions against Sunday mails, the report in opposition to which
+gained for you, Mr. President, so much applause in the country. I,
+sir, also appeal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience;
+and if they believe slavery to be a sin, we ought to honor and respect
+them for their open denunciation of it, rather than call on them to
+desist, for between their conscience and their God, we have no power
+to interfere; we do not wish to make them political agents for any
+purpose.
+</p>
+<p>
+But the Senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist;
+he calls on his countrywomen to warn them, also, to cease their
+efforts, and reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held in their
+fair fingers when writing their names to abolition petitions, may be
+the cause of shedding much human blood! Sir, the language towards this
+class of petitioners is very much changed of late; they formerly were
+pronounced idlers, fanatics, old women and school misses, unworthy of
+respect from intelligent and respectable men. I warned gentlemen then
+that they would change their language; the blows they aimed fell
+harmless at the feet of those against whom they were intended to
+injure. In this movement of my countrywomen I thought was plainly to
+be discovered the operations of Providence, and a sure sign of the
+final triumph of <i>universal emancipation</i>. All history, both sacred
+and profane, both ancient and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy
+of female influence and power in the cause of human liberty. From the
+time of the preservation, by the hands of women, of the great Jewish
+law-giver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the
+purpose of freeing his countrymen from Egyptian bondage, has woman
+been made a powerful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the
+oppressor. With a pure and uncontaminated mind, her actions spring
+from the deepest recesses of the human heart. Denounce her as you
+will, you cannot deter her from her duty. Pain, sickness, want,
+poverty and even death itself form no obstacles in her onward march.
+Even the tender Virgin would dress, as a martyr for the stake, as for
+her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty.
+The eloquence of the Senate, and clash of arms, are alike powerful
+when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous
+woman. The liberty of the slave seems now to be committed to her
+charge, and who can doubt her final triumph? I do not.&mdash;You cannot
+fight against her and hope for success; and well does the Senator know
+this; hence this appeal to her feelings to terrify her from that which
+she believes to be her duty. It is a vain attempt.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator says that it was the principles of the Constitution which
+carried us through the Revolution. Surely it was; and to use the
+language of another Senator from a slave State, on a former occasion,
+these are the very principles on which the abolitionists plant
+themselves. It was the principle that all men are born FREE AND EQUAL,
+that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independence.
+It was for the natural and inherent rights of <i>man</i> they contended. It
+is a libel upon the Constitution to say that its object was not
+liberty, but slavery, for millions of the human race.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator, well fearing that all his eloquence and his arguments
+thus far are but chaff, when weighed in the balance against truth and
+justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says that which
+opposes the ulterior object of abolitionists, is that the general
+government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and that the
+Constitution or the Union would not last an hour if the power claimed
+was exercised by Congress. It is slavery, then, and not liberty, that
+makes us one people. To dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the Union.
+Why require of us to support the Constitution by oath, if the
+Constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the
+moral power of the country? Change the form of the oath which you
+administer to Senators on taking seats here, swear them to support
+slavery, and according to the logic of the gentleman, the Constitution
+and the Union will both be safe. We hear almost daily threats of
+dissolving the Union, and from whence do they come? From citizens of
+the free States? No! From the slave States only. Why wish to dissolve
+it? The reason is plain, that a new government may be formed, by which
+we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. No impartial
+observer of passing events, can, in my humble judgment, doubt the
+truth of this. The Senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they
+wish the slaveholder to free his slave. He asks, why denounce him? I
+cannot admit the truth of the question; but I might well ask the
+gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, "why are you angry at me,
+because I tell you the truth?" It is the light of truth which the
+slaveholder cannot endure; a plain unvarnished tale of what slavery
+is, he considers a libel upon himself. The fact is, the slaveholder
+feels the leprosy of slavery upon him. He is anxious to hide the
+odious disease from the public eye, and the ballot box and the right
+of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp reproof; and
+being unwilling to renounce his errors, he tries to escape from their
+consequences, by making the world believe that HE is the persecuted,
+and not the persecutor. Slaveholders have said here, during this very
+session, "the fact is, slavery will not bear examination." It is the
+Senator who denounces abolitionists for the exercise of their most
+unquestionable rights, while abolitionists condemn that only which the
+Senator himself will acknowledge to be wrong at all times and under
+all circumstances. Because he admits that if it was an original
+question whether slaves should be introduced among us, but few
+citizens would be found to agree to it, and none more opposed to it
+than himself. The argument is, that the evil of slavery is incurable;
+that the attempt to eradicate it would commence a struggle which would
+exterminate one race or the other. What a lamentable picture of our
+government, so often pronounced the best upon earth! The seeds of
+disease, which were interwoven into its first existence, have now
+become so incorporated into its frame, that they cannot be extracted
+without dissolving the whole fabric; that we must endure the evil
+without hope and without complaint. Our very natures must be changed
+before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. The evil
+will be remedied: and to use the language of Jefferson again, "this
+people will yet be free." The Senator finds consolation, however in
+the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. The black race
+(says he) is the strong ground of slavery in our country. Yes, it is
+<i>color</i>, not right and justice, that is to continue forever slavery in
+our country. It is prejudice against color, which is the strong ground
+of the slaveholder's hope. Is that prejudice founded in nature, or is
+it the effect of base and sordid interest? Let the mixed race which we
+see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white
+fathers, answer the question. Slavery has no just foundation in color:
+it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and
+force. These were its parents in every age and country of the world.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator says, the next or greatest difficulty to emancipation is,
+the amount of property it would take from the owners. All ideas of
+right and wrong are confounded in these words: emancipate property,
+emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be unmeaning, but a
+ludicrous expression. To emancipate is to set free from slavery. To
+emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. The Senator estimates
+the number of slaves&mdash;<i>men</i> now held in bondage&mdash;at three millions in
+the United States. Is this statement made here by the same voice which
+was heard in this Capitol in favor of the liberties of Greece, and for
+the emancipation of our South American brethren from political
+thralldom? It is; and has all its fervor in favor of liberty been
+exhausted upon foreign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper
+in favor of three millions of men in our own country, now groaning
+under the most galling oppression the world ever saw? No, sir. Sordid
+interest rules the hour. Men are made property, and paper is made
+money, and the Senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar
+institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all
+his wishes. He informs us that some have computed the slaves to be
+worth the average amount of five hundred dollars each. He will
+estimate within bounds at four hundred dollars each. Making the amount
+twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. I heard
+this statement, Mr. President, with emotions of the deepest feeling.
+By what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the Senator
+calculate the amount of property in human beings? Can it be fancy or
+fact, that I hear such calculation, that the people of the United
+States own twelve hundred millions' (double the amount of all the
+specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh! And this
+property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of
+society, forming part of all our contracts within our own country and
+in Europe. I should have been glad, sir, to have been spared the
+hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high source
+and the place from which it emanated. But the assertion has gone forth
+that we have twelve hundred millions of slave property at the South;
+and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to
+perceive that the power of this vast amount of property at the South
+is now uniting itself to the banking power of the North, in order to
+govern the destinies of this country. Six hundred millions of banking
+capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and
+the bank power are thus to unite in order to break down the present
+administration. There can be no mistake, as I believe, in this matter.
+The aristocracy of the North, who, by the power of a corrupt banking
+system, and the aristocracy of the South, by the power of the slave
+system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to
+unite in order to make the reign of each perpetual. Is there an
+independent American to be found, who will become the recreant slave
+to such an unholy combination? Is this another compromise to barter
+the liberties of the country for personal aggrandisement? "Resistance
+to tyrants is obedience to God."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator further insists, "that what the law makes property is
+property." This is the predicate of the gentleman; he has neither
+facts nor reason to prove it; yet upon this alone does he rest the
+whole case that negroes are property. I deny the predicate and the
+argument. Suppose the Legislature of the Senator's own State should
+pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any
+white citizen of Kentucky, <i>property</i>, and should they be sold and
+transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, "Yes,
+they are property, for the law has made them such?" No, sir; he would
+denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces
+abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to
+accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Human laws, I contend, cannot make human beings property, if human
+force can do it. If it is competent for our legislatures to make a
+black man <i>property</i>, it is competent for them to make a white man the
+same; and the same objection exists to the power of the people in an
+organic law for their own government; they cannot make property of
+each other; and, in the language of the Constitution of Indiana, such
+an act "can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." Dreadful,
+indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles
+should not only be carried into the ballot box, but into the
+presidential chair. The idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the
+slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of this, is
+addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. There is no
+principle of morality or justice that should require them or our
+citizens generally to do so. To free a slave is to take from
+usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and
+bestow it upon the rightful owner. It is not taking property from its
+true owner for public use. Men can do with their own as they please,
+to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand
+and one times: that abolitionists are retarding the emancipation of
+the slave, and have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years; that they
+have increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat
+his slave with more severity. Slavery, then, is to cease at some
+period; and because the abolitionists have said to the slaveholder,
+"Now is the accepted time," and because he thinks this an improper
+interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he
+inflicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave! The moral of this
+story is, the slaveholder will exercise more cruelty because he is
+desired to show mercy. I do not envy the senator the full benefit of
+his argument. It is no doubt a true picture of the feelings and
+principles which slavery engenders in the breast of the master. It is
+in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear; that if
+petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their
+constitutional rights, others will dissolve the Union. These, however,
+ought to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator tells us that the consequences arising from the freedom of
+slaves, would be to reduce the wages of the white laborer. He has
+furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can
+rest. He, however, would draw a line, on one side of which he would
+place the slave labor, and on the other side free white labor; and
+looking over the whole, as a general system, both would appear on a
+perfect equality. I have observed, for some years past, that the
+southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of
+integrity, morality, usefulness, and comfort, equal to the laboring
+population of the North. Thus endeavoring to raise the slave in public
+estimation, to an equality with the free white laborer of the North;
+while, on the other hand, the northern aristocrat has, in the same
+manner, viz.: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the
+moral and political condition of the slaves of the South. It is for
+the free white American citizens to determine whether they will permit
+such degrading comparisons longer to exist. Already has this spirit
+broken forth in denunciation of the right of universal suffrage. Will
+free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late?
+</p>
+<p>
+The last, the great, the crying sin of abolitionists, in the eyes of
+the Senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of
+amalgamation. It is not necessary now to enter into any of the
+benefits and advantages of colonization; the Senator has pronounced it
+the noblest scheme ever devised by man; he says it is powerful but
+harmless. I have no knowledge of any resulting benefits from the
+scheme to either race. I have not a doubt as to the real object
+intended by its founders; it did not arise from principles of humanity
+and benevolence towards the colored race, but a desire to remove the
+free of that race beyond the United States, in order to perpetuate and
+make slavery more secure.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator further makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to
+<i>enforce</i> the unnatural system of amalgamation. We deny the fact, and
+call on the Senator for proof. The citizens of the free States, the
+petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free States in
+favor of amalgamation! No, sir! If you want evidence of the fact, and
+reasoning in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave
+States; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and
+presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black
+African to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. Does any one
+need proof of this fact? let him take but a few turns through the
+streets of your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he
+will be perfectly satisfied. Amalgamation, indeed! The charge is made
+with a very bad grace on the present occasion. No, sir; it is not the
+negro <i>woman</i>, it is the <i>slave</i> and the contaminating influence of
+slavery that is the mother of amalgamation. Does the gentleman want
+facts on this subject? let him look at the colored race in the free
+States; it is a rare occurrence there. A colony of blacks, some three
+or four hundred, were settled, some fifteen or twenty years since, in
+the county of Brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in
+Ohio, and I was told by a person living near them, a country merchant
+with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject,
+he informed me he knew of but one instance of a mulatto child being
+born amongst them for the last fifteen years; and I venture the
+assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave State, the
+cases of a like kind would have been far more numerous. I repeat
+again, in the words of Dr. Channing, it is a slave country that reeks
+with licentiousness of this kind, and for proof I refer to the
+opinions of Judge Harper, of North Carolina, in his defence of
+southern slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and
+might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short, and make the
+inquiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin? He had heard
+of no instance of the kind against abolitionists; they (the
+abolitionists) would begin it with the laboring class; and if I
+understand the Senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing
+together the white and the black laborers, would naturally produce
+this result. Sir, I regret, I deplore, that such a charge should be
+made against the laboring class&mdash;that class which tills the ground;
+and, in obedience to the decree of their Maker, eat their bread in
+the sweat of their face&mdash;that class, as Mr. Jefferson says, if God has
+a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. This charge
+is calculated for effect, to induce the laboring class to believe,
+that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free States,
+reduced to the same condition as the colored laborer. The reverse of
+that is the truth of the case. It is the slaveholder NOW, he who looks
+upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred
+spirits who live upon the labor of others, endeavoring to reduce the
+white laborer to the condition of the slave. They do not yet claim him
+as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the
+public affairs of the country. It is further said, that if the negroes
+were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free States.
+I cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary.
+Negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached
+to the place of their birth, and the home of their youth; and the
+climate of the South is congenial to their natures, more than that of
+the North. If emancipation should take place at the South&mdash;and the
+negro be freed from the fear of being made merchandize, they would
+remove from the free States of the North and West, immediately return
+to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers.
+Already in Ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white labor,
+(emigrants,) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all
+situations in which male or female labor is found. But, sir, this plea
+of necessity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. Has not the free
+black person the same right to the use of his hands as the white
+person: the same right to contract and labor for what price he
+pleases? Would the gentleman extend the power of the government to the
+regulation of the productive industry of the country? This was his
+former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. Taking
+advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being
+made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black
+laborer. For shame! let us cease from attempts of this kind.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago
+that is now asked, Can the negro be continued forever in bondage? Yes;
+and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones.
+But, says the Senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. Pray,
+sir, in what part of your country do you find this prosperity and
+happiness? In the slave States? No! no! There all is weakness gloom,
+and despair; while, in the free States, all is light, business, and
+activity. What has created the astonishing difference between the
+gentleman's State and mine&mdash;between Kentucky and Ohio? Slavery, the
+withering curse of slavery, is upon Kentucky, while Ohio is free.
+Kentucky, the garden of the West, almost the land of promise,
+possessing all the natural advantages, and more than is possessed by
+Ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. Sir, I can see from
+the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of Cincinnati, lands in
+Kentucky, which, I am told, can be purchased from ten to fifty dollars
+per acre; while lands of the same quality, under the same
+improvements, and the same distance from me in Ohio, would probably
+sell from one to five hundred dollars per acre. I was told by a
+friend, a few days before I left home, who had formerly resided in the
+county of Bourbon, Kentucky&mdash;a most excellent county of lands
+adjoining, I believe, the county in which the Senator resides&mdash;that
+the white population of that county was more than four hundred less
+than it was five years since. Will the Senator contend, after a
+knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the
+cause of our prosperity and happiness? No, he cannot. It is because
+slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our
+country, that we are a prosperous and happy people. But its late
+attempts to force its influence and power into the free States, and
+deprive our citizens of their unquestionable rights, has been the
+moving cause of all the riots, burnings, and murders that have taken
+place on account of abolitionism; and it has, in some degree, even in
+the free States, caused mourning, lamentation, and woe. Remove
+slavery, and the country, the whole country, will recover its natural
+vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more
+extensive, safe, and sure foundation. It is a waste of time to answer
+the allegations that the emancipation of the negro race would induce
+them to make war on the white race. Every fact in the history of
+emancipation proves the reverse; and he that will not believe those
+facts, has darkened his own understanding, that the light of reason
+can make no impression: he appeals to interest, not to truth, for
+information on this subject. We do not fear his errors, while we are
+left free to combat them. The Senator implores us to cease all
+commotion on this subject. Are we to surrender all our rights and
+privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands
+of the slaveholding power, without a single struggle? Are we to cease
+all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of
+this power? Is the calm of despotism to reign over this land, and the
+voice of freemen to be no more heard! This sacrifice is required of
+us, in order to sustain slavery. <i>Freemen</i>, will you make it? Will you
+shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor,
+famished slave, a morsel of bread? Can you thus act, and expect the
+blessings of heaven upon your country? I beseech you to consider for
+yourselves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. President, I have been compelled to enter into this discussion
+from the course pursued by the Senate on the resolutions I submitted a
+few days since. The cry of abolitionist has been raised against me. If
+those resolutions are abolitionism, then I am an abolitionist from the
+sole of my feet to the crown of my head. If to maintain the rights of
+the States, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage; if
+to preserve the supremacy of the laws; if insisting on the right of
+petition, a medium through which <i>every person</i> subject to the laws
+has an undoubted right to approach the constitutional authorities of
+the country, be the doctrines of abolitionists, it finds a response in
+every beating pulse in my veins. Neither power, nor favor, nor want,
+nor misery, shall deter me from its support while the vital current
+continues to flow.
+</p>
+<p>
+Condemned at home for my opposition to slavery, alone and singlehanded
+here, well may I feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of
+slavery in his very <i>den</i> and upon his own ground. I should shrink,
+sir, at once, from this fearful and unequal contest, was I not
+thoroughly convinced that I am sustained by the power of truth and the
+best interests of the country.
+</p>
+<p>
+I listened to the Senator of Kentucky with undivided attention. I was
+disappointed, sadly disappointed. I had heard of the Senator's tact in
+making compromises and agreements on this floor, and though opposed in
+principle to all such proceedings, yet I hoped to hear something upon
+which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders
+of our own States, and all future aggression upon our citizens from
+the free States be prevented. Now, sir, he offers us nothing but
+unconditional submission to political death; and not political alone,
+but absolute <i>death</i>. We have counted the cost in this matter, and are
+determined to live or die free. Let the slaveholder hug his system to
+his bosom in his own State, we will not go there to disturb him; but,
+sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges.
+Even, sir, here in this District, this ten miles square of common
+property and common right, the slave power has the assurance to come
+into this very Hall, and request that we&mdash;yes, Mr. President, that my
+constituents&mdash;be denied the right of petition on the subject of
+slavery in this District. This most extraordinary petition against the
+right of others to petition on the same subject of theirs, is
+graciously received and ordered to be printed; paeans sung to it by the
+slave power, while the petitions I offer, from as honorable, free,
+high-minded and patriotic American citizens as any in this District,
+are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an <i>unclean thing</i>! Genius
+of liberty! how long will you sleep under this iron power of
+oppression? Not content with ruling over their own slaves, they claim
+the power to instruct Congress on the question of receiving petitions;
+and yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly told that we have nothing to
+do with the existence of slavery in the country, a suggestion as
+absurd as it is ridiculous. We are called upon to make laws in favor
+of slavery in the District, but it is denied that we can make laws
+against it; and at last the right of petition on the subject, by the
+people of the free States, is complained of as an improper
+interference. I leave it to the Senator to reconcile all these
+difficulties, absurdities, claims and requests of the people of this
+District, to the country at large; and I venture the opinion that he
+will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is
+correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he
+was before correct in his views and political course on the subject of
+banks, internal improvements, protective tariffs, &amp;c., and the
+regulation, by acts of Congress, of the productive industry of the
+country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has
+entered into for the attainment of those objects. I rejoice, however,
+that the Senator has made the display he has on this occasion. It is a
+powerful shake to awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his
+voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of
+freemen to defend their rights; and the overthrow of his theory now,
+is as sure and certain, by the force of public opinion, as was the
+overthrow of all his former schemes, by the same mighty power.
+</p>
+<p>
+I feel, Mr. President, as if I had wearied your patience, while I am
+sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close; but I cannot do so
+without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that have
+taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty,
+offensive and defensive, between the slaveholding and bank powers, in
+order to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to
+put down the present administration. Yes, there is no voice heard from
+New England now. Boston and Faneuil Hall are silent as death. The free
+day-laborer is, in prospect, reduced to the political, if not moral
+condition of the slave; an ideal line is to divide them in their
+labor; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. Even the
+farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. It will be again
+said, with regard to the government of the country, "The farmer with
+his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do?" I have
+endeavored to warn my fellow-citizens of the present and approaching
+danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is before their eyes, and
+prevents many of them from seeing the condition of things as they are.
+That cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its
+thunders cease to be heard. Slavery will come to an end, and the
+sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country.
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not know, Mr. President, that my voice will ever again be heard
+on this floor. I now willingly, yes, gladly, return to my
+constituents, to the people of my own State. I have spent my life
+amongst them, and the greater portion of it in their service, and they
+have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. I feel
+perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust which they
+have committed to me, I have, to the best of my abilities, acted
+solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be
+influenced by any particular or private interest whatever; and I now
+challenge those who think I have done otherwise, to lay their finger
+upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or
+anti-republican tendency. That I have often erred in the selection of
+means to accomplish important ends I have no doubt, but my belief in
+the truth of the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, the
+political creed of President Jefferson, remains unshaken and
+unsubdued. My greatest regret is that I have not been more zealous,
+and done more for the cause of individual and political liberty than I
+have done. I hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join
+them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill
+in our State, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley,
+and the song of triumph will soon be heard, for the hearts of our
+people are in the hands of a just and holy being, (who can not look
+upon oppression but with abhorrence.) and he can turn them
+whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. Though our
+national sins are many and grievous, yet repentance, like that of
+ancient Nineveh, may divert from us that impending danger which seems
+to hang over our heads as by a single hair. That all may be safe, I
+conclude that THE NEGRO WILL YET BE SET FREE.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+<a name="AE11"></a>
+THE
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1>
+No. 11.
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<h1 class="centered">
+THE
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+CONSTITUTION
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+</h1>
+<h1 class="centered">
+OR
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+SELECTIONS
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+FROM
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &amp;c.
+</h1>
+<hr>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+NEW YORK:
+</h2>
+<h2 class="centered">
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
+</h2>
+<div class="centered">
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2 class="centered">
+1844.
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+CONTENTS.
+</h2>
+
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_int">INTRODUCTION</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#RULE4_12">Debates in the Congress of the Confederation</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_debfed">Debates in the Federal Convention</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_listmem">List of Members of the Federal Convention</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_luthmar">Speech of Luther Martin</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<h3>DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS</h3>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_mass">Massachusetts</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_ny">New York</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_penn">Pennsylvania</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_va">Virginia</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_nc">North Carolina</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_sc">South Carolina</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_Fed">Extracts from the Federalist</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_debcong">Debates in First Congress</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_AAS">Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_FRAN">Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_WEB">Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11_JQA">Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="AE11_int"></a>
+	INTRODUCTION.
+</h2>
+<p>
+Every one knows that the "Madison papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added one note on <a href="#note11-4">page 30th</a>, which is marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's&mdash;a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand&mdash;otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+</p>
+<p>
+These extracts develope most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the letter of Francis Jackson to Governor Briggs, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace&mdash;as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+</p>
+<p>
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Art. 1, Sect. 2. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
+among the several States, which may be included within this Union,
+according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by
+adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to
+service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, <i>three
+fifths of all other persons</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Art. 1, Sect. 8. Congress shall have power ... to suppress
+insurrections.
+</p>
+<p>
+Art. 1, Sect. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+Art. 4. Sec. 2. No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping, into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+</p>
+<p>
+Art. 4, Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) <i>against
+domestic violence</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves&mdash;yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression&mdash;thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, <i>without obliging Congress to do so even then</i>, and thus the
+slave trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+</p>
+<p>
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+</p>
+<p>
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest for
+ever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes
+of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes no
+compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;&mdash;the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land,
+both State and Federal;&mdash;the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;&mdash;the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;&mdash;and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind however must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+</p>
+<p>
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons beside slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,&mdash;and this is the case in the present instance.
+</p>
+<p>
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous&mdash;that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+</p>
+<p>
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States, has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it <i>as it is</i>, and
+repudiate it <i>as it is</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted in upon the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never <i>could</i> have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain and became partners with tyrants that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+</p>
+<p>
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,&mdash;after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,&mdash;fifty years roll away, twenty millions at
+least of their children pass over the stage of life,&mdash;courts sit and
+pass judgment,&mdash;parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the Instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:&mdash;must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+</p>
+<p>
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,&mdash;and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear all that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+</p>
+<p>
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,&mdash;then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled.
+</p>
+<p>
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,&mdash;then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, shew us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;&mdash;slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;&mdash;prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;&mdash;trampling on the rights of the free States and making the courts of
+the country their tools. To continue this disastrous alliance longer
+is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of men and the best
+of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves that it is
+impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms, without
+all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin of
+slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.
+</div>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="RULE4_12"></a>
+	THE CONSTITUTION
+</h2>
+
+<div class="centered">
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<i>Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the assembly of the United States."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Chase (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would
+be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably
+good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. He
+therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception
+only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be
+distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those States
+where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &amp;c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State, and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter, it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth,
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,&mdash;would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,&mdash;that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,&mdash;is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one firm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Harrison (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two affected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from £9 to £12, while in the Northern it
+was generally £24.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give thee <i>jus trium liberorum</i> to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Payne (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of Congress,
+to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of souls.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Witherspoon (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed. Horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+</p>
+<p>
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North, and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided. <i>Vol. I. pp</i>. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wolcott declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age. <i>p</i>. 331.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, March 27, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Clark (of New Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of
+land, if half their slaves only should be included; but that the
+Eastern States would not concur in that proposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the, report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. <i>p.</i> 421-2.
+</p>
+<p>
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wolcott (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+Carroll as four to one. Mr. Williamson (of North Carolina) said he was
+principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance
+to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. Mr.
+Higginson (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate
+slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would he a
+juster proportion. Mr. Holton as four to three.&mdash;Mr. Osgood said he
+did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them as
+three to two, the votes were. New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no;
+Rhode Island, divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then proposed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. Madison (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no;
+Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye;
+Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye: South Carolina, aye.
+</p>
+<p>
+A motion was then made by Mr. Bland, seconded by Mr. Lee, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+</p>
+<p>
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have greater weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it: that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in
+agriculture, not in manufacturers; and that, in fact, the balance of
+trade formerly was much more against the Southern States than the
+others.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. Lloyd, aye); New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no. <i>pp.</i> 423-4-5.
+</p>
+<p>
+Tuesday, April 1, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &amp;c. Mr. Hamilton, who had been
+absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in
+place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. He was
+seconded by Mr. Osgood. Those who voted differently from their former
+votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the
+change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the
+slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition.
+<i>p</i>. 430.
+</p>
+<p>
+Monday, May 26.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Resolutions on the Journal, instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes&mdash;also those for
+furloughing the troops&mdash;passed <i>unanimously</i>. <i>p</i>. 456.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<a name="AE11_debfed"></a>
+<i>Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Monday, June 11, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was then moved by Mr. Rutledge, seconded by Mr. Butler, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words, "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. Wilson, seconded by Mr. Pinckney, this
+was postponed, in order to add, after the words, "equitable rates of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"&mdash;this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than, the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question,&mdash;Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;9;
+New jersey, Delaware, no&mdash;2. <i>Vol. II. pp.</i> 842-3.
+</p>
+<p>
+Saturday, June 30, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+He (Mr. Madison) admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that instead of proportioning the votes of the
+States in both branches to their respective numbers of inhabitants,
+computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should he
+represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants
+only; and in the other, according to the whole number, counting the
+slaves us free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would have the
+advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had been
+restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one
+was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was,
+the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests. <i>pp.</i> 1006-7.
+</p>
+<p>
+Monday, July 9, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property, entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an experiment by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen, by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been assigned to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison reminded Mr. Patterson that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which has for one
+of its primary objects, the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect was paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together. <i>pp</i>. 1054-5-6.
+</p>
+<p>
+Tuesday, July 10; 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES: BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. <i>p</i>.
+1057.
+</p>
+<p>
+Wednesday, July 11, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler and General Pinckney insisted that blacks be included in
+rule of representation <i>equally</i> with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry thought that three fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced them that three fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that as
+wealth was the greatest means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Williamson reminded Mr. Gorham, that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites, when taxation was
+in view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Mr. Butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,&mdash;Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye&mdash;3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no&mdash;7. New York not on the floor.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. Williamson. In the first place it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation, from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.... Another objection with him, against
+admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of
+Pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with
+slaves. They would reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+pp. 1067-8-9 &amp; 1072.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1787.
+</div>
+<p>
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered:
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+</p>
+<p>
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.[<a name="rnote11-1"></a><a href="#note11-1">1</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-1"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-1">1</a>: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens&mdash;then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property&mdash;then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+Gouverneur Morris.)
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouvemeur Morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,&mdash;Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina. Georgia, aye&mdash;4;
+Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[<a name="rnote11-2"></a><a href="#note11-2">2</a>] South
+Carolina, no&mdash;6. pp. 1076-7-8.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-2"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-2">2</a>: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the <i>phraseology</i> to be altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler contended that representation should be according to the
+full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks.
+</p>
+<p>
+General Pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+Gouverneur Morris,] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed
+at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000£. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, <i>nem. con.</i>, as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Davie said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. Johnson thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks <i>equally</i> with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any States that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more then has been already proposed&mdash;that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+</p>
+<p>
+General Pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the House, the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution for direct
+taxation, for the support of the government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other use rule
+that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States,
+can be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Randolph was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. Ellsworth's motion,
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that may
+be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every &mdash;&mdash; years afterwards, of
+all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio
+recommended by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of
+April, 1783, (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number;) and
+that the Legislature of the United States shall arrange the
+representation accordingly." He urged strenuously that express
+security ought to be provided for including slaves in the ratio of
+representation. He lamented that such a species of property existed.
+But as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. It
+was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding
+slaves altogether; the Legislature therefore ought not to be left at
+liberty.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. Randolph.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Pinckney moved to amend Mr. Randolph's motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This, he
+urged, was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers, the
+peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of pecuniary
+resources as those of the northern states. They add equally to the
+wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength,
+of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the Northern
+States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Mr. Pinckney's (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,&mdash;South Carolina, Georgia, aye
+&mdash;2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor Johnson, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no&mdash;8.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Randolph's (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. Wilson (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive when there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth (of Connecticut.)  In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,&mdash;Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;6;
+New-Jersey, Delaware, no&mdash;2; Massachusetts, South Carolina, divided.
+<i>pp.</i> 1079 to 1087.
+</p>
+<p>
+Friday, July 13, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion of Mr. Randolph (of Virginia), the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of <i>wealth</i> and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out <i>wealth</i> and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of
+business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said,
+into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction has been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend
+incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each
+other. There can be no end of demands for security, if every
+particular interest is to be entitled to it. The Eastern States may
+claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the Southern
+States claim it for their peculiar objects. In this struggle between
+the two ends of the Union, what part ought the Middle States, in point
+of policy, to take?  To join their Eastern brethren, according to his
+ideas. If the Southern States get the power into their hands, and be
+joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will
+inevitably bring on a war with Spain for the Mississippi. This
+language is already held. The interior country, leaving no property
+nor interest exposed to the sea, will be little affected by such a
+war. He wished to know what security the Northern and Middle States
+will have against this danger. It has been said that North Carolina,
+South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a little time have a
+majority of the people of America. They must in that case include the
+great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from
+their getting the power into their hands.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question to strike out <i>wealth</i>, and to make the change as
+moved by Mr. Randoph (of Virginia), it passed in the affirmative,&mdash;
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
+Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;9; Delaware,
+divided. <i>pp</i>. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison (of Virginia). it seemed now pretty well understood, that
+the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small,
+but between the Northern and Southern States. THE INSTITUTION OF
+SLAVERY, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION. <i>p</i>.
+1104.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+General Pinckney reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report. <i>p</i>. 1187.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[<a name="rnote11-3"></a><a href="#note11-3">3</a>] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections. <i>p</i>.
+1197.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-3"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-3">3</a>: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hope that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure he could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New-York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina, who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New-Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation.
+It is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dayton seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burthensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye&mdash;1; New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no&mdash;10. pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. L. Martin proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Pinckney. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned. <i>pp</i>. 1388-9.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in the nefarious traffic. As to the
+States being in possession of the right to import, this was the case
+with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of &mdash;&mdash;; which he said was a respectable class of people,
+who carried their ethics beyond the mere <i>equality of men</i>, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Williamson stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of £5 on each slave imported from Africa; £10 on each
+from elsewhere; and £50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two states will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, have it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. Pinckney for a commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a <i>sine qua non</i>. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were <i>property</i>. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on experts should also be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,&mdash;Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no&mdash;3; Massachusetts absent. p. 1390-97.
+Friday, August 24, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>In Convention</i>,&mdash;Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.'
+</p>
+<p>
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The sixth Section[<a name="rnote11-4"></a><a href="#note11-4">4</a>] to be stricken out." p. 1415.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-4"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-4">4</a>: This sixth Section was, "No Navigation act shall be passed
+without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each
+House."&mdash;EDITOR.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Saturday, August 25, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth)
+being taken up,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham seconded the motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,&mdash;New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no&mdash;4.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &amp;c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. Mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+</p>
+<p>
+M. Clymer concurred with Mr. Sherman.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris withdrew his motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, <i>nem. con.</i>[<a name="rnote11-5"></a><a href="#note11-5">5</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-5"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-5">5</a>: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no&mdash;4.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties and on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, <i>nem. con.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King and Mr. Langdon considered this as the price of the first
+part.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Pinckney admitted that it was so.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. Mason. Not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the
+importation of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham thought that Mr. Sherman should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman, in answer to Mr. Gorham, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandise, consumed, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. Mason, in answer to Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The provision as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts; in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was finally agreed, <i>nem. con.</i>, to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to. <i>pp</i>. 1427 to 30.
+</p>
+<p>
+Tuesday, August 28, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 14, was then taken up.
+</p>
+<p>
+General Pinckney was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question on Article 14,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, aye&mdash;9; South Carolina,
+no&mdash;1; Georgia, divided.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 15, being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were
+struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, <i>nem. con</i>. <i>pp</i>. 1447-8.
+</p>
+<p>
+Wednesday, August 29, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+General Pinckney said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[<a name="rnote11-6"></a><a href="#note11-6">6</a>] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever. <i>p</i>. 1451.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-6"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-6">6</a>: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of <i>navigation</i> and <i>slavery</i>, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote on the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Butler moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"&mdash;which was agreed to, <i>nem. con</i>.
+<i>p</i>. 1456.
+</p>
+<p>
+Monday, September 10, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article." <i>p</i>. 1536.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thursday, September 13, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. Randolph, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[<a name="rnote11-7"></a><a href="#note11-7">7</a>] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-7"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-7">7</a>: See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the <i>representation</i>. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,&mdash;New
+Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye&mdash;3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no&mdash;8. <i>pp</i>. 1569-70.
+</p>
+<p>
+Saturday, September 15, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term <i>legal</i> equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view. <i>p</i>. 1589.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1&mdash;2&mdash;3&mdash;4&mdash;5&mdash;6, that three fifths of
+the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen. <i>p</i>. 1595.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_listmem"></a>
+LIST OF MEMBERS
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES.
+</div>
+<pre>
+   From                                                 Attended.
+New Hampshire,    1 John Langdon,                       July 23, 1787.
+                    <i>John Pickering,</i>
+                  2 Nicholas Gilman,                       " 23.
+                    <i>Benjamin West</i>.
+Massachusetts,      <i>Francis Dana</i>,
+                    Elbridge Gerry,                      May 29.
+                  3 Nath'l Gorham,                        "  25.
+                  4 Rufus King,                           "  25.
+                    Caleb Strong,                         "  28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,      5 W.S. Johnson,                        June 2.
+                  6 Roger Sherman,                       May 30.
+                    Oliver Ellsworth,                     "  29.
+New York,           Robert Yates,                         "  25.
+                  7 Alex'r Hamilton,                      "  25.
+                    John Lansing,                        June 2.
+New Jersey,       8 Wm. Livingston,                       "   5.
+                  9 David Brearly,                       May  5.
+                    Wm. C. Houston,                        do.
+                 10 Wm. Patterson,                         do.
+                    <i>John Nielson</i>,
+                    <i>Abraham Clark</i>.
+                 11 Jonathan Dayton,                    June 21.
+Pennsylvania,    12 Benj. Franklin,                      May 28.
+                 13 Thos. Miffin,                          do.
+Pennsylvania.    14 Robert Morris,                       May 25.
+                 15 Gen. Clymer,                          "  28.
+                 16 Thos. Fitzsimmons,                    "  25.
+                 17 Jared Ingersoll,                      "  28.
+                 18 James Wilson,                         "  25.
+                 19 Gouv'r Morris,                        "  25.
+Delaware,        20 Geo. Reed,                            "  25.
+                 21 G. Bedford, Jr.                       "  28.
+                 22 John Dickinson,                       "  28.
+                 23 Richard Bassett,                      "  25.
+                 24 Jacob Broom,                          "  25.
+Maryland,        25 James M'Henry,                        "  29.
+                 26 Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer,          June 2.
+                 27 Daniel Carroll,                      July 9.
+                    John F. Mercer,                      Aug. 6.
+                    Luther Martin,                       June 9.
+Virginia,        28 G. Washington,                       May 25.
+                    <i>Patrick Henry</i>, (declined.)
+                    Edmund Randolph,                      "  25.
+                 29 John Blair,                           "  25.
+                 30 Jas. Madison, Jr.                     "  25.
+                    George Mason,                         "  25.
+                    George Wythe,                         "  25.
+                    James McClurg, (in
+                      room P. Henry)                      "  25.
+North Carolina,     <i>Rich'd Caswell</i> (resigned).
+                    Alex'r Martin,                       May 25.
+                    Wm. R. Davie,                         "  25.
+                 31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                      of R. Caswell),                   June 20.
+                    <i>Willie Jones</i> (declined).
+                 32 R. D. Spaight,                       May 25.
+                 33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                      room of W. Jones,)                 May 25.
+South Carolina,  34 John Rutledge,                        "  25.
+                 35 Chas. C. Pinckney,                    "  25.
+                 36 Chas. Pinckney,                       "  25.
+                 37 Peirce Butler,                        "  25.
+Georgia,         38 William Few,                          "  25.
+                 39 Abr'm Baldwin,                      June 11.
+                    William Pierce,                      May 31.
+                    <i>George Walton</i>.
+                    Wm. Houston,                         June 1.
+                    <i>Nath'l Pendleton</i>.
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution. 39
+Those in italics never attended.                               10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,       16
+                                                               &mdash;
+                                                               65
+</pre>
+<p>
+<a name="AE11_luthmar"></a>
+Extract from a Speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+</p>
+<p>
+With respect to that part of the <i>second</i> section of the <i>first</i>
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality&mdash;It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking <i>slaves</i> into computation in
+apportioning the number of <i>representatives</i> a state should have in
+the government&mdash;That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a state in making laws for <i>free men</i> in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom&mdash;That it might be proper to take
+slaves into consideration, when <i>taxes</i> were to be apportioned,
+because it had a tendency to <i>discourage slavery</i>; but to take them
+into account in giving representation tended to <i>encourage</i> the <i>slave
+trade</i>, and to make it the <i>interest</i> of the states to <i>continue</i> that
+<i>infamous traffic</i>&mdash;That slaves could not be taken into account as
+<i>men</i>, or <i>citizens</i>, because they were not admitted to the <i>rights of
+citizens</i>, in the states which adopted or continued slavery&mdash;If they
+were to be taken into account as <i>property</i>, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than <i>any other</i> property: and why <i>slaves</i> should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the <i>slaves</i> of the <i>southern states</i>, as
+it would with the <i>horses</i> and <i>mules</i> of the <i>eastern</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "<i>slaves</i>."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those <i>things</i> which the expression
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States&mdash;Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states,
+that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+</p>
+<p>
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the <i>eastern</i>
+States, notwithstanding their <i>aversion to slavery</i>, were very willing
+to indulge the southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the <i>slave trade</i>, provided the southern states would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+</p>
+<p>
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+<i>enslave us</i>; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those, rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+<i>particular</i>, but in <i>common</i> with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+<i>rights</i> which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,&mdash;in that government to have a provision not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to
+be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+</p>
+<p>
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so the much want aid from, and
+be a burden to, the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &amp;c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+</p>
+<p>
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+</p>
+<p>
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave-trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+</p>
+<p>
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the <i>habeas corpus act</i>, in cases of <i>rebellion</i> or
+<i>invasion</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be <i>bastiled</i> in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_mass"></a>
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the numbers of free persons shall be
+determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the
+slaves. By this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned.
+And it was adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of <i>taxation by numbers</i> more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of Massachusetts;
+and if it operated against any state, it was Pennsylvania, because
+they have more white persons <i>bound</i> than any other.
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge Dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not <i>three</i> of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than <i>five</i> of those poor slaves?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. King, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways&mdash;and the gentlemen should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+King, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side&mdash;as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He thought them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our <i>own</i> State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as <i>freemen</i>, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more?  The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have <i>their</i> prejudices. It would
+not do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Neal (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others?  Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had!  How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has&mdash;he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this
+article, towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of
+the Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was
+no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this
+Constitution provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally
+annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two,
+have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that
+it would then be done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty
+to prohibit it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Saturday, January 26.&mdash;[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory&mdash;and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+Nason, Major Lusk, Mr. Neal, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge Dana, Mr. Adams and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Heath. Mr. President,&mdash;By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity of
+expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&amp;c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery&mdash;or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &amp;c., is confined to the States, now
+<i>existing only</i>, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Neal rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind&mdash;and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Major Lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Mr. Buckus. Much, sir, has been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a <i>prophet</i> in
+the New Testament. And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said&mdash;Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again&mdash;Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_ny"></a>
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith. He would now proceed to state his objections to the clause
+just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3.) His objections were
+comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is unjust;
+2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall
+not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the rule of
+apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole
+number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that
+is, in plain English, each State is to send representatives in
+proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it
+contains. He could not see any rule by which slaves were to be
+included in the ratio of representation;&mdash;the principle of a
+representation being that every free agent should be concerned in
+governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could
+not exercise it&mdash;slaves have no will of their own: the very operation
+of it was to give certain privileges to those people, who were so
+wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted, that this rule
+of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the
+result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the
+necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern
+States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hamilton. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States&mdash;the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means; nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on their navigation, and that they should leave full power,
+by a majority in Congress, to make commercial regulations in favor of
+their own, and in restraint of the navigation of foreigners. The
+Southern States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by
+requiring that two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an
+act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the
+restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by
+obliging them to employ the shipping of the Northern States would
+probably enhance their freight. This being the case, they insisted
+strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution;
+and the Northern States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other
+hand, the small States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation
+upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already
+possessed: the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that
+Rhode Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with
+themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose.
+It became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must
+have dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise
+and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me&mdash;every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow&mdash;let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+</p>
+<p>
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern states
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &amp;c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the states. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of
+New-York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves
+are considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded
+to the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal
+laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of
+nature. But representation and taxation go together&mdash;and one uniform
+rule ought to apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves
+in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+</p>
+<p>
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government; these will be included
+in the enumeration&mdash;not two-fifths&mdash;nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern states, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. M. Smith. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+hon. gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern states. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to
+the clause in this respect.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Harrison. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_penn"></a>
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution&mdash;and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+legislatures of the several states. The gentleman, (Mr. Findley) will
+recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the states. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptional before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any state to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the <i>migration</i> or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &amp;c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+</p>
+<p>
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentleman from
+Westmoreland (Mr. Findley) and the honorable gentleman from Cumberland
+(Mr. Whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the 9th
+section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because congress might
+impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves,
+within any of the United States, congress might therefore permit
+slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. I
+confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+</p>
+<p>
+If there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+</p>
+<p>
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. McKean. The arguments against the constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these: ...
+</p>
+<p>
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+Provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_va"></a>
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Gov Randolph said, we are told in strong language, of dangers to which
+we will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the northern and eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lee. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? Mr. Lee then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry. It says, that "no state shall engage in war, unless
+actually invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what
+is the true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a state may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.&mdash;They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of congress.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Nicholas said, another worthy member says, there is no
+power in the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it
+now? If they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it
+must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the
+worthy member. The first clause gives the general government power to
+call them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States?
+No. But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of the Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the Union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the Union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The Union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due."  This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exists. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years; but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the Union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this&mdash;that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New-York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stock-jobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery,
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked, if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are so now, will be manumitted. At the same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting it to be such? Virginia
+might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of: they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Nicholas replied, that negroes must he considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+</p>
+<p>
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+</p>
+<p>
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+</p>
+<p>
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, capitation or other direct
+tax should he laid but in proportion to the census before directed to
+be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be found to be no
+security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere
+confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and
+representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised of each
+State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein
+directed. But the general government was not precluded from laying the
+proportion of any particular State on any one species of property they
+might think proper. For instance, if five hundred thousand dollars
+were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of
+Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that
+by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate
+that kind of property. No real security could arise from the clause
+which provides, that persons held to labor in one State, escaping into
+another, shall be delivered up. This only meant, that runaway slaves
+should not be protected in other States. As to the exclusion of <i>ex
+post facto</i> laws, it could not be said to create any security in this
+case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be <i>ex post facto</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some decree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States could, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+</p>
+<p>
+The second section was then read as follows:
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
+shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or
+labor may be due.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Mason.&mdash;Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about&mdash;slavery is detested&mdash;we feel its fatal
+effects&mdash;we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?  There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I
+see that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to
+admire that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we
+ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in
+bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them,
+without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We ought
+to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+</p>
+<p>
+Have we not a right to say, <i>hear our propositions</i>? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.&mdash;Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gov. Randolph said, that honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government, be made <i>free</i>. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself,
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in our State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due."  Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+</p>
+<p>
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a <i>sine qua non</i> of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a <i>sine qua non</i> of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was
+not a <i>sine qua non</i> of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries
+will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The
+Eastern States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should
+require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the
+senate.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison said&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+I was struck with surprise when I heard him express himself alarmed
+with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if they should
+even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? There is no
+power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be, I know it not. But
+why should it be done? Says the honorable gentleman, for the general
+welfare&mdash;it will infuse strength into our system. Can any member of
+this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? Can any
+one believe, that the American councils will come into a measure which
+will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the
+affections of five-thirteenths of the Union? Why was nothing of this
+sort aimed at before? I believe such an idea never entered into an
+American breast, nor do I believe it ever will, unless it will enter
+into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported
+suspicious for reasons.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress
+without the insertion of this restriction&mdash;yet he can show me nothing
+like such a power granted in that constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation is not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it not be delegated.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_nc"></a>
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Goudy. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States over others. It will be oppressive to the
+Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the
+gentleman last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate
+and hasty on the subject of such awful importance. It ought to be
+considered, that <i>some</i> of <i>us</i> are slow of apprehension, not having
+those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other
+gentlemen may be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be
+represented with negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of
+population, but we cannot at present alter their situation. The
+Eastern States had great jealousies on this subject. They insisted
+that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation;
+that the one was property as well as the other. It became our duty on
+the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the
+legislation of the Union; and as the Northern States were more
+populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a
+certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed
+population. It was attempted to form a rule of representation from a
+compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was
+found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and
+other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of
+accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable
+rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the deputies of
+the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths would be of
+little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal
+and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more
+vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its <i>free</i> inhabitants. On
+the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by
+their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the
+community. That as rational beings they had a right of representation,
+and in some instances might be highly useful in war. On these
+principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and consented to
+the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons will appear
+satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was proposed some
+years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the States. It may
+wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, [Mr. Goudy,] but I
+hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and
+circumstances of his country.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. James Galloway said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+</p>
+<p>
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. M'Dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Spaight answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States&mdash;that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. M'Dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the constitution will not be condemned because it has not
+stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Spaight further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Iredell added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Galloway. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end to.
+But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic
+for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the importation
+extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is different from
+the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not. Instead of
+laying a tax, we ought to give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to
+come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires
+the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern States consists
+principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery altogether,
+this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to bring forward
+manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send
+them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission,
+they are to stay among us.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+<i>such importation</i>, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+</p>
+<p>
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression <i>slaves</i>; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word <i>migration</i> refers to
+free persons; but the word <i>importation</i> refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that this gentleman is mistaken
+in another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition
+of slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+</p>
+<p>
+The last clause read&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+could, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. Though the word slave
+be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern delegates,
+owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not
+choose the word <i>slave</i> to be mentioned.
+</p>
+<p>
+The rest of the fourth article read without any observation.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+It is however to be observed, (said Mr. Iredell,) that the first and
+fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are
+protected from any alteration till the year 1808; and in order that no
+consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no State shall,
+by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage
+in the Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are
+with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are
+imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the
+first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference
+between the Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have
+been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the
+Southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any
+slaves. The subject of this article was regulated with great
+difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be
+prudent to disturb for a good many years. In twenty years there will
+probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be considered
+with less difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the
+compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. A
+compromise likewise took place with regard to the importation of
+slaves. It is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman
+traffic, but those of South Carolina and Georgia would not consent to
+an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during
+the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish
+to supply. In the mean time, it is left to the States to admit or
+prohibit the importation, and Congress may impose a limited duty upon
+it.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_sc"></a>
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Hon. Rawlins Lowndes. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealousy of our importing negroes?  Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all?  For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge Pendleton observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lowndes continued&mdash;that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union: and cited an expression that fell from Gen. Pinckney on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great treasure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens:
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+</p>
+<p>
+Major Butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. Lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers: and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. E. Rutledge. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States&mdash;that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Northern State, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new constitution whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes.
+</p>
+<p>
+But the principal objection is, that no duties are laid on
+shipping&mdash;that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great
+measure in the Americans; that the ship-building business was
+principally carried on in the Northern States. When this subject is
+duly considered, the Southern States, should be the last to object to
+it. Mr. Rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after
+which the House adjourned.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. We were at a loss for some time for
+a rule to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a
+spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+</p>
+<p>
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him&mdash;we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+</p>
+<p>
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining, our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendships,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+</p>
+<p>
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+House: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued&mdash;we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. Robert Barnwell. Mr. Barnwell continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<h3>
+<a name="AE11_Fed"></a>
+FEDERALIST, No. 42.
+</h3>
+<div class="centered">
+BY JAMES MADISON
+</div>
+<p>
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it is
+not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+</p>
+<p>
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethern! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+</div>
+<p>
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+</p>
+<p>
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethern observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+</p>
+<p>
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty: and chastised in his
+body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be
+degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational
+animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being
+protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against
+the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his
+liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed
+against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as
+a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as
+a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The Federal
+constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of
+our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and
+property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character
+bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be
+denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under
+the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects
+of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of
+numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the
+rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be
+refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+</p>
+<p>
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+</p>
+<p>
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+</p>
+<p>
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the, barbarous policy of considering as property
+a part of their human brethern, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+</p>
+<p>
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to as the proper guide.
+</p>
+<p>
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications of which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+constitution be annually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the <i>slave</i> as divested of two-fifths of the <i>man</i>.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_debcong"></a>
+DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS,
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+MAY 13, 1789.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; he did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burthen
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+</p>
+<p>
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at the time when debate was almost precluded. The committee
+had gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Parker (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. Sherman) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light, he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America laboured under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burthen, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ames (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Livermore. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent: but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorum, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,&mdash;for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+</p>
+<p>
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+</p>
+<p>
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Schureman (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion,
+because the present was not the time or place for introducing the
+business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the House, as
+a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having the
+question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive; but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it&mdash;and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice&mdash;I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+</p>
+<p>
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+Jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+</p>
+<p>
+I conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations&mdash;the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent, ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not wish to say any thing harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice obtaining under some of the State governments, it
+is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+</p>
+<p>
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+</p>
+<p>
+If we examine the proposal measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave averaged about £80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made not difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five percent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares, and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Bland (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished slaves had
+never been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this
+time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures
+that would prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether
+the prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those
+who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on
+the importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing
+such regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was not apparent.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+</p>
+<p>
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+</p>
+<p>
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lawrance (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. White (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Fitzsimons, (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Parker, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands: and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized as to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+Fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case, that may require the consideration of
+Congress. If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such
+violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to
+be practised in some parts of the United States it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+the advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our shipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+</p>
+<p>
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere with it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature letter than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention&mdash;what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they have nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow-citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lawrance, (of N.Y.) The Gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for condemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade: not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave-trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West-India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sedgwick, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,&mdash;who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,&mdash;come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Boudinot, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed as to suppose
+that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet,
+I trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an
+application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do not consider
+the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time
+enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave-trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, now follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of congress to afford redress as far as in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave-trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave-trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave-trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. White (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Page (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men&mdash;he did not
+deny it&mdash;but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Huntington (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Tucker, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+congress to effect its abrogation. But congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave-trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Boudinor (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Clymer (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Fitzsimons (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over a day at least.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. White (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+</p>
+<p>
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered, without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+</p>
+<p>
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, <i>President</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+"PHILADELPHIA, <i>February</i> 3, 1790."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading as he
+conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Seney (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it
+would be refered to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he
+must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it not
+desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave-trade, while the
+constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound in alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Scott, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of
+caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but
+the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we shall
+feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to interfere
+with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the 9th
+section of the 1st article of the Constitution; every thing else is
+interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Sylvester of (N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislature.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Lawrance of (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the House; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he was
+therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it had
+been properly examined, they could see how far congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House
+to grant the prayer of the petition, which went to the total
+abolishment of the slave trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to
+commit it. He observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had
+arisen on adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended,
+that Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the
+slave-trade.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that it is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+</p>
+<p>
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calmness with
+which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the
+discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told, that if
+the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by
+saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here, we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an <i>ex post facto</i> law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+</p>
+<p>
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stand exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Page (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition of the slave trade: but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that, on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that
+Congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of
+discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would
+trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently.
+He presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same
+way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent
+danger, was to commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the
+misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held
+many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he
+believed, as any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he
+was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no
+uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he
+should rely upon the virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise
+any unconstitutional authority.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+</p>
+<p>
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+</p>
+<p>
+He admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought the interference of congress fully
+compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the tribes of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Boudinot (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Yeas.&mdash;Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Pale, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop&mdash;43.
+</p>
+<p>
+Noes&mdash;Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker&mdash;11.
+</p>
+<p>
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.&mdash;LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Debate on Committee's Report, March</i>, 1790.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. Tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+</p>
+<p>
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in&mdash;large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+</p>
+<p>
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+that the guide and rule of this legislature. A multiplicity of laws is
+reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. How
+strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much
+more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to
+confirm the constitution under which they sit! This is the case with
+others of the resolutions.
+</p>
+<p>
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone) very properly observed, that the
+Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it had always been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interest of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+</p>
+<p>
+He seconded Mr. Tucker's motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+Gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required congress to violate the constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. Franklin taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the immorality of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. Smith, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: He has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined
+on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals
+who differ from us on this point?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of
+power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, <i>now existing</i>, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. Boudinot observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent. ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties
+in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was
+not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch
+of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. Boudinot observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+</p>
+<p>
+[NOTE.&mdash;This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: The
+committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such
+importations."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_AAS"></a>
+ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY
+</div>
+<p>
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New York, May 7th, 1844,&mdash;after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,&mdash;it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the
+American Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is
+due not only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are <i>life,</i>
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would
+not brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should
+be no delay in resisting at whatever cost or peril, the first
+encroachments of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great
+Ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged
+to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to
+conquer or perish in their struggle to be free.
+</p>
+<p>
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of slavery
+is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or that it
+is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the sacred
+rights of mankind.
+</p>
+<p>
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of&mdash;whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare&mdash;what are the principles they
+advocate&mdash;and how they are to achieve their object&mdash;is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+</p>
+<p>
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and consequently, to make one portion of the
+people a prey to another.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints&mdash;equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people&mdash;the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+</p>
+<p>
+I. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,&mdash;or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,&mdash;that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"&mdash;null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception&mdash;the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+</p>
+<p>
+To this see reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was
+tyrannical. It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the
+means. It is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+</p>
+<p>
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+</p>
+<p>
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+</p>
+<p>
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union are to understand
+the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country,
+to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of words, the
+American Union is and always has been a sham&mdash;an imposture. It is an
+instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the
+world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not certain, it
+is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother
+country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that would
+have chosen danger in preference to crime,&mdash;to perish with justice
+rather than live with dishonor,&mdash;to dare and suffer whatever might
+betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,&mdash;could
+never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely it is paying a
+poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in
+the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to
+sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the
+despotic power of England.
+</p>
+<p>
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. <i>It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant</i>&mdash;NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, <i>as a matter of bargain and
+compromise</i>. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated <i>against the wishes of either party</i>. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, <i>except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted <i>in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected</i>. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, <i>especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted</i>&mdash;we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+<i>whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to</i>;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void&mdash;we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, <i>because
+they are immoral</i>, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+<i>not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood</i>, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance&mdash;to wit, <i>union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country</i>. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, <i>those
+who were then pining in bondage</i>&mdash;for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for <i>what they did not possess</i>, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty <i>to themselves</i>, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in <i>words</i> they
+recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, <i>in
+practice</i> they continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a
+portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the
+market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother
+country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why,
+then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses? <i>Why cling to
+the falsehood, that they were no respecters of person in the formation
+of the government</i>?
+</p>
+<p>
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts! "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [The
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+</p>
+<p>
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+In ARTICLE I, Section 9, it is declared&mdash;"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+</p>
+<p>
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, <i>ex necessitate</i>, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808. For
+twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens of
+the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic&mdash;in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa&mdash;in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! This
+awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+</p>
+<p>
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. Luther Martin,[<a name="rnote11-8"></a><a href="#note11-8">8</a>] who was a prominent member of that body:
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-8"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-8">8</a>: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!)
+were <i>very willing to indulge the Southern States</i> at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, <i>gratify</i> them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, <i>by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves</i> for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+</p>
+<p>
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+</p>
+<p>
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition." Alluding to it, Mr. Martin
+observes&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations
+in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+<i>enslave us</i>; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us, not in
+<i>particular</i>, but in <i>common with all the rest of mankind</i>; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights
+which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had
+scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,&mdash;in that government to have a provision, not only of
+putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said that national crimes can only be,
+and frequently are, punished in this world by <i>national punishments</i>,
+and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a
+national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be
+considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of
+him who is equally the Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the
+poor <i>African slave</i> and his <i>American master</i>! [<a name="rnote11-9"></a><a href="#note11-9">9</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-9"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-9">9</a>: How terribly and justly has this guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution, the
+further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves already in the States. That slavery is
+inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to
+destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the
+sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and
+oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of government,
+every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from
+domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the
+utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation
+of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in
+any State, in the same proportion is the State weakened and exposed to
+foreign invasion and domestic insurrection; and by so much less will
+it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much,
+want aid and be a burden to, the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the
+general government power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &amp;c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than
+which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest.
+</p>
+<p>
+"These reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the
+convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as
+it now makes part of the system." [<a name="rnote11-10"></a><a href="#note11-10">10</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-10"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-10">10</a>: Secret Proceedings, p. 61.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+<i>indulge</i> the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be <i>gratified</i>
+by no restriction on being laid on navigation acts!!&mdash;Had there been
+no other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection,
+this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible
+with the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It
+was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but
+a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation&mdash;we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+<i>constitutionally</i> prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic <i>should cease</i> in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the <i>right</i> of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, <i>the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely, under the Constitution</i>. The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, <i>they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of
+it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble&mdash;"to form a more
+perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and
+secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity"&mdash;namely,
+that the parties to the Constitution regarded only their own
+rights and interests, and never intended that its language should be
+so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it unlawful
+for one portion of the people to enslave another, <i>without an express
+alteration in the instrument, in the manner therein set forth</i>. While,
+therefore, the Constitution remains as it was originally adopted, they
+who swear to support it are bound to comply with all its provisions,
+as a matter of allegiance. For it avails nothing to say, that some of
+those provisions are at war with the law of God and the rights of man,
+and therefore are not obligatory. Whatever may be their character,
+they are <i>constitutionally</i>, obligatory; and whoever feels that he
+cannot execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin,
+has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to
+violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. The
+object of the Constitution is not to define <i>what is the law of God</i>,
+but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE&mdash;which will is not to be frustrated
+by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected
+to serve them.
+</p>
+<p>
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides&mdash;"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, <i>three-fifths of all other persons</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power&mdash;a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation&mdash;a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system&mdash;a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of <i>property</i>, while the
+North is not allowed to have one&mdash;a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this is <i>reasoning</i>, or <i>declamation</i>, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the <i>unfortunate</i> situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population, as well as <i>property</i>, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of <i>the spirit of
+accommodation</i> which governed the Convention: and without this
+<i>indulgence</i>, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some <i>peculiar advantages</i> which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be <i>gratified</i>.&mdash;The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &amp;c.&mdash;which must be
+<i>capital</i> objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout the United states."
+</p>
+<p>
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+</p>
+<p>
+Listen, now, to the questions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,&mdash;the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'&mdash;'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'&mdash;'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'&mdash;'It was <i>one</i> of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a <i>compromise</i>, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burdens of
+the North.'&mdash;'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'&mdash;'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty <i>titles</i>, but to titles of <i>nobility</i>; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the Chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'&mdash;'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of <i>the best</i>. Its standard qualification for accession to power <i>is
+merit</i>, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. <i>There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it</i>&mdash;no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation&mdash;a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States foresee
+what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession.'&mdash;'The House of Representatives of the United States
+consists of 223 members&mdash;all, by <i>the letter</i> of the Constitution,
+representatives only of <i>persons</i>, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the <i>persons</i> of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of <i>other
+persons</i>, upwards of two and a half millions of <i>slaves</i>, held as the
+<i>property</i> of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'&mdash;'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one
+fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of
+the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests
+identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated
+wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government
+or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the House. In
+the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is
+yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where the
+institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 members elected by them to the House.'&mdash;'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of <i>slaves</i>, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands&mdash;the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery&mdash;every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of <i>wrong.</i>'&mdash;'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the <b>PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT</b>.'&mdash;'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.&mdash;The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is confessed by Mr. Adams, alluding to the national convention that
+framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free States, in
+their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the Southern
+slaveholder, did listen to <i>a compromise between right and
+wrong&mdash;between freedom and slavery</i>; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign,
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union&mdash;that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hence to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, <i>as
+it is</i>, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators, <i>incorrigible men-stealers</i>, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their <i>honor</i>, or interfere with their <i>rights</i>! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article IV., Section 2, declares,&mdash;"no person held to service or labor
+on one State, <i>under the laws thereof</i>, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+</p>
+<p>
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+</p>
+<p>
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,&mdash;"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:&mdash;"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, <i>even thou wast as one of them</i>. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have <i>stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape</i>; neither shouldst thou have <i>delivered up those of his that
+did remain</i>, in the day of distress."
+</p>
+<p>
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+<i>eagle</i>, and on her banner she has mingled <i>stars</i> with its <i>stripes</i>.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet&mdash;"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: <i>so they wrap it up</i>." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,&mdash;"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+</p>
+<p>
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with bloodhounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, in <i>consequence of this provision of the Constitution</i>? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+</p>
+<p>
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates
+either ignorance, or folly or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another clause <i>secures us that property which we now possess</i>. At
+present, if any slave elopes to those States where slaves are free,
+<i>he becomes emancipated by their laws</i>; for the laws of the States are
+<i>uncharitable</i> (!) to one another in this respect; but in this
+constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under
+the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
+therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be
+delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
+be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO ENABLE THE OWNERS OF
+SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. <i>This is a better security than any that now
+exists</i>. No power is given to the general government to interfere with
+respect to the property in slaves now held by the States."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, GOV. RANDOLPH
+said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves <i>to vindicate their property</i>,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons&mdash;as having a mixed character&mdash;as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox&mdash;the American Constitution is a paradox&mdash;the American Union is
+a paradox&mdash;the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant
+stone." "Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not
+my soul be avenged on such a notion as this?"
+</p>
+<p>
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus The State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+</p>
+<p>
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen <i>en masse</i>, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against <i>domestic violence.</i>" By the 8th
+Section of Article I., congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, <i>suppress
+insurrections</i>, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+</p>
+<p>
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a <i>supplementary</i> security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+</p>
+<p>
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the <i>States</i> to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in congress, George Nicholas asked:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Have they it now?  If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first part gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but <i>it gives an additional security;</i> for,
+beside the power in the State government to use their own militia, it
+will be <i>the duty of the general government</i> to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+</p>
+<p>
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions&mdash;a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity&mdash;several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union&mdash;the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce&mdash;the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,&mdash;or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives&mdash;a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,&mdash;is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto&mdash;"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL&mdash;NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner&mdash;let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity&mdash;let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,&mdash;to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,&mdash;to the triumph of universal love and peace.
+</p>
+<p>
+If, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited,
+it is still asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make
+it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people,
+and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the
+slave system&mdash;the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies:&mdash;"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom&mdash;though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint&mdash;though it be as pure as
+the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven&mdash;it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed&mdash;if
+judgement is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter&mdash;if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution&mdash;if we are living under a frightened despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restrains, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes&mdash;tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have resisted
+the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyranny
+with which the British government sought to rive the liberties of
+America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on its axle, if
+a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it motion. Did our
+fathers say, when their rights and liberties were infringed&mdash;"<i>Why,
+what is done cannot be undone</i>. That is the first thought." No it was
+the last thing they thought of: or, rather it never entered their
+minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at once&mdash;"<i>What is done</i>
+SHALL <i>be undone</i>. That is our FIRST and ONLY thought."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still
+<br>
+Old Plymouth Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill?
+<br>
+The debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn,
+<br>
+Whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?
+<br>
+</p>
+<p>
+Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb;
+<br>
+And voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come:
+<br>
+They call on us to stand our ground&mdash;they charge us still to be
+<br>
+Not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+<br>
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our own sacred rights are trampled in the dust.
+As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizen of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty&mdash;at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, hear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an
+antislavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power&mdash;or run
+the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling and undeniable
+facts.
+</p>
+<p>
+Three millions of the American people are crushed under the American
+Union! They are held as slaves&mdash;trafficked as merchandise&mdash;registered
+as goods and chattels! The government gives them no protection&mdash;the
+government is their enemy&mdash;the government keeps them in chains! There
+they lie bleeding&mdash;we are prostrate by their side&mdash;in their sorrows
+and sufferings we participate&mdash;their stripes are inflicted on our
+bodies, their shackles are fastened to our limbs, their cause is ours!
+The Union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them
+we will struggle to overthrow it! The Constitution, which subjects
+them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! Our
+motto is, "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political.
+They are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of
+God! We separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a
+selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning,
+exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing
+bondman to his fate&mdash;O no! But to clear our skirts of innocent
+blood&mdash;to give the oppressor no countenance&mdash;to signify our abhorrence
+of injustice and cruelty&mdash;to testify against an ungodly compact&mdash;to
+cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers&mdash;to
+make no compromise with tyranny&mdash;to walk worthily of our high
+profession&mdash;to increase our moral power over the nation&mdash;to obey God
+and vindicate the gospel of His Son&mdash;to hasten the downfall of slavery
+in America, and throughout the world!
+</p>
+<p>
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy&mdash;it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it&mdash;it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"&mdash;though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood&mdash;not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor&mdash;not by force and arms to resist any
+law&mdash;not to countenance a servile insurrection&mdash;not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No&mdash;ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting <i>our</i>
+blood be shed&mdash;for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them&mdash;to overcome evil with good&mdash;to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake&mdash;to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+</p>
+<p>
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay it
+no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under it.
+Send no senators or representatives to the national or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings&mdash;assemble in conventions&mdash;nail your banners to the mast!
+</p>
+<p>
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did the
+apostles do? What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do?
+What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women and
+children do? What has Father Mathew done for teetotalism? What has
+Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins girt
+about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and
+arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+</p>
+<p>
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would be a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+</p>
+<p>
+Finally&mdash;we believe that the effect of this movement will be,&mdash;First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+</p>
+<p>
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+</p>
+<p>
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be with
+us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us.
+</p>
+<p>
+In behalf of the Executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+</p>
+<p>
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, <i>President</i>.
+<br>
+WENDELL PHILLIPS, MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN   }  <i>Secretaries</i>.
+<br>
+<i>Boston, May 20, 1844</i>.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_FRAN"></a>
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+</div>
+<p>
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>To His Excellency George N. Briggs</i>:
+</p>
+<p>
+SIR&mdash;Many years since, I received from the executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+</p>
+<p>
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+</p>
+<p>
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "<i>to support the
+Constitution of the United States</i>." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate <i>slavery</i>. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that <i>I</i> would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it, I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those <i>provisions of the Constitution</i>
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other <i>persons</i>"&mdash;as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a <i>basis</i>, not the <i>source</i> of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as <i>persons</i>, but as <i>things</i>; that they are not the <i>constituency</i> of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of <i>men</i> as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" <i>that</i> is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing;
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+</p>
+<p>
+According to the census of 1830, and the <i>ratio</i> of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an approximation
+to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the United
+States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand
+persons&mdash;giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those
+twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and
+fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of <i>property</i> which, five
+years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars&mdash;a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end&mdash;self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+</p>
+<p>
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says John Quincy Adams,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House."
+</p>
+<p>
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the <i>Legislative Halls</i> of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the <i>Electoral college</i>, the same cause produces the same
+effect&mdash;the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[<a name="rnote11-11"></a><a href="#note11-11">11</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-11"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-11">11</a>: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice.
+Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, five
+are slaveholders and of course, must be faithless to their own
+interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or
+must, so far as <i>they</i> are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says&mdash;"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands&mdash;for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+</p>
+<p>
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+</p>
+<p>
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+</p>
+<p>
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor on
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+</p>
+<p>
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "<i>domestic violence</i>," and which pledges to the
+South the military force of the country, to protect the masters
+against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot
+down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our
+revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life,
+<i>liberty</i> and the pursuit of happiness,"&mdash;this clause of the
+Constitution, I say distinctly, I never will support.
+</p>
+<p>
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of her mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, <i>is</i> a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United State' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery&mdash;and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+</p>
+<p>
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the united
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore&mdash;from very
+shame&mdash;to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear&mdash;again to do them justice&mdash;to give place in it to the
+<i>thing</i>. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+</p>
+<p>
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was <i>intended</i> so to operate by the framers of the Constitution. The
+highest judicial authorities&mdash;Chief Justice Shaw, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the Latimer case, and Mr. Justice Story, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of <i>Prigg vs. The
+State of Pennsylvania</i>,&mdash;tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. Madison[<a name="rnote11-12"></a><a href="#note11-12">12</a>] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came out of the hands of Dr. Johnson, the chairman of
+the "committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to
+service, or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &amp;c.,
+and the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term <i>legal</i> equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "<i>in a moral view</i>." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was <i>then</i> awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words: and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgement of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was not "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-12"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-12">12</a>: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+</p>
+<p>
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to <i>do</i>
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we <i>should</i> do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+</p>
+<p>
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,&mdash;for they have left on record their own confession of
+it,&mdash;that in this part of their work they <i>intended</i> to hold the
+shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong.
+They made a "compromise" which they had no right to make&mdash;a compromise
+of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as
+"political expediency." I am sure they did not know&mdash;no man could
+know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong
+that they were doing. In the strong language of John Quincy Adams,[<a name="rnote11-13"></a><a href="#note11-13">13</a>]
+in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11-13"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11-13">13</a>: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+</p>
+<p>
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the <i>moral</i> injury that has been
+done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that
+tremendous sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down
+in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so
+tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to
+multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by
+exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society,
+that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God;
+by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws
+of the universe;&mdash;thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the
+hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his
+stead&mdash;more than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson
+this, to all time-serving and temporising statesmen! A striking
+illustration of the <i>impolicy</i> of sacrificing <i>right</i> to any
+considerations of expediency! Yet, what better than the evil effects
+that we have seen, could the authors of the Constitution have
+reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions
+they made to slavery? Was it reasonable in them to expect that after
+they had introduced a vicious element into the very Constitution of
+the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert
+its vicious energies? Was it reasonable in them to expect that, after
+slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation,
+their children would have too much virtue to <i>use</i> for the defence of
+slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to
+<i>give</i>? It is dangerous for the sovereign power of a State to license
+immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that
+is not "legal in a moral view." Bring into your house a benumbed
+viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask
+you into which room it may crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the
+supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the State, and you
+will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims
+multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the
+religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control.
+</p>
+<p>
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the <i>dissolution of the
+patient</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+</p>
+<p>
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a part to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+</p>
+<p>
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+FRANCIS JACKSON.
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_WEB"></a>
+FROM
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+</div>
+<p>
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, <i>in
+favor of the slaveholding States</i> which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter."!!!
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11_JQA"></a>
+EXTRACTS FROM
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOV. 6, 1844.
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country&mdash;the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building&mdash;the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was <i>protection</i>.&mdash;Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their
+borders, and who were harrassing them with the most terrible of
+wars&mdash;and protection from their own negroes&mdash;protection from their
+insurrections&mdash;protection from their escape&mdash;protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country&mdash;protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied&mdash;the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves&mdash;an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves&mdash;for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is
+most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not word in
+the Constitution <i>apparently</i> bearing up on the condition of slavery,
+nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical
+execution if there were not a slave in the land.
+</p>
+<p>
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+</p>
+<p>
+Twenty years passed away&mdash;the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more to
+be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the <i>breeding</i> States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never&mdash;no, never would they have consented to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+</p>
+<p>
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representative; but their elective franchise shall he
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Fellow-citizens,&mdash;with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two.&mdash;But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of
+slaves themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in
+the Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely
+to the pecuniary value of the slave. And the suppression of the
+African slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the
+benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient
+dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of
+slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of George Washington,
+Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and Thomas Jefferson, into a great
+barracoon&mdash;a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the
+staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and
+sinews of immortal man.
+</p>
+<p>
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder&mdash;no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils&mdash;no power of taxation&mdash;no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of <i>government</i> came
+to be delegated to the Union, the&mdash;that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia&mdash;refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive departments, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;&mdash;an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people&mdash;millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slaveholding power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<h1>
+<a name="AE11e"></a>
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.&mdash;NO. XI
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+THE
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+CONSTITUTION
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+OR
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+SELECTIONS
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+FROM
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h1 class="centered">
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &amp;C.
+</h1>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h3 class="centered">
+SECOND EDITION, ENLARGED.
+</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+NEW YORK:
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+</div>
+<h3 class="centered">
+1845.
+</h3>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+CONTENTS.
+</h2>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_int">INTRODUCTION</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_conf">Debates in the Congress of the Confederation</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_debfed">Debates in the Federal Convention</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_listmem">List of Members of the Federal Convention</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_luthmar">Speech of Luther Martin</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<h3>DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS</h3>
+<ul>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_mass">Massachusetts</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_ny">New York</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_penn">Pennsylvania</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_va">Virginia</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_nc">North Carolina</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_sc">South Carolina</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_Fed">Extracts from the Federalist</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_debcong">Debates in First Congress</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_AAS">Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_FRAN">Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_WEB">Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech</a>
+</li>
+<li>
+<a href="#AE11e_JQA">Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844</a>
+</li>
+</ul>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<h2>
+<a name="AE11e_int"></a>
+	INTRODUCTION.
+</h2>
+<hr>
+<p>
+Every one knows that the "Madison Papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added two notes on <a href="#note11e-5">page 38</a>, which are marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's&mdash;a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand&mdash;otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+</p>
+<p>
+These extracts develop most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the Letter of FRANCIS JACKSON to Governor BRIGGS, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace&mdash;as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following :&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+ART. 1, SECT. 2.&mdash;Representatives and direct taxes shall be
+apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, <i>three-fifths of all other persons</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+ART. 1, SECT. 8.&mdash;Congress shall have power ... to suppress
+insurrections.
+</p>
+<p>
+ART. 1, SECT. 9.&mdash;The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+ART. 4, SECT. 2.&mdash;No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+</p>
+<p>
+ART. 4, SECT. 4.&mdash;The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) <i>against
+domestic violence</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves&mdash;yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression&mdash;thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave-trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, <i>without obliging Congress to do so even then</i>, and thus the
+slave-trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+</p>
+<p>
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+</p>
+<p>
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest
+forever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the
+purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes
+no compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;&mdash;the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both
+State and Federal;&mdash;the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;&mdash;the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;&mdash;and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind, however, must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+</p>
+<p>
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons besides slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National Government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,&mdash;and this is the case in the present instance.
+</p>
+<p>
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous&mdash;that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+</p>
+<p>
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it <i>as it is</i>, and
+repudiate it <i>as it is</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted into the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never <i>could</i> have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact, that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain, and became partners with tyrants, that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+</p>
+<p>
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there, after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,&mdash;after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,&mdash;fifty years roll away, twenty millions, at
+least, of their children pass over the stage of life,&mdash;courts sit and
+pass judgment,&mdash;parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:&mdash;must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+</p>
+<p>
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,&mdash;and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear <i>all</i> that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact,
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+</p>
+<p>
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,&mdash;then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled. No abolitionist can consistently take office
+under it, or swear to support it.
+</p>
+<p>
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,&mdash;then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, show us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;&mdash;slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;&mdash;prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;&mdash;trampling on the rights of the free States, and making the
+courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous
+alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of
+men and the best of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves
+that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms,
+without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin
+of slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,&mdash;
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_conf"></a>
+THE CONSTITUTION
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<i>Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of
+Independence,&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+</p>
+<p>
+The clause too reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was
+struck out, in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never
+attempted to restrain the importation of Slaves, and who on the
+contrary still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I
+believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their
+people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty
+considerable carriers of them to others.&mdash;p. 18.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several Colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and duality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each Colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United States."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CHASE (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which
+would be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a
+tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be
+obtained. He therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with
+one exception only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such
+cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those
+States where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &amp;c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmers' heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,&mdash;would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,&mdash;that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,&mdash;is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HARRISON (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from £8 to £12, while in the Northern it
+was generally £24.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give the <i>jus trium liberorum</i> to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the Colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PAYNE (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of
+Congress, to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of
+souls.
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. WITHERSPOON (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed: horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole Colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+</p>
+<p>
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North; and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<i>Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, January 14, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+If the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the Federal
+Articles, the Committee would certainly have preferred some other rule
+of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain
+qualifications as to slaves.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 260
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WOLCOTT declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 331
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, March 27, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+(The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:)
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CLARK (of New-Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land
+if half their slaves only should be included; but that the Eastern
+States would not concur in that proposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. <i>p</i>. 421-2.
+</p>
+<p>
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WOLCOTT (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+CARROLL as four to one. Mr. WILLIAMSON (of North Carolina) said he
+was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an
+incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay
+taxes. Mr. HIGGINSON (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE
+(of South Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree
+to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one
+would be a juster proportion. Mr. HOLTON as four to three.&mdash;Mr. OSGOOD
+said he did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them
+as three to two, the votes were, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts,
+no; Rhode Island; divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then postponed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+</p>
+<p>
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. MADISON (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LEE was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut,
+no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye;
+North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye.
+</p>
+<p>
+A motion was then made by Mr. BLAND, seconded by Mr. LEE, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+</p>
+<p>
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves employed wholly in agriculture, not
+in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was
+much more against the Southern States than the others.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. FLOYD, aye;) New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no.&mdash;<i>pp. 423-4-5</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, April l, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &amp;c. Mr. HAMILTON, who
+had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting
+numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote.
+He was seconded by Mr. OSGOOD. Those who voted differently from
+their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity
+of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate
+of the slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without
+opposition.&mdash;<i>p. 430</i>.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+MONDAY, MAY 26, 1783.
+</div>
+<p>
+The Resolutions on the Journal instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes&mdash;also those for
+furloughing the troops&mdash;passed <i>unanimously.&mdash;p. 456.</i>
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<i>Letter from Mr. Madison to Edmund Randolph</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+PHILADELPHIA, April 8, 1783.
+</p>
+<p>
+A change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants,
+deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction,
+and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general
+recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the
+members of the Confederacy. The deduction of two-fifths was a
+compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the Southern and
+other States.&mdash;<i>p. 523</i>.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+<a name="AE11e_debfed"></a>
+<i>Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, May 29, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CHARLES PINCKNEY laid before the House the draft of a Federal
+Government.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;"The proportion of direct taxation shall be
+regulated by the whole number of inhabitants of every description"&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 735, 741.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, May 30, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following Resolution, being the second of those proposed by Mr.
+RANDOLPH, was taken up, viz.
+</p>
+<p>
+"<i>That the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free
+inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different
+cases</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Colonel HAMILTON moved to alter the resolution so as to read, "that
+the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the number of free inhabitants." Mr. SPAIGHT seconded
+the motion.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 750.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, June 6, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. We have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the
+most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive
+dominion ever exercised by man over man.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 806.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, June 11, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the respective numbers of free
+inhabitants;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RUTLEDGE proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the quotas of contribution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING and Mr. WILSON, in order to bring the question to a point,
+moved, "that the right of suffrage in the first branch of the National
+Legislature ought not to be according to the rule established in the
+Articles of Confederation, but according to some equitable ratio of
+representation."&mdash;<i>p</i>. 836.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was then moved by Mr. RUTLEDGE, seconded by Mr. BUTLER, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. WILSON, seconded by Mr. PINCKNEY, this
+was postponed; in order to add, after the words, "equitable ratio of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"&mdash;this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question,&mdash;Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;9;
+New Jersey, Delaware, no&mdash;2.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 842-3.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, June 19, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. Where slavery exists, the republican theory becomes still
+more fallacious.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 899.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, June 30, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison,&mdash;admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that, instead of proportioning the votes of
+the States in both branches, to the irrespective numbers of
+inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they
+should be represented in one branch according to the number of free
+inhabitants only; and in the other according to the whole number,
+counting slaves as free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would
+have the advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had
+been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations;
+one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was the
+inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1006-7
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, July 2, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY. There is a real distinction between the Northern and
+Southern interests. North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in
+their rice and indigo, had a peculiar interest which might be
+sacrificed.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1016.
+</p>
+<p>
+FRIDAY, July 6, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY&mdash;thought the blacks ought to stand on an equality with
+the whites; but would agree to the ratio settled by Congress.&mdash;<i>p.</i>
+1039.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, July 9, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PATTERSON considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an expedient by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been ashamed to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON reminded Mr. PATTERSON that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do, if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which had for one
+of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect were paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1054-5-6.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, July 10, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>In Convention</i>,&mdash;Mr. KING reported, from the Committee yesterday
+appointed, "that the States at the first meeting of the General
+Legislature, should be represented by sixty-five members, in the
+following proportions, to wit:&mdash;New Hampshire, by 3; Massachusetts, 8;
+Rhode Island, 1; Connecticut, 5; New York, 6; New Jersey, 4;
+Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, 1; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 10; North
+Carolina, 5; South Carolina, 5; Georgia, 3."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES; BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. For
+this reason be had been ready to yield something, in the proportion of
+representatives, for the security of the Southern. No principle would
+justify the giving them a majority. They were brought as near an
+equality as was possible. He was not averse to giving them a still
+greater security, but did not see how it could be done.
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY. The Report before it was committed was more favorable
+to the Southern States than as it now stands. If they are to form so
+considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to
+the General Government, they will be nothing more than overseers for
+the Northern States. He did not expect the Southern States to be
+raised to a majority of representatives; but wished them to have
+something like an equality.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The Southern interest must be extremely endangered by
+the present arrangement. The Northern States are to have a majority in
+the first instance, and the means of perpetuating it.
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY urged the reduction; dwelt on the superior wealth of
+the Southern States, and insisted on its having its due weight in the
+Government.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS regretted the turn of the debate. The States, he
+found, had many representatives on the floor. Few, he feared, were to
+be deemed the representatives of America. He thought the Southern
+States have, by the Report, more than their share of Representation.
+Property ought to have its weight, but not all the weight. If the
+Southern States are to supply money, the Northern States are to spill
+their blood. Besides, the probable revenue to be expected from the
+Southern States has been greatly overrated.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1056-7-8-9.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, July 11, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON moved that Mr. RANDOLPH's propositions be postponed, in
+order to consider the following, "that in order to ascertain the
+alterations that may happen in the population and wealth of the
+several States, a census shall be taken of the free white inhabitants,
+and three-fifths of those of other descriptions on the first year
+after this government shall have been adopted, and every &mdash;&mdash; year
+thereafter; and that the representation be regulated accordingly."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER and General PINCKNEY insisted that blacks be included in the
+rule of representation <i>equally</i> with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY thought that three-fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORHAM. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the Delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced him, that three-fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, and he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable, as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that
+as wealth was the great means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MASON could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON reminded Mr. GORHAM that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in
+view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Mr. BUTLER'S motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,&mdash;Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye&mdash;3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no&mdash;7; New York, not on the floor.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. WILLIAMSON. In the first place, it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said Resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING thought there was great force in the objections of Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. He would, however, accede to the proposition for
+the sake of doing something.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Another objection with him, against admitting
+the blacks into the census, was, that the people of Pennsylvania would
+revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. They would
+reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. Future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all
+hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.&mdash;pp.
+1066-7-8-9; 1070-2-3.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question on the first clause of Mr. WILLIAMSON's motion, as to
+taking a census of the <i>free</i> inhabitants, it passed in the
+affirmative,&mdash;Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Virginia, North Carolina, aye&mdash;6; Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no&mdash;4.
+</p>
+<p>
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered,
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+</p>
+<p>
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORHAM was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.<a name="rnote11e-1"></a>[<a href="#note11e-1">1</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-1"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-1">1</a>: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three-fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens&mdash;then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property&mdash;then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.)
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,&mdash;Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;4;
+Massachusetts, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[<a name="rnote11e-2"></a><a href="#note11e-2">2</a>] South
+Carolina, no&mdash;6.&mdash;<i>pp</i>.1076-7-8.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-2"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-2">2</a>: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the <i>phraseology</i> to be so altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.]
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>In Convention</i>,&mdash;Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved a proviso, "that
+taxation shall be in proportion to representation."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER contended again, that representation should be according to
+the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting
+the justice of Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS'S motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed at
+what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000£. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then to be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON approved the principle, but could not see how it could be
+carried into execution; unless restrained to direct taxation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, <i>nem. con</i>., as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DAVIE said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+</p>
+<p>
+Dr. JOHNSON thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks <i>equally</i> with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVENEUR MORRIS. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any states that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more than has been already proposed&mdash;that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature, and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution by direct
+taxation, for the support of the Government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other rule that
+shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States, can
+be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RANDOLPH was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. ELLSWORTH'S motion
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that
+may be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every &mdash;&mdash; years afterwards,
+of all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio recommended
+by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of April, 1783,
+(rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number); and that the
+Legislature of the United States shall arrange the representation
+accordingly." He urged strenuously that express security ought to be
+presided for including slaves in the ratio of representation. He
+lamented that such a species of property existed. But as it did exist,
+the holders of it would require this security. It was perceived that
+the design was entertained by some of excluding slaves altogether; the
+Legislature therefore ought not to be left at liberty.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ELLSWORTH withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. RANDOLPH.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to amend Mr. RANDOLPH'S motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This,
+he urged was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers,
+the peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of
+pecuniary resources as those of the Northern States. They add equally
+to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the
+strength, of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the
+Northern States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+On Mr. PINCKNEY'S (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,&mdash;South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye&mdash;2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor JOHNSON, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no&mdash;8.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RANDOLPH'S (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. WILSON (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive where there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ELLSWORTH (of Connecticut). In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,&mdash;Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;6; New
+Jersey, Delaware, no&mdash;2; Massachusetts, South Carolina, divided.&mdash;pp.
+1079 to 1087.
+</p>
+<p>
+Friday, July 13, 1787. Mr. MADISON said, that having always conceived
+that the difference of interest in the United States lay not between
+the large and small, but the Northern and Southern States.&mdash;p. 1088.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion of Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of <i>wealth</i> and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out <i>wealth</i> and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of business,
+and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep
+meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction had been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible
+things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. There can
+be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to
+be entitled to it. The Eastern States may claim it for their fishery,
+and for other objects, as the Southern States claim it for their
+peculiar objects. In this struggle between the two ends of the Union,
+what part ought the Middle States, in point of policy, to take? To
+join their Eastern brethren, according to his ideas. If the Southern
+States get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be,
+with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with
+Spain for the Mississippi. This language is already held. The interior
+country, having no property nor interest exposed on the sea, will be
+little affected by such a war. He wished to know what security the
+Northern and Middle States will have against this danger. It has been
+said that North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a
+little time have a majority of the people of America. They must in
+that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to
+be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question to strike out <i>wealth</i>, and to make the change
+as moved by Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) it passed in the
+affirmative,&mdash;Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;9;
+Delaware, divided.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. It seemed now to be pretty well understood, that the real
+difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but
+between the Northern and Southern, States. THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY,
+AND IT'S CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1104.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, July 17, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The largest State will be sure to succeed. This will
+not be Virginia, however. Her slaves will have no suffrage.&mdash;<i>p</i>.
+1123.
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, July 19, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. The right of suffrage was much more diffusive in the
+Northern than the Southern States; and the latter could have no
+influence in the election, on the score of the negroes.&mdash;p. 1148.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1187.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As the Executive is to have a kind of veto on the
+laws, and there is an essential difference of interests between the
+Northern and Southern States, particularly in the carrying trade, the
+power will be dangerous, if the Executive is to be taken from part of
+the Union, to the part from which he is not taken.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1189.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[<a name="rnote11e-3"></a><a href="#note11e-3">3</a>] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections.&mdash;<i>p</i>.
+1197.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-3"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-3">3</a>: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, July 25, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. Refer the appointment of the National Executive to the
+State Legislatures, and&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+</p>
+<p>
+The remaining mode was an election by the people, or rather by the
+qualified part of them at large.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+</p>
+<p>
+The second difficulty arose from the disproportion of qualified voters
+in the Northern and Southern States, and the disadvantages which this
+mode would throw on the latter. The answer to this objection was&mdash;in
+the first place, that this disproportion would be continually
+decreasing under the influence of the republican laws introduced in
+the Southern States, and the more rapid increase of their population;
+in the second place, that local considerations must give way to the
+general interest. As an individual from the Southern States, he was
+willing to make the sacrifice.&mdash;pp. 1200-1.
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, July 26, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. Revenue will be drawn, it is foreseen, as much
+as possible from trade.&mdash;p. 1217.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, August 6, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Rutledge delivered in the Report of the Committee of Detail.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+ARTICLE VII.
+</div>
+<p>
+SECT. 3. The proportions of direct taxation shall be regulated by the
+whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every
+age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term
+of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in
+the foregoing description, (except Indians not paying taxes); which
+number shall, within six years after the first meeting of the
+Legislature, and within the term of every ten years afterwards, be
+taken in such a manner as the said Legislature shall direct.
+</p>
+<p>
+SECT. 4. No tax or duty shall be laid by the Legislature on articles
+exported from any State; nor on the migration or importation of such
+persons as the several States shall think proper to admit; nor shall
+such migration or importation be prohibited.
+</p>
+<p>
+SECT. 5. No capitation tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census herein before directed to be taken.
+</p>
+<p>
+SECT. 6. No navigation act shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members present in each house.&mdash;pp. 1226-33-34.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hoped that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure be could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then, is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. It
+is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DAYTON seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burdensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye&mdash;1; New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no&mdash;10.&mdash;pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, August 16, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MASON urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying
+taxes, duties, &amp;c., the prohibition in Article 6, Sect. 4, "that no
+tax should be laid on exports."
+</p>
+<p>
+He hoped the Northern States did not mean to deny the Southern this
+security.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS considered such a proviso as inadmissible
+anywhere.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. MADISON. Fourthly, the Southern States, being most in danger and
+most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen
+should be somewhat heaviest on them. And finally, we are not providing
+for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of
+the States in this matter. He was, for these reasons, against the
+motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. MERCER. It had been said the Southern States had most need of
+naval protection. The reverse was the case. Were it not for promoting
+the carrying trade of the Northern States, the Southern States could
+let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our
+protection.&mdash;pp. 1339-40-41-42.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Articles 7, Section 3, was then resumed.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. DICKINSON moved to postpone this, in order to reconsider Article
+4, Section 4, and to <i>limit</i> the number of Representatives to be
+allowed to the large States. Unless this were done, the small States
+would be reduced to entire insignificance, and encouragement given to
+the importation of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. SHERMAN would agree to such a reconsideration; but did not see the
+necessity of postponing the section before the House. MR. DICKINSON
+withdrew his motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 7, Section 3, was then agreed to,&mdash;ten ayes; Delaware alone,
+no.&mdash;p. 1379.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 7, Section 4, was then taken up.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. LANGDON. By this section the States are left at liberty to tax
+exports. This could not be admitted. It seems to be feared that the
+Northern States will oppress the trade of the Southern. This may be
+guarded against, by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds, or
+three-fourths of the Legislature, in such cases.&mdash;p. 1382-3.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. MADISON. As to the fear of disproportionate burthens on the more
+exporting States, it might be remarked that it was agreed, on all
+hands, that the revenue would principally be drawn from trade.&mdash;p.
+1385.
+</p>
+<p>
+COL. MASON&mdash;A majority, when interested, will oppress the minority.
+</p>
+<p>
+If we compare the States in this point of view, the eight Northern
+States have an interest different from the five Southern States; and
+have, in one branch of the Legislature, thirty-six votes, against
+twenty-nine, and in the other in the proportion of eight against five.
+The Southern States had therefore ground for their suspicions. The
+case of exports was not the same with that of imports.&mdash;pp. 1386-7.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. L. MARTIN proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RUTLEDGE did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other States from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ELLSWORTH was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1388-9.
+</p>
+<p>
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>In Convention</i>,&mdash;Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. MASON. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to
+the States being in possession of the right to import, this was the
+case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. PINCKNEY declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BALDWIN had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for everything; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of &mdash;&mdash;; which he said was a respectable class of people, who
+carried their ethics beyond the mere <i>equality of men</i>, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DICKINSON considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of £5 on each slave imported from Africa; £10 on each
+from elsewhere; and £50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LANGDON was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. PINCKNEY thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RUTLEDGE. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. PINCKNEY for a commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS wished the whole subject to be committed,
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. BUTLER declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a <i>sine qua non</i>. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were <i>property</i>. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. READ was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on exports should also be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,&mdash;Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no&mdash;3; Massachusetts absent.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Langdon moved to commit Section 6, as to a
+navigation act by two-thirds of each House.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Gorham did not see the propriety of it. Is it meant to require a
+greater proportion of votes? He desired it to be remembered, that the
+Eastern States had no motive to union but a commercial one. They were
+able to protect themselves. They were not afraid of external danger,
+and did not need the aid of the Southern States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Wilson wished for a commitment, in order to reduce the proportion
+of votes required.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Ellsworth was for taking the plan as it is. This widening of
+opinions had a threatening aspect. If we do not agree on this middle
+and moderate ground, he was afraid we should lose two States, with
+such others as may be disposed to stand aloof; should fly into a
+variety of shapes and directions, and most probably into several
+confederations,&mdash;and not without bloodshed.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question for committing Section 6, as to a navigation act, to a
+member from each State,&mdash;New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye&mdash;9; Connecticut, New Jersey, no&mdash;2.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Committee appointed were Messrs. Langdon, King, Johnson,
+Livingston, Clymer, Dickinson, L. Martin, Madison, Williamson, C.C.
+Pinckney, and Baldwin.
+</p>
+<p>
+To this Committee were referred also the two clauses above mentioned
+of the fourth and fifth Sections of Article 7.&mdash;pp. 1390 to 1397.
+</p>
+<p>
+Friday, August 24, 1787
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>In Convention</i>,&mdash;Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+</p>
+<p>
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.
+</p>
+<p>
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+The sixth Section to be stricken out."&mdash;p. 1415.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, August 25, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth),
+being taken up,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. PINCKNEY moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORHAM seconded the motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,&mdash;New-Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no&mdash;4.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &amp;c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. MASON was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CLYMER concurred with Mr. SHERMAN.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS withdrew his motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DICKINSON wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, <i>nem. con</i>.[<a name="rnote11e-4"></a><a href="#note11e-4">4</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-4"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-4">4</a>: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no&mdash;4.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BALDWIN, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties laid on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, <i>nem. con</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING and Mr. LANGDON considered this as the price of the first
+part. Gen. PINCKNEY admitted that it was so. Col. MASON. Not to tax,
+will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORHAM thought that Mr. SHERMAN should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN, in answer to Mr. GORHAM, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandize consumed, &amp;c.
+</p>
+<p>
+Col. MASON, in answer to Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The provision, as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts, in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was finally agreed, <i>nem. con</i>., to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1427 to 30.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, August 28, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 14, was then taken up.[<a name="rnote11e-5"></a><a href="#note11e-5">5</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-5"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-5">5</a>: Article 14 was,&mdash;The citizens of each State shall be
+entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several
+States.&mdash;EDITOR.]
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question on Article 14,&mdash;New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
+North Carolina, aye&mdash;9; South Carolina, no&mdash;1; Georgia, divided.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 15,[<a name="rnote11e-6"></a><a href="#note11e-6">6</a>] being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor,"
+were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-6"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-6">6</a>: Article 15 was,&mdash;Any person charged with treason, felony
+or high misdemeanor in any State, who shall flee from justice, and
+shall be found in any other State, shall, on demand of the Executive
+power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to
+the State having jurisdiction of the offence.&mdash;EDITOR.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER and Mr. PINCKNEY moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, <i>nem. con</i>.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1447-8.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1787.
+</div>
+<p>
+Article 7, Section 6, by the Committee of Eleven reported to be struck
+out (see the twenty-fourth inst.) being now taken up,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to postpone the Report, in favor of the following
+proposition: "That no act of the Legislature for the purpose of
+regulating the Commerce of the United States with foreign powers,
+among the several States, shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members of each House." He remarked that there were
+five distinct commercial interests.
+</p>
+<p>
+The power of regulating commerce was a pure concession on the part of
+the Southern States. They did not need the protection of the Northern
+States at present.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1450.
+</p>
+<p>
+General PINCKNEY said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[<a name="rnote11e-7"></a><a href="#note11e-7">7</a>] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1451.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-7"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-7">7</a>: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of <i>navigation</i> and <i>slavery</i>, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote of the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PINCKNEY replied, that his enumeration meant the five minute
+interests. It still left the two great divisions of Northern and
+Southern interests.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS opposed the object of the motion as highly
+injurious.&mdash;A navy was essential to security, particularly of the
+Southern States;&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As to the weakness of the Southern States, he was not
+alarmed on that account. The sickliness of their climate for invaders
+would prevent their being made an object. He acknowledged that he did
+not think the motion requiring two-thirds necessary in itself; because
+if a majority of the Northern States should push their regulations too
+far, the Southern States would build ships for themselves; but he knew
+the Southern people were apprehensive on this subject, and would be
+pleased with the precaution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SPAIGHT was against the motion. The Southern States could at any
+time save themselves from oppression, by building ships for their own
+use.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1452.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER differed from those who considered the rejection of the
+motion as no concession on the part of the Southern States. He
+considered the interests of these and of the Eastern States to be as
+different as the interests of Russia and Turkey. Being,
+notwithstanding, desirous of conciliating the affections of the
+Eastern States, he should vote against requiring two-thirds instead of
+a majority.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1453.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. He added, that the Southern States would derive an
+essential advantage, in the general security afforded by the increase
+of our maritime strength. He stated the vulnerable situation of them
+all, and of Virginia in particular.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RUTLEDGE was against the motion of his colleague. At the worst, a
+navigation act could bear hard a little while only on the Southern
+States. As we are laying the foundation for a great empire, we ought
+to take a permanent view of the subject, and not look at the present
+moment only.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORMAN. The Eastern States were not led to strengthen the Union by
+fear for their own safety.
+</p>
+<p>
+He deprecated the consequences of disunion; but if it should take
+place, it was the Southern part of the Continent that had most reason
+to dread them.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the question to postpone, in order to take up Mr. PINCKNEY's
+motion,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;4; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, South
+Carolina, no&mdash;7. The Report of the Committee for striking out Section
+6, requiring two-thirds of each House to pass a navigation act, was
+then agreed to, <i>nem. con</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BUTLER moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"&mdash;which was agreed to, <i>nem.
+con</i>.&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1454-5-6.
+</p>
+<p>
+THURSDAY, August 30, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 18, being taken up,
+</p>
+<p>
+On a question for striking out "domestic violence," and inserting
+"insurrections," it passed in the negative,&mdash;New Jersey, Virginia,
+North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye&mdash;5; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
+no&mdash;6.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1466-7.
+</p>
+<p>
+MONDAY, September 10, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. RUTLEDGE said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article:"&mdash;<i>p</i>. 1536.
+</p>
+<p>
+TUESDAY, September 13, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. RANDOLPH, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[<a name="rnote11e-8"></a><a href="#note11e-8">8</a>] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-8"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-8">8</a>:  See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DICKENSON and Mr. WILSON moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the <i>representation</i>. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that of representation.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye&mdash;3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no&mdash;8.&mdash;<i>pp</i>. 1569-70.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, September 15, 1787.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term <i>legal</i> equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view.&mdash;p.1589.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1-2-3-4-5-6, that three-fifths of the
+blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen.&mdash;p. 1595.
+</p>
+<pre>
+<a name="AE11e_listmem"></a>
+                    LIST OF MEMBERS
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF
+                    THE UNITED STATES.
+</pre>
+<pre>
+<i>From</i>                                 <i>Attended.</i>
+New Hampshire,     1 John Langdon,           July 23, 1787.
+                  <i>John Pickering</i>,
+                   2 Nicholas Gilman,         "   23.
+                  <i>Benjamin West</i>,
+Massachusetts,    <i>Francis Dana</i>,
+                     Elbridge Gerry,          May 29.
+                   3 Nath'l Gorham,            "  28.
+                   4 Rufus King,               "  25.
+                     Caleb Strong,            May 28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,       5 W.S. Johnson,            June 2.
+                   6 Roger Sherman,           May 30.
+                     Oliver Ellsworth,         "  29.
+New York,            Robert Yates,             "  25.
+                   7 Alex'r Hamilton,          "  25.
+                     John Lansing,            June 2.
+New Jersey,        8 Wm. Livingston,            "  5.
+                   9 David Brearly,           May 25.
+                     Wm. C. Houston,          May 25.
+                  10 Wm. Patterson,             do.
+                  <i>John Nielson</i>,
+                  <i>Abraham Clark</i>.
+                  11 Jonathan Dayton,        June 21.
+Pennsylvania,     12 Benj. Franklin,          May 28.
+                  13 Thos. Mifflin,             do.
+                  14 Robert Morris,           May 25.
+                  15 Geo. Clymer,              "  28.
+                  16 Thos. Fitzsimons,         "  25.
+                  17 Jared Ingersoll,          "  28.
+                  18 James Wilson,             "  25.
+                  19 Gouv'r Morris,            "  25.
+Delaware,         20 Geo. Reed,                "  25.
+                  21 G. Bedford, Jr.          "  28.
+                  22 John Dickenson,           "  28.
+                  23 Richard Bassett,          "  25.
+                  24 Jacob Broom,              "  25.
+Maryland,         25 James M'Henry,            "  29.
+                  26 Daniel of St. Tho.
+                          Jenifer,            June 2.
+                  27 Daniel Carroll,          July 9.
+                     John F. Mercer,          Aug. 6.
+                     Luther Martin,           June 9.
+Virginia,         28 G. Washington,           May 25.
+                  <i>Patrick Henry</i>, (declined.)
+                     Edmund Randolph,          "  25.
+                  29 John Blair,               "  25.
+                  30 Jas. Madison, Jr.         "  25.
+                     George Mason,             "  25.
+                     George Wythe,             "  25.
+                     James McClurg, (in
+                          room of P. Henry)    "  25.
+                  31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                          of R. Caswell),    June 20.
+                  <i>Willie Jones</i>, (declined.)
+                  32 R.D. Spaight,            May 25.
+                  33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                          room of W. Jones,)  May 25.
+South Carolina,   34 John Rutledge,            "  25.
+                  35 Chas. C. Pinckney,        "  25.
+                  36 Chas. Pinckney,           "  25.
+                  37 Peirce Butler,            "  25.
+Georgia,          38 William Few,             May 25.
+                  39 Abr'm Baldwin,          June 11.
+                     William Pierce,          May 31.
+                  <i>George Walton.</i>
+                     Wm. Houston,            June  1.
+                  <i>Nath'l Pendleton.</i>
+</pre>
+<pre>
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution.  39
+Those in italics never attended.                                10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,        16
+                                                                &mdash;
+                                                                65
+</pre>
+<p>
+<a name="AE11e_luthmar"></a>
+Extracts from a speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+</p>
+<p>
+With respect to that part of the <i>second</i> section of the <i>first</i>
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality&mdash;It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking <i>slaves</i> into computation in
+apportioning the number of <i>representatives</i> a State should have in
+the government&mdash;That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a State in making laws for <i>free men</i> in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom&mdash;That it might be proper to take slaves
+into consideration, when <i>taxes</i> were to be apportioned, because it
+had a tendency to <i>discourage slavery</i>; but to take them into account
+in giving representation tended to <i>encourage</i> the <i>slave trade</i>, and
+to make it the interest of the States to continue that <i>infamous
+traffic</i>&mdash;That slaves could not be taken into account as <i>men</i>, or
+<i>citizens</i>, because they were not admitted to the <i>rights of
+citizens</i>, in the States which adopted or continued slavery&mdash;If they
+were to be taken into account as <i>property</i>, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than <i>any other</i> property: and why <i>slaves</i> should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the <i>slaves</i> of the <i>Southern States</i>, as
+it would with the <i>horses</i> and <i>mules</i> of the <i>Eastern</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "<i>slaves</i>."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those <i>things</i> which the expressions
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States&mdash;Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those States,
+that their States would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those States, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+</p>
+<p>
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the <i>Eastern</i>
+States, notwithstanding their <i>aversion to slavery</i>, were very willing
+to indulge the Southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the <i>slave trade</i>, provided the Southern States would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+</p>
+<p>
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+<i>enslave us</i>; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+<i>particular</i>, but in <i>common</i> with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+<i>rights</i> which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,&mdash;in that government to have a provision not only putting
+it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+</p>
+<p>
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism,
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so much the more want aid from,
+and be a burden to, the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &amp;c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with both slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+</p>
+<p>
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+</p>
+<p>
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+</p>
+<p>
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the <i>habeas corpus act</i>, in cases of <i>rebellion</i> or
+<i>invasion</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be <i>bastiled</i> in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+</div>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_mass"></a>
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the number of free persons shall be determined,
+by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound
+to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
+three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the slaves. By
+this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. And it was
+adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WIDGERY asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. KING in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of <i>taxation by numbers</i> more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GORHAM thought the proposed section much in favor of
+Massachusetts; and if it operated against any State, it was
+Pennsylvania, because they have more white persons <i>bound</i> than any
+other.
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge DANA, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not <i>three</i> of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than <i>five</i> of those poor slaves?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. NASSON remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. KING, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways&mdash;and the gentleman should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+KING, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side&mdash;as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. DAWES said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He though them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our <i>own</i> State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as <i>freemen</i>, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more? The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have <i>their</i> prejudices. It would not
+do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. NEAL (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued
+for 20 years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness
+against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the
+bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put
+his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to
+this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever
+shall be free, and Gen. THOMPSON exclaimed:
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had! How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has&mdash;he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+</p>
+<p>
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article
+towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the
+Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was no
+provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this Constitution
+provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally annihilate the
+slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two, have passed laws
+to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be
+done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty to prohibit it.
+</p>
+<p>
+SATURDAY, January 26.&mdash;[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory&mdash;and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+NASON, Major LUSK, Mr. NEAL, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge DANA, Mr. ADAMS and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. HEATH. Mr. President,&mdash;By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity
+of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&amp;c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery&mdash;or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The Federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &amp;c., is confined to the States, now
+<i>existing only</i>, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. NEAL rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind&mdash;and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Major LUSK concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Rev. Mr. BACKUS. Much, sir, hath been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a <i>prophet</i> in
+the New Testament And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said&mdash;Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again&mdash;Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_ny"></a>
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. M. SMITH. He would now proceed to state his objections to the
+clause just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3). His objections
+were comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is
+unjust; 2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house
+shall not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the
+rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the
+whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all
+others; that is, in plain English, each State is to send
+representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and
+three-fifths of the slaves it contains. He could not see any rule by
+which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;&mdash;the
+principle of a representation being that every free agent should be
+concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a
+man who could not exercise it&mdash;slaves have no will of their own: the
+very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people
+who were so wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted,
+that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but
+that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should
+be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with
+the southern States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HAMILTON. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+</p>
+<p>
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States&mdash;the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on the navigation, and that they should have full power, by
+a majority on Congress, to make commercial regulations. The Southern
+States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by requiring that
+two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an act in
+regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of
+a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to
+employ the shipping of the Northern States would probably enhance
+their freight. This being the case, they insisted strenuously on
+having this provision engrafted in the Constitution; and the Northern
+States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other hand, the small
+States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal
+terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed:
+the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that Rhode
+Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves:
+from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. It became
+necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must have
+dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise and
+prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me&mdash;every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow&mdash;let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+</p>
+<p>
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+</p>
+<p>
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern States, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the Convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &amp;c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of New
+York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are
+considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded to
+the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal laws
+of the States which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. But
+representation and taxation go together&mdash;and one uniform rule ought to
+apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves in the
+assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+</p>
+<p>
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the States. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your State, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government: these will be included
+in the enumeration&mdash;not two-fifths&mdash;nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern States, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. M. SMITH. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern States. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the
+clause in this respect.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HARRISON. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_penn"></a>
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. WILSON. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this Constitution&mdash;and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+Legislatures of the several States. The gentleman, (Mr. FINDLEY) will
+recollect, that in the present Congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the States. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+States; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven States, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptionable before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting Congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+Congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+Confederation, the States may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the Congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any State to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new States which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of Congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the Convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the <i>migration</i> or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &amp;c., shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that Congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+</p>
+<p>
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentlemen from
+Westmoreland (Mr. FINDLEY,) and the honorable gentleman from
+Cumberland (Mr. WHITEHILL,) took exception against the first clause of
+the 9th section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because Congress
+might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of
+slaves, within any of the United States, Congress might therefore
+permit slaves to be imported within this State, contrary to its laws.
+I confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+</p>
+<p>
+If there was no other lovely feature in the Constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and Congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+</p>
+<p>
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. McKEAN. The arguments against the Constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these:....
+</p>
+<p>
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the States
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+Provision is made that Congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_va"></a>
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+GOV. RANDOLPH. This is one point of weakness I wish for the honor of
+my countrymen that it was the only one. There is another circumstance
+which renders us more vulnerable. Are we not weakened by the
+population of those whom we hold in slavery?  The day may come when
+they may make impression upon us. Gentlemen who have been long
+accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause
+of alarm in this case: the number of those people, compared to that of
+the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to
+236,000&mdash;that of the whites, only to 352,000.&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;I beseech them
+to consider, whether Virginia and North Carolina, both oppressed with
+debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their
+people happy internally.
+</p>
+<p>
+GEORGE MASON. We are told in strong language, of dangers to which we
+will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the Northern and Eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+Southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. LEE. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? MR. LEE then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. HENRY. It says that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually
+invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what is the
+true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a State may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.&mdash;They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of Congress.
+</p>
+<p>
+MR. GEORGE NICHOLAS. Another worthy member says, there is no power in
+the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it now? If
+they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it must be
+in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy
+member. The first clause gives the general government power to call
+them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States? No.
+But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of this Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done"
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due." This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exist. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years: but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. TYLER warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+Congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this&mdash;that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stockjobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE NICHOLAS wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are now, will be manumitted. At that same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting to it to be such?
+Virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he had imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of; they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. NICHOLAS replied, that negroes must be considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+</p>
+<p>
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+</p>
+<p>
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+</p>
+<p>
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+</p>
+<p>
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE MASON said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, that no capitation or other
+direct tax should be laid but in proportion to the census before
+directed to be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be
+found to be no security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct
+assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of
+taxes and representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised
+of each State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner
+therein directed. But the general government was not precluded from
+laying the proportion of any particular State on any one species of
+property they might think proper. For instance, if five hundred
+thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the
+proportion of the Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of
+property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might
+totally annihilate that kind of property. No real security could arise
+from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one
+State, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. This only meant,
+that runaway slaves should not be protected in other States. As to the
+exclusion of <i>ex post facto</i> laws, it could not be said to create any
+security in this case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be <i>ex
+post facto</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the Constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some degree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States would, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+</p>
+<p>
+The second section was then read as follows:&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;*
+</p>
+<p>
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein be discharged from such service.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE MASON.&mdash;Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HENRY. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about&mdash;slavery is detested&mdash;we feel its fatal
+effects&mdash;we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I see
+that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire
+that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free,
+we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men
+in bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate
+them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We
+ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+</p>
+<p>
+Have we not a right to say, <i>hear our propositions</i>? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.&mdash;Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gov. RANDOLPH. That honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government be made <i>free</i>. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in Convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself;
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due." Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+</p>
+<p>
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a <i>sine qua non</i> of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in Convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a <i>sine qua non</i> of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was not
+a <i>sine qua non</i> of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries will
+require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The Eastern
+States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the
+consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Madison. I was struck with surprise when I heard him express
+himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me
+ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation
+of power? There is no power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be,
+I know it not. But why should it be done? Says the honorable
+gentleman, for the general welfare&mdash;it will infuse strength into our
+system. Can any member of this committee suppose, that it will
+increase our strength? Can any one believe, that the American councils
+will come into a measure which will strip them of their property,
+discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the
+Union? Why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? I believe such an
+idea never entered into an American breast, nor do I believe it ever
+will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who
+substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new Congress
+without the insertion of this restriction&mdash;yet he can shew me nothing
+like such a power granted in that Constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation be not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it be not delegated.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_nc"></a>
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GOUDY. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States, over the others. It will be oppressive to
+the Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman
+last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty
+on a subject of such awful importance. It ought to be considered, that
+<i>some</i> of <i>us</i> are slow of apprehension, not having those quick
+conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may
+be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be represented with
+negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but cannot
+at present alter their situation. The Eastern States had great
+jealousies on this subject. They insisted that their cows and horses
+were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as
+well as the other. It became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as
+much weight as possible in the legislation of the Union; and as the
+Northern States were more populous in whites, this only could be done
+by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a
+part of the computed population. It was attempted to form a rule of
+representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on
+consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative
+value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with
+any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only
+practicable rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the
+deputies of the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths
+would of little utility, and that their entire representation would be
+unequal and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a
+country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its <i>free</i>
+inhabitants. On the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace
+they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other
+members of the community. That as rational beings they had a right of
+representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war.
+On these principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and
+consented to the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons
+will appear satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was
+proposed some years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the
+States. It may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, (Mr.
+GOUDY,) but I hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the
+interests and circumstances of his country.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JAMES GALLOWAY said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+</p>
+<p>
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. J. M'DOWALL wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SPAIGHT answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States&mdash;that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. M'DOWALL replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the Constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+Constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if Congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the Constitution will not be condemned, because it has
+not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SPAIGHT further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. IREDELL added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GALLOWAY. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end
+to. But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable
+traffic for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the
+importation extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is
+different from the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not.
+Instead of laying a tax, we ought to a give a bounty, to encourage
+foreigners to come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery,
+it requires the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern
+States consists principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery
+altogether, this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to
+bring forward manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country
+shall we send them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after
+manumission, they are to stay among us.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+<i>such importation</i>, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+</p>
+<p>
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression <i>slaves</i>; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word <i>migration</i> refers to
+free persons; but the word <i>importation</i> refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that the gentleman is mistaken in
+another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition of
+slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+</p>
+<p>
+The last clause read&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. IREDELL begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the Constitution. Though the word
+<i>slave</i> be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern
+delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of
+slavery, did not choose the word <i>slave</i> to be mentioned.
+</p>
+<p>
+The rest of the forth article read without observation.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+Mr. IREDELL. It is however to be observed, that the first and forth
+clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from
+any alteration until the year 1808; and in order that no consolidation
+should take place, it is provided, that no State shall, by any
+amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the
+Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are with
+respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed,
+and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the first, it
+must be observed, that there is a material difference between the
+Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have been much
+longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the Southern, but
+have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. The
+subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a
+spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a
+good many years. In twenty years there will probably be a great
+alteration, and then the subject may be re-considered with less
+difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the compromise was
+upon the best footing that could be obtained. A compromise likewise
+took place in regard to the importation of slaves. It is probable that
+all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of South
+Carolina and Georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of
+it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast
+number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. In the mean time,
+it is left to the States to admit or prohibit the importation, and
+Congress may impose a limited duty upon it.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_sc"></a>
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+</div>
+<p>
+Hon. RAWLINS LOWNDES. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealously of our importing negroes? Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all? For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+</p>
+<p>
+Judge PENDLETON observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her Constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LOWNDES continued&mdash;that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union; and cited an expression that fell from Gen. PINCKNEY on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition to this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great measure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens;
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+</p>
+<p>
+Major BUTLER observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. LOWNDES proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers; and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. E. RUTLEDGE. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States&mdash;that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the Northern States, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new Constitution, whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. But the principle
+objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping&mdash;that in fact the
+carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the Americans;
+that the shipbuilding business was principally carried on in the
+Northern States. When this subject is duly considered, the Southern
+States, should be the last to object to it. Mr. RUTLEDGE then went
+into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gen. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. We were at a loss for some time for
+a role to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to
+a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+</p>
+<p>
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him&mdash;we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+</p>
+<p>
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendship,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat,
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+</p>
+<p>
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+</p>
+<p>
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+house: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued&mdash;we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the Constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+</p>
+<p>
+Hon. ROBERT BARNWELL. Mr. BARNWELL continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore, certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+</p>
+<p>
+<a name="AE11e_Fed"></a>
+FEDERALIST, No. 42
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+</div>
+<p>
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it
+is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+</p>
+<p>
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethren! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+</p>
+<p>
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+</div>
+<p>
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+</p>
+<p>
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it; stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethren observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+</p>
+<p>
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself; but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body
+by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded
+from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which
+fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected, on
+the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of
+all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being
+punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the
+slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the
+society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person,
+not as a mere article of property. The Federal Constitution,
+therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves,
+when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property.
+This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on
+them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied,
+that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the
+pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of
+property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers;
+and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which
+have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal
+share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+</p>
+<p>
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+</p>
+<p>
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+</p>
+<p>
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the barbarous policy of considering as property a
+part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+</p>
+<p>
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the Constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to the proper guide.
+</p>
+<p>
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+Constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal Constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the <i>slave</i> as divested of two-fifths of the <i>man</i>.
+</p>
+
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+
+<h2>
+<a name="AE11e_debcong"></a>
+	DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS.
+</h2>
+
+<div class="centered">
+LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+</div>
+<p>
+May 13, 1789.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the Constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; be did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+</p>
+<p>
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at a time when debate was almost precluded. The committee had
+gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. SHERMAN) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light; he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America labored under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burden, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. AMES (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LIVERMORE. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent; but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorem, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,&mdash;for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+</p>
+<p>
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+</p>
+<p>
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SCHUREMAN (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his
+motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing
+the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the
+House, as a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having
+the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive: but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it&mdash;and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice&mdash;I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+</p>
+<p>
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the Constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+JACKSON,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+</p>
+<p>
+I conceive the Constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations&mdash;the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+Constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+I do not wish to say anything harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice of obtaining under some of the State governments,
+it is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+</p>
+<p>
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+</p>
+<p>
+If we examine the proposed measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the Constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave, averaged about £80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five per cent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BLAND (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished had never
+been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this time to
+cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would
+prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether the
+prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those who
+had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the
+importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing such
+regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was now apparent.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+</p>
+<p>
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+</p>
+<p>
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PARKER, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands; and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized us to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+FITZSIMONS) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+</p>
+<p>
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case that may require the consideration of Congress.
+If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such violation
+of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be
+practised in some parts of the United States, it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our slipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+</p>
+<p>
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere will it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature better than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+</p>
+<p>
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention&mdash;what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they had nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) The gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for contemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade; not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the House will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SEDGWICK, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,&mdash;who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,&mdash;come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BOUDINOT, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed: as to
+suppose that Congress could be guilty of a violation of the
+Constitution, yet, I trust we know our duty better than to be led
+astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do
+not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will
+be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the Constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the Constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, not follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of Congress to afford redress as far as is in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men&mdash;he did not
+deny it&mdash;but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HUNTINGTON (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when Congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. TUCKER, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+Congress to effect its abrogation. But Congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. CLYMER (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over for a day at least.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+</p>
+<p>
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+</p>
+<p>
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative cooperation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+</p>
+<p>
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, <i>President.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+"PHILADELPHIA, <i>February 3, 1790."</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading, as
+he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject, and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SENEY (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared
+it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but
+he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it
+not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave trade, while
+the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SCOTT, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial is
+strictly agreeable to the constitution: it respects a part of the duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may, be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was of a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree
+of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated;
+but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we
+shall feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to
+interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the
+9th section of the first article of the Constitution; every thing else
+is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+</p>
+<p>
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SYLVESTER (of N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislatures.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he
+was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it
+had been properly examined, they could see how far Congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. Mr.
+Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House to
+brunt the prayer of the petition, which event to the total abolishment
+of the slave-trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. He
+observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had arisen on
+adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that
+Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this House, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that if is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+</p>
+<p>
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+</p>
+<p>
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calumny's
+with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find,
+that the discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told,
+that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it,
+by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here; we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an ex post facto law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+</p>
+<p>
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that county, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stood exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition, of the slave trade; but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if anything could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf and that Congress
+were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the
+practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their
+justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. He presumed
+that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he,
+therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to
+commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the misfortune of
+having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them
+himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as
+any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he was determined
+to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm
+on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the
+virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional
+authority.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+</p>
+<p>
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the Constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of Congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+</p>
+<p>
+He admitted that Congress was restricted by the Constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought the interference of Congress fully
+compatible with the Constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the natives of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that Congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the Constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the Constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the Constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; Congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that Congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed Congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+</p>
+<p>
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+Yeas.&mdash;Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop&mdash;93.
+</p>
+<p>
+Noes.&mdash;Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker&mdash;11.
+</p>
+<p>
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>Debate on Committee's Report, March 1790.</i>
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+</div>
+<p>
+Mr. TUCKER moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. JACKSON rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+</p>
+<p>
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in&mdash;large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are Congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+</p>
+<p>
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to Congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+the first proposition of the report fully contained in the
+Constitution? Is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. A
+multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to
+confound and perplex. How strange would a law appear which was to
+confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body
+to pass resolutions to confirm the Constitution under which they sit!
+This is the case with others of the resolutions.
+</p>
+<p>
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) very properly observed, that
+the Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+Constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged Congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+Constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it always had been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged Congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interests of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of Quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that Constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+</p>
+<p>
+He seconded Mr. TUCKER'S motion.
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, the gentlemen from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+GERRY,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required Congress to violate the Constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. FRANKLIN taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the impropriety of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+Have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. SMITH, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on
+account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who
+differ from us on this point?
+</p>
+<p>
+Mr. BOUDINOT agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the Constitution relating to the want of
+power in Congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, <i>now existing</i>, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the Constitution, and therefore Congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. BOUDINOT observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in
+the Convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+Congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was not
+done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of
+trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. BOUDINOT observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+</p>
+<p>
+[NOTE.&mdash;This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole House, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+</p>
+<p>
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words:
+</p>
+<p>
+The committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+</p>
+<p>
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the States admitting such
+importations."
+</p>
+<p>
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_AAS"></a>
+ADDRESS
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+OF THE
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+OF
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+TO THE
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the U. States.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New-York, May 7th, 1844,&mdash;after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,&mdash;it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and Humanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the American
+Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is due not
+only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are <i>life</i>,
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would not
+brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should be no
+delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments
+of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great Ruler of the
+universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other
+"their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or
+perish in their struggle to be free.
+</p>
+<p>
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of
+slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or
+that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the
+sacred rights of mankind.
+</p>
+<p>
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of&mdash;whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare&mdash;what are the principles they
+advocate&mdash;and how they are to achieve their object&mdash;is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+</p>
+<p>
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of
+the people a prey to another.
+</p>
+<p>
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints&mdash;equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people&mdash;the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+</p>
+<p>
+1. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,&mdash;or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,&mdash;that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"&mdash;null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception&mdash;the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+</p>
+<p>
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+</p>
+<p>
+To this we reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical.
+It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. It
+is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+</p>
+<p>
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villainy that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+</p>
+<p>
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+</p>
+<p>
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to
+understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole
+country, to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of
+words, the American Union is and always has been a sham&mdash;an imposture.
+It is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history
+of the world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not
+certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the
+mother country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that
+would have chosen danger in preference to crime,&mdash;to perish with
+justice rather than live with dishonor,&mdash;to dare and suffer whatever
+might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human
+being,&mdash;could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely
+it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our
+revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they
+had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have
+fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of England.
+</p>
+<p>
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-Christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. <i>It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant</i>&mdash;NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, <i>as a matter of bargain and
+compromise</i>. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated <i>against the wishes of either party</i>. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, <i>except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted <i>in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected</i>. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, <i>especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted</i>&mdash;we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+<i>whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to</i>;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void&mdash;we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, <i>because
+they are immoral</i>, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+<i>not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood</i>, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance&mdash;to wit, <i>union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country</i>. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, <i>those
+who were then pining in bondage</i>&mdash;for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for <i>what they did not possess</i>, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty to <i>themselves</i>, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in words they recognized
+occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, <i>in practice</i> they
+continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a portion of
+their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market,
+while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country,
+and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why, then, concede
+to them virtues which they did not possess? <i>Why cling to the
+falsehood, that they were no respecters of persons in the formation of
+the government</i>?
+</p>
+<p>
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts!  "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [the
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+</p>
+<p>
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+In ARTICLE 1, Section 9, it is declared&mdash;"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+</p>
+<p>
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, <i>ex necessitate</i>, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808.
+For twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens
+of the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic&mdash;in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa&mdash;in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage!
+This awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+</p>
+<p>
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the Constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. LUTHER MARTIN[<a name="rnote11e-9"></a><a href="#note11e-9">9</a>] who was a prominent member of that body:
+</p>
+<p>
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, (!)
+were <i>very willing to indulge the Southern States</i> at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, <i>gratify</i> them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, <i>by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves</i> for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-9"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-9">9</a>: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+</p>
+<p>
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this Section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition."  Alluding to it, Mr. MARTIN
+observes&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was said that we had just assumed a place among independent
+nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great
+Britain to <i>enslave us</i>: that this opposition was grounded upon the
+preservation of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us,
+not in <i>particular</i>, but in <i>common with all the rest of mankind</i>;
+that we had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the
+God of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we
+scarcely had risen from our knees, from supplicating his aid and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,&mdash;in that government to have a provision, not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sport with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be and frequently are, punished in this world
+by <i>national punishments</i>, and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor <i>African slave</i> and his <i>American master</i>![<a name="rnote11e-10"></a><a href="#note11e-10">10</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-10"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-10">10</a>: How terribly and justly has this guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution,
+the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the States. That
+slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a
+tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it
+lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to
+tyranny and oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of
+government, every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion
+and from domestic insurrections; that, from this consideration, it was
+of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the
+importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves
+were increased in any State, in the same proportion the State is
+weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection; and
+by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and
+therefore will by so much the more, want aid from, and be a burden to,
+the Union.
+</p>
+<p>
+"It was further said, that, as in this system, we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &amp;c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+</p>
+<p>
+"These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+a part of the system."[<a name="rnote11e-11"></a><a href="#note11e-11">11</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-11"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-11">11</a>: Secret Proceedings, p. 64.]
+</p>
+<p>
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they chose to do evil that good might
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+<i>indulge</i> the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be <i>gratified</i>
+by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!&mdash;Had there been no
+other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection, this
+one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with
+the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It was
+the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a
+very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+</p>
+<p>
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation&mdash;we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+<i>constitutionally</i> prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic <i>should cease</i> in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the <i>right</i> of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, <i>the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely under the Constitution.</i> The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, <i>they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition.</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution
+of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble&mdash;"to form
+a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare,
+and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
+posterity"&mdash;namely, that the parties to the Constitution regarded only
+their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language
+should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it
+unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, <i>without an
+express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set
+forth</i>. While, therefore, the Constitution remains as it was
+originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply
+with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. For it avails
+nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law
+of God and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory.
+Whatever may be their character, they are <i>constitutionally</i>
+obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to
+execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to
+withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking
+on his lips an impious promise. The object of the Constitution is not
+to define <i>what is the law of God</i>, but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE
+PEOPLE&mdash;which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral
+interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them.
+</p>
+<p>
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides&mdash;"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, <i>three-fifths of all other persons</i>."
+</p>
+<p>
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power&mdash;a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation&mdash;a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system&mdash;a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of property, while the North
+is not allowed to have one&mdash;a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+</p>
+<p>
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this be <i>reasoning</i> or <i>declamation</i>, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the <i>unfortunate</i> situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population as well as <i>property</i>, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of <i>the spirit of
+accommodation</i> which governed the Convention; and without this
+<i>indulgence</i>, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some <i>peculiar advantages</i> which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be <i>gratified</i>.&mdash;The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &amp;c.&mdash;which must be
+<i>capital</i> objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States."
+</p>
+<p>
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+</p>
+<p>
+Listen, now, to the opinions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,&mdash;the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'&mdash;'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'&mdash;'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'&mdash;'It was <i>one</i> of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a <i>compromise</i>, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burthens of
+the North.'&mdash;'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'&mdash;'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty <i>titles</i>, but to titles of <i>nobility</i>; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'&mdash;'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a Democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an Aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of the <i>best</i>. Its standard qualification for accession to power is
+<i>merit</i>, ascertained by popular election, recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. <i>There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it</i>&mdash;no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation&mdash;a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States imagine
+or foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of
+this concession.'&mdash;'The House of Representatives of the U. States
+consists of 223 members&mdash;all, by the <i>letter</i> of the Constitution,
+representatives only of <i>persons</i>, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the <i>persons</i> of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of <i>other
+persons</i>, upwards of two and a half millions of <i>slaves</i>, held as the
+<i>property</i> of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'&mdash;'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than
+one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth
+part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal
+interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same
+associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of
+government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the
+House. In the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding
+power is yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where
+the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the Federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 member elected by them to the House.'&mdash;'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of <i>slaves</i>, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands&mdash;the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery&mdash;every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of <i>wrong</i>.'&mdash;'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT.'&mdash;'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.&mdash;The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is confessed by Mr. ADAMS, alluding to the national convention
+that framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free
+States, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of the
+Southern slaveholder, did listen to a <i>compromise between right and
+wrong&mdash;between freedom and slavery</i>; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union&mdash;that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+</p>
+<p>
+Hence, to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, <i>as
+it is</i>, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators <i>incorrigible men-stealers</i>, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their <i>honor</i>, or interfere with their rights! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+</p>
+<p>
+Article 4, Section 2, declares,&mdash;"No person held to service or labor
+in one State, <i>under the laws thereof</i>, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+</p>
+<p>
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+</p>
+<p>
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,&mdash;"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:&mdash;"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, <i>even thou wast as one of them</i>. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have <i>stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape</i>; neither shouldst thou have <i>delivered up those of his that
+did remain</i>, in the day of distress."
+</p>
+<p>
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+<i>eagle</i>, and on her banner she has mingled <i>stars</i> with its <i>stripes</i>.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet&mdash;"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: <i>so they wrap it up</i>." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,&mdash;"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+</p>
+<p>
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, <i>in consequence of this provision of the Constitution</i>? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+</p>
+<p>
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates,
+either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Another clause <i>secures us that property which we now possess</i>. At
+present, if any slave elopes to any of those States where slaves are
+free, <i>he becomes emancipated by their laws</i>; for the laws of the
+States are <i>uncharitable</i> (!) to one another in this respect; but in
+this constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO
+ENABLE OWNERS OF SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. <i>This is a better security
+than any that now exists</i>. No power is given to the general government
+to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the
+States."
+</p>
+<p>
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, Gov. RANDOLPH
+said:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves to <i>vindicate their property</i>,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons&mdash;as having a mixed character&mdash;as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox&mdash;the American Constitution is a paradox&mdash;the American Union is
+a paradox&mdash;the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant stone."
+"Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not my soul
+be avenged on such a nation as this?"
+</p>
+<p>
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus the State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+</p>
+<p>
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen <i>en masse</i>, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against <i>domestic violence</i>." By the 8th
+Section of Article I., Congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, <i>suppress
+insurrections</i>, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+</p>
+<p>
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a <i>supplementary</i> security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+</p>
+<p>
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+Constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the <i>States</i> to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in Congress, George Nicholas asked:&mdash;
+</p>
+<p>
+"Have they it now? If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first clause gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but it <i>gives an additional security</i>; for,
+beside the power in the State governments to use their own militia, it
+will be <i>the duty of the general government</i> to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+</p>
+<p>
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from seven hundred thousand to nearly three millions&mdash;a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity&mdash;several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union&mdash;the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce&mdash;the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,&mdash;or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to these poor hunted fugitives&mdash;a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+</p>
+<p>
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,&mdash;is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto&mdash;"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL&mdash;NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+</p>
+<p>
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner&mdash;let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity&mdash;let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,&mdash;to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,&mdash;to the triumph of universal love and peace. If, in utter
+disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still
+asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make it a free
+instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was
+never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave
+system&mdash;the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies;&mdash;"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom&mdash;Though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint&mdash;though it be as pure as
+the Gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven&mdash;it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality: it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed&mdash;if
+judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter&mdash;if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution&mdash;if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes&mdash;tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have
+resisted the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges
+of tyranny with which the British government sought to rive the
+liberties of America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on
+its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it
+motion. Did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were
+infringed&mdash;"<i>Why, what is done cannot be undone</i>. That is the first
+thought." No, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it
+never entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at
+once&mdash;"<i>What is done</i> SHALL <i>be undone</i>. That is our FIRST and ONLY
+thought."
+</p>
+<blockquote>
+<p>
+"Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still
+<br>
+Old Plymouth Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill?
+<br>
+The debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn,
+<br>
+Whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?
+</p>
+<p>
+Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb;
+<br>
+And voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come:
+<br>
+They call on us to stand our ground&mdash;they charge us still to be
+<br>
+Not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+</p>
+</blockquote>
+<p>
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the
+dust. As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizens of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty&mdash;at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers
+of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding
+power&mdash;or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling
+and undeniable facts. Three millions of the American people are
+crushed under the American Union! They are held as slaves&mdash;trafficked
+as merchandise&mdash;registered as goods and chattels! The government gives
+them no protection&mdash;the government is their enemy&mdash;the government
+keeps them in chains! There they lie bleeding&mdash;we are prostrate by
+their side&mdash;in their sorrows and sufferings we participate&mdash;their
+stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on
+our limbs, their cause is ours! The Union which grinds them to the
+dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it!
+The Constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that
+we cannot swear to support! Our motto is, "NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political. They are the fiercest
+enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of God! We separate from
+them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do
+them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for
+their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate&mdash;O no!
+But to clear our skirts of innocent blood&mdash;to give the oppressor no
+countenance&mdash;to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty&mdash;to
+testify against an ungodly compact&mdash;to cease striking hands with
+thieves and consenting with adulterers&mdash;to make no compromise with
+tyranny&mdash;to walk worthily of our high profession&mdash;to increase our
+moral power over the nation&mdash;to obey God and vindicate the Gospel of
+his Son&mdash;to hasten the downfall of slavery in America, and throughout
+the world!
+</p>
+<p>
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy&mdash;it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it&mdash;it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"&mdash;though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood&mdash;not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor&mdash;not by force and arms to resist any
+law&mdash;not to countenance a servile insurrection&mdash;not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No&mdash;ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting <i>our</i>
+blood be shed&mdash;for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them&mdash;to overcome evil with good&mdash;to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake&mdash;to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+</p>
+<p>
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay
+it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under
+it. Send no senators or representatives to the National or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings&mdash;assemble in conventions&mdash;nail your banners to the mast!
+</p>
+<p>
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did
+the apostles do?  What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors
+do? What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women
+and children do?  What has Father Matthew done for teetotalism?  What
+has Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins
+girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of
+righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+</p>
+<p>
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would he a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+</p>
+<p>
+Finally&mdash;we believe that the effect of this movement will be,&mdash;First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+</p>
+<p>
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+</p>
+<p>
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+</p>
+<p>
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+</p>
+<p>
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be
+with us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be
+against us.
+</p>
+<p>
+In behalf of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+</p>
+<p>
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, <i>President</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+WENDELL PHILLIPS,&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;}<i>Secretaries</i>.
+MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN,&nbsp;}
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+Boston, May 20, 1844.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_FRAN"></a>
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+</div>
+<p>
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+</p>
+<p>
+<i>To His Excellency George N. Briggs:</i>
+</p>
+<p>
+SIR&mdash;Many years since, I received from the Executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+</p>
+<p>
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+</p>
+<p>
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "<i>to support the
+Constitution of the United States</i>." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate <i>slavery</i>. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life; adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am not in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that <i>I</i> would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it; I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to receive back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+</p>
+<p>
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those <i>provisions of the Constitution</i>
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other <i>persons</i>"&mdash;as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a <i>basis</i>, not the <i>source</i> of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as <i>persons</i>, but as <i>things</i>; that they are not the <i>constituency</i> of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of <i>men</i>, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" <i>that</i> is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing:
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+</p>
+<p>
+According to the census of 1830, and the <i>ratio</i> of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an
+approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in
+the United States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons&mdash;giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder,
+those twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives not only of the two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons who chose them, but of property which, five years
+ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars&mdash;a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end&mdash;self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+</p>
+<p>
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House"
+</p>
+<p>
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the <i>Legislative Halls</i> of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+</p>
+<p>
+In the <i>Electoral colleges</i>, the same cause produces the same
+effect&mdash;the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[<a name="rnote11e-12"></a><a href="#note11e-12">12</a>]
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-12"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-12">12</a>: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+</p>
+<p>
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+</p>
+<p>
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of
+<i>justice</i>. Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to
+their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them
+place, or must, so far as <i>they</i> are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says&mdash;"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands&mdash;for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+</p>
+<p>
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+</p>
+<p>
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each; and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+</p>
+<p>
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+</p>
+<p>
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+</p>
+<p>
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+</p>
+<p>
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "<i>domestic violence</i>," which pledges to the South
+the military force of the country, to protect the masters against
+their insurgent slaves, and binds us, and our children, to shoot down
+our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary
+fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, <i>liberty</i>, and
+the pursuit of happiness,"&mdash;this clause of the Constitution, I say
+distinctly, I never will support.
+</p>
+<p>
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of his mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, <i>is</i> a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United States' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery&mdash;and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+</p>
+<p>
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the United
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+</p>
+<p>
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore&mdash;from very
+shame&mdash;to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear&mdash;again to do them justice&mdash;to give place in it to the
+<i>thing</i>. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+</p>
+<p>
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the Judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was <i>intended</i> so to operate by the farmers of the Constitution. The
+highest Judicial authorities&mdash;Chief Justice SHAW, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the LATIMER case, and Mr. Justice STORY, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of <i>Prigg</i> vs. <i>The
+State of Pennsylvania</i>,&mdash;tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. MADISON[<a name="rnote11e-13"></a><a href="#note11e-13">13</a>] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came of the hands of Dr. JOHNSON, the chairman of the
+"committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to service,
+or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &amp;c. and that
+the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term <i>legal</i> equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "<i>in a moral view</i>." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was <i>then</i> awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was <i>not</i> "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-13"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-13">13</a>: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+</p>
+<p>
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the Revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to <i>do</i>
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we <i>should</i> do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+</p>
+<p>
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,&mdash;for they have left on record their own confession of it,&mdash;that
+in this part of their work they <i>intended</i> to hold the shield of their
+protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. They made a
+"compromise" which they had no right to make&mdash;a compromise of moral
+principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political
+expediency." I am sure they did not know&mdash;no man could know, or can
+now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they
+were doing. In the strong language of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,[<a name="rnote11e-14"></a><a href="#note11e-14">14</a>] in
+relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>
+<a name="note11e-14"></a>[Footnote <a href="#rnote11e-14">14</a>: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+</p>
+<p>
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the moral injury that has been done,
+by the countenance shown to slavery; by holding over that tremendous
+sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes
+of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly
+cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of a man, to multiply her
+children from half a million to nearly three millions; by enacting
+oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they
+will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God; by
+substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of
+the universe;&mdash;thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the hearts
+of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead&mdash;more
+than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all
+time-serving and temporizing statesmen! A striking illustration of the
+<i>impolicy</i> of sacrificing <i>right</i> to any considerations of expediency!
+Yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the
+authors of the Constitution have reasonably expected, from the
+sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after they had introduced a vicious
+element into the very Constitution of the body politic which they were
+calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting
+the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have
+too much virtue to <i>use</i> for the defence of slavery, a power which
+they themselves had not too much virtue to <i>give</i>? It is dangerous for
+the sovereign power of a State to license immorality; to hold the
+shield of its protection over anything that is not "legal in a moral
+view." Bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon
+your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may
+crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the
+fostering smile of the State, and you will soon see, as we now see,
+both her minions and her victims multiply apace, till the politics,
+the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are
+brought completely under her control.
+</p>
+<p>
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the <i>dissolution of the
+patient</i>.
+</p>
+<p>
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+</p>
+<p>
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+</p>
+<p>
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+</p>
+<div class="centered">
+FRANCIS JACKSON
+</div>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<p>&nbsp;</p>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_WEB"></a>
+FROM
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+</div>
+<p>
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, <i>in
+favor of the slaveholding States</i> which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter." !!!
+</p>
+<hr>
+<div class="centered">
+<a name="AE11e_JQA"></a>
+EXTRACTS FROM
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+</div>
+<div class="centered">
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOVEMBER 6, 1844.
+</div>
+<p>
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country&mdash;the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building&mdash;the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was <i>protection</i>.&mdash;Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their borders,
+and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars&mdash;and
+protection from their own negroes&mdash;protection from their
+insurrections&mdash;protection from their escape&mdash;protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country&mdash;protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied&mdash;the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves&mdash;an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves&mdash;for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+</p>
+<p>
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is most
+cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not a word
+in the Constitution <i>apparently</i> bearing upon the condition of
+slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of
+practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land.
+</p>
+<p>
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+</p>
+<p>
+Twenty years passed away&mdash;the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st of December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more
+to be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the <i>breeding</i> States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+</p>
+<p>
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed, while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never&mdash;no, never would they have consented to it.
+</p>
+<p>
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+</p>
+<p>
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+</p>
+<p>
+Fellow-citizens,&mdash;with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two&mdash;But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+</p>
+<p>
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves
+themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the
+Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely to
+the pecuniary value of the slave. Aud the suppression of the African
+slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a
+monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has
+turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for
+sale, and converted the land of GEORGE WASHINGTON, PATRICK HENRY,
+RICHARD HENRY LEE, and THOMAS JEFFERSON, into a great barracoon&mdash;a
+cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles
+of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of
+immortal man.
+</p>
+<p>
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder&mdash;no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils&mdash;no power of taxation&mdash;no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of <i>government</i> came
+to be delegated to the Union, the South&mdash;that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia&mdash;refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive department, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;&mdash;an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people&mdash;millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+</p>
+<hr>
+<p>
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slave-holding power.
+</p>
+<p>
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+</p>
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+<pre>
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+***** This file should be named 11273-h.htm or 11273-h.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/1/2/7/11273/
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
+
+
+</pre>
+
+</body>
+</html>
diff --git a/old/11273.txt b/old/11273.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..15ea1e4
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,39886 @@
+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+
+Author: American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+Release Date: February 25, 2004 [EBook #11273]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER Part 3 of 4
+
+
+
+
+By The American Anti-Slavery Society 1839
+
+
+
+    No. 10. American Slavery As It Is: Testimony of a Thousand
+            Witnesses.
+
+    No. 10. Speech of Hon. Thomas Morris, of Ohio, in Reply to the
+            Speech of the Hon. Henry Clay.
+
+    No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections
+            From the Madison Papers, &c.
+
+    No. 11. The Constitution A Pro-Slavery Compact Or Selections
+            From the Madison Papers, &c. Second Edition,
+            Enlarged.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+No. 10 THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+AMERICAN SLAVERY
+
+AS IT IS:
+
+TESTIMONY of A THOUSAND WITNESSES.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+"Behold the wicked abominations that they do!"--Ezekial, viii, 2.
+
+"The righteous considereth the cause of the poor; but the wicked
+regardeth not to know it."--Prov. 29, 7.
+
+"True humanity consists not in a squeamish ear, but in listening to
+the story of human suffering and endeavoring to relieve it."--Charles
+James Fox.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK: PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY, OFFICE, No.
+143 NASSAU STREET. 1839.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+This periodical contains 7 sheets--postage, under 100 miles, 10-1/2
+cts; over 100 miles, 17-1/2 cents.
+
+
+
+ADVERTISEMENT TO THE READER. A majority of the facts and testimony
+contained in this work rests upon the authority of slaveholders, whose
+names and residences are given to the public, as vouchers for the
+truth of their statements. That they should utter falsehoods, for the
+sake of proclaiming their own infamy, is not probable.
+
+Their testimony is taken, mainly, from recent newspapers, published in
+the slave states. Most of those papers will be deposited at the office
+of the American Anti-Slavery Society, 143 Nassau street, New York
+City. Those who think the atrocities, which they describe, incredible,
+are invited to call and read for themselves. We regret that _all_ of
+the original papers are not in our possession. The idea of preserving
+them on file for the inspection of the incredulous, and the curious,
+did not occur to us until after the preparation of the work was in a
+state of forwardness, in consequence of this, some of the papers
+cannot be recovered. _Nearly all_ of them, however have been
+preserved. In all cases the _name_ of the paper is given, and, with
+very few exceptions, the place and time, (year, month, and day) of
+publication. Some of the extracts, however not being made with
+reference to this work, and before its publication was contemplated,
+are without date; but this class of extracts is exceedingly small,
+probably not a thirtieth of the whole.
+
+The statements, not derived from the papers and other periodicals,
+letters, books, &c., published by slaveholders, have been furnished by
+individuals who have resided in slave states, many of whom are natives
+of those states, and have been slaveholders. The names, residences,
+&c. of the witnesses generally are given. A number of them, however,
+still reside in slave states;--to publish their names would be, in most
+cases, to make them the victims of popular fury.
+
+New York, May 4, 1839.
+
+
+NOTE.
+
+The Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society, while
+tendering their grateful acknowledgments, in the name of American
+Abolitionists, and in behalf of the slave, to those who have furnished
+for this publication the result of their residence and travel in the
+slave states of this Union, announce their determination to publish,
+from time to time, as they may have the materials and the funds,
+TRACTS, containing well authenticated facts, testimony, personal
+narratives, &c. fully setting forth the _condition_ of American
+slaves. In order that they may be furnished with the requisite
+materials, they invite all who have had personal knowledge of the
+condition of slaves in any of the states of this Union, to forward
+their testimony with their names and residences. To prevent
+imposition, it is indispensable that persons forwarding testimony, who
+are not personally known to any of the Executive Committee, or to the
+Secretaries or Editors of the American Anti-Slavery Society, should
+furnish references to some person or persons of respectability, with
+whom, if necessary, the Committee may communicate respecting the
+writer.
+
+Facts and testimony respecting the condition of slaves, in _all
+respects_, are desired; their food, (kinds, quality, and quantity,)
+clothing, lodging, dwellings, hours of labor and rest, kinds of labor,
+with the mode of exaction, supervision, &c.--the number and time of
+meals each day, treatment when sick, regulations inspecting their
+social intercourse, marriage and domestic ties, the system of torture
+to which they are subjected, with its various modes; and _in detail_,
+their _intellectual_ and _moral_ condition. Great care should be
+observed in the statement of facts. Well-weighed testimony and
+well-authenticated facts; with a responsible name, the Committee
+earnestly desire and call for. Thousands of persons in the free states
+have ample knowledge on this subject, derived from their own
+observation in the midst of slavery. Will such hold their peace? That
+which maketh manifest is _light_; he who keepeth his candle under a
+bushel at such a time and in such a cause as this, _forges fetters for
+himself_, as well as for the slave. Let no one withhold his testimony
+because others have already testified to similar facts. The value of
+testimony is by no means to be measured by the _novelty_ of the
+horrors which it describes. _Corroborative_ testimony,--facts, similar
+to those established by the testimony of others,--is highly valuable.
+Who that can give it and has a heart of flesh, will refuse to the
+slave so small a boon?
+
+Communications may be addressed to Theodore D. Weld, 143
+Nassau-street, New York. New York, May, 1839.
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+  Twenty-seven hundred thousand free born citizens of the U.S. in
+    slavery;
+  Tender mercies of slaveholders;
+  Abominations of slavery;
+  Character of the testimony.
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES--PART I.
+
+NARRATIVE of NEHEMIAH CAULKINS;
+  North Carolina Slavery;
+  Methodist preaching slavedriver, Galloway;
+  Women at child-birth;
+  Slaves at labor;
+  Clothing of slaves;
+  Allowance of provisions;
+  Slave-fetters;
+  Cruelties to slaves;
+  Burying a slave alive;
+  Licentiousness of Slave-holders;
+  Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, with his "hands tied";
+  Preachers cringe to slavery;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Slave-huts;
+  Means of subsistence for slaves;
+  Slaves' prayer.
+
+NARRATIVE of REV. HORACE MOULTON;
+  Labor of the slaves;
+  Tasks;
+  Whipping posts;
+  Food;
+  Houses;
+  Clothing;
+  Punishments;
+  Scenes of horror;
+  Constables, savage and brutal;
+  Patrols;
+  Cruelties at night;
+  _Paddle-torturing_;
+  _Cat-hauling_;
+  Branding with hot iron;
+  Murder with impunity;
+  Iron collars, yokes, clogs, and bells.
+
+NARRATIVE of SARAH M. GRIMKE;
+  Barbarous Treatment of slaves;
+  Converted slave;
+  Professor of religion, near death, tortured his slave for visiting
+    his companion;
+  Counterpart of James Williams' description of Larrimore's wife;
+  Head of runaway slave on a pole;
+  Governor of North Carolina left his sick slave to perish;
+  Cruelty to Women slaves;
+  Christian slave a martyr for Jesus.
+
+TESTIMONY of REV. JOHN GRAHAM;
+  Twenty-seven slaves whipped.
+
+TESTIMONY of WILLIAM POE;
+  Harris whipped a girl to death;
+  Captain of the U.S. Navy murdered his boy, was tried and acquitted;
+  Overseer burnt a slave;
+  Cruelties to slaves.
+
+
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.
+
+FOOD;
+  Suffering from hunger;
+  Rations in the U.S. Army, &c;
+  Prison rations;
+  Testimony.
+LABOR;
+  Slaves are overworked;
+  Witnesses;
+  Henry Clay;
+  Child-bearing prevented;
+  Dr. Channing;
+  Sacrifice of a set of hands every seven years;
+  Testimony;
+  Laws of Georgia, Louisiana, Maryland, South Carolina, and Virginia.
+CLOTHING;
+  Witnesses;
+  Advertisements;
+  Testimony;
+  Field-hands;
+  Nudity of slaves;
+  John Randolph's legacy to Essex and Hetty.
+DWELLINGS;
+  Witnesses;
+  Slaves are wretchedly sheltered and lodged.
+TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES, PART II.
+
+TESTIMONY of the REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN;
+  Woman delivered of a dead child, being whipped;
+  Slaves shot by Hilton;
+  Cruelties to slaves;
+  Whipping post;
+  Assaults, and maimings;
+  Murders;
+  Puryear, "the Devil,";
+  Overseers always armed;
+  Licentiousness of Overseers;
+  "Bend your backs";
+  Mrs. H., a Presbyterian, desirous to cut Arthur Tappan's throat;
+  Clothing, Huts, and Herding of slaves;
+  Iron yokes with prongs;
+  Marriage unknown among slaves;
+  Presbyterian minister at Huntsville;
+  Concubinage in Preacher's house;
+  Slavery, the great wrong.
+
+NARRATIVE of WILLIAM LEFTWICH;
+  Slave's life.
+
+TESTIMONY of LEMUEL SAPINGTON;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Traffic in slaves.
+
+TESTIMONY of MRS. LOWRY;
+  Long, a professor of religion killed three men;
+  Salt water applied to wounds to keep them from putrefaction.
+
+TESTIMONY of WILLIAM C. GILDERSLEEVE;
+  Acts of cruelty.
+
+TESTIMONY of HIRAM WHITE;
+  Woman with a child chained to her neck;
+  Amalgamation, and mulatto children.
+
+TESTIMONY of JOHN M. NELSON;
+  Rev. Conrad Speece influenced Alexander Nelson when dying not to
+    emancipate his slaves;
+  George Bourne opposed Slavery in 1810.
+
+TESTIMONY of ANGELINA GRIMKE WELD;
+  House-servants;
+  Slave-driving female professors of religion at Charleston, S.C.;
+  Whipping women and prayer in the same room;
+  Tread-mills;
+  _Slaveholding religion_;
+  Slave-driving mistress prayed for the divine blessing upon her
+    whipping of an aged woman;
+  Girl killed with impunity;
+  Jewish law;
+  Barbarities;
+  Medical attendance upon slaves;
+  Young man beaten to epilepsy and insanity;
+  Mistresses flog their slaves;
+  Blood-bought luxuries;
+  Borrowing of slaves;
+  Meals of slaves;
+  All comfort of slaves disregarded;
+  Severance of companion lovers;
+  Separation of parents and children;
+  Slave espionage;
+  Sufferings of slaves;
+  Horrors of slavery indescribable.
+
+TESTIMONY of CRUELTY INFLICTED UPON SLAVES;
+  Colonization Society;
+  Emancipation Society of North Carolina;
+  Kentucky.
+
+PUNISHMENTS;
+  Floggings;
+  Witnesses and Testimony.
+
+SLAVE DRIVING;
+  Droves of slaves.
+
+CRUELTY TO SLAVES;
+  Slaves like Stock without a shelter;
+  "Six pound paddle."
+
+TORTURES OF SLAVES.
+  Iron collars, chains, fetters, and hand-cuffs;
+  Advertisements for fugitive slaves;
+  Testimony;
+  Iron head-frame;
+  Chain coffles;
+  Droves of 'human cattle';
+  Washington, the National slave market;
+  Testimony of James K. Paulding, Secretary of the Navy;
+  _Literary fraud and pretended prophecy_ by Mr. Paulding;
+  Brandings, Maimings, and Gun-shot wounds;
+  Witnesses and Testimony;
+  Mr. Sevier, senator of the U.S.;
+  Judge Hitchcock, of Mobile;
+  Commendable fidelity to truth in the advertisements of slaveholders;
+  Thomas Aylethorpe cut off a slave's ear, and sent it to Lewis Tappan;
+  Advertisements for runaway slaves with their teeth mutilated;
+  Excessive cruelty to slaves;
+  Slaves burned alive;
+  Mr. Turner, a slave-butcher;
+  Slaves roasted and flogged;
+  Cruelties common;
+  Fugitive slaves;
+  Slaves forced to eat tobacco worms;
+  Baptist Christians escaping from slavery;
+  Christian whipped for praying;
+  James K. Paulding's testimony;
+  Slave driven to death;
+  Coroner's inquest on Harney's murdered female slave;
+  Man-stealing encouraged by law;
+  Trial for a murdered slave;
+  Female slave whipped to death, and during the torture delivered of
+    a dead infant;
+  Slaves murdered;
+  Slave driven to death;
+  Slaves killed with impunity;
+  George, a slave, chopped piece-meal, and burnt by Lilburn Lewis;
+  Retributive justice in the awful death of Lilburn Lewis;
+  Trial of Isham Lewis, a slave murderer.
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES.--PART III.
+
+NARRATIVE OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY;
+  Plantations;
+  Overseers;
+  No appeal from Overseers to Masters.
+
+CLOTHING;
+  Nudity of slaves.
+
+WORK;
+  Cotton-picking;
+  Mothers of slaves;
+  Presbyterian minister killed his slave;
+  Methodist colored preacher hung;
+  Licentiousness;
+  Slave-traffic;
+  Night in a Slaveholder's house;
+  Twelve slaves murdered;
+  Slave driving Baptist preachers;
+  Hunting of runaways slaves;
+  Amalgamation.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN C. MACY, AND RICHARD MACY.
+  Whipping of slaves.
+  Testimony of Eleazer Powel;
+  Overseer of Hinds Stuart, shot a slave for opposing the torture of
+    his female companion.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM SCALES.
+  Three slaves murdered with impunity;
+  Separation of lovers, parents, and children.
+
+TESTIMONY OF JOS. IDE. Mrs. T.
+  a Presbyterian kind woman-killer;
+  Female slave whipped to death;
+  Food;
+  Nakedness of slaves;
+  Old man flogged after praying for his tyrant;
+  Slave-huts not as comfortable as pig-sties.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH.
+  Texas;
+  Suit for the value of slave 'property';
+  Anson Jones, Ambassador from Texas;
+  No trial or punishment for the murder of slaves;
+  Slave-hunting in Texas;
+  Suffering drives the slaves to despair and suicide.
+
+TESTIMONY OF PHIL'N BLISS.
+  Ignorance of northern citizens respecting slavery;
+  Betting upon crops;
+  Extent and cruelty of the punishment of slaves;
+  Slaveholders excuse their cruelties by the example of Preachers, and
+    professors of religion, and Northern citizens;
+  Novel torture, eulogized by a professor of religion;
+  Whips as common as the plough;
+  _Ladies_ use cowhides, with shovel and tongs.
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WM. A. CHAPIN.
+  Slave-labor;
+  Starvation of slaves;
+  Slaves lacerated, without clothing, and without food.
+
+TESTIMONY OF T.M. MACY.
+  Cotton plantations on St. Simon's Island;
+  Cultivation of rice;
+  No time for relaxation;
+  Sabbath a nominal rest;
+  Clothing;
+  Flogging.
+
+TESTIMONY OF F.C. MACY.
+  Slave cabins;
+  Food;
+  Whipping every day;
+  Treatment of slaves as brutes;
+  Slave-boys fight for slaveholder's amusement;
+  Amalgamation common.
+
+TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.
+  Natchez;
+  'Lie down,' for whipping;
+  Slave-hunting;
+  'Ball and chain' men;
+  Whipping at the same time, on three plantations;
+  Hours of Labor;
+  _Christians_ slave-hunting;
+  Many runaway slaves annually shot;
+  Slaves in the stocks;
+  Slave branding.
+
+CONDITION OF SLAVES.
+  Slavery is unmixed cruelty;
+  Fear the only motive of slaves;
+  Pain is the means, not the end of slave-driving;
+  Characters of Slave drivers and Overseers, brutal, sensual, and
+    violent;
+  Ownership of human beings utterly destroys _their_ comfort.
+
+
+OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED:
+
+I. Such cruelties are incredible.
+  Slaves deemed to be working animals, or merchandize; and called
+    'Stock,' 'Increase,' 'Breeders,' 'Drivers,' 'Property,' 'Human
+    cattle';
+  Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;
+  Slaves worse treated than quadrupeds;
+  Contrast between the usage of slaves and animals;
+  Testimony;
+  Northern incredulity discreditable to consistency;
+  Religious persecutions;
+  Recent 'Lynchings,' and Riots, in the United States;
+  Many outrageous Felonies perpetrated with impunity;
+  Large faith of the objectors who 'can't believe';
+  'Doe faces,' and 'Dough faces';
+  Slave-drivers acknowledge their own enormities;
+  Slave plantations in Alabama, Louisiana, and Mississippi 'second only
+    to hell';
+  Legislature of North Carolina;
+  Incredulity discreditable to intelligence;
+  Abuse of power in the state, and churches;
+  Legal restraints;
+  American slaveholders possess absolute power;
+  Slaves deprived of the safe guards of law;
+  Mutual aversion between the oppressor and the slave;
+  Cruelty the product of arbitrary power;
+  Testimony of Thomas Jefferson;
+  Judge Tucker;
+  Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina, and Georgia;
+  General William H. Harrison;
+  President Edwards;
+  Montesquieu;
+  Wilberforce;
+  Whitbread;
+  Characters.
+
+OBJECTION II.--"Slaveholders protest that they treat their slaves well."
+  Not testimony but opinion;
+  'Good treatment' of slaves;
+  Novel form of cruelty.
+
+OBJECTION III.--"Slaveholders are proverbial for their kindness, and
+ generosity."
+  Hospitality and benevolence contrasted;
+  Slaveholders in Congress, respecting Texas and Hayti;
+  'Fictitious kindness and hospitality.'
+
+OBJECTION IV.--"Northern visitors at the south testify that the slaves
+ are not cruelly treated."
+  Testimony;
+  'Gubner poisened';
+  Field-hands;
+  Parlor slaves;
+  Chief Justice Durell.
+
+OBJECTION V.--"It is for the interest of the masters to treat their
+ slaves well."
+  Testimony;
+  Rev. J.N. Maffitt;
+  Masters interest to treat cruelly the great body of the slaves;
+  Various classes of slaves;
+  Hired slaves;
+  Advertisements.
+
+OBJECTION VI.--"Slaves multiply; a proof that they are not inhumanly
+ treated, and are in a comfortable condition."
+  Testimony;
+  Martin Van Buren;
+  Foreign slave trade;
+  'Beware of Kidnappers';
+  'Citizens sold as slaves';
+  Kidnapping at New Orleans;
+  Slave breeders.
+
+OBJECTION VII.--"Public opinion is a protection to the slave."
+  Decision of the Supreme Court of North and South Carolina;
+  'Protection of slaves';
+  Mischievous effects of 'public opinion' concerning slavery;
+  Laws of different states;
+  Heart of slaveholders;
+  Reasons for enacting the laws concerning cruelties to slaves;
+  'Moderate correction';
+  Hypocrisy and malignity of slave laws;
+  Testimony of slaves excluded;
+  Capital crimes for slaves;
+  'Slaveholding brutality,' worse than that of Caligula;
+  Public opinion destroys fundamental rights;
+  Character of slaveholders' advertisements;
+  Public opinion is diabolical;
+  Brutal indecency;
+  Murder of slaves by law;
+  Judge Lawless;
+  Slave-hunting;
+  Health of slaves;
+  Acclimation of slaves;
+  Liberty of Slaves;
+  Kidnapping of free citizens;
+  Law of Louisiana;
+  FRIENDS', memorial;
+  Domestic slavery;
+  Advertisements;
+  Childhood, old age;
+  Inhumanity;
+  Butchering dead slaves;
+  South Carolina Medical college;
+  Charleston Medical Infirmary;
+  Advertisements;
+  Slave murders;
+   John Randolph;
+  Charleston slave auctions;
+  'Never lose a day's work';
+  Stocks;
+  Slave-breeding;
+  Lynch law;
+  Slaves murdered;
+  Slavery among Christians;
+  Licentiousness encouraged by preachers;
+  'Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves';
+  Cruelty to slaves by professors of religion;
+  Slave-breeding;
+  Daniel O'Connel, and Andrew Stevenson;
+  Virginia a negro raising menagerie;
+  Legislature of Virginia;
+  Colonization Society;
+  Inter-state slave traffic;
+  Battles in Congress;
+  Duelling;
+  Cock-fighting;
+  Horse-racing;
+  Ignorance of slaveholders;
+  'Slaveholding civilization, and morality';
+  Arkansas;
+  Slave driving ruffians;
+  Missouri;
+  Alabama;
+  Butcheries in Mississippi;
+  Louisiana;
+  Tennessee;
+  Fatal Affray in Columbia;
+  Presentment of the Grand Jury of Shelby County;
+  Testimony of Bishop Smith of Kentucky.
+
+ATLANTIC SLAVEHOLDING REGION.
+  Georgia;
+  North Carolina;
+  Trading with Negroes;
+  Conclusion.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+Reader, you are empannelled as a juror to try a plain case and bring
+in an honest verdict. The question at issue is not one of law, but of
+facts--"What is the actual condition of the slaves in the United
+States?" A plainer case never went to a jury. Look at it. TWENTY-SEVEN
+HUNDRED THOUSAND PERSONS in this country, men, women, and children,
+are in SLAVERY. Is slavery, as a condition for human beings, good,
+bad, or indifferent? We submit the question without argument. You have
+common sense, and conscience, and a human heart;--pronounce upon it.
+You have a wife, or a husband, a child, a father, a mother, a brother
+or a sister--make the case your own, make it theirs, and bring in your
+verdict. The case of Human Rights against Slavery has been adjudicated
+in the court of conscience times innumerable. The same verdict has
+always been rendered--"Guilty;" the same sentence has always been
+pronounced, "Let it be accursed;" and human nature, with her million
+echoes, has rung it round the world in every language under heaven,
+"Let it be accursed. Let it be accursed." His heart is false to human
+nature, who will not say "Amen." There is not a man on earth who does
+not believe that slavery is a curse. Human beings may be inconsistent,
+but human _nature_ is true to herself. She has uttered her testimony
+against slavery with a shriek ever since the monster was begotten; and
+till it perishes amidst the execrations of the universe, she will
+traverse the world on its track, dealing her bolts upon its head, and
+dashing against it her condemning brand. We repeat it, every man knows
+that slavery is a curse. Whoever denies this, his lips libel his
+heart. Try him; clank the chains in his ears, and tell him they are
+for _him_; give him an hour to prepare his wife and children for a
+life of slavery; bid him make haste and get ready their necks for the
+yoke, and their wrists for the coffle chains, then look at his pale
+lips and trembling knees, and you have _nature's_ testimony against
+slavery.
+
+Two millions seven hundred thousand persons in these States are in
+this condition. They were made slaves and are held each by force, and
+by being put in fear, and this for no crime! Reader, what have you to
+say of such treatment? Is it right, just, benevolent? Suppose I should
+seize you, rob you of your liberty, drive you into the field, and make
+you work without pay as long as you live, would that be justice and
+kindness, or monstrous injustice and cruelty? Now, every body knows
+that the slaveholders do these things to the slaves every day, and yet
+it is stoutly affirmed that they treat them well and kindly, and that
+their tender regard for their slaves restrains the masters from
+inflicting cruelties upon them. We shall go into no metaphysics to
+show the absurdity of this pretence. The man who _robs_ you every day,
+is, forsooth, quite too tender-hearted ever to cuff or kick you! True,
+he can snatch your money, but he does it gently lest he should hurt
+you. He can empty your pockets without qualms, but if your _stomach_
+is empty, it cuts him to the quick. He can make you work a life time
+without pay, but loves you too well to let you go hungry. He fleeces
+you of your _rights_ with a relish, but is shocked if you work
+bareheaded in summer, or in winter without warm stockings. He can make
+you go without your _liberty_, but never without a shirt. He can
+crush, in you, all hope of bettering your condition, by vowing that
+you shall die his slave, but though he can coolly torture your
+feelings, he is too compassionate to lacerate your back--he can break
+your heart, but he is very tender of your skin. He can strip you of
+all protection and thus expose you to all outrages, but if you are
+exposed to the _weather_, half clad and half sheltered, how yearn his
+tender bowels! What! slaveholders talk of treating men well, and yet
+not only rob them of all they get, and as fast as they get it, but rob
+them of _themselves_, also; their very hands and feet, all their
+muscles, and limbs, and senses, their bodies and minds, their time and
+liberty and earnings, their free speech and rights of conscience,
+their right to acquire knowledge, and property, and reputation;--and
+yet they, who plunder them of all these, would fain make us believe
+that their soft hearts ooze out so lovingly toward their slaves that
+they always keep them well housed and well clad, never push them too
+hard in the field, never make their dear backs smart, nor let their
+dear stomachs get empty.
+
+But there is no end to these absurdities. Are slaveholders dunces, or
+do they take all the rest of the world to be, that they think to
+bandage our eyes with such thin gauzes? Protesting their kind regard
+for those whom they hourly plunder of all they have and all they get!
+What! when they have seized their victims, and annihilated all their
+_rights_, still claim to be the special guardians of their
+_happiness_! Plunderers of their liberty, yet the careful suppliers of
+their wants? Robbers of their earnings, yet watchful sentinels round
+their interests, and kind providers for their comfort? Filching all
+their time, yet granting generous donations for rest and sleep?
+Stealing the use of their muscles, yet thoughtful of their ease?
+Putting them under _drivers_, yet careful that they are not
+hard-pushed? Too humane forsooth to stint the stomachs of their
+slaves, yet force their _minds_ to starve, and brandish over them
+pains and penalties, if they dare to reach forth for the smallest
+crumb of knowledge, even a letter of the alphabet!
+
+It is no marvel that slaveholders are always talking of their _kind
+treatment_ of their slaves. The only marvel is, that men of sense can
+be gulled by such professions. Despots always insist that they are
+merciful. The greatest tyrants that ever dripped with blood have
+assumed the titles of "most gracious," "most clement," "most
+merciful," &c., and have ordered their crouching vassals to accost
+them thus. When did not vice lay claim to those virtues which are the
+opposites of its habitual crimes? The guilty, according to their own
+showing, are always innocent, and cowards brave, and drunkards sober,
+and harlots chaste, and pickpockets honest to a fault. Every body
+understands this. When a man's tongue grows thick, and he begins to
+hiccough and walk cross-legged, we expect him, as a matter of course,
+to protest that he is not drunk; so when a man is always singing the
+praises of his own honesty, we instinctively watch his movements and
+look out for our pocket-books. Whoever is simple enough to be hoaxed
+by such professions, should never be trusted in the streets without
+somebody to take care of him. Human nature works out in slaveholders
+just as it does to other men, and in American slaveholders just as in
+English, French, Turkish, Algerine, Roman and Grecian. The Spartans
+boasted of their kindness to their slaves, while they whipped them to
+death by thousands at the altars of their gods. The Romans lauded
+their own mild treatment of their bondmen, while they branded their
+names on their flesh with hot irons, and when old, threw them into
+their fish ponds, or like Cato "the Just," starved them to death. It
+is the boast of the Turks that they treat their slaves as though they
+were their children, yet their common name for them is "dogs," and for
+the merest trifles, their feet are bastinadoed to a jelly, or their
+heads clipped off with the scimetar. The Portuguese pride themselves
+on their gentle bearing toward their slaves, yet the streets of Rio
+Janeiro are filled with naked men and women yoked in pairs to carts
+and wagons, and whipped by drivers like beasts of burden.
+
+Slaveholders, the world over, have sung the praises of their tender
+mercies towards their slaves. Even the wretches that plied the African
+slave trade, tried to rebut Clarkson's proofs of their cruelties, by
+speeches, affidavits, and published pamphlets, setting forth the
+accommodations of the "middle passage," and their kind attentions to
+the comfort of those whom they had stolen from their homes, and kept
+stowed away under hatches, during a voyage of four thousand miles. So,
+according to the testimony of the autocrat of the Russias, he
+exercises great clemency towards the Poles, though he exiles them by
+thousands to the snows of Siberia, and tramples them down by millions,
+at home. Who discredits the atrocities perpetrated by Ovando in
+Hispaniola, Pizarro in Peru, and Cortez in Mexico,--because they
+filled the ears of the Spanish Court with protestations of their
+benignant rule? While they were yoking the enslaved natives like
+beasts to the draught, working them to death by thousands in their
+mines, hunting them with bloodhounds, torturing them on racks, and
+broiling them on beds of coals, their representations to the mother
+country teemed with eulogies of their parental sway! The bloody
+atrocities of Philip II, in the expulsion of his Moorish subjects, are
+matters of imperishable history. Who disbelieves or doubts them? And
+yet his courtiers magnified his virtues and chanted his clemency and
+his mercy, while the wail of a million victims, smitten down by a
+tempest of fire and slaughter let loose at his bidding, rose above the
+_Te Deums_ that thundered from all Spain's cathedrals. When Louis XIV.
+revoked the edict of Nantz, and proclaimed two millions of his
+subjects free plunder for persecution,--when from the English channel
+to the Pyrennees the mangled bodies of the Protestants were dragged on
+reeking hurdles by a shouting populace, he claimed to be "the father
+of his people," and wrote himself "His most _Christian_ Majesty."
+
+But we will not anticipate topics, the full discussion of which more
+naturally follows than precedes the inquiry into the actual condition
+and treatment of slaves in the United States.
+
+As slaveholders and their apologists are volunteer witnesses in their
+own cause, and are flooding the world with testimony that their slaves
+are kindly treated; that they are well fed, well clothed, well housed,
+well lodged, moderately worked, and bountifully provided with all
+things needful for their comfort, we propose--first, to disprove their
+assertions by the testimony of a multitude of impartial witnesses, and
+then to put slaveholders themselves through a course of
+cross-questioning which shall draw their condemnation out of their own
+mouths. We will prove that the slaves in the United States are treated
+with barbarous inhumanity; that they are overworked, underfed,
+wretchedly clad and lodged, and have insufficient sleep; that they are
+often made to wear round their necks iron collars armed with prongs,
+to drag heavy chains and weights at their feet while working in the
+field, and to wear yokes, and bells, and iron horns; that they are
+often kept confined in the stocks day and night for weeks together,
+made to wear gags in their mouths for hours or days, have some of
+their front teeth torn out or broken off, that they may be easily
+detected when they run away; that they are frequently flogged with
+terrible severity, have red pepper rubbed into their lacerated flesh,
+and hot brine, spirits of turpentine, &c., poured over the gashes to
+increase the torture; that they are often stripped naked, their backs
+and limbs cut with knives, bruised and mangled by scores and hundreds
+of blows with the paddle, and terribly torn by the claws of cats,
+drawn over them by their tormentors; that they are often hunted with
+bloodhounds and shot down like beasts, or torn in pieces by dogs; that
+they are often suspended by the arms and whipped and beaten till they
+faint, and when revived by restoratives, beaten again till they faint,
+and sometimes till they die; that their ears are often cut off, their
+eyes knocked out, their bones broken, their flesh branded with red hot
+irons; that they are maimed, mutilated and burned to death over slow
+fires. All these things, and more, and worse, we shall _prove_.
+Reader, we know whereof we affirm, we have weighed it well; _more and
+worse_ WE WILL PROVE. Mark these words, and read on; we will establish
+all these facts by the testimony of scores and hundreds of eye
+witnesses, by the testimony of _slaveholders_ in all parts of the
+slave states, by slaveholding members of Congress and of state
+legislatures, by ambassadors to foreign courts, by judges, by doctors
+of divinity, and clergymen of all denominations, by merchants,
+mechanics, lawyers and physicians, by presidents and professors in
+colleges and _professional_ seminaries, by planters, overseers and
+drivers. We shall show, not merely that such deeds are committed, but
+that they are frequent; not done in corners, but before the sun; not
+in one of the slave states, but in all of them; not perpetrated by
+brutal overseers and drivers merely, but by magistrates, by
+legislators, by professors of religion, by preachers of the gospel, by
+governors of states, by "gentlemen of property and standing," and by
+delicate females moving in the "highest circles of society." We know,
+full well, the outcry that will be made by multitudes, at these
+declarations; the multiform cavils, the flat denials, the charges of
+"exaggeration" and "falsehood" so often bandied, the sneers of
+affected contempt at the credulity that can believe such things, and
+the rage and imprecations against those who give them currency. We
+know, too, the threadbare sophistries by which slaveholders and their
+apologists seek to evade such testimony. If they admit that such deeds
+are committed, they tell us that they are exceedingly rare, and
+therefore furnish no grounds for judging of the general treatment of
+slaves; that occasionally a brutal wretch in the _free_ states
+barbarously butchers his wife, but that no one thinks of inferring
+from that, the general treatment of wives at the North and West.
+
+They tell us, also, that the slaveholders of the South are
+proverbially hospitable, kind, and generous, and it is incredible that
+they can perpetrate such enormities upon human beings; further, that
+it is absurd to suppose that they would thus injure their own
+property, that self-interest would prompt them to treat their slaves
+with kindness, as none but fools and madmen wantonly destroy their own
+property; further, that Northern visitors at the South come back
+testifying to the kind treatment of the slaves, and that the slaves
+themselves corroborate such representations. All these pleas, and
+scores of others, are bruited in every corner of the free States; and
+who that hath eyes to see, has not sickened at the blindness that saw
+not, at the palsy of heart that felt not, or at the cowardice and
+sycophancy that dared not expose such shallow fallacies. We are not to
+be turned from our purpose by such vapid babblings. In their
+appropriate places, we propose to consider these objections and
+various others, and to show their emptiness and folly.
+
+The foregoing declarations touching the inflictions upon slaves, are
+not hap-hazard assertions, nor the exaggerations of fiction conjured
+up to carry a point; nor are they the rhapsodies of enthusiasm, nor
+crude conclusions, jumped at by hasty and imperfect investigation, nor
+the aimless outpourings either of sympathy or poetry; but they are
+proclamations of deliberate, well-weighed convictions, produced by
+accumulations of proof, by affirmations and affidavits, by written
+testimonies and statements of a cloud of witnesses who speak what they
+know and testify what they have seen, and all these impregnably
+fortified by proofs innumerable, in the relation of the slaveholder to
+his slave, the nature of arbitrary power, and the nature and history
+of man.
+
+Of the witnesses whose testimony is embodied in the following pages, a
+majority are slaveholders, many of the remainder have been
+slaveholders, but now reside in free States.
+
+Another class whose testimony will be given, consists of those who
+have furnished the results of their own observation during periods of
+residence and travel in the slave States.
+
+We will first present the reader with a few PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+furnished by individuals, natives of slave states and others,
+embodying, in the main, the results of their own observation in the
+midst of slavery--facts and scenes of which they were eye-witnesses.
+
+In the next place, to give the reader as clear and definite a view of
+the actual condition of slaves as possible, we propose to make
+specific points; to pass in review the various particulars in the
+slave's condition, simply presenting sufficient testimony under each
+head to settle the question in every candid mind. The examination will
+be conducted by stating distinct propositions, and in the following
+order of topics.
+
+1. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES, THE KINDS, QUALITY AND QUANTITY, ALSO, THE
+NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY, &c.
+
+2. THEIR HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+
+3. THEIR CLOTHING.
+
+4. THEIR DWELLINGS.
+
+5. THEIR PRIVATIONS AND INFLICTIONS.
+
+6. _In conclusion,_ a variety of OBJECTIONS and ARGUMENTS will be
+considered which are used by the advocates of slavery to set
+aside the force of testimony, and to show that the slaves are kindly
+treated.
+
+Between the larger divisions of the work, brief personal narratives
+will be inserted, containing a mass of facts and testimony, both
+general and specific.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES.
+
+MR. NEHEMIAH CAULKINS, of Waterford, New London Co., Connecticut, has
+furnished the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society, with the following statements relative to the condition and
+treatment of slaves, in the south eastern part of North Carolina. Most
+of the facts related by Mr. Caulkins fell under his personal
+observation. The air of candor and honesty that pervades the
+narrative, the manner in which Mr. C. has drawn it up, the good sense,
+just views, conscience and heart which it exhibits, are sufficient of
+themselves to commend it to all who have ears to hear.
+
+The Committee have no personal acquaintance with Mr. Caulkins, but
+they have ample testimonials from the most respectable sources, all of
+which represent him to be a man whose long established character for
+sterling integrity, sound moral principle and piety, have secured for
+him the uniform respect and confidence of those who know him.
+
+Without further preface the following testimonials are submitted to
+the reader.
+
+
+This may certify, that we the subscribers have lived for a number of
+years past in the neighborhood with Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, and have no
+hesitation in stating that we consider him a man of high
+respectability and that his character for truth and veracity is
+unimpeachable. PETER COMSTOCK. A.F. PERKINS, M.D. ISAAC BEEBE.
+LODOWICK BEEBE. D. G. OTIS. PHILIP MORGAN. JAMES ROGERS, M.D.
+_Waterford, Ct., Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+Mr. Comstock is a Justice of the Peace. Mr. L. Beebe is the Town Clerk
+of Waterford. Mr. J. Beebe is a member of the Baptist Church. Mr. Otis
+is a member of the Congregational Church. Mr. Morgan is a Justice of
+the Peace, and Messrs. Perkins and Rogers are designated by their
+titles. All those gentlemen are citizens of Waterford, Connecticut.
+
+
+To whom it may concern. This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins,
+of Waterford, in New London County, is a near neighbor to the
+subscriber, and has been for many years. I do consider him a man of
+_unquestionable veracity_ and certify that he is so considered by
+people to whom he is personally known. EDWARD R. WARREN. _Jan. 15th,
+1839._
+
+
+Mr. Warren is a Commissioner (Associate Judge) of the County Court,
+for New London County.
+
+
+This may certify that Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, of the town of Waterford,
+County of New London, and State of Connecticut, is a member of the
+first Baptist Church in said Waterford, is in good standing, and is
+esteemed by us a man of truth and veracity. FRANCIS DARROW, Pastor of
+said Church. _Waterford, Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+
+This may certify that Nehemiah Caulkins, of Waterford, lives near me,
+and I always esteemed him, and believe him to be a man of truth and
+veracity. ELISHA BECKWITH. _Jan. 16th, 1839._
+
+
+Mr. Beckwith is a Justice of the Peace, a Post Master, and a Deacon of
+the Baptist Church.
+
+Mr. Dwight P. Jones, a member of the Second Congregational Church in
+the city of New London, in a recent letter, says;
+
+"Mr. Caulkins is a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford, and in
+every respect a very worthy citizen. I have labored with him in the
+Sabbath School, and know him to be a man of active piety. The most
+_entire confidence_ may be placed in the truth of his statements.
+Where he is known, no one will call them in question."
+
+We close these testimonials with an extract, of a letter from William
+Bolles, Esq., a well known and respected citizen of New London, Ct.
+
+"Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins resides in the town of Waterford, about six
+miles from this City. His opportunities to acquire exact knowledge in
+relation to Slavery, in that section of our country, to which his
+narrative is confined, have been very great. He is a carpenter, and
+was employed principally on the plantations, working at his trade,
+being thus almost constantly in the company of the slaves as well as
+of their masters. His full heart readily responded to the call, [for
+information relative to slavery,] for, as he expressed it, he had long
+desired that others might know what he had seen, being confident that
+a general knowledge of facts as they exist, would greatly promote the
+overthrow of the system. He is a man of undoubted character; and where
+known, his statements need no corroboration.
+
+Yours, &c. WILLIAM BOLLES."
+
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE OF MR. CAULKINS.
+
+I feel it my duty to tell some things that I know about slavery, in
+order, if possible, to awaken more feeling at the North in behalf of
+the slave. The treatment of the slaves on the plantations where I had
+the greatest opportunity of getting knowledge, _was not so bad_ as
+that on some neighboring estates, where the owners were noted for
+their cruelty. There were, however, other estates in the vicinity,
+where the treatment was better; the slaves were better clothed and
+fed, were not worked so hard, and more attention was paid to their
+quarters.
+
+The scenes that I have witnessed are enough to harrow up the soul; but
+could the slave be permitted to tell the story of his sufferings,
+which no white man, not linked with slavery, _is allowed to know,_ the
+land would vomit out the horrible system, slaveholders and all, if
+they would not unclinch their grasp upon their defenceless victims.
+
+I spent eleven winters, between the years 1824 and 1835, in the state
+of North Carolina, mostly in the vicinity of Wilmington; and four out
+of the eleven on the estate of Mr. John Swan, five or six miles from
+that place. There were on his plantation about seventy slaves, male
+and female: some were married, and others lived together as man and
+wife, without even a mock ceremony. With their owners generally, it is
+a matter of indifference; the marriage of slaves not being recognized
+by the slave code. The slaves, however, think much of being married by
+a clergyman.
+
+The cabins or huts of the slaves were small, and were built
+principally by the slaves themselves, as they could find time on
+Sundays and moonlight nights; they went into the swamps, cut the logs,
+backed or hauled them to the quarters, and put up their cabins.
+
+When I first knew Mr. Swan's plantation, his overseer was a man who
+had been a Methodist minister. He treated the slaves with great
+cruelty. His reason for leaving the ministry and becoming an overseer,
+as I was informed, was this: his wife died, at which providence he was
+so enraged, that he swore he would not preach for the Lord another
+day. This man continued on the plantation about three years; at the
+close of which, on settlement of accounts, Mr. Swan owed him about
+$400, for which he turned him out a negro woman, and about twenty
+acres of land. He built a log hut, and took the woman to live with
+him; since which, I have been at his hut, and seen four or five
+mulatto children. He has been appointed _justice of the peace_, and
+his place as overseer was afterwards occupied by a Mr. Galloway.
+
+It is customary in that part of the country, to let the hogs run in
+the woods. On one occasion a slave caught a pig about two months old,
+which he carried to his quarters. The overseer, getting information of
+the fact, went to the field where he was at work, and ordered him to
+come to him. The slave at once suspected it was something about the
+pig, and fearing punishment, dropped his hoe and ran for the woods. He
+had got but a few rods, when the overseer raised his gun, loaded with
+duck shot, and brought him down. It is a common practice for overseers
+to go into the field armed with a gun or pistols, and sometimes both.
+He was taken up by the slaves and carried to the plantation hospital,
+and the physician sent for. A physician was employed by the year to
+take care of the sick or wounded slaves. In about six weeks this slave
+got better, and was able to come out of the hospital. He came to the
+mill where I was at work, and asked me to examine his body, which I
+did, and counted twenty-six duck shot still remaining in his flesh,
+though the doctor had removed a number while he was laid up.
+
+There was a slave on Mr. Swan's plantation, by the name of Harry, who,
+during the absence of his master, ran away and secreted himself is the
+woods. This the slaves sometimes do, when the master is absent for
+several weeks, to escape the cruel treatment of the overseer. It is
+common for them to make preparations, by secreting a mortar, a
+hatchet, some cooking utensils, and whatever things they can get that
+will enable them to live while they are in the woods or swamps. Harry
+staid about three months, and lived by robbing the rice grounds, and
+by such other means as came in his way. The slaves generally know
+where the runaway is secreted, and visit him at night and on Sundays.
+On the return of his master, some of the slaves were sent for Harry.
+When he came home, he was seized and confined in the stocks. The
+stocks were built in the barn, and consisted of two heavy pieces of
+timber, ten or more feet in length, and about seven inches wide; the
+lower one, on the floor, has a number of holes or places cut in it,
+for the ancles; the upper piece, being of the same dimensions, is
+fastened at one end by a hinge, and is brought down after the ancles
+are placed in the holes, and secured by a clasp and padlock at the
+other end. In this manner the person is left to sit on the floor.
+Barry was kept in the stocks _day and night for a week_, and flogged
+_every morning_. After this, he was taken out one morning, a log chain
+fastened around his neck, the two ends dragging on the ground, and he
+sent to the field, to do his task with the other slaves. At night he
+was again put in the stocks, in the morning he was sent to the field
+in the same manner, and thus dragged out another week.
+
+The overseer was a very miserly fellow, and restricted his wife in
+what are considered the comforts of life--such as tea, sugar, &c. To
+make up for this, she set her wits to work, and, by the help of a
+slave, named Joe, used to take from the plantation whatever she could
+conveniently, and watch her opportunity during her husband's absence,
+and send Joe to sell them and buy for her such things as she directed.
+Once when her husband was away, she told Joe to kill and dress one of
+the pigs, sell it, and get her some tea, sugar, &c. Joe did as he was
+bid, and she gave him the offal for his services. When Galloway
+returned, not suspecting his wife, he asked her if she knew what had
+become of his pig. She told him she suspected one of the slaves,
+naming him, had stolen it, for she had heard a pig squeal the evening
+before. The overseer called the slave up, and charged him with the
+theft. He denied it, and said he knew nothing about it. The overseer
+still charged him with it, and told him he would give him one week to
+think of it, and if he did not confess the theft, or find out who did
+steal the pig, he would flog every negro on the plantation; before the
+week was up it was ascertained that Joe had killed the pig. He was
+called up and questioned, and admitted that he had done so, and told
+the overseer that he did it by the order of Mrs. Galloway, and that
+she directed him to buy some sugar, &c. with the money. Mrs. Galloway
+gave Joe the lie; and he was terribly flogged. Joe told me he had been
+several times to the smoke-house with Mrs. G, and taken hams and sold
+them, which her husband told me he supposed were stolen by the negroes
+on a neighboring plantation. Mr. Swan, hearing of the circumstance,
+told me he believed Joe's story, but that his statement would not be
+taken as proof; and if every slave on the plantation told the same
+story it could not be received as evidence against a white person.
+
+To show the manner in which old and worn-out slaves are sometimes
+treated, I will state a fact. Galloway owned a man about seventy years
+of age. The old man was sick and went to his hut; laid himself down on
+some straw with his feet to the fire, covered by a piece of an old
+blanket, and there lay four or five days, groaning in great distress,
+without any attention being paid him by his master, until death ended
+his miseries; he was then taken out and buried with as little ceremony
+and respect as would be paid to a brute.
+
+There is a practice prevalent among the planters, of letting a negro
+off from severe and long-continued punishment on account of the
+intercession of some white person, who pleads in his behalf, that he
+believes the negro will behave better, that he promises well, and he
+believes he will keep his promise, &c. The planters sometimes get
+tired of punishing a negro, and, wanting his services in the field,
+they get some white person to come, and, in the presence of the slave,
+intercede for him. At one time a negro, named Charles, was confined in
+the stocks in the building where I was at work, and had been severely
+whipped several times. He begged me to intercede for him and try to
+get him released. I told him I would; and when his master came in to
+whip him again, I went up to him and told him I had been talking with
+Charles, and he had promised to behave better, &c., and requested him
+not to punish him any more, but to let him go. He then said to
+Charles, "As Mr. Caulkins has been pleading for you, I will let you go
+on his account;" and accordingly released him.
+
+Women are generally shown some little indulgence for three or four
+weeks previous to childbirth; they are at such times not often
+punished if they do not finish the task assigned them; it is, in some
+cases, passed over with a severe reprimand, and sometimes without any
+notice being taken of it. They ate generally allowed four weeks after
+the birth of a child, before they are compelled to go into the field,
+they then take the child with them, attended sometimes by a little
+girl or boy, from the age of four to six, to take care of it while the
+mother is at work. When there is no child that can be spared, or not
+young enough for this service, the mother, after nursing, lays it
+under a tree, or by the side of a fence, and goes to her task,
+returning at stated intervals to nurse it. While I was on this
+plantation, a little negro girl, six years of age, destroyed the life
+of a child about two months old, which was left in her care. It seems
+this little nurse, so called, got tired of her charge and the labor of
+carrying it to the quarters at night, the mother being obliged to work
+as long as she could see. One evening she nursed the infant at sunset
+as usual, and sent it to the quarters. The little girl, on her way
+home, had to cross a run or brook, which led down into the swamp; when
+she came to the brook she followed it into the swamp, then took the
+infant and plunged it head foremost into the water and mud, where it
+stuck fast; she there left it and went to the negro quarters. When the
+mother came in from the field, she asked the girl where the child was;
+she told her she had brought it home, but did not know where it was;
+the overseer was immediately informed, search was made, and it was
+found as above stated, and dead. The little girl was shut up in the
+barn, and confined there two or three weeks, when a speculator came
+along and bought her for two hundred dollars.
+
+The slaves are obliged to work from daylight till dark, as long as
+they can see. When they have tasks assigned, which is often the case,
+a few of the strongest and most expert, sometimes finish them before
+sunset; others will be obliged to work till eight or nine o'clock in
+the evening. All must finish their tasks or take a flogging. The whip
+and gun, or pistol, are companions of the overseer; the former he uses
+very frequently upon the negroes, during their hours of labor, without
+regard to age or sex. Scarcely a day passed while I was on the
+plantation, in which some of the slaves were not whipped; I do not
+mean that they were _struck a few blows_ merely, but had a _set
+flogging_. The same labor is commonly assigned to men and women,--such
+as digging ditches in the rice marshes, clearing up land, chopping
+cord-wood, threshing, &c. I have known the women go into the barn as
+soon as they could see in the morning, and work as late as they could
+see at night, threshing rice with the flail, (they now have a
+threshing machine,) and when they could see to thresh no longer, they
+had to gather up the rice, carry it up stairs, and deposit it in the
+granary.
+
+The allowance of clothing on this plantation to each slave, was given
+out at Christmas for the year, and consisted of one pair of coarse
+shoes, and enough coarse cloth to make a jacket and trowsers. If the
+man has a wife she makes it up; if not, it is made up in the house.
+The slaves on this plantation, being near Wilmington, procured
+themselves extra clothing by working Sundays and moonlight nights,
+cutting cordwood in the swamps, which they had to back about a quarter
+of a mile to the ricer; they would then get a permit from their
+master, and taking the wood in their canoes, carry it to Wilmington,
+and sell it to the vessels, or dispose of it as they best could, and
+with the money buy an old jacket of the sailors, some coarse cloth for
+a shirt, &c. They sometimes gather the moss from the trees, which they
+cleanse and take to market. The women receive their allowance of the
+same kind of cloth which the men have. This they make into a frock; if
+they have any under garments _they must procure them for themselves_.
+When the slaves get a permit to leave the plantation, they sometimes
+make all ring again by singing the following significant ditty, which
+shows that after all there is a flow of spirits in the human breast
+which for a while, at least, enables them to forget their
+wretchedness.[1]
+
+
+Hurra, for good ole Massa,
+    He giv me de pass to go to de city
+Hurra, for good ole Missis,
+    She bile de pot, and giv me de licker.
+                        Hurra, I'm goin to de city.
+
+
+[Footnote 1: Slaves sometimes sing, and so do convicts in jails under
+sentence, and both for the same reason. Their singing proves that they
+_want_ to be happy not that they _are_ so. It is the _means_ that they
+use to make themselves happy, not the evidence that they are so
+already. Sometimes, doubtless, the excitement of song whelms their
+misery in momentary oblivion. He who argues from this that they have
+no conscious misery to forget, knows as little of human nature as of
+slavery.--EDITOR.]
+
+Every Saturday night the slaves receive their allowance of provisions,
+which must last them till the next Saturday night. "Potatoe time," as
+it is called, begins about the middle of July. The slave may measure
+for himself, the overseer being present, half a bushel of sweet
+potatoes, and heap the measure as long as they will lie on; I have,
+however, seen the overseer, if he think the negro is getting too many,
+kick the measure; and if any fall off tell him he has got his measure.
+No salt is furnished them to eat with their potatoes. When rice or
+corn is given, they give them a little salt; sometimes half a pint of
+molasses is given, but not often. The quantity of rice, which is of
+the small, broken, unsaleable kind, is one peck. When corn is given
+them, their allowance is the same, and if they get it ground, (Mr.
+Swan had a mill on his plantation,) they must give one quart for
+grinding, thus reducing their weekly allowance to seven quarts. When
+fish (mullet) were plenty, they were allowed, in addition, one fish.
+As to meat, they seldom had any. I do not think they had an allowance
+of meat oftener than once in two or three months, and then the
+quantity was very small. When they went into the field to work, they
+took some of the meal or rice and a pot with them; the pots were given
+to an old woman, who placed two poles parallel, set the pots on them,
+and kindled a fire underneath for cooking; she took salt with her and
+seasoned the messes as she thought proper. When their breakfast was
+ready, which was generally about ten or eleven o'clock, they were
+called from labor, ate, and returned to work; in the afternoon, dinner
+was prepared in the same way. They had but two meals a day while in
+the field; if they wanted more, they cooked for themselves after they
+returned to their quarters at night. At the time of killing hogs on
+the plantation, the pluck, entrails, and blood were given to the
+slaves.
+
+When I first went upon Mr. Swan's plantation, I saw a slave in
+shackles or fetters, which were fastened around each ankle and firmly
+riveted, connected together by a chain. To the middle of this chain he
+had fastened a string, so as in a manner to suspend them and keep them
+from galling his ankles. This slave, whose name was Frank, was an
+intelligent, good looking man, and a very good mechanic. There was
+nothing vicious in his character, but he was one of those
+high-spirited and daring men, that whips, chains, fetters, and all the
+means of cruelty in the power of slavery, could not subdue. Mr. S. had
+employed a Mr. Beckwith to repair a boat, and told him Frank was a
+good mechanic, and he might have his services. Frank was sent for, his
+_shackles still on_. Mr. Beckwith set him to work making _trundels_,
+&c. I was employed in putting up a building, and after Mr. Beckwith
+had done with Frank, he was sent for to assist me. Mr. Swan sent him
+to a blacksmith's shop and had his shackles cut off with a cold
+chisel. Frank was afterwards sold to a cotton planter.
+
+I will relate one circumstance, which shows the little regard that is
+paid to the feelings of the slave. During the time that Mr. Isaiah
+Rogers was superintending the building of a rice machine, one of the
+slaves complained of a severe toothache. Swan asked Mr. Rogers to take
+his hammer and _knock out the tooth_.
+
+There was a slave on the plantation named Ben, a waiting man. I
+occupied a room in the same hut, and had frequent conversations with
+him. Ben was a kind-hearted man, and, I believe, a Christian; he would
+always ask a blessing before he sat down to eat, and was in the
+constant practice of praying morning and night.--One day when I was at
+the hut, Ben was sent for to go to the house. Ben sighed deeply and
+went. He soon returned with a girl about seventeen years of age, whom
+one of Mr. Swan's daughters had ordered him to flog. He brought her
+into the room where I was, and told her to stand there while he went
+into the next room: I heard him groan again as he went. While there I
+heard his voice, and he was engaged in prayer. After a few minutes he
+returned with a large cowhide, and stood before the girl, without
+saying a word. I concluded he wished me to leave the hut, which I did;
+and immediately after I heard the girl scream. At every blow she would
+shriek, "Do, Ben! oh do, Ben!" This is a common expression of the
+slaves to the person whipping them: "Do, Massa!" or, "Do, Missus!"
+
+After she had gone, I asked Ben what she was whipped for: he told me
+she had done something to displease her young missus; and in boxing
+her ears, and otherwise beating her, she had scratched her finger by a
+pin in the girl's dress, for which she sent her to be flogged. I asked
+him if he stripped her before flogging; he said, yes; he did not like
+to do this, but was _obliged_ to: he said he was once ordered to whip
+a woman, which he did without stripping her: on her return to the
+house, her mistress examined her back; and not seeing any marks, he
+was sent for, and asked why he had not whipped her: he replied that he
+had; she said she saw no marks, and asked him if he had made her pull
+her clothes off; he said, No. She then told him, that when he whipped
+any more of the women, he must make them strip off their clothes, as
+well as the men, and flog them on their bare backs, or he should be
+flogged himself.
+
+Ben often appeared very gloomy and sad: I have frequently heard him,
+when in his room, mourning over his condition, and exclaim, "Poor
+African slave! Poor African slave!" Whipping was so common an
+occurrence on this plantation, that it would be too great a repetition
+to state the _many_ and _severe_ floggings I have seen inflicted on
+the slaves. They were flogged for not performing their tasks, for
+being careless, slow, or not in time, for going to the fire to warm,
+&c. &c.; and it often seemed as if occasions were sought as an excuse
+for punishing them.
+
+On one occasion, I heard the overseer charge the hands to be at a
+certain place the next morning at sun-rise. I was present in the
+morning, in company with my brother, when the hands arrived. Joe, the
+slave already spoken of, came running, all out of breath, about five
+minutes behind the time, when, without asking any questions, the
+overseer told him to take off his jacket. Joe took off his jacket. He
+had on a piece of a shirt; he told him to take it off: Joe took it
+off: he then whipped him with a heavy cowhide full six feet long. At
+every stroke Joe would spring from the ground, and scream, "O my God!
+Do, Massa Galloway!" My brother was so exasperated; that he turned to
+me and said, "If I were Joe, I would kill the overseer if I knew I
+should be shot the next minute."
+
+In the winter the horn blew at about four in the morning, and all the
+threshers were required to be at the threshing floor in fifteen
+minutes after. They had to go about a quarter of a mile from their
+quarters. Galloway would stand near the entrance, and all who did not
+come in time would get a blow over the back or head as heavy as he
+could strike. I have seen him, at such times, follow after them,
+striking furiously a number of blows, and every one followed by their
+screams. I have seen the women go to their work after such a flogging,
+crying and taking on most piteously.
+
+It is almost impossible to believe that human nature can endure such
+hardships and sufferings as the slaves have to go through: I have seen
+them driven into a ditch in a rice swamp to bail out the water, in
+order to put down a flood-gate, when they had to break the ice, and
+there stand in the water among the ice until it was bailed out. I have
+_often_ known the hands to be taken from the field, sent down the
+river in flats or boats to Wilmington, absent from twenty-four to
+thirty hours, _without any thing to eat,_ no provision being made for
+these occasions.
+
+Galloway kept medicine on hand, that in case any of the slaves were
+sick, he could give it to them without sending for the physician; but
+he always kept a good look out that they did not sham sickness. When
+any of them excited his suspicions, he would make them take the
+medicine in his presence, and would give them a rap on the top of the
+head, to make them swallow it. A man once came to him, of whom he said
+he was suspicious: he gave him two potions of salts, and fastened him
+in the stocks for the night. His medicine soon began to operate; and
+_there he lay in all his filth till he was taken out the next day._
+
+One day, Mr. Swan beat a slave severely, for alleged carelessness in
+letting a boat get adrift. The slave was told to secure the boat:
+whether he took sufficient means for this purpose I do not know; he
+was not allowed to make any defence. Mr. Swan called him up, and asked
+why he did not secure the boat: he pulled off his hat and began to
+tell his story. Swan told him he was a damned liar, and commenced
+beating him over the head with a hickory cane, and the slave retreated
+backwards; Swan followed him about two rods, threshing him over the
+head with the hickory as he went.
+
+As I was one day standing near some slaves who were threshing, the
+driver, thinking one of the women did not use her flail quick enough,
+struck her over the head: the end of the whip hit her in the eye. I
+thought at the time he had put it out; but, after poulticing and
+doctoring for some days, she recovered. Speaking to him about it, he
+said that he once struck a slave so as to put one of her eyes entirely
+out.
+
+A patrol is kept upon each estate, and every slave found off the
+plantation without a pass is whipped on the spot. I knew a slave who
+started without a pass, one night, for a neighboring plantation, to
+see his wife: he was caught, tied to a tree, and flogged. He stated
+his business to the patrol, who was well acquainted with him but all
+to no purpose. I spoke to the patrol about it afterwards: he said he
+knew the negro, that he was a very clever fellow, but he had to whip
+him; for, if he let him pass, he must another, &c. He stated that he
+had sometimes caught and flogged four in a night.
+
+In conversation with Mr. Swan about runaway slaves, he stated to me
+the following fact:--A slave, by the name of Luke, was owned in
+Wilmington; he was sold to a speculator and carried to Georgia. After
+an absence of about two months the slave returned; he watched an
+opportunity to enter his old master's house when the family were
+absent, no one being at home but a young waiting man. Luke went to the
+room where his master kept his arms; took his gun, with some
+ammunition, and went into the woods. On the return of his master, the
+waiting man told him what had been done: this threw him into a violent
+passion; he swore he would kill Luke, or lose his own life. He loaded
+another gun, took two men, and made search, but could not find him: he
+then advertised him, offering a large reward if delivered to him or
+lodged in jail. His neighbors, however, advised him to offer a reward
+of two hundred dollars for him _dead or alive_, which he did. Nothing
+however was heard of him for some months. Mr. Swan said, one of his
+slaves ran away, and was gone eight or ten weeks; on his return he
+said he had found Luke, and that he had a rifle, two pistols, and a
+sword.
+
+I left the plantation in the spring, and returned to the north; when I
+went out again, the next fall, I asked Mr. Swan if any thing had been
+heard of Luke; he said he was _shot_, and related to me the manner of
+his death, as follows:--Luke went to one of the plantations, and
+entered a hut for something to eat. Being fatigued, he sat down and
+fell asleep. There was only a woman in the hut at the time: as soon as
+she found he was asleep, she ran and told her master, who took his
+rifle, and called two white men on another plantation: the three, with
+their rifles, then went to the hut, and posted themselves in different
+positions, so that they could watch the door. When Luke waked up he
+went to the door to look out, and saw them with their rifles, he
+stepped back and raised his gun to his face. They called to him to
+surrender; and stated that they had him in their power, and said he
+had better give up. He said he would not: and if they tried to take
+him, he would kill one of them; for, if he gave up, he knew they would
+kill him, and he was determined to sell his life as dear as he could.
+They told him, if he should shoot one of them, the other two would
+certainly kill him: he replied, he was determined not to give up, and
+kept his gun moving from one to the other; and while his rifle was
+turned toward one, another, standing in a different direction, shot
+him through the head, and he fell lifeless to the ground.
+
+There was another slave shot while I was there; this man had run away,
+and had been living in the woods a long time, and it was not known
+where he was, till one day he was discovered by two men, who went on
+the large island near Belvidere to hunt turkeys; they shot him and
+carried his head home.
+
+It is common to keep dogs on the plantations, to pursue and catch
+runaway slaves. I was once bitten by one of them. I went to the
+overseer's house, the dog lay in the piazza, as soon as I put my foot
+upon the floor, he sprang and bit me just above the knee, but not
+severely; he tore my pantaloons badly. The overseer apologized for his
+dog, saying he never knew him to bite a _white_ man before. He said he
+once had a dog, when he lived on another plantation, that was very
+useful to him in hunting runaway negroes. He said that a slave on the
+plantation once ran away; as soon as he found the course he took, he
+put the dog on the track, and he soon came so close upon him that the
+man had to climb a tree, he followed with his gun, and brought the
+slave home.
+
+The slaves have a great dread of being sold and carried south. It is
+generally said, and I have no doubt of its truth, that they are much
+worse treated farther south.
+
+The following are a few among the many facts related to me while I
+lived among the slaveholder. The names of the planters and
+plantations, I shall not give, _as they did not come under my own
+observation_. I however place the fullest confidence in their truth.
+
+A planter not far from Mr. Swan's employed an overseer to whom he paid
+$400 a year; he became dissatisfied with him, because he did not drive
+the slaves hard enough, and get more work out of them. He therefore
+sent to South Carolina, or Georgia, and got a man to whom he paid I
+believe $800 a year. He proved to be a cruel fellow, and drove the
+slaves almost to death. There was a slave on this plantation, who had
+repeatedly run away, and had been severely flogged every time. The
+last time he was caught, a hole was dug in the ground, and he buried
+up to the chin, his arms being secured down by his sides. He was kept
+in this situation four or five days.
+
+The following was told me by an intimate friend; it took place on a
+plantation containing about one hundred slaves. One day the owner
+ordered the women into the barn, he then went in among them, whip in
+hand, and told them he meant to flog them all to death; they began
+immediately to cry out "What have I done Massa? What have I done
+Massa?" He replied; "D--n you, I will let you know what you have done,
+you don't breed, I haven't had a young one from one of you for several
+months." They told him they could not breed while they had to work in
+the rice ditches. (The rice grounds are low and marshy, and have to be
+drained, and while digging or clearing the ditches, the women had to
+work in mud and water from one to two feet in depth; they were obliged
+to draw up and secure their frocks about their waist, to keep them out
+of the water, in this manner they frequently had to work from daylight
+in the morning till it was so dark they could see no longer.) After
+swearing and threatening for some time, he told them to tell the
+overseer's wife, when they got in that way, and he would put them upon
+the land to work.
+
+This same planter had a female slave who was a member of the Methodist
+Church; for a slave she was intelligent and conscientious. He proposed
+a criminal intercourse with her. She would not comply. He left her and
+sent for the overseer, and told him to have her flogged. It was done.
+Not long after, he renewed his proposal. She again refused. She was
+again whipped. He then told her why she had been twice flogged, and
+told her he intended to whip her till she should yield. The girl,
+seeing that her case was hopeless, her back smarting with the
+scourging she had received, and dreading a repetition, gave herself up
+to be the victim of his brutal lusts.
+
+One of the slaves on another plantation, gave birth to a child which
+lived but two or three weeks. After its death the planter called the
+woman to him, and asked her how she came to let the child die; said it
+was all owing to her carelessness, and that he meant to flog her for
+it. She told, him with all the feeling of a mother, the circumstances
+of its death. But her story availed her nothing against the savage
+brutality of her master. She was severely whipped. A healthy child
+four months old was then considered worth $100 in North Carolina.
+
+The foregoing facts were related to me by white persons of character
+and respectability. The following fact was related to me on a
+plantation where I have spent considerable time and where the
+punishment was inflicted. I have no doubt of its truth. A slave ran
+away from his master, and got as far as Newbern. He took provisions
+that lasted him a week; but having eaten all, he went to a house to
+get something to satisfy his hunger. A white man suspecting him to be
+a runaway, demanded his pass; as he had none he was seized and put in
+Newbern jail. He was there advertised, his description given, &c. His
+master saw the advertisement and sent for him; when he was brought
+back, his wrists were tied together and drawn over his knees. A stick
+was then passed over his arms and under his knees, and he secured in
+this manner, his trowsers were then stripped down, and he turned over
+on his side, and severely beaten with the paddle, then turned over and
+severely beaten on the other side, and then turned back again, and
+tortured by another bruising and beating. He was afterwards kept in
+the stocks a week, and whipped every morning.
+
+To show the disgusting pollutions of slavery, and how it covers with
+moral filth every thing it touches, I will state two or three facts,
+which I have on such evidence I cannot doubt their truth. A planter
+offered a white man of my acquaintance twenty dollars for every one of
+his female slaves, whom he would get in the family way. This offer was
+no doubt made for the purpose of improving the stock, on the same
+principle that farmers endeavour to improve their cattle by crossing
+the breed.
+
+Slaves belonging to merchants and others in the city, often hire their
+own time, for which they pay various prices per week or month,
+according to the capacity of the slave. The females who thus hire
+their time, pursue various modes to procure the money; their masters
+making no inquiry how they get it, provided the money comes. If it is
+not regularly paid they are flogged. Some take in washing, some cook
+on board vessels, pick oakum, sell peanuts, &c., while others, younger
+and more comely, often resort to the vilest pursuits. I knew a man
+from the north who, though married to a respectable southern woman,
+kept two of these mulatto girls in an upper room at his store; his
+wife told some of her friends that he had not lodged at home for two
+weeks together, I have seen these two _kept misses_, as they are there
+called, at his store; he was afterwards stabbed in an attempt to
+arrest a runaway slave, and died in about ten days.
+
+The clergy at the north cringe beneath the corrupting influence of
+slavery, and their moral courage is borne down by it. Not the
+hypocritical and unprincipled alone, but even such as can hardly be
+supposed to be destitute of sincerity.
+
+Going one morning to the Baptist Sunday School, in Wilmington, in
+which I was engaged, I fell in with the Rev. Thomas P. Hunt, who was
+going to the Presbyterian school. I asked him how he could bear to see
+the little negro children beating their hoops, hallooing, and running
+about the streets, as we then saw them, their moral condition entirely
+neglected, while the whites were so carefully gathered into the
+schools. His reply was substantially this:--"I can't bear it, Mr.
+Caulkins. I feel as deeply as any one can on this subject, but what
+can I do? MY HANDS ARE TIED."
+
+Now, if Mr. Hunt was guilty of neglecting his duty, as a servant of
+HIM who never failed to rebuke sin in high places, what shall be said
+of those clergymen at the north, where the power that closed his mouth
+is comparatively unfelt, who refuse to tell their people how God
+abhors oppression, and who seldom open their mouth on this subject,
+but to denounce the friends of emancipation, thus giving the strongest
+support to the accursed system of slavery. I believe Mr. Hunt has
+since become an agent of the Temperance Society.
+
+In stating the foregoing facts, my object has been to show the
+practical workings of the system of slavery, and if possible to
+correct the misapprehension on this subject, so common at the north.
+In doing this I am not at war with slave-holders. No, my soul is moved
+for them as well as for the poor slaves. May God send them repentance
+to the acknowledgment of the truth! Principle, on a subject of this
+nature, is dearer to me than the applause of men, and should not be
+sacrificed on any subject, even though the ties of friendship may be
+broken. We have too long been silent on this subject, the slave has
+been too much considered, by our northern states, as being kept by
+necessity in his present condition.--Were we to ask, in the language
+of Pilate, "what evil have they done"--we may search their history, we
+cannot find that they have taken up arms against our government, nor
+insulted us as a nation--that they are thus compelled to drag out a
+life in chains! subjected to the most terrible inflictions if in any
+way they manifest a wish to be released.--Let us reverse the question.
+What evil has been done to them by those who call themselves masters?
+First let us look at their persons, "neither clothed nor naked"--I
+have seen instances where this phrase would not apply to boys and
+girls, and that too in winter. I knew one young man seventeen years of
+age, by the name of Dave, on Mr. J. Swan's plantation, worked day
+after day in the rice machine as naked as when he was born. The reason
+of his being so, his master said in my hearing, was, that he could not
+keep clothes on him--he would get into the fire and burn them off.
+
+Follow them next to their huts; some with and some without floors:--Go
+at night, view their means of lodging, see them lying on benches, some
+on the floor or ground, some sitting on stools, dozing away the
+night:--others, of younger age, with a bare blanket wrapped about
+them; and one or two lying in the ashes. These things _I have often
+seen with my own eyes._
+
+Examine their means of subsistence, which consists generally of seven
+quarts of meal or eight quarts of small rice for one week; then follow
+them to their work, with driver and overseer pushing them to the
+utmost of their strength, by threatening and whipping.
+
+If they are sick from fatigue and exposure, go to their huts, as I
+have often been, and see them groaning under a burning fever or
+pleurisy, lying on some straw, their feet to the fire with barely a
+blanket to cover them; or on some boards nailed together in form of a
+bedstead.
+
+And after seeing all this, and hearing them tell of their sufferings,
+need I ask, is there any evil connected with their condition? and if
+so; upon whom is it to be charged? I answer for myself, and the reader
+can do the same. Our government stands first chargeable for allowing
+slavery to exist, under its own jurisdiction. Second, the states for
+enacting laws to secure their victim. Third, the slaveholder for
+carrying out such enactments, in horrid form enough to chill the
+blood. Fourth, every person who knows what slavery is, and does not
+raise his voice against this crying sin, but by silence gives consent
+to its continuance, is chargeable with guilt in the sight of God. "The
+blood of Zacharias who was slain between the temple and altar," says
+Christ, "WILL I REQUIRE OF THIS GENERATION."
+
+Look at the slave, his condition but little, if at all, better than
+that of the brute; chained down by the law, and the will of his
+master; and every avenue closed against relief; and the names of those
+who plead for him, cast out as evil;--must not humanity let its voice
+be heard, and tell Israel their transgressions and Judah their sins?
+
+May God look upon their afflictions, and deliver them from their cruel
+task-masters! I verily believe he will, if there be any efficacy in
+prayer. I have been to their prayer meetings and with them offered
+prayer in their behalf. I have heard some of them in their huts before
+day-light praying in their simple broken language, telling their
+heavenly Father of their trials in the following and similar language.
+
+"Fader in heaven, look upon de poor slave, dat have to work all de day
+long, dat cant have de time to pray only in de night, and den massa
+mus not know it.[2] Fader, have mercy on massa and missus. Fader, when
+shall poor slave get through de world! when will death come, and de
+poor slave go to heaven;" and in their meetings they frequently add,
+"Fader, bless de white man dat come to hear de slave pray, bless his
+family," and so on. They uniformly begin their meetings by singing the
+following--
+
+
+"And are we yet alive
+ To see each other's face," &c.
+
+[Footnote 2: At this time there was some fear of insurrection and the
+slaves were forbidden to hold meetings.]
+
+Is the ear of the Most High deaf to the prayer of the slave? I do
+firmly believe that their deliverance will come, and that the prayer
+of this poor afflicted people will be answered.
+
+Emancipation would be safe. I have had eleven winters to learn the
+disposition of the slaves, and am satisfied that they would peaceably
+and cheerfully work for pay. Give them education, equal and just laws,
+and they will become a most interesting people. Oh, let a cry be
+raised which shall awaken the conscience of this guilty nation, to
+demand for the slaves immediate and unconditional emancipation.
+                                   NEHEMIAH CAULKINS.
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. HORACE MOULTON.
+
+Mr. Moulton is an esteemed minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church,
+in Marlborough, Mass. He spent five years in Georgia, between 1817 and
+1824. The following communication has been recently received from him.
+
+MARLBOROUGH, MASS., Feb. 18, 1839.
+
+DEAR BROTHER--
+
+Yours of Feb. 2d, requesting me to write out a few facts on the
+subject of slavery, as it exists at the south, has come to hand. I
+hasten to comply with your request. Were it not, however, for the
+claims of those "who are drawn unto death," and the responsibility
+resting upon me, in consequence of this request, I should forever hold
+my peace. For I well know that I shall bring upon myself a flood of
+persecution, for attempting to speak out for the dumb. But I am
+willing to be set at nought by men, if I can be the means of promoting
+the welfare of the oppressed of our land. I shall not relate many
+particular cases of cruelty, though I might a great number; but shall
+give some general information as to their mode of treatment, their
+food, clothing, dwellings, deprivations, &c.
+
+Let me say, in the first place, that I spent nearly five years in
+Savannah, Georgia, and in its vicinity, between the years 1817 and
+1824. My object in going to the south, was to engage in making and
+burning brick; but not immediately succeeding, I engaged in no
+business of much profit until late in the winter, when I took charge
+of a set of hands and went to work. During my leisure, however, I was
+an observer, at the auctions, upon the plantations, and in almost
+every department of business. The next year, during the cold months, I
+had several two-horse teams under my care, with which we used to haul
+brick, boards, and other articles from the wharf into the city, and
+cotton, rice, corn, and wood from the country. This gave me an
+extensive acquaintance with merchants, mechanics and planters. I had
+slaves under my control some portions of every year when at the south.
+All the brick-yards, except one, on which I was engaged, were
+connected either with a corn field, potatoe patch, rice field, cotton
+field, tan-works, or with a wood lot. My business, usually, was to
+take charge of the brick-making department. At those jobs I have
+sometimes taken in charge both the field and brick-yard hands. I have
+been on the plantations in South Carolina, but have never been an
+overseer of slaves in that state, as has been said in the public
+papers.
+
+I think the above facts and explanations are necessary to be connected
+with the account I may give of slavery, that the reader may have some
+knowledge of my acquaintance with _practical_ slavery: for many
+mechanics and merchants who go to the South, and stay there for years,
+know but little of the dark side of slavery. My account of slavery
+will apply to _field hands_, who compose much the largest portion of
+the black population, (probably nine-tenths,) and not to those who are
+kept for kitchen maids, nurses, waiters, &c., about the houses of the
+planters and public hotels, where persons from the north obtain most
+of their knowledge of the evils of slavery. I will now proceed to take
+up specific points.
+
+THE LABOR OF THE SLAVES
+
+Males and females work together promiscuously on all the plantations.
+On many plantations _tasks_ are given them. The best working hands can
+have some leisure time; but the feeble and unskilful ones, together
+with slender females, have indeed a hard time of it, and very often
+answer for non-performance of tasks at the _whipping-posts_. None who
+worked with me had tasks at any time. The rule was to work them from
+sun to sun. But when I was burning brick, they were obliged to take
+turns, and _sit up all night_ about every other night, and work all
+day. On one plantation, where I spent a few weeks, the slaves were
+called up to work long before daylight, when business pressed, and
+worked until late at night; and sometimes some of them _all night_. A
+large portion of the slaves are owned by masters who keep them on
+purpose to hire out--and they usually let them to those who will give
+the highest wages for them, irrespective of their mode of treatment;
+and those who hire them, will of course try to get the greatest
+possible amount of work performed, with the least possible expense.
+Women are seen bringing their infants into the field to their work,
+and leading others who are not old enough to stay at the cabins with
+safety. When they get there, they must set them down in the dirt and
+go to work. Sometimes they are left to cry until they fall asleep.
+Others are left at home, shut up in their huts. Now, is it not
+barbarous, that the mother, with her child of children around her,
+half starved, must be whipped at night if she does not perform her
+task? But so it is. Some who have very young ones, fix a little sack,
+and place the infants on their backs, and work. One reason, I presume
+is, that they will not cry so much when they can hear their mother's
+voice. Another is, the mothers fear that the poisonous vipers and
+snakes will bite them. Truly, I never knew any place where the land is
+so infested with all kinds of the most venomous snakes, as in the low
+lands round about Savannah. The moccasin snakes, so called, and water
+rattle-snakes--the bites of both of which are as poisonous as our
+upland rattlesnakes at the north,--are found in myriads about the
+stagnant waters and swamps of the South. The females, in order to
+secure their infants from these poisonous snakes, do, as I have said,
+often work with their infants on their backs. Females are sometimes
+called to take the hardest part of the work. On some brick yards where
+I have been, the women have been selected as the _moulders_ of brick,
+instead of the men.
+
+II. THE FOOD OF THE SLAVES.
+
+It was a general custom, wherever I have been, for the masters to give
+each of his slaves, male and female, _one peck of corn per week_ for
+their food. This at fifty cents per bushel, which was all that it was
+worth when I was there, would amount to twelve and a half cents per
+week for board per head.
+
+It cost me upon an average, when at the south, one dollar per day for
+board. The price of fourteen bushels of corn per week. This would make
+my board equal in amount to the board of _forty-six slaves!_ This is
+all that good or bad masters allow their slaves round about Savannah
+on the plantations. One peck of gourd-seed corn is to be measured out
+to each slave once every week. One man with whom I labored, however,
+being desirous to get all the work out of his hands he could, before I
+left, (about fifty in number,) bought for them every week, or twice a
+week, a beef's head from market. With this, they made a soup in a
+large iron kettle, around which the hands came at meal-time, and
+dipping out the soup, would mix it with their hommony, and eat it as
+though it were a feast. This man permitted his slaves to eat twice a
+day while I was doing a job for him. He promised me a beaver hat and
+as good a suit of clothes as could be bought in the city, if I would
+accomplish so much for him before I returned to the north; giving me
+the entire control over his slaves. Thus you may see the temptations
+overseers sometimes have, to get all the work they can out of the poor
+slaves. The above is an exception to the general rule of feeding. For
+in all other places where I worked and visited; the slaves had
+_nothing from their masters but the corn_, or its equivalent in
+potatoes or rice, and to this, they were not permitted to come but
+_once a day_. The custom was to blow the horn early in the morning,
+as a signal for the hands to rise and go to work, when commenced; they
+continued work until about eleven o'clock, A.M., when, at the signal,
+all hands left off and went into their huts, made their fires, made
+their corn-meal into hommony or cake, ate it, and went to work again
+at the signal of the horn, and worked until night, or until their
+tasks were done. Some cooked their breakfast in the field while at
+work. Each slave must grind his own corn in a hand-mill after he has
+done his work at night. There is generally one hand-mill on every
+plantation for the use of the slaves.
+
+Some of the planters have no corn, others often get out. The
+substitute for it is, the equivalent of one peek of corn either in
+rice or sweet potatoes; neither of which is as good for the slaves as
+corn. They complain more of being faint, when fed on rice or potatoes,
+than when fed on corn. I was with one man a few weeks who gave me his
+hands to do a job of work, and to save time one cooked for all the
+rest. The following course was taken,--Two crotched sticks were driven
+down at one end of the yard, and a small pole being laid on the
+crotches, they swung a large iron kettle on the middle of the pole;
+then made up a fire under the kettle and boiled the hommony; when
+ready, the hands were called around this kettle with their wooden
+plates and spoons. They dipped out and ate standing around the kettle,
+or sitting upon the ground, as best suited their convenience. When
+they had potatoes they took them out with their hands, and ate them.
+As soon as it was thought they had had sufficient time to swallow
+their food they were called to their work again. _This was the only
+meal they ate through the day._ now think of the little, almost naked
+and half starved children, nibbling upon a piece of cold Indian cake,
+or a potato! Think of the poor female, just ready to be confined,
+without any thing that can be called convenient or comfortable! Think
+of the old toil-worn father and mother, without anything to eat but
+the coarsest of food, and not half enough of that! then think of
+_home_. When sick, their physicians are their masters and overseers,
+in most cases, whose skill consists in bleeding and in administering
+large potions of Epsom salts, when the whip and _cursing_ will not
+start them from their cabins.
+
+III. HOUSES.
+
+The huts of the slaves are mostly of the poorest kind. They are not as
+good as those temporary shanties which are thrown up beside railroads.
+They are erected with posts and crotches, with but little or no
+frame-work about them. They have no stoves or chimneys; some of them
+have something like a fireplace at one end, and a board or two off at
+that side, or on the roof, to let off the smoke. Others have nothing
+like a fireplace in them; in these the fire is sometimes made in the
+middle of the hut. These buildings have but one apartment in them; the
+places where they pass in and out, serve both for doors and windows;
+the sides and roofs are covered with coarse, and in many instances
+with refuse boards. In warm weather, especially in the spring, the
+slaves keep up a smoke, or fire and smoke, all night, to drive away
+the gnats and musketoes, which are very troublesome in all the low
+country of the south; so much so that the whites sleep under frames
+with nets over them, knit so fine that the musketoes cannot fly
+through them.
+
+Some of the slaves have rugs to cover them in the coldest weather, but
+I should think _more have not_. During driving storms they frequently
+have to run from one hut to another for shelter. In the coldest
+weather, where they can get wood or stumps, they keep up fires all
+night in their huts, and lay around them, with their feet towards the
+blaze. Men, women and children all lie down together, in most
+instances. There may be exceptions to the above statements in regard
+to their houses, but so far as my observations have extended, I have
+given a fair description, and I have been on a large number of
+plantations in Georgia and South Carolina up and down the Savannah
+river. Their huts are generally built compactly on the plantations,
+forming villages of huts, their size proportioned to the number of
+slaves on them. In these miserable huts the poor blacks are herded at
+night like swine, _without any conveniences of beadsteads, tables or
+chairs._ O Misery to the full! to see the aged sire beating off the
+swarms of gnats and musketoes in the warm weather, and shivering in
+the straw, or bending over a few coals in the winter, clothed in rags.
+I should think males and females, both lie down at night with their
+working clothes on them. God alone knows how much the poor slaves
+suffer for the want of convenient houses to secure them from the
+piercing winds and howling storms of winter, almost as much in Georgia
+as I do in Massachusetts.
+
+IV. CLOTHING.
+
+The masters [in Georgia] make a practice of getting two suits of
+clothes for each slave per year, a thick suit for winter, and a thin
+one for summer. They provide also one pair of northern made sale shoes
+for each slave in _winter_. These shoes usually begin to rip in a few
+weeks. The negroes' mode of mending them is, to _wire_ them together,
+in many instances. Do our northern shoemakers know that they are
+augmenting the sufferings of the poor slaves with their almost good
+for nothing sale shoes? Inasmuch as it is done unto one of those poor
+sufferers it is done unto our Saviour. The above practice of clothing
+the slave is customary to some extent. How many, however, fail of
+this, God only knows. The children and old slaves are, I should think,
+_exceptions_ to the above rule. The males and females have their suits
+from the same cloth for their winter dresses. These winter garments
+appear to be made of a mixture of cotton and wool, very coarse and
+_sleazy_. The whole suit for the men consists of a pair of pantaloons
+and a short sailor-jacket, _without shirt, vest, hat, stockings, or
+any kind of loose garments!_ These, if worn steadily when at work,
+would not probably last more than one or two months; therefore, for
+the sake of saving them, many of them work, especially in the summer,
+with no clothing on them except a cloth tied round their waist, and
+_almost all_ with nothing more on them than pantaloons, and these
+frequently so torn that they do not serve the purposes of common
+decency. The women have for clothing a short petticoat, and a short
+loose gown, something like the male's sailor-jacket, _without any
+under garment, stockings, bonnets, hoods, caps, or any kind of
+over-clothes._ When at work in the warm weather, they usually strip
+off the loose gown, and have nothing on but a short petticoat with
+some kind of covering over their breasts. Many children may be seen in
+the summer months _as naked as they came into the world_. I think, as
+a whole, they suffer more for the want of comfortable bed clothes,
+than they do for wearing apparel. It is true, that some by begging or
+buying have more clothes than above described, but the _masters
+provide them with no more_. They are miserable objects of pity. It may
+be said of many of them, "I was _naked_ and ye clothed me not." It is
+enough to melt the hardest heart to see the ragged mothers nursing
+their almost naked children, with but a morsel of the coarsest food to
+eat. The Southern horses and dogs have enough to eat and good care
+taken of them, but Southern negroes, who can describe their misery?
+
+V. PUNISHMENTS.
+
+The ordinary mode of punishing the slaves is both cruel and barbarous.
+The masters seldom, if ever, try to govern their slaves by moral
+influence, but by whipping, kicking, beating, starving, branding,
+_cat-hauling_, loading with irons, imprisoning, or by some other cruel
+mode of torturing. They often boast of having invented some new mode
+of torture, by which they have "tamed the rascals," What is called a
+moderate flogging at the south is horribly cruel. Should we whip our
+horses for any offence as they whip their slaves for small offences,
+we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the law. The masters whip
+for the smallest offences, such as not performing their tasks, being
+caught by the guard or patrol by night, or for taking any thing from
+the master's yard without leave. For these, and the like crimes, the
+slaves are whipped thirty-nine lashes, and sometimes seventy or a
+hundred, on the bare back. One slave, who was under my care, was
+whipped, I think one hundred lashes, for getting a small handful of
+wood from his master's yard without leave. I heard an overseer
+boasting to this same master that he gave one of the boys seventy
+lashes, for not doing a job of work just as he thought it ought to be
+done. The owner of the slave appeared to be pleased that the overseer
+had been so faithful. The apology they make for whipping so cruelly
+is, that it is to frighten the rest of the gang. The masters say, that
+what we call an ordinary flogging will not subdue the slaves; hence
+the most cruel and barbarous scourgings ever witnessed by man are
+daily and _hourly_ inflicted upon the naked bodies of these miserable
+bondmen; not by masters and negro-drivers only, but by the constables
+in the common markets and jailors in their yards.
+
+When the slaves are whipped, either in public or private, they have
+their hands fastened by the wrists, with a rope or cord prepared for
+the purpose: this being thrown over a beam, a limb of a tree, or
+something else, the culprit is drawn up and stretched by the arms as
+high as possible, without raising his feet from the ground or floor:
+and sometimes they are made to stand on tip-toe; then the feet are
+made fast to something prepared for them. In this distorted posture
+the monster flies at them, sometimes in great rage, with his
+implements of torture, and cuts on with all his might, over the
+shoulders, under the arms, and sometimes over the head and ears, or on
+parts of the body where he can inflict the greatest torment.
+Occasionally the whipper, especially if his victim does not beg enough
+to suit him, while under the lash, will fly into a passion, uttering
+the most horrid oaths; while the victim of his rage is crying, at
+every stroke, "Lord have mercy! Lord have mercy!" The scenes exhibited
+at the whipping post are awfully terrific and frightful to one whose
+heart has not turned to stone; I never could look on but a moment.
+While under the lash, the bleeding victim writhes in agony, convulsed
+with torture. Thirty-nine lashes on the bare back, which tear the skin
+at almost every stroke, is what the South calls a very _moderate
+punishment!_ Many masters whip until they are tired--until the back is
+a gore of blood--then rest upon it: after a short cessation, get up
+and go at it again; and after having satiated their revenge in the
+blood of their victims, they sometimes _leave them tied, for hours
+together, bleeding at every wound_.--Sometimes, after being whipped,
+they are bathed with a brine of salt and water. Now and then a master,
+but more frequently a mistress who has no husband, will send them to
+jail a few days, giving orders to have them whipped, so many lashes,
+once or twice a day. Sometimes, after being whipped, some have been
+shut up in a dark place and deprived of food, in order to increase
+their torments: and I have heard of some who have, in such
+circumstances, died of their wounds and starvation.
+
+Such scenes of horror as above described are so common in Georgia that
+they attract no attention. To threaten them with death, with breaking
+in their teeth or jaws, or cracking their heads, is _common talk_,
+when scolding at the slaves.--Those who run away from their masters
+and are caught again generally fare the worst. They are generally
+lodged in jail, with instructions from the owner to have them cruelly
+whipped. Some order the constables to whip them publicly in the
+market. Constables at the south are generally savage, brutal men. They
+have become so accustomed to catching and whipping negroes, that they
+are as fierce as tigers. Slaves who are absent from their yards, or
+plantations, after eight o'clock P.M., and are taken by the guard in
+the cities, or by the patrols in the country, are, if not called for
+before nine o'clock A.M. the next day, secured in prisons; and hardly
+ever escape, until their backs are torn up by the cowhide. On
+plantations, the _evenings_ usually present scenes of horror. Those
+slaves against whom charges are preferred for not having performed
+their tasks, and for various faults, must, after work-hours at night,
+undergo their torments. I have often heard the sound of the lash, the
+curses of the whipper, and the cries of the poor negro rending the
+air, late in the evening, and long before day-light in the morning.
+
+It is very common for masters to say to the overseers or drivers, "put
+it on to them," "don't spare that fellow," "give that scoundrel one
+hundred lashes," &c. Whipping the women when in delicate
+circumstances, as they sometimes do, without any regard to their
+entreaties or the entreaties of their nearest friends, is truly
+barbarous. If negroes could testify, they would tell you of instances
+of women being whipped until they have miscarried at the
+whipping-post. I heard of such things at the south--they are
+undoubtedly facts. Children are whipped unmercifully for the smallest
+offences, and that before their mothers. A large proportion of the
+blacks have their shoulders, backs, and arms all scarred up, and not a
+few of them have had their heads laid open with clubs, stones, and
+brick-bats, and with the butt-end of whips and canes--some have had
+their jaws broken, others their teeth knocked in or out; while others
+have had their ears cropped and the sides of their cheeks gashed out.
+Some of the poor creatures have lost the sight of one of their eyes by
+the careless blows of the whipper, or by some other violence.
+
+But punishing of slaves as above described, is not the only mode of
+torture. Some tie them up in a very uneasy posture, where they must
+stand _all night_, and they will then work them hard all day--that is,
+work them hard all day and torment them all night. Others punish by
+fastening them down on a log, or something else, and strike them on
+the bare skin with a board paddle full of holes. This breaks the skin,
+I should presume, at every hole where it comes in contact with it.
+Others, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them,
+_cat-haul_ them--that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail,
+or by the hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until
+satisfied. This kind of punishment poisons the flesh much worse than
+the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave. Some are branded by a hot
+iron, others have their flesh cut out in large gashes, to mark them.
+Some who are prone to run away, have iron fetters riveted around their
+ancles, sometimes they are put only on one foot, and are dragged on
+the ground. Others have on large iron collars or yokes upon their
+necks, or clogs riveted upon their wrists or ancles. Some have bells
+put upon them, hung upon a sort of frame to an iron collar. Some
+masters fly into a rage at trifles and knock down their negroes with
+their fists, or with the first thing that they can get hold of. The
+whiplash-knots, or rawhide, have sometimes by a reckless stroke
+reached round to the front of the body and cut through to the bowels.
+One slaveholder with whom I lived, whipped one of his slaves one day,
+as many, I should think, as one hundred lashes, and then turned the
+_butt-end_ and went to beating him over the head and ears, and truly I
+was amazed that the slave was not killed on the spot. Not a few
+slaveholders whip their slaves to death, and then say that they died
+under a "moderate correction." I wonder that ten are not killed where
+one is! Were they not much hardier than the whites many more of them
+must die than do. One young mulatto man, with whom I was well
+acquainted, was killed by his master in his yard with _impunity_. I
+boarded at the same time near the place where this glaring murder was
+committed, and knew the master well. He had a plantation, on which he
+enacted, almost daily, cruel barbarities, some of them, I was
+informed, more terrific, if possible, than death itself. Little notice
+was taken of this murder, and it all passed off without any action
+being taken against the murderer. The masters used to try to make me
+whip their negroes. They said I could not get along with them without
+flogging them--but I found I could get along better with them by
+coaxing and encouraging them than by beating and flogging them. I had
+not a heart to beat and kick about those beings; although I had not
+grace in my heart the three first years I was there, yet I sympathised
+with the slaves. I never was guilty of having but one whipped, and he
+was whipped but eight or nine blows. The circumstances were as
+follows: Several negroes were put under my care, one spring, _who were
+fresh from Congo and Guinea_. I could not understand them, neither
+could they me, in one word I spoke. I therefore pointed to them to go
+to work; all obeyed me willingly but one--he refused. I told the
+driver that he must tie him up and whip him. After he had tied him, by
+the help of some others, we struck him eight or nine blows, and he
+yielded. I told the driver not to strike him another blow. We untied
+him, and he went to work, and continued faithful all the time he was
+with me. This one was not a sample, however--many of them have such
+exalted views of freedom that it is hard work for the masters to whip
+them into brutes, that is to subdue their noble spirits. The negroes
+being put under my care, did not prevent the masters from whipping
+them when they pleased. But they never whipped much in my presence.
+This work was usually left until I had dismissed the hands. On the
+plantations, the masters chose to have the slaves whipped in the
+presence of all the hands, to strike them with terror.
+
+VI. RUNAWAYS
+
+Numbers of poor slaves run away from their masters; some of whom
+doubtless perish in the swamps and other secret places, rather than
+return back again to their masters; others stay away until they almost
+famish with hunger, and then return home rather than die, while others
+who abscond are caught by the negro-hunters, in various ways.
+Sometimes the master will hire some of his most trusty negroes to
+secure any stray negroes, who come on to their plantations, for many
+come at night to beg food of their friends on the plantations. The
+slaves assist one another usually when they can, and not be found out
+in it. The master can now and then, however, get some of his hands to
+betray the runaways. Some obtain their living in hunting after lost
+slaves. The most common way is to train up young dogs to follow them.
+This can easily be done by obliging a slave to go out into the woods,
+and climb a tree, and then put the young dog on his track, and with a
+little assistance he can be taught to follow him to the tree, and when
+found, of course the dog would bark at such game as a poor negro on a
+tree. There was a man living in Savannah when I was there, who kept a
+large number of dogs for no other purpose than to hunt runaway
+negroes. And he always had enough of this work to do, for hundreds of
+runaways are never found, but could he get news soon after one had
+fled, he was almost sure to catch him. And this fear of the dogs
+restrains multitudes from running off.
+
+When he went out on a hunting excursion, to be gone several days, he
+took several persons with him, armed generally with rifles and
+followed by the dogs. The dogs were as true to the track of a negro,
+if one had passed recently, as a hound is to the track of a fox when
+he has found it. When the dogs draw near to their game, the slave must
+turn and fight them or climb a tree. If the latter, the dogs will stay
+and bark until the pursuer come. The blacks frequently deceive the
+dogs by crossing and recrossing the creeks. Should the hunters who
+have no dogs, start a slave from his hiding place, and the slave not
+stop at the hunter's call, he will shoot at him, as soon as he would
+at a deer. Some masters advertise so much for a runaway slave, dead or
+alive. It undoubtedly gives such more satisfaction to know that their
+property is dead, than to know that it is alive without being able to
+get it. Some slaves run away who never mean to be taken alive. I will
+mention one. He run off and was pursued by the dogs, but having a
+weapon with him he succeeded in killing two or three of the dogs; but
+was afterwards shot. He had declared, that he never would be taken
+alive. The people rejoiced at the death of the slave, but lamented the
+death of the dogs, they were such ravenous hunters. Poor fellow, he
+fought for life and liberty like a hero; but the bullets brought him
+down. A negro can hardly walk unmolested at the south.--Every colored
+stranger that walks the streets is suspected of being a runaway slave,
+hence he must be interrogated by every negro hater whom he meets, and
+should he not have a pass, he must be arrested and hurried off to
+jail. Some masters boast that their slaves would not be free if they
+could. How little they know of their slaves! They are all sighing and
+groaning for freedom. May God hasten the time!
+
+VII. CONFINEMENT AT NIGHT.
+
+When the slaves have done their day's work, they must be herded
+together like sheep in their yards, or on their plantations. They have
+not as much liberty as northern men have, who are sent to jail for
+debt, for they have liberty to walk a larger yard than the slaves
+have. The slaves must all be at their homes precisely at eight
+o'clock, P.M. At this hour the drums beat in the cities, as a signal
+for every slave to be in his den. In the country, the signal is given
+by firing guns, or some other way by which they may know the hour when
+to be at home. After this hour, the guard in the cities, and patrols
+in the country, being well armed, are on duty until daylight in the
+morning. If they catch any negroes during the night without a pass,
+they are immediately seized and hurried away to the guard-house, or if
+in the country to some place of confinement, where they are kept until
+nine o'clock, A.M., the next day, if not called for by that time, they
+are hurried off to jail, and there remain until called for by their
+master and his jail and guard house fees paid. The guards and patrols
+receive one dollar extra for every one they can catch, who has not a
+pass from his master, or overseer, but few masters will give their
+slaves passes to be out at night unless on some special business:
+notwithstanding, many venture out, watching every step they take for
+the guard or patrol, the consequence is, some are caught almost every
+night, and some nights many are taken; some, fleeing after being
+hailed by the watch, are shot down in attempting their escape, others
+are crippled for life. I find I shall not be able to write out more at
+present. My ministerial duties are pressing, and if I delay this till
+the next mail, I fear it will not be in season. Your brother for those
+who are in bonds,
+
+HORACE MOULTON
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF SARAH M. GRIMKE.
+
+Miss Grimke is a daughter of the late Judge Grimke, of the Supreme
+Court of South Carolina, and sister of the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimke.
+
+As I left my native state on account of slavery, and deserted the home
+of my fathers to escape the sound of the lash and the shrieks of
+tortured victims, I would gladly bury in oblivion the recollection of
+those scenes with which I have been familiar; but this may not, cannot
+be; they come over my memory like gory spectres, and implore me with
+resistless power, in the name of a God of mercy, in the name of a
+crucified Savior, in the name of humanity; for the sake of the
+slaveholder, as well as the slave, to bear witness to the horrors of
+the southern prison house. I feel impelled by a sacred sense of duty,
+by my obligations to my country, by sympathy for the bleeding victims
+of tyranny and lust, to give my testimony respecting the system of
+American slavery,--to detail a few facts, most of which came under my
+_personal observation_. And here I may premise, that the actors in
+these tragedies were all men and women of the highest respectability,
+and of the first families in South Carolina, and, with one exception,
+citizens of Charleston; and that their cruelties did not in the
+slightest degree affect their standing in society.
+
+A handsome mulatto woman, about 18 or 20 years of age, whose
+independent spirit could not brook the degradation of slavery, was in
+the habit of running away: for this offence she had been repeatedly
+sent by her master and mistress to be whipped by the keeper of the
+Charleston work-house. This had been done with such inhuman severity,
+as to lacerate her back in a most shocking manner; a finger could not
+be laid between the cuts. But the love of liberty was too strong to be
+annihilated by torture; and, as a last resort, she was whipped at
+several different times, and kept a close prisoner. A heavy iron
+collar, with three long prongs projecting from it, was placed round
+her neck, and a strong and sound front tooth was extracted, to serve
+as a mark to describe her, in case of escape. Her sufferings at this
+time were agonizing; she could lie in no position but on her back,
+which was sore from scourgings, as I can testify, from personal
+inspection, and her only place of rest was the floor, on a blanket.
+These outrages were committed in a family where the mistress daily
+read the scriptures, and assembled her children for family worship.
+She was accounted, and was really, so far as almsgiving was concerned,
+a charitable woman, and tender hearted to the poor; and yet this
+suffering slave, who was the seamstress of the family, was continually
+in her presence, sitting in her chamber to sew, or engaged in her
+other household work, with her lacerated and bleeding back, her
+mutilated mouth, and heavy iron collar, without, so far as appeared,
+exciting any feelings of compassion.
+
+A highly intelligent slave, who panted after freedom with ceaseless
+longings, made many attempts to get possession of himself. For every
+offence he was punished with extreme severity. At one time he was tied
+up by his hands to a tree, and whipped until his back was one gore of
+blood. To this terrible infliction he was subjected at intervals for
+several weeks, and kept heavily ironed while at his work. His master
+one day accused him of a fault, in the usual terms dictated by passion
+and arbitrary power; the man protested his innocence, but was not
+credited. He again repelled the charge with honest indignation. His
+master's temper rose almost to frenzy; and seizing a fork, he made a
+deadly plunge at the breast of the slave. The man being far his
+superior in strength, caught the arm, and dashed the weapon on the
+floor. His master grasped at his throat, but the slave disengaged
+himself, and rushed from the apartment, having made his escape, he
+fled to the woods; and after wandering about for many months, living
+on roots and berries, and enduring every hardship, he was arrested and
+committed to jail. Here he lay for a considerable time, allowed
+scarcely food enough to sustain life, whipped in the most shocking
+manner, and confined in a cell so loathsome, that when his master
+visited him, he said the stench was enough to knock a man down. The
+filth had never been removed from the apartment since the poor
+creature had been immured in it. Although a black man, such had been
+the effect of starvation and suffering, that his master declared he
+hardly recognized him--his complexion was so yellow, and his hair,
+naturally thick and black, had become red and scanty; an infallible
+sign of long continued living on bad and insufficient food. Stripes,
+imprisonment, and the gnawings of hunger, had broken his lofty spirit
+for a season; and, to use his master's own exulting expression, he was
+"as humble as a dog." After a time he made another attempt to escape,
+and was absent so long, that a reward was offered for him, _dead or
+alive_. He eluded every attempt to take him, and his master,
+despairing of ever getting him again, offered to pardon him if he
+would return home. It is always understood that such intelligence will
+reach the runaway; and accordingly, at the entreaties of his wife and
+mother, the fugitive once more consented to return to his bitter
+bondage. I believe this was the last effort to obtain his liberty. His
+heart became touched with the power of the gospel; and the spirit
+which no inflictions could subdue, bowed at the cross of Jesus, and
+with the language on his lips--"the cup that my father hath given me,
+shall I not drink it?" submitted to the yoke of the oppressor, and
+wore his chains in unmurmuring patience till death released him. The
+master who perpetrated these wrongs upon his slave, was one of the
+most influential and honored citizens of South Carolina, and to his
+equals was bland, and courteous, and benevolent even to a proverb.
+
+A slave who had been separated from his wife, because it best suited
+the convenience of his owner, ran away. He was taken up on the
+plantation where his wife, to whom he was tenderly attached, then
+lived. His only object in running away was to return to her--no other
+fault was attributed to him. For this offence he was confined in the
+stocks _six weeks_, in a miserable hovel, not weather-tight. He
+received fifty lashes weekly during that time, was allowed food barely
+sufficient to sustain him, and when released from confinement, was not
+permitted to return to his wife. His master, although himself a
+husband and a father, was unmoved by the touching appeals of the
+slave, who entreated that he might only remain with his wife,
+promising to discharge his duties faithfully; his master continued
+inexorable, and he was torn from his wife and family. The owner of
+this slave was a professing Christian, in full membership with the
+church, and this circumstance occurred when he was confined to his
+chamber during his last illness.
+
+A punishment dreaded more by the slaves than whipping, unless it is
+unusually severe, is one which was invented by a female acquaintance
+of mine in Charleston--I heard her say so with much satisfaction. It
+is standing on one foot and holding the other in the hand. Afterwards
+it was improved upon, and a strap was contrived to fasten around the
+ankle and pass around the neck; so that the least weight of the foot
+resting on the strap would choke the person. The pain occasioned by
+this unnatural position was great; and when continued, as it sometimes
+was, for an hour or more, produced intense agony. I heard this same
+woman say, that she had the ears of her waiting maid _slit_ for some
+petty theft. This she told me in the presence of the girl, who was
+standing in the room. She often had the helpless victims of her
+cruelty severely whipped, not scrupling herself to wield the
+instrument of torture, and with her own hands inflict severe
+chastisement. Her husband was less inhuman than his wife, but he was
+often goaded on by her to acts of great severity. In his last illness
+I was sent for, and watched beside his death couch. The girl on whom
+he had so often inflicted punishment, haunted his dying hours; and
+when at length the king of terrors approached, he shrieked in utter
+agony of spirit, "Oh, the blackness of darkness, the black imps, I can
+see them all around me--take them away!" and amid such exclamations he
+expired. These persons were of one of the first families in
+Charleston.
+
+A friend of mine, in whose veracity I have entire confidence, told me
+that about two years ago, a woman in Charleston with whom I was well
+acquainted, had starved a female slave to death. She was confined in a
+solitary apartment, kept constantly tied, and condemned to the slow
+and horrible death of starvation. This woman was notoriously cruel. To
+those who have read the narrative of James Williams I need only say,
+that the character of young Larrimore's wife is an exact description
+of this female tyrant, whose countenance was ever dressed in smiles
+when in the presence of strangers, but whose heart was as the nether
+millstone toward her slaves.
+
+As I was traveling in the lower country in South Carolina, a number of
+years since, my attention was suddenly arrested by an exclamation of
+horror from the coachman, who called out, "Look there, Miss Sarah,
+don't you see?"--I looked in the direction he pointed, and saw a human
+head stuck up on a high pole. On inquiry, I found that a runaway
+slave, who was outlawed, had been shot there, his head severed from
+his body, and put upon the public highway, as a terror to deter slaves
+from running away.
+
+On a plantation in North Carolina, where I was visiting, I happened
+one day, in my rambles, to step into a negro cabin; my compassion was
+instantly called forth by the object which presented itself. A slave,
+whose head was white with age, was lying in one corner of the hovel;
+he had under his head a few filthy rags but the boards were his only
+bed, it was the depth of winter, and the wind whistled through every
+part of the dilapidated building--he opened his languid eyes when I
+spoke, and in reply to my question, "What is the matter?" He said, "I
+am dying of a cancer in my side."--As he removed the rags which
+covered the sore, I found that it extended half round the body, and
+was shockingly neglected. I inquired if he had any nurse. "No,
+missey," was his answer, "but de people (the slaves) very kind to me,
+dey often steal time to run and see me and fetch me some ting to eat;
+if dey did not, I might starve." The master and mistress of this man,
+who had been worn out in their service, were remarkable for their
+intelligence, and their hospitality knew no bounds towards those who
+were of their own grade in society: the master had for some time held
+the highest military office in North Carolina, and not long previous
+to the time of which I speak, was the Governor of the State.
+
+On a plantation in South Carolina, I witnessed a similar case of
+suffering--an aged woman suffering under an incurable disease in the
+same miserably neglected situation. The "owner" of this slave was
+proverbially kind to her negroes; so much so, that the planters in the
+neighborhood said she spoiled them, and set a bad example, which might
+produce discontent among the surrounding slaves; yet I have seen this
+woman tremble with rage, when her slaves displeased her, and heard her
+use language to them which could only be expected from an inmate of
+Bridewell; and have known her in a gust of passion send a favorite
+slave to the workhouse to be severely whipped.
+
+Another fact occurs to me. A young woman about eighteen, stated some
+circumstances relative to her young master, which were thought
+derogatory to his character; whether true or false, I am unable to
+say; she was threatened with punishment, but persisted in affirming
+that she had only spoken the truth. Finding her incorrigible, it was
+concluded to send her to the Charleston workhouse and have her whipt;
+she pleaded in vain for a commutation of her sentence, not so much
+because she dreaded the actual suffering, as because her delicate mind
+shrunk from the shocking exposure of her person to the eyes of brutal
+and licentious men; she declared to me that death would be preferable;
+but her entreaties were vain, and as there was no means of escaping
+but by running away, she resorted to it as a desperate remedy, for her
+timid nature never could have braved the perils necessarily
+encountered by fugitive slaves, had not her mind been thrown into a
+state of despair.--She was apprehended after a few weeks, by two
+slave-catchers, in a deserted house, and as it was late in the evening
+they concluded to spend the night there. What inhuman treatment she
+received from them has never been revealed. They tied her with cords
+to their bodies, and supposing they had secured their victim, soon
+fell into a deep sleep, probably rendered more profound by
+intoxication and fatigue; but the miserable captive slumbered not; by
+some means she disengaged herself from her bonds, and again fled
+through the lone wilderness. After a few days she was discovered in a
+wretched hut, which seemed to have been long uninhabited; she was
+speechless; a raging fever consumed her vitals, and when a physician
+saw her, he said she was dying of a disease brought on by over
+fatigue; her mother was permitted to visit her, but ere she reached
+her, the damps of death stood upon her brow, and she had only the sad
+consolation of looking on the death-struck form and convulsive agonies
+of her child.
+
+A beloved friend in South Carolina, the wife of a slaveholder, with
+whom I often mingled my tears, when helpless and hopeless we deplored
+together the horrors of slavery, related to me some years since the
+following circumstance.
+
+On the plantation adjoining her husband's, there was a slave of
+pre-eminent piety. His master was not a professor of religion, but the
+superior excellence of this disciple of Christ was not unmarked by
+him, and I believe he was so sensible of the good influence of his
+piety that he did not deprive him of the few religious privileges
+within his reach. A planter was one day dining with the owner of this
+slave, and in the course of conversation observed, that all profession
+of religion among slaves was mere hypocrisy. The other asserted a
+contrary opinion, adding, I have a slave who I believe would rather
+die than deny his Saviour. This was ridiculed, and the master urged to
+prove the assertion. He accordingly sent for this man of God, and
+peremptorily ordered him to deny his belief in the Lord Jesus Christ.
+The slave pleaded to be excused, constantly affirming that he would
+rather die than deny the Redeemer, whose blood was shed for him. His
+master, after vainly trying to induce obedience by threats, had him
+terribly whipped. The fortitude of the sufferer was not to be shaken;
+he nobly rejected the offer of exemption from further chastisement at
+the expense of destroying his soul, and this blessed martyr _died in
+consequence of this severe infliction_. Oh, how bright a gem will this
+victim of irresponsible power be, in that crown which sparkles on the
+Redeemer's brow; and that many such will cluster there, I have not the
+shadow of a doubt.
+
+
+SARAH M. GRIMKE. _Fort Lee, Bergen County, New Jersey, 3rd Month,
+26th_, 1830.
+
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE LATE REV. JOHN GRAHAM of Townsend, Mass., who resided
+in S. Carolina, from 1831, to the latter part of 1833. Mr. Graham
+graduated at Amherst College in 1829, spent some time at the
+Theological Seminary, in New Haven, Ct., and went to South Carolina,
+for his health in 1830. He resided principally on the island of St.
+Helena, S.C., and most of the time in the family of James Tripp, Esq.,
+a wealthy slave holding planter. During his residence at St. Helena,
+he was engaged as an instructer, and was most of the time the stated
+preacher on the island. Mr. G. was extensively known in Massachusetts;
+and his fellow students and instructers, at Amherst College, and at
+Yale Theological Seminary, can bear testimony to his integrity and
+moral worth. The following are extracts of letters, which he wrote
+while in South Carolina, to an intimate friend in Concord,
+Massachusetts, who has kindly furnished them for publication.
+
+EXTRACTS.
+
+_Springfield, St. Helena Isl., S.C., Oct. 22, 1832._
+
+"Last night, about one o'clock, I was awakened by the report of a
+musket. I was out of bed almost instantly. On opening my window, I
+found the report proceeded from my host's chamber. He had let off his
+pistol, which he usually keeps by him night and day, at a slave, who
+had come into the yard, and as it appears, had been with one of his
+house servants. He did not hit him. The ball, taken from a pine tree
+the next morning, I will show you, should I be spared by Providence
+ever to return to you. The house servant was called to the master's
+chamber, where he received 75 lashes, very severe too; and I could not
+only hear every lash, but each groan which succeeded very distinctly
+as I lay in my bed. What was then done with the servant I know not.
+Nothing was said of this to me in the morning and I presume it will
+ever be kept from me with care, if I may judge of kindred acts. I
+shall make no comment."
+
+In the same letter, Mr. Graham says:--
+
+"You ask me of my hostess"--then after giving an idea of her character
+says: "To day, she has I verily believe laid, in a very severe manner
+too, more than 300 _stripes_, upon the house servants," (17 in
+number.)
+
+_Darlington, Court Moons. S.C. March, 28th, 1838._
+
+"I walked up to the Court House to day, where I heard one of the most
+interesting cases I ever heard. I say interesting, on account of its
+novelty to me, though it had no novelty for the people, as such cases
+are of frequent occurrence. The case was this: To know whether two
+ladies, present in court, were _white_ or _black_. The ladies were
+dressed well, seemed modest, and were retiring and neat in their look,
+having blue eyes, black hair, and appeared to understand much of the
+etiquette of southern behaviour.
+
+"A man, more avaricious than humane, as is the case with most of the
+rich planters, laid a remote claim to those two modest, unassuming,
+innocent and free young ladies as his property, with the design of
+putting them into the field, and thus increasing his STOCK! As well as
+the people of Concord are known to be of a peaceful disposition, and
+for their love of good order, I verily believe if a similar trial
+should be brought forward there and conducted as this was, the good
+people would drive the lawyers out of the house. Such would be their
+indignation at their language, and at the mean under-handed manner of
+trying to ruin those young ladies, as to their standing in society in
+this district, if they could not succeed in dooming them for life to
+the degraded condition of slavery, and all its intolerable cruelties.
+Oh slavery! if statues of marble could curse you, they would speak. If
+bricks could speak, they would all surely thunder out their anathemas
+against you, accursed thing! How many white sons and daughters have
+bled and groaned under the lash in this sultry climate," &c.
+
+Under date of March, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I have been doing what I
+hope never to be called to do again, and what I fear I have badly
+done, though performed to the best of my ability, namely, sewing up a
+very bad wound made by a wild hog. The slave was hunting wild hogs,
+when one, being closely pursued, turned upon his pursuer, who turning
+to run, was caught by the animal, thrown down, and badly wounded in
+the thigh. The wound is about five inches long and very deep. It was
+made by the tusk of the animal. The slaves brought him to one of the
+huts on Mr. Tripp's plantation and made every exertion to stop the
+blood by filling the wound with ashes, (their remedy for stopping
+blood) but finding this to fail they came to me (there being no other
+white person on the plantation, as it is now holidays) to know if I
+could stop the blood. I went and found that the poor creature must
+bleed to death unless it could be stopped soon. I called for a needle
+and succeeded in sewing it up as well as I could, and in stopping the
+blood. In a short time his master, who had been sent for came; and
+oh, you would have shuddered if you had heard the awful oaths that
+fell from his lips, threatening in the same breath "_to pay him for
+that_!" I left him as soon as decency would permit, with his hearty
+thanks that I had saved him $500! Oh, may heaven protect the poor,
+suffering, fainting slave, and show his master his wanton cruelty--oh
+slavery! slavery!"
+
+Under date of July, 1832, Mr. G. writes, "I wish you could have been
+at the breakfast table with me this morning to have seen and heard
+what I saw and heard, not that I wish your ear and heart and soul
+pained as mine is, with every day's observation 'of wrong and outrage'
+with which this place is filled, but that you might have auricular and
+ocular evidence of the cruelty of slavery, of cruelties that mortal
+language can never describe--that you might see the tender mercies of
+a hardened slaveholder, one who bears the name of being _one of the
+mildest and most merciful masters of which this island can boast_. Oh,
+my friend, another is screaming under the lash, in the shed-room, but
+for what I know not. The scene this morning was truly distressing to
+me. It was this:--_After the blessing was asked_ at the breakfast
+table, one of the servants, a woman grown, in giving one of the
+children some molasses, happened to pour out a little more than usual,
+though not more than the child usually eats. Her master was angry at
+the petty and indifferent mistake, or slip of the hand. He rose from
+the table, took both of her hands in one of his, and with the other
+began to beat her, first on one side of her head and then on the
+other, and repeating this, till, as he said on sitting down at table,
+it hurt his hand too much to continue it longer. He then took off his
+_shoe_, and with the heel began in the same manner as with his hand,
+till the poor creature could no longer endure it without screeches and
+raising her elbow as it is natural to ward off the blows. He then
+called a great overgrown negro _to hold her hands behind her_ while he
+should wreak his vengeance upon the poor servant. In this position he
+began again to beat the poor suffering wretch. It now became
+intolerable to bear; she _fell, screaming to me for help_. After she
+fell, he beat her until I thought she would have died in his hands.
+She got up, however, went out and washed off the blood and came in
+before we rose from table, one of the most pitiable objects I ever saw
+till I came to the South. Her ears were almost as thick as my hand,
+her eyes awfully blood-shotten, her lips, nose, cheeks, chin, and
+whole head swollen so that no one would have known it was Etta--and
+for all this, she had to turn round as she was going out and _thank
+her master!_ Now, all this was done while I was sitting at breakfast
+with the rest of the family. Think you not I wished myself sitting
+with the peaceful and happy circle around your table? Think of my
+feelings, but pity the poor negro slave, who not only fans his cruel
+master when he eats and sleeps, but bears the stripes his caprice may
+inflict. Think of this, and let heaven hear your prayers."
+
+In a letter dated St. Helena Island, S.C., Dec. 3, 1832, Mr. G.
+writes, "If a slave here complains to his master, that his task is too
+great, his master at once calls him a scoundrel and tells him it is
+only because he has not enough to do, and orders the driver to
+increase his task, however unable he may be for the performance of it.
+I saw TWENTY-SEVEN _whipped at one time_ just because they did not do
+more, when the poor creatures were so tired that they could scarcely
+drag one foot after the other."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. WILLIAM POE
+
+
+Mr. Poe is a native of Richmond, Virginia, and was formerly a
+slaveholder. He was for several years a merchant in Richmond, and
+subsequently in Lynchburg, Virginia. A few years since, he emancipated
+his slaves, and removed to Hamilton County, Ohio, near Cincinnati;
+where he is a highly respected ruling elder in the Presbyterian
+church. He says,--
+
+"I am pained exceedingly, and nothing but my duty to God, to the
+oppressors, and to the poor down-trodden slaves, who go mourning all
+their days, could move me to say a word. I will state to you a _few_
+cases of the abuse of the slaves, but time would fail, if I had
+language to tell how many and great are the inflictions of slavery,
+even in its mildest form.
+
+Benjamin James Harris, a wealthy tobacconist of Richmond, Virginia,
+whipped a slave girl fifteen years old to death. While he was whipping
+her, his wife heated a smoothing iron, put it on her body in various
+places, and burned her severely. The verdict of the coroner's inquest
+was, "Died of excessive whipping." He was tried in Richmond, and
+acquitted. I attended the trial. Some years after, this same Harris
+whipped another slave to death. The man had not done so much work as
+was required of him. After a number of protracted and violent
+scourgings, with short intervals between, the slave died under the
+lash. Harris was tried, and again acquitted, because none but blacks
+saw it done. The same man afterwards whipped another slave severely,
+for not doing work to please him. After repeated and severe floggings
+in quick succession, for the same cause, the slave, in despair of
+pleasing him, cut off his own hand. Harris soon after became a
+bankrupt, went to New Orleans to recruit his finances, failed, removed
+to Kentucky, became a maniac, and died.
+
+A captain in the United States' Navy, who married a daughter of the
+collector of the port of Richmond, and resided there, became offended
+with his negro boy, took him into the meat house, put him upon a
+stool, crossed his hands before him, tied a rope to them, threw it
+over a joist in the building, drew the boy up so that he could just
+stand on the stool with his toes, and kept him in that position,
+flogging him severely at intervals, until the boy became so exhausted
+that he reeled off the stool, and swung by his hands until he died.
+The master was tried and acquitted.
+
+In Goochland County, Virginia, an overseer tied a slave to a tree,
+flogged him again and again with great severity, then piled brush
+around him, set it on fire, and burned him to death. The overseer was
+tried and imprisoned. The whole transaction may be found on the
+records of the court.
+
+In traveling, one day, from Petersburg to Richmond, Virginia, I heard
+cries of distress at a distance, on the road. I rode up, and found two
+white men, beating a slave. One of them had hold of a rope, which was
+passed under the bottom of a fence; the other end was fastened around
+the neck of the slave, who was thrown flat on the ground, on his face,
+with his back bared. The other was beating him furiously with a large
+hickory.
+
+A slaveholder in Henrico County, Virginia, had a slave who used
+frequently to work for my father. One morning he came into the field
+with his back completely _cut up_, and mangled from his head to his
+heels. The man was so stiff and sore he could scarcely walk. This same
+person got offended with another of his slaves, knocked him down, and
+struck out one of his eyes with a maul. The eyes of several of his
+slaves were injured by similar violence.
+
+In Richmond, Virginia, a company occupied as a dwelling a large
+warehouse. They got angry with a negro lad, one of their slaves, took
+him into the cellar, tied his hands with a rope, bored a hole though
+the floor, and passed the rope up through it. Some of the family drew
+up the boy, while others whipped. This they continued until the boy
+died. The warehouse was owned by a Mr. Whitlock, on the scite of one
+formerly owned by a Mr. Philpot.
+
+Joseph Chilton, a resident of Campbell County, Virginia, purchased a
+quart of tanners' oil, for the purpose, as he said, of putting it on
+one of his negro's heads, that he had sometime previous pitched or
+tarred over, for running away.
+
+In the town of Lynchburg, Virginia, there was a negro man put in
+prison, charged with having pillaged some packages of goods, which he,
+as head man of a boat, received at Richmond, to be delivered at
+Lynchburg. The goods belonged to A.B. Nichols, of Liberty, Bedford
+County, Virginia. He came to Lynchburg, and desired the jailor to
+permit him to whip the negro, to make him confess, as there was _no
+proof against him_. Mr. Williams, (I think that is his name,) a pious
+Methodist man, a great stickler for law and good order, professedly a
+great friend to the black man, delivered the negro into the hands of
+Nichols. Nichols told me that he took the slave, tied his wrists
+together, then drew his arms down so far below his knees as to permit
+a staff to pass above the arms under the knees, thereby placing the
+slave in a situation that he could not move hand or foot. He then
+commenced his bloody work, and continued, at intervals, until 500
+blows were inflicted. I received this statement from Nichols himself,
+who was, by the way, a _son of the land of "steady habits_," where
+there are many like him, if we may judge from their writings, sayings,
+and doings."
+
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES.
+
+
+I. FOOD.
+
+We begin with the _food_ of the slaves, because if they are ill
+treated in this respect we may be sure that they will be ill treated
+in other respects, and generally in a greater degree. For a man
+habitually to stint his dependents in their food, is the extreme of
+meanness and cruelty, and the greatest evidence he can give of utter
+indifference to their comfort. The father who stints his children or
+domestics, or the master his apprentices, or the employer his
+laborers, or the officer his soldiers, or the captain his crew, when
+able to furnish them with sufficient food, is every where looked upon
+as unfeeling and cruel. All mankind agree to call such a character
+inhuman. If any thing can move a hard heart, it is the appeal of
+hunger. The Arab robber whose whole life is a prowl for plunder, will
+freely divide his camel's milk with the hungry stranger who halts at
+his tent door, though he may have just waylaid him and stripped him of
+his money. Even savages take pity on hunger. Who ever went famishing
+from an Indian's wigwam? As much as hunger craves, is the Indian's
+free gift even to an enemy. The necessity for food is such a universal
+want, so constant, manifest and imperative, that the heart is more
+touched with pity by the plea of hunger, and more ready to supply that
+want than any other. He who can habitually inflict on others the pain
+of hunger by giving them insufficient food, can habitually inflict on
+them any other pain. He can kick and cuff and flog and brand them, put
+them in irons or the stocks, can overwork them, deprive them of sleep,
+lacerate their backs, make them work without clothing, and sleep
+without covering.
+
+Other cruelties may be perpetrated in hot blood and the acts regretted
+as soon as done--the feeling that prompts them is not a permanent
+state of mind, but a violent impulse stung up by sudden provocation.
+But he who habitually withholds from his dependents sufficient
+sustenance, can plead no such palliation. The fact itself shows, that
+his permanent state of mind toward them is a brutal indifference to
+their wants and sufferings--A state of mind which will naturally,
+necessarily, show itself in innumerable privations and inflictions
+upon them, when it can be done with impunity.
+
+If, therefore, we find upon examination, that the slaveholders do not
+furnish their slaves with sufficient food, and do thus habitually
+inflict upon them the pain of hunger, we have a clue furnished to
+their treatment in other respects, and may fairly infer habitual and
+severe privations and inflictions; not merely from the fact that men
+are quick to feel for those who suffer from hunger, and perhaps more
+ready to relieve that want than any other; but also, because it is
+more for the interest of the slaveholder to supply that want than any
+other; consequently, if the slave suffer in this respect, he must as
+the general rule, suffer _more_ in other respects.
+
+We now proceed to show that the slaves have insufficient food. This
+will be shown first from the express declarations of slaveholders, and
+other competent witnesses who are, or have been residents of slave
+states, that the slaves generally are _under-fed._ And then, by the
+laws of slave states, and by the testimony of slaveholders and others,
+the _kind, quantity_, and _quality,_ of their allowance will be given,
+and the reader left to judge for himself whether the slave _must_ not
+be a sufferer.
+
+
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUNGER--DECLARATIONS OF SLAVE-HOLDERS AND
+OTHERS
+
+
+
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slave holder, and for ten years, Member of
+Congress from Virginia, in his speech on the Missouri question. Jan
+28th, 1820.
+
+"By confining the slaves to the Southern states, where crops are
+raised for exportation, and bread and meat are purchased, you _doom
+them to scarcity and hunger._ It is proposed to hem in the blacks
+where they are ILL FED."
+
+
+Rev. George Whitefield, in his letter, to the slave holders of Md. Va.
+N.C. S.C. and Ga. published in Georgia, just one hundred years ago,
+1739.
+
+"My blood has frequently run cold within me, to think how many of your
+slaves _have not sufficient food to eat;_ they are scarcely permitted
+to _pick up the crumbs,_ that fall from their master's table."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee, and for same
+years a preacher in slave states.
+
+"Thousands of the slaves are pressed with the gnawings of cruel hunger
+during their whole lives."
+
+
+Report of the Gradual Emancipation Society, of North Carolina, 1826.
+Signed Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary.
+
+Speaking of the condition of slaves, in the eastern part of that
+state, the report says,--"The master puts the unfortunate wretches
+upon short allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so
+that a _great part_ of them go _half starved_ much of the time."
+
+
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a Theological Student, who resided near Natchez,
+Miss., in 1834-5.
+
+"On almost every plantation, the hands suffer more or less from hunger
+at some seasons of almost every year. There is always a _good deal of
+suffering_ from hunger. On many plantations, and particularly in
+Louisiana, the slaves are in a condition of _almost utter famishment,_
+during a great portion of the year."
+
+
+Thomas Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a Slaveholder.
+
+"From various causes this [the slave's allowance of food] is _often_
+not adequate to the support of a laboring man."
+
+
+Mr. Tobias Boudinot, St Albans, Ohio, a member of the Methodist
+Church. Mr. B. for some years navigated the Mississippi.
+
+"The slaves down the Mississippi, are _half-starved,_ the boats, when
+they stop at night, are constantly boarded by slaves, begging for
+something to eat."
+
+
+President Edwards, the younger, in a sermon before the Conn. Abolition
+Society, 1791.
+
+"The slaves are supplied with barely enough to keep them from
+_starving._"
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro' Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+
+"As a general thing on the plantations, the slaves suffer extremely
+for the want of food."
+
+
+Rev. George Bourne, late editor of the Protestant Vindicator, N.Y.,
+who was seven years pastor of a church in Virginia.
+
+"The slaves are deprived of _needful_ sustenance."
+
+
+2. KINDS OF FOOD.
+
+Hon. Robert Turnbull, a slaveholder of Charleston, South Carolina.
+
+"The subsistence of the slaves consists, from March until August, of
+corn ground into grits, or meal, made into what is called _hominy_, or
+baked into corn bread. The other six months, they are fed upon the
+sweet potatoe. Meat, when given, is only by way of _indulgence or
+favor._"
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver Co., Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi, in 1836-7.
+
+"The food of the slaves was generally corn bread, and _sometimes_ meat
+or molasses."
+
+
+Reuben G. Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+resided in South Carolina.
+
+"The slaves had no food allowed them besides _corn,_ excepting at
+Christmas, when they had beef."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, and recently of Madison
+Co., Alabama, now member, of the Presbyterian Church, Delhi, Ohio.
+
+"On my uncle's plantation, the food of the slaves, was corn-pone and a
+small allowance of meat."
+
+
+WILLIAM LADD, Esq., of Minot, Me., president of the American Peace
+Society, and formerly a slaveholder of Florida, gives the following
+testimony as to the allowance of food to slaves.
+
+"The usual food of the slaves was _corn_, with a modicum of salt. In
+some cases the master allowed no salt, but the slaves boiled the sea
+water for salt in their little pots. For about eight days near
+Christmas, i.e., from the Saturday evening before, to the Sunday
+evening after Christmas day, they were allowed some _meat_. They
+always with one single exception ground their corn in a hand-mill, and
+cooked their food themselves."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a preacher of the
+Methodist Episcopal church, in Fayette county, Ohio.
+
+"In March, 1838, Mr. Thomas Larrimer, a deacon of the Presbyterian
+church in Bloomingbury, Fayette county, Ohio, Mr. G.S. Fullerton,
+merchant, and member of the same church, and Mr. William A. Ustick, an
+elder of the same church, spent a night with a Mr. Shepherd, about 30
+miles North of Charleston, S.C., on the Monk's corner road. He owned
+five families of negroes, who, he said, were fed from the same meal
+and meat tubs as himself, but that 90 out of a 100 of all the slaves
+in that county _saw meat but once a year_, which was on Christmas
+holidays."
+
+As an illustration of the inhuman experiments sometimes tried upon
+slaves, in respect to the _kind_ as well as the quality and quantity
+of their food, we solicit the attention of the reader to the testimony
+of the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina. General Hampton
+was for some time commander in chief of the army on the Canada
+frontier during the last war, and at the time of his death, about
+three years since, was the largest slaveholder in the United States.
+The General's testimony is contained in the following extract of a
+letter, just received from a distinguished clergyman in the west,
+extensively known both as a preacher and a writer. His name is with
+the executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+
+"You refer in your letter to a statement made to you while in this
+place, respecting the late General Wade Hampton, of South Carolina,
+and task me to write out for you the circumstances of the
+case--considering them well calculated to illustrate two points in the
+history of slavery: 1st, That the habit of slaveholding dreadfully
+blunts the feelings toward the slave, producing such insensibility
+that his sufferings and death are regarded with indifference. 2d, That
+the slave often has insufficient food, both in quantity and quality.
+
+"I received my information from a lady in the west of high
+respectability and great moral worth,--but think it best to withhold
+her name, although the statement was not made in confidence.
+
+"My informant stated that she sat at dinner once in company with
+General Wade Hampton, and several others; that the conversation turned
+upon the treatment of their servants, &c.; when the General undertook
+to entertain the company with the relation of an experiment he had
+made in the feeding of his slaves on cotton seed. He said that he
+first mingled one-fourth cotton seed with three-fourths corn, on which
+they seemed to thrive tolerably well; that he then had measured out to
+them equal quantities of each, which did not seem to produce any
+important change; afterwards he increased the quantity of cotton seed
+to three-fourths, mingled with one-fourth corn, and then he declared,
+with an oath, that 'they died like rotten sheep!!' It is but justice
+to the lady to state that she spoke of his conduct with the utmost
+indignation; and she mentioned also that he received no countenance
+from the company present, but that all seemed to look at each other
+with astonishment. I give it to you just as I received it from one who
+was present, and whose character for veracity is unquestionable.
+
+"It is proper to add that I had previously formed an acquaintance with
+Dr. Witherspoon, now of Alabama, if alive; whose former residence was
+in South Carolina; from whom I received a particular account of the
+manner of feeding and treating slaves on the plantations of General
+Wade Hampton, and others in the same part of the State; and certainly
+no one could listen to the recital without concluding that such
+masters and overseers as he described must have hearts like the nether
+millstone. The cotton seed experiment I had heard of before also, as
+having been made in other parts of the south; consequently, I was
+prepared to receive as true the above statement, even if I had not
+been so well acquainted with the high character of my informant."
+
+
+2. QUANTITY OF FOOD
+
+The legal allowance of food for slaves in North Carolina, is in the
+words of the law, "a quart of corn per day." See Haywood's Manual,
+525. The legal allowance in Louisiana is more, a barrel [flour barrel]
+of corn, (in the ear,) or its equivalent in other grain, and a pint of
+salt a month. In the other slave states the amount of food for the
+slaves is left to the option of the master.
+
+
+Thos. Clay, Esq., of Georgia, a slave holder, in his address before
+the Georgia Presbytery, 1833.
+
+"The quantity allowed by custom is _a peck of corn a week_!"
+
+
+The Maryland Journal, and Baltimore Advertiser, May 30, 1788.
+
+"_A single peck of corn a week, or the like measure of rice_, is the
+_ordinary_ quantity of provision for a _hard-working_ slave; to which
+a small quantity of meat is occasionally, though _rarely_, added."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, and Elder in the
+Presbyterian Church, Wilksbarre, Penn.
+
+"The weekly allowance to grown slaves on this plantation, where I was
+best acquainted, was _one peck of corn_."
+
+
+Wm. Ladd, of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"The usual allowance of food was _one quart of corn a day_, to a full
+task hand, with a modicum of salt; kind masters allowed _a peck of
+corn a week_; some masters allowed no salt."
+
+
+Mr. Jarvis Brewster, in his "Exposition of the treatment of slaves in
+the Southern States," published in N. Jersey, 1815.
+
+"The allowance of provisions for the slaves, is _one peck of corn, in
+the grain, per week_."
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist Clergyman of Marlboro, Mass., who
+lived five years in Georgia.
+
+"In Georgia the planters give each slave only _one peck of their gourd
+seed corn per week_, with a small quantity of salt."
+
+
+Mr. F.C. Macy, Nantucket, Mass., who resided in Georgia in 1820.
+
+"The food of the slaves was three pecks of potatos a week during the
+potato season, and _one peck of corn_, during the remainder of the
+year."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, a member of the Baptist Church in Waterford,
+Conn., who resided in North Carolina, eleven winters.
+
+"The subsistence of the slaves, consists of _seven quarts of meal_ or
+_eight quarts of small rice for one week!_"
+
+
+William Savery, late of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the
+Society of Friends, who travelled extensively in the slave states, on
+a Religious Visitation, speaking of the subsistence of the slaves,
+says, in his published Journal,
+
+"_A peck of corn_ is their (the slaves,) miserable subsistence _for a
+week_."
+
+
+The late John Parrish, of Philadelphia, another highly respected
+Minister of the Society of Friends, who traversed the South, on a
+similar mission, in 1804 and 5, says in his "Remarks on the slavery of
+Blacks;"
+
+"They allow them but _one peck of meal_, for a whole week, in some of
+the Southern states."
+
+Richard Macy, Hudson, N.Y. a Member of the Society of Friends, who has
+resided in Georgia.
+
+"Their usual allowance of food was one peck of corn per week, which
+was dealt out to them every first day of the week. They had nothing
+allowed them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at
+Christmas."
+
+
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, of Quincy, Ill., (the testimony of a Virginian).
+
+"The slaves are generally allowanced: a pint of corn meal and a salt
+herring is the allowance, or in lieu of the herring a "dab" of fat
+meat of about the same value. I have known the sour milk, and clauber
+to be served out to the hands, when there was an abundance of milk on
+the plantation. This is a luxury not often afforded."
+
+
+Testimony of Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, Illinois. Mr. W. has been engaged in the low
+country trade for twelve years, more than half of each year,
+principally on the Mississippi, and its tributary streams in the
+south-western slave states.
+
+"_Feeding is not sufficient_,--let facts speak. On the coast, i.e.
+Natchez and the Gulf of Mexico, the allowance was one barrel of ears
+of corn, and a pint of salt per month. They may cook this in what
+manner they please, but it must be done after dark; they have no day
+light to prepare it by. Some few planters, but only a few, let them
+prepare their corn on Saturday afternoon. Planters, overseers, and
+negroes, have told me, that in _pinching times_, i.e. when corn is
+high, they did not get near that quantity. In Miss., I know some
+planters who allowed their hands three and a half pounds of meat per
+week, when it was cheap. Many prepare their corn on the Sabbath, when
+they are not worked on that day, which however is frequently the case
+on sugar plantations. There are very many masters on "the coast" who
+will not suffer their slaves to come to the boats, because they steal
+molasses to barter for meat; indeed they generally trade more or less
+with stolen property. But it is impossible to find out what and when,
+as their articles of barter are of such trifling importance. They
+would often come on board our boats to beg a bone, and would tell how
+badly they were fed, that they were almost starved; many a time I have
+set up all night, to prevent them from stealing something to eat."
+
+
+3. QUALITY OF FOOD.
+
+Having ascertained the kind and quantity of food allowed to the
+slaves, it is important to know something of its _quality_, that we
+may judge of the amount of sustenance which it contains. For, if their
+provisions are of an inferior quality, or in a damaged state, their
+power to sustain labor must be greatly diminished.
+
+
+Thomas Clay, Esq. of Georgia, from an address to the Georgia
+Presbytery, 1834, speaking of the quality of the corn given to the
+slaves, says,
+
+"There is _often a defect here_."
+
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a Methodist clergyman at Marlboro, Mass. and
+five years a resident of Georgia.
+
+"The food, or 'feed' of slaves is generally of the _poorest_ kind."
+
+
+The "Western Medical Reformer," in an article on the diseases peculiar
+to negroes, by a Kentucky physician, says of the diet of the slaves;
+
+"They live on a coarse, _crude, unwholesome diet_."
+
+
+Professor A.G. Smith, of the New York Medical College; formerly a
+physician in Louisville, Kentucky.
+
+I have myself known numerous instances of large families of _badly
+fed_ negroes swept off by a prevailing epidemic; and it is well known
+to many intelligent planters in the south, that the best method of
+preventing that horrible malady, _Chachexia Africana_, is to feed the
+negroes with _nutritious_ food.
+
+
+4. NUMBER AND TIME OF MEALS EACH DAY.
+
+In determining whether or not the slaves suffer for want of food, the
+number of hours intervening, and the labor performed between their
+meals, and the number of meals each day, should be taken into
+consideration.
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, and member of the
+Presbyterian church, who lived in Florida, in 1834, and 1835.
+
+"The slaves go to the field in the morning; they carry with them corn
+meal wet with water, and at _noon_ build a fire on the ground and bake
+it in the ashes. After the labors of the day are over, they take their
+_second_ meal of ash-cake."
+
+
+President Edwards, the younger.
+
+"The slaves eat _twice_ during the day."
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powell, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who resided in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+
+"The slaves received _two_ meals during the day. Those who have their
+food cooked for them get their breakfast about eleven o'clock, and
+their other meal _after night_."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., who spent eleven winters in
+North Carolina.
+
+"The _breakfast_ of the slaves was generally about _ten or eleven_
+o'clock."
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, N.Y., who has lived at the south some
+years.
+
+"The slaves have usually _two_ meals a day, viz: at eleven o'clock
+and at night."
+
+
+Rev. C.S. Renshaw, Quincy, Illinois--the testimony of a Virginian.
+
+"The slaves have _two_ meals a day. They breakfast at from ten to
+eleven, A.M., and eat their supper at from six to nine or ten at
+night, as the season and crops may be."
+
+
+The preceding testimony establishes the following points.
+
+1st. That the slaves are allowed, in general, _no meat_. This appears
+from the fact, that in the _only_ slave states which regulate the
+slaves' rations _by law_, (North Carolina and Louisiana,) the _legal
+ration_ contains _no meat_. Besides, the late Hon. R.J. Turnbull, one
+of the largest planters in South Carolina, says expressly, "meat, when
+given, is only by the way of indulgence or favor." It is shown also by
+the direct testimony recorded above, of slaveholders and others, in
+all parts of the slaveholding south and west, that the general
+allowance on plantations is corn or meal and salt merely. To this
+there are doubtless many exceptions, but they are _only_ exceptions;
+the number of slaveholders who furnish meat for their _field-hands_,
+is small, in comparison with the number of those who do not. The
+house slaves, that is, the cooks, chambermaids, waiters, &c.,
+generally get some meat every day; the remainder bits and bones of
+their masters' tables. But that the great body of the slaves, those
+that compose the field gangs, whose labor and exposure, and consequent
+exhaustion, are vastly greater than those of house slaves, toiling as
+they do from day light till dark, in the fogs of the early morning,
+under the scorchings of mid-day, and amid the damps of evening, are
+_in general_ provided with _no meat_, is abundantly established by the
+preceding testimony.
+
+Now we do not say that meat _is necessary_ to sustain men under hard
+and long continued labor, nor that it is _not_. This is not a treatise
+on dietetics; but it is a notorious fact, that the medical faculty in
+this country, with very few exceptions, do most strenuously insist
+that it is necessary; and that working men in all parts of the country
+do _believe_ that meat is indispensable to sustain them, even those
+who work within doors, and only ten hours a day, every one knows.
+Further, it is notorious, that the slaveholders themselves _believe_
+the daily use of meat to be absolutely necessary to the comfort, not
+merely of those who labor, but of those who are idle, as is proved by
+the fact of meat being a part of the daily ration of food provided for
+convicts in the prisons, in every one of the slave states, except in
+those rare cases where meat is expressly prohibited, and the convict
+is, by _way of extra punishment_ confined to bread and water; he is
+occasionally, and for a little time only, confined to bread and water;
+that is, to the _ordinary diet_ of slaves, with this difference in
+favor of the convict, his bread is made for him, whereas the slave is
+forced to pound or grind his own corn and make his own bread, when
+exhausted with toil.
+
+The preceding testimony shows also, that _vegetables_ form generally
+no part of the slaves' allowance. The _sole_ food of the majority is
+_corn_: at every meal--from day to day--from week to week--from month
+to month, _corn_. In South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, the sweet
+potato is, to a considerable extent, substituted for corn during a
+part of the year.
+
+2d. The preceding testimony proves conclusively, that the _quantity of
+food_ generally allowed to a full-grown field-hand, is a peck of corn
+a week, or a fraction over a quart and a gill of corn a day. The legal
+ration of North Carolina is _less_--in Louisiana it is _more_. Of the
+slaveholders and other witnesses, who give the fore-going testimony,
+the reader will perceive that no one testifies to a larger allowance
+of corn than a peck for a week; though a number testify, that within
+the circle of their knowledge, _seven_ quarts was the usual allowance.
+Frequently a small quantity of meat is added; but this, as has already
+been shown, is not the general rule for _field-hands_. We may add,
+also, that in the season of "pumpkins," "cimblins," "cabbages,"
+"greens," &c., the slaves on small plantations are, to some extent,
+furnished with those articles.
+
+Now, without entering upon the vexed question of how much food is
+necessary to sustain the human system, under severe toil and exposure,
+and without giving the opinions of physiologists as to the
+insufficiency or sufficiency of the slaves' allowance, we affirm that
+all civilized nations have, in all ages, and in the most emphatic
+manner, declared, that _eight quarts of corn a week_, (the usual
+allowance of our slaves,) is utterly insufficient to sustain the human
+body, under such toil and exposure as that to which the slaves are
+subjected.
+
+To show this fully, it will be necessary to make some estimates, and
+present some statistics. And first, the northern reader must bear in
+mind, that the corn furnished to the slaves at the south, is almost
+invariably the _white gourd seed_ corn, and that a quart of this kind
+of corn weighs five or six ounces _less_ than a quart of "flint corn,"
+the kind generally raised in the northern and eastern states;
+consequently a peck of the corn generally given to the slaves, would
+be only equivalent to a fraction more than six quarts and a pint of
+the corn commonly raised in the New England States, New York, New
+Jersey, &c. Now, what would be said of the northern capitalist, who
+should allow his laborers but _six quarts and five gills of corn for a
+week's provisions?_
+
+Further, it appears in evidence, that the corn given to the slaves is
+often _defective_. This, the reader will recollect, is the voluntary
+testimony of Thomas Clay, Esq., the Georgia planter, whose testimony
+is given above. When this is the case, the amount of actual nutriment
+contained in a peck of the "gourd seed," may not be more than in five,
+or four, or even three quarts of "flint corn."
+
+As a quart of southern corn weighs at least five ounces less than a
+quart of northern corn, it requires little arithmetic to perceive,
+that the daily allowance of the slave fed upon that kind of corn,
+would contain about one third of a pound less nutriment than though
+his daily ration were the same quantity of northern corn, which would
+amount, in a year, to more than a hundred and twenty pounds of human
+sustenance! which would furnish the slave with his full allowance of a
+peck of corn a week for two months! It is unnecessary to add, that
+this difference in the weight of the two kinds of corn, is an item too
+important to be overlooked. As one quart of the southern corn weighs
+one pound and eleven-sixteenths of a pound, it follows that it would
+be about one pound and six-eighths of a pound. We now solicit the
+attention of the reader to the following unanimous testimony, of the
+civilized world, to the utter insufficiency of this amount of food to
+sustain human beings under labor. This testimony is to be found in the
+laws of all civilized nations, which regulate the rations of soldiers
+and sailors, disbursements made by governments for the support of
+citizens in times of public calamity, the allowance to convicts in
+prisons, &c. We will begin with the United States.
+
+The daily ration for each United States soldier, established by act of
+Congress, May 30, 1796. was the following: one pound of beef, one
+pound of bread, half a gill of spirits; and at the rate of one quart
+of salt, two quarts of vinegar, two pounds of soap, and one pound of
+candles to every hundred rations. To those soldiers "who were on the
+frontiers," (where the labor and exposure were greater,) the ration
+was one pound two ounces of beef and one pound two ounces of bread.
+Laws U.S. vol. 3d, sec. 10, p. 431.
+
+After an experiment of two years, the preceding ration being found
+_insufficient_, it was increased, by act of Congress, July 16, 1798,
+and was as follows: beef one pound and a quarter, bread one pound two
+ounces; salt two quarts, vinegar four quarts, soap four pounds, and
+candles one and a half pounds to the hundred rations. The preceding
+allowance was afterwards still further increased.
+
+The _present daily ration_ for the United States' soldiers, is, as we
+learn from an advertisement of Captain Fulton, of the United States'
+army, in a late number of the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, as follows: one
+and a quarter pounds of beef, one and three-sixteenths pounds of
+bread; and at the rate of _eight quarts of beans, eight pounds of
+sugar_, four pounds of coffee, two quarts of salt, four pounds of
+candles, and four pounds of soap, to every hundred rations.
+
+We have before us the daily rations provided for the emigrating Ottawa
+Indians, two years since, and for the emigrating Cherokees last fall.
+They were the same--one pound of fresh beef, one pound of flour, &c.
+
+The daily ration for the United States' navy, is fourteen ounces of
+bread, half a pound of beef, six ounces of pork, three ounces of rice,
+three ounces of peas, one ounce of cheese, one ounce of sugar, half an
+ounce of tea, one-third of a gill molasses.
+
+The daily ration in the British army is one and a quarter pounds of
+beef, one pound of bread, &c.
+
+The daily ration in the French army is one pound of beef, one and a
+half pounds of bread, one pint of wine, &c.
+
+The common daily ration for foot soldiers on the continent, is one
+pound of meat, and one and a half pounds of bread.
+
+The _sea ration_ among the Portuguese, has become the usual ration in
+the navies of European powers generally. It is as follows: "one and a
+half pounds of biscuit, one pound of salt meat, one pint of wine, with
+some dried fish and onions."
+
+PRISON RATIONS.--Before giving the usual daily rations of food allowed
+to convicts, in the principal prisons in the United States, we will
+quote the testimony of the "American Prison Discipline Society," which
+is as follows:
+
+"The common allowance of food in the penitentiaries, is equivalent to
+ONE POUND OF MEAT, ONE POUND OF BREAD, AND ONE POUND OF VEGETABLES PER
+DAY. It varies a little from this in some of them, but it is generally
+equivalent to it." First Report of American Prison Discipline Society,
+page 13.
+
+The daily ration of food to each convict, in the principal prisons in
+this country, is as follows:
+
+In the New Hampshire State Prison, one and a quarter pounds of meal,
+and fourteen ounces of beef, for _breakfast and dinner;_ and for
+supper, a soup or porridge of potatos and beans, or peas, the
+_quantity not limited_.
+
+In the Vermont prison, the convicts are allowed to eat _as much as
+they wish_.
+
+In the Massachusetts' penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+fourteen ounces of meat, half a pint of potatos, and one gill of
+molasses, or one pint of milk.
+
+In the Connecticut State Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of
+bread, two and a half pounds of potatos, half a gill of molasses, with
+salt, pepper, and vinegar.
+
+In the New York State Prison, at Auburn, one pound of beef, twenty-two
+ounces of flour and meal, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of
+rye, four quarts of salt, two quarts of vinegar, one and a half ounces
+of pepper, and two and a half bushels of potatos to every hundred
+rations.
+
+In the New York State Prison at Sing Sing, one pound of beef, eighteen
+ounces of flour and meal, besides potatos, rye coffee, and molasses.
+
+In the New York City Prison, one pound of beef, one pound of flour;
+and three pecks of potatos to every hundred rations, with other small
+articles.
+
+In the New Jersey State Prison, one pound of bread, half a pound of
+beef, with potatos and cabbage, (quantity not specified,) one gill of
+molasses, and a bowl of mush for supper.
+
+In the late Walnut Street Prison, Philadelphia, one and a half pounds
+of bread and meal, half a pound of beef, one pint of potatos, one gill
+of molasses, and half a gill of rye, for coffee.
+
+In the Baltimore prison, we believe the ration is the same with the
+preceding.
+
+In the Pennsylvania Eastern Penitentiary, one pound of bread and one
+pint of coffee for breakfast, one pint of meat soup, with potatos
+without limit, for dinner, and mush and molasses for supper.
+
+In the Penitentiary for the District of Columbia, Washington city, one
+pound of beef, twelve ounces of Indian meal, ten ounces of wheat
+flour, half a gill of molasses; with two quarts of rye, four quarts of
+salt, four quarts of vinegar, and two and a half bushels of potatos to
+every hundred rations.
+
+RATIONS IN ENGLISH PRISONS.--The daily ration of food in the
+Bedfordshire Penitentiary, is _two pounds of bread;_ and if at hard
+labor, _a quart of soup for dinner._
+
+In the Cambridge County House of Correction, three pounds of bread,
+and one pint of beer.
+
+In the Millbank General Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+one pound of potatos, six ounces of beef, with half a pint of broth
+therefrom.
+
+In the Gloucestershire Penitentiary, one and a half pounds of bread,
+three-fourths of a pint of peas, made into soup, with beef, quantity
+not stated. Also gruel, made of vegetables, quantity not stated, and
+one and a half ounces of oatmeal mixed with it.
+
+In the Leicestershire House of Correction, two pounds of bread, and
+three pints of gruel; and when at hard labor, one pint of milk in
+addition, and twice a week a pint of meat soup at dinner, instead of
+gruel.
+
+In the Buxton House of Correction, one and a half pounds of bread, one
+and a half pints of gruel, one and a half pints of soup, four-fifths
+of a pound of potatos, and two-sevenths of an ounce of beef.
+
+Notwithstanding the preceding daily ration in the Buxton Prison is
+about double the usual daily allowance of our slaves, yet the visiting
+physicians decided, that for those prisoners who were required to work
+the tread-mill, it was _entirely sufficient_. This question was
+considered at length, and publicly discussed at the sessions of the
+Surry magistrates, with the benefit of medical advice; which resulted
+in "large additions" to the rations of those who worked on the
+tread-mill. See London Morning Chronicle, Jan. 13, 1830.
+
+To the preceding we add the _ration of the Roman slaves_. The monthly
+allowance of food to slaves in Rome was called "Dimensum." The
+"Dimensum" was an allowance of wheat or of other grain, which
+consisted of five _modii_ a month to each slave. Ainsworth, in his
+Latin Dictionary estimates the _modius_, when used for the measurement
+of grain, at _a peck and a half_ our measure, which would make the
+Roman slave's allowance _two quarts of grain a day_, just double the
+allowance provided for the slave by _law_ in North Carolina, and _six_
+quarts more per week than the ordinary allowance of slaves in the
+slave states generally, as already established by the testimony of
+slaveholders themselves. But it must by no means be overlooked that
+this "dimensum," or _monthly_ allowance, was far from being the sole
+allowance of food to Roman slaves. In _addition_ to this, they had a
+stated _daily_ allowance (_diarium_) besides a monthly allowance of
+_money_, amounting to about a cent a day.
+
+Now without further trenching on the reader's time, we add, compare
+the preceding daily allowances of food to soldiers and sailors in this
+and other countries; to convicts in this and other countries; to
+bodies of emigrants rationed at public expense; and finally, with the
+fixed allowance given to Roman slaves, and we find the states of this
+Union, the _slave_ states as well as the free, the United States'
+government, the different European governments, the old Roman empire,
+in fine, we may add, the _world_, ancient and modern, uniting in the
+testimony that to furnish men at hard labor from daylight till dark
+with but 1-1/2 lbs. of _corn_ per day, their sole sustenance, is to
+MURDER THEM BY PIECE-MEAL. The reader will perceive by examining the
+preceding statistics that the _average daily_ ration throughout this
+country and Europe exceeds the usual slave's allowance _at least a
+pound a day_; also that one-third of this ration for soldiers and
+convicts in the United States, and for solders and sailors in Europe
+is _meat_, generally beef; whereas the allowance of the mass of our
+slaves is corn, only. Further, the convicts in our prisons are
+sheltered from the heat of the sun, and from the damps of the early
+morning and evening, from cold, rain, &c.; whereas, the great body of
+the slaves are exposed to all of these, in their season, from daylight
+till dark; besides this, they labor more hours in the day than
+convicts, as will be shown under another head, and are obliged to
+prepare and cook their own food after they have finished the labor of
+the day, while the convicts have theirs prepared for them. These, with
+other circumstances, necessarily make larger and longer draughts upon
+the strength of the slave, produce consequently greater exhaustion,
+and demand a larger amount of food to restore and sustain the laborer
+than is required by the convict in his briefer, less exposed, and less
+exhausting toils.
+
+That the slaveholders themselves regard the usual allowance of food to
+slaves as insufficient, both in kind and quantity, for hard-working
+men, is shown by the fact, that in all the slave states, we believe
+without exception, _white_ convicts at hard labor, have a much
+_larger_ allowance of food than the usual one of slaves; and generally
+more than _one third_ of this daily allowance is meat. This conviction
+of slaveholders shows itself in various forms. When persons wish to
+hire slaves to labor on public works, in addition to the inducement of
+high wages held out to masters to hire out their slaves, the
+contractors pledge themselves that a certain amount of food shall be
+given the slaves, taking care to specify a _larger_ amount than the
+usual allowance, and a part of it _meat_.
+
+The following advertisement is an illustration. We copy it from the
+"Daily Georgian," Savannah, Dec. 14, 1838.
+
+
+NEGROES WANTED.
+
+The Contractors upon the Brunswick and Alatamaha Canal are desirous to
+hire a number of prime Negro Men, from the 1st October next, for
+fifteen months, until the 1st January, 1810. They will pay at the rate
+of eighteen dollars per month for each prime hand.
+
+These negroes will be employed in the excavation of the Canal. They
+will be provided with _three and a half pounds of pork or bacon, and
+ten quarts of gourd seed corn per week_, lodged in comfortable
+shantees and attended constantly a skilful physician. J.H. COUPER,
+P.M. NIGHTINGALE.
+
+
+But we have direct testimony to this point. The late Hon. John Taylor,
+of Caroline Co. Virginia, for a long time Senator in Congress, and for
+many years president of the Agricultural Society of the State, says in
+his "Agricultural Essays," No. 30, page 97, "BREAD ALONE OUGHT NEVER
+TO BE CONSIDERED A SUFFICIENT DIET FOR SLAVES EXCEPT AS A PUNISHMENT."
+He urges upon the planters of Virginia to give their slaves, in
+addition to bread, "salt meat and vegetables," and adds, "we shall be
+ASTONISHED to discover upon trial, that this great comfort to them is
+a profit to the master."
+
+The Managers of the American Prison Discipline Society, in their third
+Report, page 58, say, "In the Penitentiaries generally, in the United
+States, the animal food is equal to one pound of meat per day for each
+convict."
+
+Most of the actual suffering from hunger on the part of the slaves, is
+in the sugar and cotton-growing region, where the crops are exported
+and the corn generally purchased from the upper country. Where this is
+the case there cannot but be suffering. The contingencies of bad
+crops, difficult transportation, high prices, &c. &c., naturally
+occasion short and often precarious allowances. The following extract
+from a New Orleans paper of April 26, 1837, affords an illustration.
+The writer in describing the effects of the money pressure in
+Mississippi, says:
+
+"They, (the planters,) are now left without provisions and the means
+of living and using their industry, for the present year. In this
+dilemma, planters whose crops have been from 100 to 700 bales, find
+themselves forced to sacrifice many of their slaves in order to get
+the common necessaries of life for the support of themselves and the
+rest of their negroes. In many places, heavy planters compel their
+slaves to fish for the means of subsistence, rather than sell them at
+such ruinous rates. There are at this moment THOUSANDS OF SLAVES in
+Mississippi, that KNOW NOT WHERE THE NEXT MORSEL IS TO COME FROM. The
+master must be ruined to save the wretches from being STARVED."
+
+
+II. LABOR
+
+THE SLAVES ARE OVERWORKED.
+
+This is abundantly proved by the number of hours that the slaves are
+obliged to be in the field. But before furnishing testimony as to
+their hours of labor and rest, we will present the express
+declarations of slaveholders and others, that the slaves are severely
+driven in the field.
+
+
+The Senate and House of Representatives of the State of South
+Carolina.
+
+"Many owners of slaves, and others who have the management of slaves,
+_do confine them so closely at hard labor that they have not
+sufficient time for natural rest_.--See 2 Brevard's Digest of the Laws
+of South Carolina, 243."
+
+
+History of Carolina.--Vol. I, page 190.
+
+"So _laborious_ is the task of raising, beating, and cleaning rice,
+that had it been possible to obtain European servants in sufficient
+numbers, _thousands and tens of thousands_ MUST HAVE PERISHED."
+
+
+Hon. Alexander Smyth, a slaveholder, and member of Congress from
+Virginia, in his speech on the "Missouri question," Jan. 28, 1820.
+
+"Is it not obvious that the way to render their situation _more
+comfortable_, is to allow them to be taken where there is not the same
+motive to force the slave to INCESSANT TOIL that there is in the
+country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco are raised for exportation.
+It is proposed to hem in the blacks _where they are_ HARD WORKED,
+that they may be rendered unproductive and the race be prevented from
+increasing. * * * The proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the
+blacks. * * * You would * * * doom them to HARD LABOR."
+
+
+"Travels in Louisiana," translated from the French by John Davies,
+Esq.--Page 81.
+
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they _work both night and day_. Abridged of their sleep, they _scarce
+retire to rest during the whole period_."
+
+
+The Western Review, No. 2,--article "Agriculture of Louisiana."
+
+"The work is admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves,) requiring
+when the process is commenced to be _pushed night and day_."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., a native of Georgia, elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkesbarre, Penn.
+
+"_Overworked_ I know they (the slaves) are."
+
+
+Mr. Asa A. Stone, a theological student, near Natchez, Miss., in 1834
+and 1835.
+
+"Every body here knows _overdriving_ to be one of the most common
+occurrences, the planters do not deny it, except, perhaps, to
+northerners."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+
+"During the cotton-picking season they usually labor in the field
+during the whole of the daylight, and then spend a good part of the
+night in ginning and baling. The labor required is very frequently
+excessive, and speedily impairs the constitution."
+
+
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull of South Carolina, a slaveholder, speaking of the
+harvesting of cotton, says:
+
+"_All the pregnant women_ even, on the plantation, and weak and
+_sickly_ negroes incapable of other labour, are then _in
+requisition_."
+
+
+HOURS OF LABOR AND REST.
+
+Asa A. Stone, theological student, a classical teacher near Natchez,
+Miss., 1835.
+
+"It is a general rule on all regular plantations, that the slaves be
+in the field as _soon as it is light enough for them to see to work_,
+and remain there until it is _so dark that they cannot see_."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of  Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi
+a part of 1837 and 1838.
+
+"It is the common rule for the slaves to be kept at work _fifteen
+hours in the day_, and in the time of picking cotton a certain number
+of pounds is required of each. If this amount is not brought in at
+night, the slave is whipped, and the number of pounds lacking is added
+to the next day's job; this course is often repeated from day to day."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Penn, a native of Georgia. "It
+was customary for the overseers to call out the gangs _long before
+day_, say three o'clock, in the winter, while dressing out the crops;
+such work as could be done by fire light (pitch pine was abundant,)
+was provided."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia and son of a
+slaveholder--he has recently removed to Delhi, Hamilton County, Ohio.
+
+"_From dawn till dark_, the slaves are required to bend to their
+work."
+
+
+Mr. Nehemiah Caulkins, Waterford, Conn., a resident in North Carolina
+eleven winters.
+
+"The slaves are obliged to work _from daylight till dark_, as long as
+they can see."
+
+
+Mr. Eleazar Powel, Chippewa, Beaver county, Penn., who lived in
+Mississippi in 1836 and 1837.
+
+"The slaves had to cook and eat their breakfast and be in the field by
+_daylight, and continue there till dark_."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida
+in 1834 and 1835.
+
+"The slaves commence labor _by daylight_ in the morning, and do not
+leave the field _till dark_ in the evening."
+
+"Travels in Louisiana," page 87.
+
+"Both in summer and winter the slave must _be in the field by the
+first dawning of day_."
+
+
+Mr. Henry E. Knapp, member of a Christian church in Farmington, Ohio,
+who lived in Mississippi in 1837 and 1838.
+
+"The slaves were made to work, from _as soon as they could see_ in the
+morning, till as late as they could see at night. Sometimes they were
+made to work till nine o'clock at night, in such work as they could
+do, as burning cotton stalks, &c."
+
+
+A New Orleans paper, dated March 23, 1826, says: "To judge from the
+activity reigning in the cotton presses of the suburbs of St. Mary,
+and the _late hours_ during which their slaves work, the cotton trade
+was never more brisk."
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church at
+Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the south western slaves states a
+number of years says, "the slaves are driven to the field in the
+morning _about four o'clock_, the general calculation is to get them
+at work by daylight; the time for breakfast is between nine and ten
+o'clock, this meal is sometimes eaten '_bite and work_,' others allow
+fifteen minutes, and this is the only rest the slave has while in the
+field. I have never known a case of stopping for an hour, in
+Louisiana; in Mississippi the rule is milder, though entirely subject
+to the will of the master. On cotton plantations, in cotton picking
+time, that is from October to Christmas, each hand has a certain
+quantity to pick, and is flogged if his task is not accomplished;
+their tasks are such as to keep them all the while busy."
+
+The preceding testimony under this head has sole reference to the
+actual labor of the slaves _in the field_. In order to determine how
+many hours are left for sleep, we must take into the account, the time
+spent in going to and from the field, which is often at a distance of
+one, two and sometimes three miles; also the time necessary for
+pounding, or grinding their corn, and preparing, overnight, their food
+for the next day; also the preparation of tools, getting fuel and
+preparing it, making fires and cooking their suppers, if they have
+any, the occasional mending and washing of their clothes, &c. Besides
+this, as everyone knows who has lived on a southern plantation, many
+little errands and _chores_ are to be done for their masters and
+mistresses, old and young, which have accumulated during the day and
+been kept in reserve till the slaves return from the field at night.
+To this we may add that the slaves are _social_ beings, and that
+during the day, silence is generally enforced by the whip of the
+overseer or driver.[3] When they return at night, their pent up social
+feelings will seek vent, it is a law of nature, and though the body
+may be greatly worn with toil, this law cannot be wholly stifled.
+Sharers of the same woes, they are drawn together by strong
+affinities, and seek the society and sympathy of their fellows; even
+"_tired_ nature" will joyfully forego for a time needful rest, to
+minister to a want of its being equally permanent and imperative as
+the want of sleep, and as much more profound, as the yearnings of the
+higher nature surpass the instincts of its animal appendage.
+
+[Footnote 3: We do not mean that they are not suffered to _speak_, but,
+that, as conversation would be a hindrance to labour, they are
+generally permitted to indulge in it but little.]
+
+All these things make drafts upon _time_. To show how much of the
+slave's time, which is absolutely indispensable for rest and sleep, is
+necessarily spent in various labors after his return from the field at
+night, we subjoin a few testimonies.
+
+
+Mr. CORNELIUS JOHNSON, Farmington, Ohio, who lived in Mississippi in
+the years 1837 and 38, says:
+
+"On all the plantations where I was acquainted, the slaves were kept
+in the field till dark; after which, those who had to grind their own
+corn, had that to attend to, get their supper, attend to other family
+affairs of their own and of their master, such as bringing water,
+washing, clothes, &c. &c., and be in the field as soon as it was
+sufficiently light to commence work in the morning."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who has spent several
+years in the south western slave states, says:
+
+"Their time, after full dark until four o'clock in the morning is
+their own; this fact alone would seem to say they have sufficient
+rest, but there are other things to be considered; much of their
+making, mending and washing of clothes, preparing and cooking food,
+hauling and chopping wood, fixing and preparing tools, and a variety
+of little nameless jobs must be done between those hours."
+
+
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq. of Elyria, Ohio, who resided in Florida in 1834
+and 5, gives the following testimony:
+
+"After having finished their field labors, they are occupied till nine
+or ten o'clock in doing _chores_, such as grinding corn, (as all the
+corn in the vicinity is ground by hand,) chopping wood, taking care of
+horses, mules, &c., and a thousand things necessary to be done on a
+large plantation. If any extra job is to be done, it must not hinder
+the 'niggers' from their work, but must be done in the night."
+
+
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkes-barre, Pa. says:
+
+"The corn is ground in a handmill by the slave _after his task is
+done_--generally there is but one mill on the plantation, and as but
+one can grind at a time, the mill is going sometimes _very late at
+night_."
+
+
+We now present another class of facts and testimony, showing that the
+slaves engaged in raising the large staples, are _overworked_.
+
+In September, 1831, the writer of this had an interview with JAMES G.
+BIRNEY, Esq., who then resided in Kentucky, having removed with his
+family from Alabama the year before. A few hours before that
+interview, and on the morning of the same day, Mr. B. had spent a
+couple of hours with Hon. Henry Clay, at his residence, near
+Lexington. Mr. Birney remarked, that Mr. Clay had just told him, he
+had lately been led to mistrust certain estimates as to the increase
+of the slave population in the far south west--estimates which he had
+presented, I think, in a speech before the Colonization Society. He
+now believed, that the births among the slaves in that quarter were
+_not equal to the deaths_--and that, of course, the slave population,
+independent of immigration from the slave-selling states, was _not
+sustaining itself_.
+
+Among other facts stated by Mr. Clay, was the following, which we copy
+_verbatim_ from the original memorandum, made at the time by Mr.
+Birney, with which he has kindly furnished us.
+
+"Sept. 16, 1834.--Hon. H. Clay, in a conversation at his own house, on
+the subject of slavery, informed me, that Hon. Outerbridge Horsey,
+formerly a senator in Congress from the state of Delaware, and the
+owner of a sugar plantation in Louisiana, declared to him, that his
+overseer worked his hands so closely, that one of the women brought
+forth a child whilst engaged in the labors of the field.
+
+"Also, that a few years since, he was at a brick yard in the environs
+of New Orleans, in which one hundred hands were employed; among them
+were from _twenty to thirty young women_, in the prime of life. He was
+told by the proprietor, that there had _not been a child born among
+them for the last two or three years, although they all had
+husbands_."
+
+The preceding testimony of Mr. Clay, is strongly corroborated by
+advertisements of slaves, by Courts of Probate, and by executors
+administering upon the estates of deceased persons. Some of those
+advertisements for the sale of slaves, contain the names, ages,
+accustomed employment, &c., of all the slaves upon the plantation of
+the deceased. These catalogues show large numbers of young men and
+women, almost all of them between twenty and thirty-eight years old;
+and yet the number of young children is _astonishingly small_. We have
+laid aside many lists of this kind, in looking over the newspapers of
+the slaveholding states; but the two following are all we can lay our
+hands on at present. One is in the "Planter's Intelligencer,"
+Alexandria, La., March 22, 1837, containing one hundred and thirty
+slaves; and the other in the New Orleans Bee, a few days later, April
+8, 1837, containing fifty-one slaves. The former is a "Probate sale"
+of the slaves belonging to the estate of Mr. Charles S. Lee, deceased,
+and is advertised by G.W. Keeton, Judge of the Parish of Concordia,
+La. The sex, name, and age of each slave are contained in the
+advertisement which fills two columns. The following are some of the
+particulars.
+
+The whole number of slaves is _one hundred and thirty_. Of these,
+_only three are over forty years old_. There are _thirty-five females_
+between the ages of _sixteen and thirty-three_, and yet there are only
+THIRTEEN children under the age of _thirteen years!_
+
+It is impossible satisfactorily to account for such a fact, on any
+other supposition, than that these thirty-five females were so
+overworked, or underfed, or both, as to prevent child-bearing.
+
+The other advertisement is that of a "Probate sale," ordered by the
+Court of the Parish of Jefferson--including the slaves of Mr. William
+Gormley. The whole number of slaves is fifty-one; the sex, age, and
+accustomed labors of each are given. The oldest of these slaves is but
+_thirty-nine years old_: of the females, _thirteen_ are between the
+ages of sixteen and thirty-two, and the oldest female is but
+_thirty-eight_--and yet there are but _two children under eight years
+old!_
+
+Another proof that the slaves in the south-western states are
+over-worked, is the fact, that so few of them live to old age. A large
+majority of them are _old_ at middle age, and few live beyond
+fifty-five. In one of the preceding advertisements, out of one hundred
+and thirty slaves, only _three_ are over forty years old!  In the
+other, out of fifty-one slaves, only _two_ are over _thirty-five_; the
+oldest is but thirty-nine, and the way in which he is designated in
+the advertisement, is an additional proof, that what to others is
+"middle age," is to the slaves in the south-west "old age:" he is
+advertised as "_old_ Jeffrey."
+
+But the proof that the slave population of the south-west is so
+over-worked that it cannot _supply its own waste_, does not rest upon
+mere inferential evidence. The Agricultural Society of Baton Rouge,
+La., in its report, published in 1829, furnishes a labored estimate of
+the amount of expenditure necessarily incurred in conducting "a
+well-regulated sugar estate."  In this estimate, the annual net loss
+of slaves, over and above the supply by propagation, is set down at
+TWO AND A HALF PER CENT!  The late Hon. Josiah S. Johnson, a member of
+Congress from Louisiana, addressed a letter to the Secretary of the
+United States' Treasury, in 1830, containing a similar estimate,
+apparently made with great care, and going into minute details. Many
+items in this estimate differ from the preceding; but the estimate of
+the annual _decrease_ of the slaves on a plantation was the same--TWO
+AND A HALF PER CENT!
+
+The following testimony of Rev. Dr. Channing, of Boston, who resided
+some time in Virginia, shows that the over-working of slaves, to such
+an extent as to abridge life, and cause a decrease of population, is
+not confined to the far south and south-west.
+
+"I heard of an estate managed by an individual who was considered as
+singularly successful, and who was able to govern the slaves without
+the use of the whip. I was anxious to see him, and trusted that some
+discovery had been made favorable to humanity. I asked him how he was
+able to dispense with corporal punishment. He replied to me, with a
+very determined look, 'The slaves know that the work _must_ be done,
+and that it is better to do it without punishment than with it.'  In
+other words, the certainty and dread of chastisement were so impressed
+on them, that they never incurred it.
+
+"I then found that the slaves on this well-managed estate, _decreased_
+in number. I asked the cause. He replied, with perfect frankness and
+ease, 'The gang is not large enough for the estate.'  In other words,
+they were not equal to the work of the plantation, and, yet were _made
+to do it_, though with the certainty of abridging life.
+
+"On this plantation the huts were uncommonly convenient. There was an
+unusual air of neatness. A superficial observer would have called the
+slaves happy. Yet they were living under a severe, subduing
+discipline, and were _over-worked_ to a degree that _shortened
+life_."--_Channing on Slavery_, page 162, first edition.
+
+PHILEMON BLISS, Esq., a lawyer of Elyria, Ohio, who spent some time in
+Florida, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves:
+
+"It is not uncommon for hands, in hurrying times, beside working all
+day, to labor half the night. This is usually the case on sugar
+plantations, during the sugar-boiling season; and on cotton, during
+its gathering. Beside the regular task of picking cotton, averaging of
+the short staple, when the crop is good, 100 pounds a day to the hand,
+the ginning (extracting the seed,) and baling was done in the night.
+Said Mr. ---- to me, while conversing upon the customary labor of
+slaves, 'I work my niggers in a hurrying time till 11 or 12 o'clock at
+night, and have them up by four in the morning.'
+
+"Beside the common inducement, the desire of gain, to make a large
+crop, the desire is increased by that spirit of gambling, so common at
+the south. It is very common to _bet_ on the issue of a crop. A.
+lays a wager that, from a given number of hands, he will make more
+cotton than B. The wager is accepted, and then begins the contest; and
+who bears the burden of it?  How many tears, yea, how many broken
+constitutions, and premature deaths, have been the effect of this
+spirit?  From the desperate energy of purpose with which the gambler
+pursues his object, from the passions which the practice calls into
+exercise, we might conjecture many. Such is the fact. In Middle
+Florida, a _broken-winded_ negro is more common than a _broken-winded_
+horse; though usually, when they are declared unsound, or when their
+constitution is so broken that their recovery is despaired of, they
+are exported to New Orleans, to drag out the remainder of their days
+in the cane-field and sugar house. I would not insinuate that all
+planters gamble upon their crops; but I mention the practice as one of
+the common inducements to 'push niggers.' Neither would I assert that
+all planters drive the hands to the injury of their health. I give it
+as a _general_ rule in the district of Middle Florida, and I have no
+reason to think that negroes are driven worse there than in other
+fertile sections. People there told me that the situation of the
+slaves was far better than in Mississippi and Louisiana. And from
+comparing the crops with those made in the latter states, and for
+other reasons, I am convinced of the truth of their statements."
+
+
+DR. DEMMING, a gentleman of high respectability, residing in Ashland,
+Richland county, Ohio, stated to Professor Wright, of New York city,
+
+"That during a recent tour at the south, while ascending the Ohio
+river, on the steamboat Fame, he had an opportunity of conversing with
+a Mr. Dickinson, a resident of Pittsburg, in company with a number of
+cotton-planters and slave-dealers, from Louisiana, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, Mr. Dickinson stated as a fact, that the sugar planters
+upon the sugar coast in Louisiana had ascertained, that, as it was
+usually necessary to employ about _twice_ the amount of labor during
+the boiling season, that was required during the season of raising,
+they could, by excessive driving, day and night, during the boiling
+season, accomplish the whole labor _with one set of hands_. By
+pursuing this plan, they could afford _to sacrifice a set of hands
+once in seven years!_ He further stated that this horrible system was
+now practised to a considerable extent! The correctness of this
+statement was substantially admitted by the slaveholders then on
+board."
+
+The late MR. SAMUEL BLACKWELL, a highly respected citizen of Jersey
+city, opposite the city of New York, and a member of the Presbyterian
+church, visited many of the sugar plantations in Louisiana a few years
+since: and having for many years been the owner of an extensive sugar
+refinery in England, and subsequently in this country, he had not only
+every facility afforded him by the planters, for personal inspection
+of all parts of the process of sugar-making, but received from them
+the most unreserved communications, as to their management of their
+slaves. Mr. B., after his return, frequently made the following
+statement to gentlemen of his acquaintance,--"That the planters
+generally declared to him, that they were _obliged_ so to over-work
+their slaves during the sugar-making season, (from eight to ten
+weeks,) as to use _them up_ in seven or eight years. For, said they,
+after the process is commenced, it must be pushed without cessation,
+night and day; and we cannot afford to keep a sufficient number of
+slaves to do the _extra_ work at the time of sugar-making, as we could
+not profitably employ them the rest of the year."
+
+It is not only true of the sugar planters, but of the slaveholders
+generally throughout the far south and south west, that they believe
+it for their interest to wear out the slaves by excessive toil in
+eight or ten years after they put them into the field.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: Alexander Jones. Esq., a large planter in West Feliciana,
+Louisiana, published a communication in the "North Carolina True
+American," Nov. 25, 1838, in which, speaking of the horses employed in
+the mills on the plantations for ginning cotton, he says, they "are
+much whipped and jaded;" and adds, "In fact, this service is so severe
+on horses, as to shorten their lives in many instances, if not
+actually kill them in gear."
+
+Those who work one kind of their "live stock" so as to "shorten their
+lives," or "kill them in gear" would not stick at doing the same thing
+to another kind.]
+
+
+REV. DOCTOR REED, of London, who went through Kentucky, Virginia and
+Maryland in the summer of 1834, gives the following testimony:
+
+"I was told confidently and from _excellent authority_, that recently
+at a meeting of planters in South Carolina, the question was seriously
+discussed whether the slave is more profitable to the owner, if well
+fed, well clothed, and worked lightly, or if made the most of _at
+once_, and exhausted in some eight years. The decision was in favor of
+the last alternative. That decision will perhaps make many shudder.
+But to my mind this is not the chief evil. The greater and original
+evil is considering the _slave as property_. If he is only property
+and my property, then I have some right to ask how I may make that
+property most available."
+
+"Visit to the American Churches," by Rev. Drs. Reed and Mattheson.
+Vol. 2 p. 173.
+
+REV. JOHN O. CHOULES, recently pastor of a Baptist Church at New
+Bedford, Massachusetts, now of Buffalo, New York, made substantially
+the following statement in a speech in Boston.
+
+"While attending the Baptist Triennial Convention at Richmond,
+Virginia, in the spring of 1835, as a delegate from Massachusetts, I
+had a conversation on slavery, with an officer of the Baptist Church
+in that city, at whose house I was a guest. I asked my host if he did
+not apprehend that the slaves would eventually rise and exterminate
+their masters.
+
+"Why," said the gentleman, "I used to apprehend such a catastrophe,
+but God has made a providential opening, a _merciful safety valve_,
+and now I do not feel alarmed in the _prospect_ of what is coming.
+'What do you mean,' said Mr. Choules, 'by providence opening a merciful
+safety valve?' Why, said the gentleman, I will tell you; the slave
+traders come from the cotton and sugar plantations of the South and
+are willing to buy up more slaves than we can part with. We must keep
+a stock for the purpose of _rearing_ slaves, but we part with the most
+valuable, and at the same time, the most _dangerous_, and the demand
+is very constant and likely to be so, for when they go to these
+southern states, the average existence Is ONLY FIVE YEARS!"
+
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, a highly intelligent French gentleman, who
+resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and published a volume of
+travels, gives the following testimony to the over-working of the
+slaves there:
+
+"I have been a witness, that after the fatigue of the day, their
+labors have been prolonged several hours by the light of the moon; and
+then, before they could think of rest, they must pound and cook their
+corn; and yet, long before day, an implacable scold, whip in hand,
+would arouse them from their slumbers. Thus, of more than twenty
+negroes, who in twenty years should have doubled, the number _was
+reduced to four or five_."
+
+In conclusion we add, that slaveholders have in the most public and
+emphatic manner declared themselves guilty of barbarous inhumanity
+toward their slaves in exacting from them such _long continued daily
+labor_. The Legislatures of Maryland, Virginia and Georgia, have
+passed laws providing that convicts in their state prisons and
+penitentiaries, "shall be employed in work each day in the year except
+Sundays, not exceeding _eight_ hours, in the months of November,
+December, and January; _nine_ hours, in the months of February and
+October, and _ten_ hours in the rest of the year." Now contrast this
+_legal_ exaction of labor from CONVICTS with the exaction from slaves
+as established by the preceding testimony. The reader perceives that
+the amount of time, in which by the preceding laws of Maryland,
+Virginia, and Georgia, the _convicts_ in their prisons are required to
+labor, is on an average during the year but little more than NINE
+HOURS daily. Whereas, the laws of South Carolina permit the master to
+_compel_ his slaves to work FIFTEEN HOURS in the twenty-four, in
+summer, and FOURTEEN in the winter--which would be in winter, from
+daybreak in the morning until _four hours_ after sunset!--See 2
+Brevard's Digest, 243.
+
+The other slave states, except Louisiana, have _no laws_ respecting
+the labor of slaves, consequently if the master should work his slaves
+day and night without sleep till they drop dead, _he violates no law!_
+
+The law of Louisiana provides for the slaves but TWO AND A HALF HOURS
+in the twenty-four for "rest!" See law of Louisiana, act of July 7
+1806, Martin's Digest 6. 10--12.
+
+
+III. CLOTHING.
+
+We propose to show under this head, that the clothing of the slaves by
+day, and their covering by night, are inadequate, either for comfort
+or decency.
+
+
+Hon. T.T. Bouldin, a slave-holder, and member of Congress from Virginia
+in a speech in Congress, Feb. 16, 1835.
+
+Mr. Bouldin said "_he knew_ that many negroes had _died_ from exposure
+to weather," and added, "they are clad in a _flimsy fabric, that will
+turn neither wind nor water_."
+
+
+George Buchanan, M.D., of Baltimore, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+
+"The slaves, _naked_ and starved, _often_ fall victims to the
+inclemencies of the weather."
+
+
+Wm. Savery of Philadelphia, an eminent Minister of the Society of
+Friends, who went through the Southern states in 1791, on a religious
+visit; after leaving Savannah, Ga., we find the following entry in his
+journal, 6th, month, 28, 1791.
+
+"We rode through many rice swamps, where the blacks were very
+numerous, great droves of these poor slaves, working up to the middle
+in water, men and women nearly _naked_."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio, a native of Tennessee.
+
+"In every slave-holding state, _many slaves suffer extremely_, both
+while they labor and while they sleep, _for want of clothing_ to keep
+them warm."
+
+
+John Parrish, late of Philadelphia, a highly esteemed minister in the
+Society of Friends, who travelled through the South in 1804.
+
+"It is shocking to the feelings of humanity, in travelling through
+some of those states, to see those poor objects, [slaves,] especially
+in the inclement season, in _rags_, and _trembling with the cold_."
+
+"They suffer them, both male and female, _to go without clothing_ at
+the age of ten and twelve years"
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, Centreville, Allegany, Co., N.Y. Mr. S. has just
+returned from a residence of several years at the south, chiefly in
+Virginia, Louisiana, and among the American settlers in Texas.
+
+"The apparel of the slaves, is of the coarsest sort and _exceedingly
+deficient_ in quantity. I have been on many plantations where
+children of eight and ten yeas old, were in a state of _perfect
+nudity_. Slaves are _in general wretchedly clad_."
+
+
+Wm. Ladd, Esq., of Minot, Maine, recently a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"They were allowed two suits of clothes a year, viz. one pair of
+trowsers with a shirt or frock of osnaburgh for summer; and for
+winter, one pair of trowsers, and a jacket of negro cloth, with a
+baize shirt and a pair of shoes. Some allowed hats, and some did not;
+and they were generally, I believe, allowed one blanket in two years.
+Garments of similar materials were allowed the women."
+
+
+A Kentucky physician, writing in the Western Medical Reformer, in
+1836, on the diseases peculiar to slaves, says.
+
+"They are _imperfectly clothed_ both summer and winter."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby, Inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, N.Y., who
+resided sometime in Alabama.
+
+"I was at Huntsville, Alabama, in 1818-19, I frequently saw slaves on
+and around the public square, _with hardly a rag of clothing on them_,
+and in a _great many_ instances with but a single garment both in
+summer and in winter; generally the only bedding of the slaves was a
+_blanket_."
+
+
+Reuben G. Macy, Hudson, N.Y. member of the Society of Friends, who
+resided in South Carolina, in 1818 and 19.
+
+"Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and jacket, made of
+'negro cloth.' The women a petticoat, a very short 'short-gown,' and
+_nothing else_, the same kind of cloth; some of the women had an old
+pair of shoes, but they _generally went barefoot_."
+
+
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington, of Lancaster, Pa., a native of Maryland, and
+formerly a slaveholder.
+
+"Their clothing is often made by themselves after night, though
+sometimes assisted by the old women, who are no longer able to do
+out-door work; consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. And I have
+very frequently seen those who had not attained the age of twelve
+years _go naked_."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq., a lawyer in Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida
+in 1834 and 35.
+
+"It is very common to see the younger class of slaves up to eight or
+ten _without any clothing_, and most generally the laboring men wear
+_no shirts_ in the warm season. The perfect nudity of the younger
+slaves is so familiar to the whites of both sexes, that they seem to
+witness it with perfect indifference. I may add that the aged and
+feeble often _suffer from cold_."
+
+
+Richard Macy, a member of the Society of Friends, Hudson, N.Y., who
+has lived in Georgia.
+
+"For _bedding_ each slave was allowed _one blanket_, in which they
+rolled themselves up. I examined their houses, but could not find any
+thing like _a bed_."
+
+
+W.C. Gildersleeve, Esq., Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+
+"It is an every day sight to see women as well as men, with no other
+covering than a _few filthy rags fastened above the hips_, reaching
+midway to the ankles. _I never knew any kind of covering for the head_
+given. Children of both sexes, from infancy to ten years are seen in
+companies on the plantations, _in a state of perfect nudity_. This was
+so common that the most refined and delicate beheld them unmoved."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, now a member of the
+Presbyterian Church, in Delhi, Ohio.
+
+"The only bedding of the slaves generally consists of _two old
+blankets_."
+
+
+Advertisements like the following from the "New Orleans Bee," May 31,
+1837, are common in the southern papers.
+
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway, the slave SOLOMON, about 28 years of
+age; BADLY CLOTHED. The above reward will be paid on application to
+FERNANDEZ & WHITING, No. 20, St. Louis St."
+
+RANAWAY from the subscriber the negress FANNY, always badly dressed,
+she is about 25 or 26 years old. JOHN MACOIN, 117 S. Ann st.
+
+The Darien (Ga.), Telegraph, of Jan. 24, 1837, in an editorial
+article, hitting off the aristocracy of the planters, incidentally
+lets out some secrets, about the usual _clothing_ of the slaves. The
+editor says,--"The planter looks down, with the most sovereign
+contempt, on the merchant and the storekeeper. He deems himself a
+lord, because he gets his two or three RAGGED servants, to row him to
+his plantation every day, that he may inspect the labor of his hands."
+
+The following is an extract from a letter lately received from Rev.
+C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois.
+
+"I am sorry to be obliged to give more testimony without the _name_.
+An individual in whom I have great confidence, gave me the following
+facts. That I am not alone in placing confidence in him, I subjoin a
+testimonial from Dr. Richard Eells, Deacon of the Congregational
+Church, of Quincy, and Rev. Mr. Fisher, Baptist Minister of Quincy.
+
+"We have been acquainted with the brother who has communicated to you
+some facts that fell under his observation, whilst in his native
+state; he is a professed follower of our Lord, and we have great
+confidence in him as a man of integrity, discretion, and strict
+Christian principle. RICHARD EELLS. EZRA FISHER."
+
+Quincy, Jan. 9th, 1839.
+
+
+TESTIMONY.--"I lived for thirty years in Virginia, and have travelled
+extensively through Fauquier, Culpepper, Jefferson, Stafford,
+Albemarle and Charlotte Counties; my remarks apply to these Counties.
+
+"The negro houses are miserably poor, generally they are a shelter
+from neither the wind, the rain, nor the snow, and the earth is the
+floor. There are exceptions to this rule, but they are only
+exceptions; you may sometimes see puncheon floor, but never, or almost
+never a plank floor. The slaves are generally without _beds or
+bedsteads_; some few have cribs that they fasten up for themselves in
+the corner of the hut. Their bed-clothes are a nest of rags thrown
+upon a crib, or in the corner; sometimes there are three or four
+families in one small cabin. Where the slaveholders have more than one
+family, they put them in the same quarter till it is filled, then
+build another. I have seen exceptions to this, when only one family
+would occupy a hut, and where were tolerably comfortable bed-clothes.
+
+"Most of the slaves in these counties are _miserably clad_. I have
+known slaves who went without shoes all winter, perfectly barefoot.
+The feet of many of them are frozen. As a general fact the planters do
+not serve out to their slaves, drawers, or any under clothing, or
+vests, or overcoats. Slaves sometimes, by working at night and on
+Sundays, get better things than their masters serve to them.
+
+"Whilst these things are true of _field-hands_, it is also true that
+many slaveholders clothe their _waiters_ and coachmen like gentlemen.
+I do not think there is any difference between the slaves of
+professing Christians and others; at all events, it is so small as to
+be scarcely noticeable.
+
+"I have seen men and women at work in the field more than half naked:
+and more than once in passing, when the overseer was not near, they
+would stop and draw round them a tattered coat or some ribbons of a
+skirt to hide their nakedness and shame from the stranger's eye."
+
+Mr. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, a member of the Congregational Church in
+Quincy, Illinois, who has spent the larger part of twelve years
+navigating the rivers of the south-western slave states with keel
+boats, as a trader, gives the following testimony as to the clothing
+and lodging of the slaves.
+
+"In lower Tennessee, Mississippi and Louisiana, the clothing of the
+slaves is wretchedly poor; and grows worse as you go south, in the
+order of the states I have named. The only material is cotton bagging,
+i.e. bagging in which cotton is _baled_, not bagging made of cotton.
+In Louisiana, especially in the lower country, I have frequently seen
+them with nothing but a tattered coat, not sufficient to hide their
+nakedness. In winter their clothing seldom serves the purpose of
+comfort, and frequently not even of decent covering. In Louisiana _the
+planters never think of serving out shoes to slaves_. In Mississippi
+they give one pair a year generally. I never saw or heard of an
+instance of masters allowing them _stockings_. A _small poor blanket
+is generally the only bed-clothing_, and this they frequently wear in
+the field when they have not sufficient clothing to hide their
+nakedness or to keep them warm. Their manner of sleeping varies with
+the season. In hot weather they stretch themselves anywhere and sleep.
+As it becomes cool they roll themselves in their blankets, and lay
+scattered about the cabin. In cold weather they nestle together with
+their feet towards the fire, promiscuously. As a general fact the
+earth is their only floor and bed--not one in ten have anything like a
+bedstead, and then it is a mere bunk put up by themselves."
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder in the fourth Congregational Church,
+Rochester, N.Y., who spent four years in Virginia, says, "The slave
+children, very commonly of both sexes, up to the ages of eight and ten
+years, and I think in some instances beyond this age, go in a state of
+_disgusting_ nudity. I have often seen them with their tow shirt
+(their only article of summer clothing) which, to all human
+appearance, had not been taken off from the time it was first put on,
+worn off from the bottom upwards shred by shred, until nothing
+remained but the straps which passed over their shoulders, and the
+less exposed portions extending a very little way below the arms,
+leaving the principal part of the chest, as well as the limbs,
+entirely uncovered."
+
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton Co., Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark Co., Ohio, says,
+"I knew a Methodist who was the owner of a number of slaves. The
+children of both sexes, belonging to him, under twelve years of age,
+were _entirely_ destitute of clothing. I have seen an old man
+compelled to labor in the fields, not having rags enough to cover his
+nakedness."
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church, in
+Buffalo, N.Y., in describing a tour down and up the Mississippi river
+in the winter of 1832-3, says, "At the wood yards where the boats
+stop, it is not uncommon to see female slaves employed in carrying
+wood. Their dress which was quite uniform was provided without any
+reference to comfort. They had no covering for their heads; the stuff
+which constituted the outer garment was sackcloth, similar to that in
+which brown domestic goods are done up. It was then December, and I
+thought that in such a dress, and being as they were, without
+_stockings_, they must suffer from the cold."
+
+Mr. Benjamin Clendenon, Colerain, Lancaster Co., Pa., a member of the
+Society of Friends, in a recent letter describing a short tour through
+the northern part of Maryland in the winter of 1836, thus speaks of a
+place a few miles from Chestertown. "About this place there were a
+number of slaves; very few, if any, had _either stockings or shoes_;
+the weather was intensely cold, and the ground covered with snow."
+
+The late Major Stoddard of the United States' artillery, who took
+possession of Louisiana for the U.S. government, under the cession of
+1804, published a book entitled "Sketches of Louisiana," in which,
+speaking of the planters of Lower Louisiana, he says, "_Few of them
+allow any clothing to their slaves_."
+
+The following is an extract from the Will of the late celebrated John
+Randolph of Virginia.
+
+"To my old and faithful servants, Essex and his wife Hetty, I give and
+bequeath a pair of strong shoes, a suit of clothes and a blanket each,
+to be paid them annually; also an annual hat to Essex."
+
+No Virginia slaveholder has ever had a better name as a "kind master,"
+and "good provider" for his slaves, than John Randolph. Essex and
+Hetty were _favorite_ servants, and the memory of the long
+uncompensated services of those "old and faithful servants," seems to
+have touched their master's heart. Now as this master was _John
+Randolph_, and as those servants were "faithful," and favorite
+servants, advanced in years, and worn out in his service, and as their
+allowance was, in their master's eyes, of sufficient moment to
+constitute a paragraph in his last _will and testament_, it is fair to
+infer that it would be _very liberal_, far better than the ordinary
+allowance for slaves.
+
+Now we leave the reader to judge what must be the _usual_ allowance of
+clothing to common field slaves in the hands of common masters, when
+Essex and Hetty, the "old" and "faithful" slaves of John Randolph,
+were provided, in his last will and testament, with but _one_ suit of
+clothes annually, with but _one blanket_ each for bedding, with no
+_stockings_, nor _socks_, nor _cloaks_, nor overcoats, nor
+_handkerchiefs_, nor _towels_, and with no _change_ either of under or
+outside garments!
+
+
+
+
+IV. DWELLINGS.
+
+THE SLAVES ARE WRETCHEDLY SHELTERED AND LODGED.
+
+Mr. Stephen E. Maltby. Inspector of provisions, Skaneateles, N.Y. who
+has lived in Alabama.
+
+"The huts where the slaves slept, generally contained but _one_
+apartment, and that _without floor_."
+
+
+Mr. George A. Avery, elder of the 4th Presbyterian Church, Rochester,
+N.Y. who lived four years in Virginia.
+
+"Amongst all the negro cabins which I saw in Va., _I cannot call to
+mind one_ in which there was any other floor than the _earth_; any
+thing that a northern laborer, or mechanic, white or colored, would
+call a _bed_, nor a solitary _partition_, to separate the sexes."
+
+
+William Ladd, Esq., Minot, Maine. President of the American Peace
+Society, formerly a slaveholder in Florida.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves were palmetto huts, built by themselves
+of stakes and poles, thatched with the palmetto leaf. The door, when
+they had any, was generally of the same materials, sometimes boards
+found on the beach. They had _no floors_, no separate apartments,
+except the guinea negroes had sometimes a small inclosure for their
+'god house.' These huts the slaves built themselves after task and on
+Sundays."
+
+
+Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Pastor Pres. Church, Castile, Greene Co., N.Y.,
+who lived in Missouri five years previous to 1837.
+
+"The slaves live _generally_ in _miserable huts_, which are _without
+floors_, and have a single apartment only, where both sexes are herded
+promiscuously together."
+
+
+Mr. George W. Westgate, member of the Congregational Church in Quincy,
+Illinois, who has spent a number of years in slave states.
+
+"On old plantations, the negro quarters are of frame and clapboards,
+seldom affording a comfortable shelter from wind or rain; their size
+varies from 8 by 10, to 10 by 12, feet, and six or eight feet high;
+sometimes there is a hole cut for a window, but I never saw a sash, or
+glass in any. In the new country, and in the woods, the quarters are
+generally built of logs, of similar dimensions."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius Johnson, a member of a Christian Church in Farmington,
+Ohio. Mr. J. lived in Mississippi in 1837-8.
+
+"Their houses were commonly built of logs, sometimes they were framed,
+often they had no floor, some of them have two apartments, commonly
+but one; each of those apartments contained a family. Sometimes these
+families consisted of a man and his wife and children, while in other
+instances persons of both sexes, were thrown together without any
+regard to family relationship."
+
+
+The Western Medical Reformer, in an article on the Cachexia Africana
+by a Kentucky physician, thus speaks of the huts of the slaves.
+
+"They are _crowded_ together in a _small hut_, and sometimes having an
+imperfect, and sometimes no floor, and seldom raised from the ground,
+ill ventilated, and surrounded with filth."
+
+
+Mr. William Leftwich, a native of Virginia, but has resided most of
+his life in Madison, Co. Alabama.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves are log huts, from 10 to 12 feet square,
+often without windows, doors, or floors, they have neither chairs,
+table, or bedstead."
+
+
+Reuben L. Macy of Hudson, N.Y. a member of the Religious Society of
+Friends. He lived in South Carolina in 1818-19.
+
+"The houses for the field slaves were about 14 feet square, built in
+the coarsest manner, with one room, _without any chimney or flooring,
+with a hole in the roof to let the smoke out_."
+
+
+Mr. Lemuel Sapington of Lancaster, Pa. a native of Maryland, formerly
+a slaveholder.
+
+"The descriptions generally given of negro quarters, are correct; the
+quarters are _without floors, and not sufficient to keep off the
+inclemency of the weather_; they are uncomfortable both in summer and
+winter."
+
+
+Rev. John Rankin, a native of Tennessee.
+
+"When they return to their miserable huts at night, they find not
+there the means of comfortable rest; _but on the cold ground they must
+lie without covering, and shiver while they slumber."_
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq. Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1835.
+
+"The dwellings of the slaves are usually small _open_ log huts, with
+but one apartment, and very generally _without floors_."
+
+
+Mr. W.C. Gildersleeve, Wilkesbarre, Pa., a native of Georgia.
+
+"Their huts were generally put up without a nail, frequently without
+floors, and with a single apartment."
+
+
+Hon. R.J. Turnbull, of South Carolina, a slaveholder.
+
+"The slaves live in _clay cabins_."
+
+
+
+V. TREATMENT OF THE SICK.
+
+THE SLAVES SUFFER FROM HUMAN NEGLECT WHEN SICK
+
+In proof of this we subjoin the following testimony:
+
+Rev. Dr. CHANNING of Boston, who once resided in Virginia, relates the
+following fact in his work on slavery, page 163, 1st edition.
+
+"I cannot forget my feelings on visiting a hospital belonging to the
+plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed for his virtues_, and whose
+manners and conversation expressed much _benevolence and
+conscientiousness_. When I entered with him the hospital, the first
+object on which my eye fell was a young woman, very ill, probably
+approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her head rested on
+something like a pillow; but _her body and limbs were extended on the
+hard boards._ The owner, I doubt not, had at least as much kindness
+as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living without common
+comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present instance did not
+enter his mind."
+
+This _dying_ young woman "was _stretched on the floor_"--"her body and
+limbs extended upon the hard boards,"--and yet her master "was highly
+esteemed for his virtues," and his general demeanor produced upon Dr.
+Channing the impression of "benevolence and conscientiousness" If the
+_sick and dying female_ slaves of _such_ a master, suffer such
+barbarous neglect, whose heart does not fail him, at the thought of
+that inhumanity, exercised by the _majority_ of slaveholders, towards
+their aged, sick, and dying victims.
+
+The following testimony is furnished by SARAH M. GRIMKE, a sister of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimke, of Charleston, South Carolina.
+
+"When the Ladies' Benevolent Society in Charleston, S.C., of which I
+was a visiting commissioner, first went into operation, we were
+applied to for the relief of several sick and aged colored persons;
+one case I particularly remember, of an aged woman who was dreadfully
+burnt from having fallen into the fire; she was living with some free
+blacks who had taken her in out of compassion. On inquiry, we found
+that _nearly all_ the colored persons who had solicited aid, were
+_slaves_, who being no longer able to work for their "owners," were
+thus inhumanly cast out in their sickness and old age, and must have
+perished, but for the kindness of their friends.
+
+"I was once visiting a sick slave in whose spiritual welfare peculiar
+circumstances had led me to be deeply interested. I knew that she had
+been early seduced from the path of virtue, as nearly all the female
+slaves are. I knew also that her mistress, though a professor of
+religion, had never taught her a single precept of Christianity, yet
+that she had had her severely punished for this departure from them,
+and that the poor girl was then ill of an incurable disease,
+occasioned partly by her own misconduct, and partly by the cruel
+treatment she had received, in a situation that called for tenderness
+and care. Her heart seemed truly touched with repentance for her sins,
+and she was inquiring, "What shall I do to be saved?" I was sitting by
+her as she lay on the floor upon a blanket, and was trying to
+establish her trembling spirit in the fullness of Jesus, when I heard
+the voice of her mistress in loud and angry tones, as she approached
+the door. I read in the countenance of the prostrate sufferer, the
+terror which she felt at the prospect of seeing her mistress. I knew
+my presence would be very unwelcome, but staid hoping that it might
+restrain, in some measure, the passions of the mistress. In this,
+however, I was mistaken; she passed me without apparently observing
+that I was there, and seated herself on the other side of the sick
+slave. She made no inquiry how she was, but in a tone of anger
+commenced a tirade of abuse, violently reproaching her with her past
+misconduct, and telling her in the most unfeeling manner, that eternal
+destruction awaited her. No word of kindness escaped her. What had
+then roused her temper I do not know. She continued in this strain
+several minutes, when I attempted to soften her by remarking, that
+------ was very ill, and she ought not thus to torment her, and that I
+believed Jesus had granted her forgiveness. But I might as well have
+tried to stop the tempest in its career, as to calm the infuriated
+passions nurtured by the exercise of arbitrary power. She looked at me
+with ineffable scorn, and continued to pour forth a torrent of abuse
+and reproach. Her helpless victim listened in terrified silence, until
+nature could endure no more, when she uttered a wild shriek, and
+casting on her tormentor a look of unutterable agony, exclaimed, "Oh,
+mistress, I am dying." This appeal arrested her attention, and she soon
+left the room, but in the same spirit with which she entered it. The
+girl survived but a few days, and, I believe, saw her mistress _no
+more_"
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y., who lived some years in Virginia, gives the following:
+
+"The manner of treating the sick slaves, and especially in _chronic_
+cases, was to my mind peculiarly revolting. My opportunities for
+observation in this department were better than in, perhaps, any
+other, as the friend under whose direction I commenced my medical
+studies, enjoyed a high reputation as a _surgeon_. I rode considerably
+with him in his practice, and assisted in the surgical operations and
+dressings from time to time. In confirmed cases of disease, it was
+common for the master to place the subject under the care of a
+physician or surgeon, at whose expense the patient should be kept, and
+if death ensued to the patient, or the disease was not cured, no
+compensation was to be made, but if cured a bonus of one, two, or
+three hundred dollars was to be given. No provision was made against
+the _barbarity_ or _neglect_ of the physician, &c. I have seen
+_fifteen or twenty of these helpless sufferers_ crowded together in
+the true spirit of slaveholding inhumanity, like the "brutes that
+perish," and driven from time to time _like_ brutes into a common
+yard, where they had to suffer any and every operation and experiment,
+which interest, caprice, or professional curiosity might
+prompt,--unrestrained by law, public sentiment, or the claims of
+common humanity."
+
+Rev. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder, of
+Huntsville, Alabama, says in a letter now before us:
+
+"Colonel Robert H. Watkins, of Laurence county, Alabama, who owned
+about three hundred slaves, after employing a physician among them for
+some time, ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was
+cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. This
+Colonel Watkins was a Presidential elector in 1836."
+
+A.A. GUTHRIE, Esq., elder in the Presbyterian church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, furnishes the testimony which follows.
+
+"A near female friend of mine in company with another young lady, in
+attempting to visit a sick woman on Washington's Bottom, Wood county,
+Virginia, missed the way, and stopping to ask directions of a group of
+colored children on the outskirts of the plantation of Francis Keen,
+Sen., they were told to ask 'aunty, in the house.'  On entering the
+hut, says my informant, I beheld such a sight as I hope never to see
+again; its sole occupant was a female slave of the said Keen--her
+whole wearing apparel consisted of a frock, made of the coarsest tow
+cloth, and so scanty, that it could not have been made more tight
+around her person. In the hut there was neither table, chair, nor
+chest--a stool and a rude fixture in one corner, were all its
+furniture. On this last were a little straw and a few old remnants of
+what had been bedding--all exceedingly filthy.
+
+"The woman thus situated _had been for more than a day in travail_,
+without any assistance, any nurse, or any kind of proper
+provision--during the night she said some fellow slave woman would
+stay with her, and the aforesaid children through the day. From a
+woman, who was a slave of Keen's at the same time, my informant
+learned, that this poor woman suffered for three days, and then
+died--when too late to save her life her master sent assistance. It
+was understood to be a rule of his, to neglect his women entirely in
+such times of trial, unless they previously came and informed him,
+and asked for aid."
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, N.Y, who has resided four years
+at the south, says:
+
+"Often when the slaves are sick, their accustomed toil is exacted from
+them. Physicians are rarely called for their benefit."
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who resided a number of years in Georgia, says:
+
+"Another dark side of slavery is the neglect of the _aged_ and
+_sick_. Many when sick, are suspected by their masters of _feigning_
+sickness, and are therefore whipped out to work after disease has got
+fast hold of them; when the masters learn, that they are really sick,
+they are in many instances left alone in their cabins during work
+hours; not a few of the slaves are left to die without having one
+friend to wipe off the sweat of death. When the slaves are sick, the
+masters do not, as a general thing, employ physicians, but "doctor"
+them themselves, and their mode of practice in almost all cases is to
+bleed and give salts. When women are confined they have no physician,
+but are committed to the care of slave midwives. Slaves complain very
+little when sick, when they die they are frequently buried at night
+without much ceremony, and in many instances without any; their
+coffins are made by nailing together rough boards, frequently with
+their feet sticking out at the end, and sometimes they are put into
+the ground without a coffin or box of any kind."
+
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES--PART II.
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, LATE OF ALABAMA.
+
+Mr. ALLAN is a son of the Rev. Dr. Allan, a slaveholder and pastor of
+the Presbyterian Church at Huntsville, Alabama. He has recently
+become the pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Chatham, Illinois.
+
+"I was born and have lived most of my life in the slave states, mainly
+in the village of Huntsville, Alabama, where my parents still reside.
+I seldom went to a _plantation_, and as my visits were confined almost
+exclusively to the families of professing Christians, my _personal_
+knowledge of slavery, was consequently a knowledge of its _fairest_
+side, (if fairest may be predicated of foul.)
+
+"There was one plantation just opposite my father's house in the
+suburbs of Huntsville, belonging to Judge Smith, formerly a Senator in
+Congress from South Carolina, now of Huntsville. The name of his
+overseer was Tune. I have often seen him flogging the slaves in the
+field, and have often heard their cries. Sometimes, too, I have met
+them with the tears streaming down their faces, and the marks of the
+whip, ('whelks,') on their bare necks and shoulders. Tune was so
+severe in his treatment, that his employer dismissed him after two or
+three years, lest, it was said, he should kill off all the slaves. But
+he was immediately employed by another planter in the neighborhood.
+The following fact was stated to me by my brother, James M. Allan, now
+residing at Richmond, Henry county, Illinois, and clerk of the circuit
+and county courts. Tune became displeased with one of the women who
+was pregnant, he made her lay down over a log, with her face towards
+the ground, and beat her so unmercifully, that she was soon after
+delivered of a _dead child_.
+
+"My brother also stated to me the following, which occurred near my
+father's house, and within sight and hearing of the academy and public
+garden. Charles, a fine active negro, who belonged to a bricklayer in
+Huntsville, exchanged the burning sun of the brickyard to enjoy for a
+season the pleasant shade of an adjacent mountain. When his master got
+him back, he tied him by his hands so that his feet could just touch
+the ground--stripped off his clothes, took a paddle, bored full of
+holes, and paddled him leisurely all day long. It was two weeks before
+they could tell whether he would live or die. Neither of these cases
+attracted any particular notice in Huntsville.
+
+"While I lived in Huntsville a slave was killed in the mountain near
+by. The circumstances were these. A white man (James Helton) hunting
+in the woods, suddenly came upon a black man, and commanded him to
+stop, the slave kept on running, Helton fired his rifle and the negro
+was killed.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: This murder was committed about twelve years since. At
+that time, James G. Birney, Esq., now Corresponding Secretary of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society was the Solicitor (prosecuting attorney)
+for that judicial district. His views and feelings upon the subject of
+slavery were, even at that period, in advance of the mass of
+slaveholders, and he determined if possible to bring the murderer to
+justice. He accordingly drew up an indictment and procured the finding
+of a true bill against Helton. Helton, meanwhile, moved over the line
+into the state of Tennessee, and such was the apathy of the community,
+individual effort proved unavailing; and though the murderer had gone
+no further than to an adjoining county (where perhaps he still
+resides) he was never brought to trial.--ED.]
+
+"Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr of Carrollton, Illinois, formerly
+from Courtland, Alabama, told me last spring, that she has very often
+stopped her ears that she might not hear the screams of slaves who
+were under the lash, and that sometimes she has left her house, and
+retired to a place more distant, in order to get away from their
+agonizing cries.
+
+"I have often seen groups of slaves on the public squares in
+Huntsville, who were to be sold at auction, and I have often seen
+their tears gush forth and their countenances distorted with anguish.
+A considerable number were generally sold publicly every month.
+
+"The following facts I have just taken down from the lips of Mr. L.
+Turner, a regular and respectable member of the Second Presbyterian
+Church in Springfield, our county town. He was born and brought up in
+Caroline county, Virginia. He says that the slaves are neither
+considered nor treated as human beings. One of his neighbors whose
+name was Barr, he says, on one occasion stripped a slave and lacerated
+his back with a handcard (for cotton or wool) and then washed it with
+salt and water, with pepper in it. Mr. Turner _saw_ this. He further
+remarked that he believed there were _many_ slaves there in advanced
+life whose backs had never been well since they began to work.
+
+"He stated that one of his uncles had killed a woman--broke her skull
+with an ax helve: she had insulted her mistress! No notice was taken
+of the affair. Mr. T. said, further, that slaves were _frequently
+murdered_.
+
+"He mentioned the case of one slaveholder, whom he had seen lay his
+slaves on a large log, which he kept for the purpose, strip them, tie
+them with the face downward, then have a kettle of hot water
+brought--take the paddle, made of hard wood, and perforated with
+holes, dip it into the hot water and strike--before every blow dipping
+it into the water--every hole at every blow would raise a 'whelk.'
+This was the usual punishment fur _running away_.
+
+"Another slaveholder had a slave who had often run away, and often
+been severely whipped. After one of his floggings he burnt his master's
+barn: this so enraged the man, that when he caught him he took a pair
+of pincers and pulled his toe nails out. The negro then murdered two
+of his master's children. He was taken after a desperate pursuit,
+(having been shot through the shoulder) and hung.
+
+"One of Mr. Turner's cousins, was employed as overseer on a large
+plantation in Mississippi. On a certain morning he called the slaves
+together, to give some orders. While doing it, a slave came running
+out of his cabin, having a knife in his hand and eating his breakfast.
+The overseer seeing him coming with the knife, was somewhat alarmed,
+and instantly raised his gun and shot him dead. He said afterwards,
+that he believed the slave was perfectly innocent of any evil
+intentions, he came out hastily to hear the orders whilst eating. _No_
+notice was taken of the killing.
+
+"Mr. T. related the whipping habits of one of his uncles in Virginia.
+He was a wealthy man, had a splendid house and grounds. A tree in his
+_front yard_, was used as a _whipping post_. When a slave was to be
+punished, he would frequently invite some of his friends, have a
+table, cards and wine set out under the shade; he would then flog his
+slave a little while, and then play cards and drink with his friends,
+occasionally taunting the slave, giving him the privilege of
+confessing such and such things, at his leisure, after a while flog
+him again, thus keeping it up for hours or half the day, and sometimes
+all day. This was his _habit_.
+
+"_February 4th._--Since writing the preceding, I have been to
+Carrollton, on a visit to my uncle, Rev. Hugh Barr, who was originally
+from Tennessee, lived 12 or 14 years in Courtland, Lawrence county,
+Alabama, and moved to Illinois in 1835. In conversation with the
+family, around the fireside, they stated a multitude of horrid facts,
+that were perfectly notorious in the neighborhood of Courtland.
+
+"William P. Barr, an intelligent young man, and member of his father's
+church in Carrollton, stated the following. Visiting at a Mr.
+Mosely's, near Courtland, William Mosely came in with a bloody knife
+in his hand, having just stabbed a negro man. The negro was sitting
+quietly in a house in the village, keeping a woman company who had
+been left in charge of the house,--when Mosely, passing along, went in
+and demanded his business there. Probably his answer was not as civil
+as slaveholding requires, Mosely rushed upon him and stabbed him. The
+wound laid him up for a season. Mosley was called to no account for
+it. When he came in with the bloody knife, he said he wished he had
+killed him.
+
+"John Brown, a slaveholder, and a member of the Presbyterian church in
+Courtland, Alabama, stated the following a few weeks since, in
+Carrollton. A man near Courtland, of the name of Thompson, recently
+shot a negro _woman_ through the head; and put the pistol so close
+that her hair was singed. He did it in consequence of some difficulty
+in his dealings with her as a concubine. He buried her in a log heap;
+she was discovered by the buzzards gathering around it.
+
+"William P. Barr stated the following, as facts well known in the
+neighborhood of Courtland, but not witnessed by himself. Two men, by
+the name of Wilson, found a fine looking negro man at 'Dandridge's
+Quarter,' without a pass; and flogged him so that he died in a short
+time. They were not punished.
+
+"Col. Blocker's overseer attempted to flog a negro--he refused to be
+flogged; whereupon the overseer seized an axe, and cleft his skull.
+The Colonel justified it.
+
+"One Jones whipped a woman to death for 'grabbling' a potato hill. He
+owned 80 or 100 negroes. His own children could not live with him.
+
+"A man in the neighborhood of Courtland, Alabama, by the name of
+Puryear, was so proverbially cruel that among the negroes he was
+usually called 'the Devil.' Mrs. Barr, wife of Rev. H. Barr, was at
+Puryear's house, and saw a negro girl about 13 years old, waiting
+around the table, with a single garment--and that in cold weather;
+arms and feet bare--feet wretchedly swollen--arms burnt, and full of
+sores from exposure. All the negroes under his care made a wretched
+appearance.
+
+"Col. Robert H. Watkins had a runaway slave, who was called Jim
+Dragon. Before he was caught the last time, he had been out a year,
+within a few miles of his master's plantation. He never stole from any
+one but his master, except when necessity compelled him. He said he
+had a right to take from his master; and when taken, that he had,
+whilst out, seen his master a hundred times. Having been whipped,
+clogged with irons, and yoked, he was set at work in the field. Col.
+Watkins worked about 300 hands--generally had one negro out hunting
+runaways. After employing a physician for some time among his negroes,
+he ceased to do so, alleging as the reason, that it was cheaper to
+lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician. He was a
+Presidential elector in 1836.
+
+"Col. Ben Sherrod, another large planter in that neighborhood, is
+remarkable for his kindness to his slaves. He said to Rev. Mr. Barr,
+that he had no doubt he should be rewarded in heaven for his kindness
+to his slaves; and yet his overseer, Walker, had to sleep with loaded
+pistols, for fear of assassination. Three of the slaves attempted to
+kill him once, because of his _treatment of their wives_.
+
+"Old Major Billy Watkins was noted for his severity. I well remember,
+when he lived in Madison county, to have often heard him yell at his
+negroes with the most savage fury. He would stand at his house, and
+watch the slaves picking cotton; and if any of them straitened their
+backs for a moment, his savage yell would ring, 'bend your backs.'
+
+"Mrs. Barr stated, that Mrs. H----, of Courtland, a member of the
+Presbyterian church, sent a little negro girl to jail, suspecting that
+she had attempted to put poison in the water pail. The fact was, that
+the child had found a vial, and was playing in the water. This same
+woman (in high standing too,) told the Rev. Mr. McMillan, that she
+could 'cut Arthur Tappan's throat from ear to ear.'
+
+"The clothing of slaves is in many cases comfortable, and in many it
+is far from being so. I have very often seen slaves, whose tattered
+rags were neither comfortable nor decent.
+
+"Their _huts_ are sometimes comfortable, but generally they are
+miserable _hovels_, where male and female are herded promiscuously
+together.
+
+"As to the _usual_ allowance of food on the plantations in North
+Alabama, I cannot speak confidently, from _personal_ knowledge. There
+was a slave named Hadley, who was in the habit of visiting my father's
+slaves occasionally. He had run away several times. His reason was, as
+he stated, that they would not give him any meat--said he could not
+work without meat. The last time I saw him, he had quite a heavy iron
+yoke on his neck, the two prongs twelve or fifteen inches long,
+extending out over his shoulders and bending upwards.
+
+"_Legal_ marriage is unknown among the slaves, they sometimes have a
+marriage form--generally, however, _none at all_. The pastor of the
+Presbyterian church in Huntsville, had two families of slaves when I
+left there. One couple were married by a negro preacher--the man was
+robbed of his wife a number of months afterwards, by her '_owner_.'
+The other couple just 'took up together,' without any form of
+marriage. They are both members of churches--the man a Baptist deacon,
+sober and correct in his deportment. They have a large family of
+children--all children of concubinage--living in a minister's family.
+
+"If these statements are deemed of any value by you, in forwarding
+your glorious enterprize, you are at liberty to use them as you
+please. The great wrong is _enslaving a man_; all other wrongs are
+pigmies, compared with that. Facts might be gathered abundantly, to
+show that it is _slavery itself_, and not cruelties merely, that make
+slaves unhappy. Even those that are most kindly treated, are generally
+far from being happy. The slaves in my father's family are almost as
+kindly treated as _slaves_ can be, yet they pant for liberty.
+
+"May the Lord guide you in this great movement. In behalf of the
+perishing, Your friend and brother, WILLIAM. T. ALLAN"
+
+
+NARRATIVE OF MR. WILLIAM LEFTWICH, A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+
+Mr. Leftwich is a grandson of Gen. Jabez Leftwich, who was for some
+years a member of Congress from Virginia. Though born in Virginia, he
+has resided most of his life in Alabama. He now lives in Delhi,
+Hamilton county, Ohio, near Cincinnati.
+
+As an introduction to his letter, the reader is furnished with the
+following testimonial to his character, from the Rev. Horace Bushnell,
+pastor of the Presbyterian church in Delhi. Mr. B. says:
+
+"Mr. Leftwich is a worthy member of this church, and is a young man of
+sterling integrity and veracity.
+
+H. BUSHNELL."
+
+The following is the letter of Mr. Leftwich, dated Dec. 26, 1838.
+
+"Dear Brother--I am not ranked among the abolitionists, yet I cannot,
+as a friend of humanity, withhold from the public such facts in
+relation to the condition of the slaves, as have fallen under my own
+observation. That I am somewhat acquainted with slavery will be seen,
+as I narrate some incidents of my own life. My parents were
+slaveholders, and moved from Virginia to Madison county, Alabama,
+during my infancy. My mother soon fell a victim to the climate. Being
+the youngest of the children, I was left in the care of my aged
+grandfather, who never held a slave, though his sons owned from 90 to
+100 during the time I resided with him. As soon as I could carry a
+hoe, my uncle, by the name of Neely, persuaded my grandfather that I
+should be placed in his hands, and brought up in habits of industry. I
+was accordingly placed under his tuition. I left the domestic circle,
+little dreaming of the horrors that awaited me. My mother's own
+brother took me to the cotton field, there to learn habits of
+industry, and to be benefited by his counsels. But the sequel proved,
+that I was there to feel in my own person, and witness by experience
+many of the horrors of slavery. Instead of kind admonition, I was to
+endure the frowns of one, whose sympathies could neither be reached by
+the prayers and cries of his slaves, nor by the entreaties and
+sufferings of a sister's son. Let those who call slaveholders kind,
+hospitable and humane, mark the course the slaveholder pursues with
+one born free, whose ancestors fought and bled for liberty; and then
+say, if they can without a blush of shame, that he who robs the
+helpless of every _right_, can be truly kind and hospitable.
+
+"In a short time after I was put upon the plantation, there was but
+little difference between me and the slaves, except being _white_, I
+ate at the master's table. The slaves were my companions in misery,
+and I well learned their condition, both in the house and field. Their
+dwellings are log huts, from ten to twelve feet square; often without
+windows, doors or floors. They have neither chairs, tables or
+bedsteads. These huts are occupied by eight, ten or twelve persons
+each. Their bedding generally consists of two old blankets. Many of
+them sleep night after night sitting upon their blocks or stools;
+others sleep in the open air. Our task was appointed, and from dawn
+till dark all must bend to their work. Their meals were taken without
+knife or plate, dish or spoon. Their food was corn _pone_, prepared in
+the coarsest manner, with a small allowance of meat. Their meals in
+the field were taken from the hands of the carrier, wherever he found
+them, with no more ceremony than in the feeding of swine. My uncle was
+his own overseer. For punishing in the field, he preferred a large
+hickory stick; and wo to him whose work was not done to please him,
+for the hickory was used upon our heads as remorselessly as if we had
+been mad dogs. I was often the object of his fury, and shall bear the
+marks of it on my body till I die. Such was my suffering and
+degradation, that at the end of five years, I hardly dared to say I
+was _free_. When thinning cotton, we went mostly on our knees. One
+day, while thus engaged, my uncle found my row behind; and, by way of
+admonition, gave me a few blows with his hickory, the marks of which I
+carried for weeks. Often I followed the example of the fugitive
+slaves, and betook myself to the mountains; but hunger and fear drove
+me back, to share with the wretched slave his toil and stripes. But I
+have talked enough about my own bondage; I will now relate a few
+facts, showing the condition of the slaves _generally_.
+
+"My uncle wishing to purchase what is called a good 'house wench,' a
+_trader_ in human flesh soon produced a woman, recommending her as
+highly as ever a jockey did a horse. She was purchased, but on trial
+was found wanting in the requisite qualifications. She then fell a
+victim to the disappointed rage of my uncle; innocent or guilty, she
+suffered greatly from his fury. He used to tie her to a peach tree in
+the yard, and whip her till there was no sound place to lay another
+stroke, and repeat it so often that her back was kept continually
+sore. Whipping the females around the legs, was a favorite mode of
+punishment with him. They must stand and hold up their clothes, while
+he plied his hickory. He did not, like some of his neighbors, keep a
+pack of hounds for hunting runaway negroes, but be kept one dog for
+that purpose, and when he came up with a runaway, it would have been
+death to attempt to fly, and it was nearly so to stand. Sometimes,
+when my uncle attempted to whip the slaves, the dog would rush upon
+them and relieve them of their rags, if not of their flesh. One object
+of my uncle's special hate was "Jerry," a slave of a proud spirit. He
+defied all the curses, rage and stripes of his tyrant. Though he was
+often overpowered--for my uncle would frequently wear out his stick
+upon his head--yet be would never submit. As he was not expert in
+picking cotton, he would sometimes run away in the fall, to escape
+abuse. At one time, after an absence of some months, he was arrested
+and brought back. As is customary, he was stripped, tied to a log, and
+the cow-skin applied to his naked body till his master was exhausted.
+Then a large log chain was fastened around one ankle, passed up his
+back, over his shoulders, then across his breast, and fastened under
+his arm. In this condition he was forced to perform his daily task.
+Add to this he was chained each night, and compelled to chop wood
+every Sabbath, to make up lost time. After being thus manacled for
+some months, he was released--but his spirit was unsubdued. Soon
+after, his master, in a paroxysm of rage, fell upon him, wore out his
+staff upon his head, loaded him again with chains, and after a month,
+sold him farther south. Another slave, by the name of Mince, who was a
+man of great strength, purloined some bacon on a Christmas eve. It was
+missed in the morning, and he being absent, was of course suspected.
+On returning home, my uncle commanded him to come to him, but he
+refused. The master strove in vain to lay hands on him; in vain he
+ordered his slaves to seize him--they dared not. At length the master
+hurled a stone at his head sufficient to have felled a bullock--but he
+did not heed it. At that instant my aunt sprang forward, and
+presenting the gun to my uncle, exclaimed, 'Shoot him! shoot him !' He
+made the attempt, but the gun missed fire, and Mince fled. He was
+taken eight or ten months after while crossing the Ohio. When brought
+back, the master, and an overseer on another plantation, took him to
+the mountain and punished him to their satisfaction in secret; after
+which he was loaded with chains and set to his task.
+
+"I here spent nearly all my life in the midst of slavery. From being
+the son of a slaveholder, I descended to the condition of a slave, and
+from that condition I rose (if you please to call it so,) to the
+station of a '_driver_.' I have lived in Alabama, Tennessee, and
+Kentucky; and I _know_ the condition of the slaves to be that of
+unmixed wretchedness and degradation. And on the part of slaveholders,
+there is cruelty _untold_. The labor of the slave is constant toil,
+wrung out by fear. Their food is scanty, and taken without comfort.
+Their clothes answer the purposes neither of comfort nor decency. They
+are not allowed to read or write. Whether they may worship God or not,
+depends on the will of the master. The young children, until they can
+work, often go naked during the warm weather. I could spend months in
+detailing the sufferings, degradation and cruelty inflicted upon
+slaves. But my soul sickens at the remembrance of these things."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. LEMUEL SAPINGTON, A NATIVE OF MARYLAND.
+
+Mr. Sapington, is a repentant "soul driver" or slave trader, now a
+citizen of Lancaster, Pa. He gives the following testimony in a letter
+dated, Jan. 21, 1839.
+
+"I was born in Maryland, afterwards moved to Virginia, where I
+commenced the business of farming and trafficking in slaves. In my
+neighborhood the slaves were 'quartered.' The description generally
+given of negro quarters is correct. The quarters are without floors,
+and not sufficient to keep off the inclemency of the weather, they are
+uncomfortable both in summer and winter. The food there consists of
+potatoes, pork, and corn, which were given to them daily, by weight
+and measure. The sexes were huddled together promiscuously. Their
+clothing is made by themselves after night, though sometimes assisted
+by the old women who are no longer able to do out door work,
+consequently it is harsh and uncomfortable. I have frequently seen
+those of both sexes who have not attained the age of twelve years go
+naked. Their punishments are invariably cruel. For the slightest
+offence, such as taking a hen's egg, I have seen them stripped and
+suspended by their hands, their feet tied together, a fence rail of
+ordinary size placed between their ankles, and then most cruelly
+whipped, until, from head to foot, they were completely lacerated, a
+pickle made for the purpose of salt and water, would then be applied
+by a fellow-slave, for the purpose of healing the wounds as well as
+giving pain. Then taken down and without the least respite sent to
+work with their hoe.
+
+"Pursuing my assumed right of driving souls, I went to the Southern
+part of Virginia for the purpose of trafficking in slaves. In that
+part of the state, the cruelties practised upon the slaves, are far
+greater than where I lived. The punishments there often resulted in
+death to the slave. There was no law for the negro, but that of the
+overseer's whip. In that part of the country, the slaves receive
+nothing for food, but corn in the ear, which has to be prepared for
+baking after working hours, by grinding it with a hand-mill. This they
+take to the fields with them, and prepare it for eating, by holding it
+on their hoes, over a fire made by a stump. Among the gangs, are often
+young women, who bring their children to the fields, and lay them in a
+fence corner, while they are at work, only being permitted to nurse
+them at the option of the overseer. When a child is three weeks old, a
+woman is considered in working order. I have seen a woman, with her
+young child strapped to her back, laboring the whole day, beside a
+man, perhaps the father of the child, and he not being permitted to
+give her any assistance, himself being under the whip. The uncommon
+humanity of the driver allowing her the comfort of doing so. I was
+then selling a drove of slaves, which I had brought by water from
+Baltimore, my conscience not allowing me to drive, as was generally
+the case uniting the slaves by collars and chains, and thus driving
+them under the whip. About that time an unaccountable something, which
+I now know was an interposition of Providence, prevented me from
+prosecuting any farther this unholy traffic; but though I had quitted
+it, I still continued to live in a slave state, witnessing every day
+its evil effects upon my fellow beings. Among which was a
+heart-rending scene that took place in my father's house, which led me
+to lease a slave state, as well as all the imaginary comforts arising
+from slavery. On preparing for my removal to the state of
+Pennsylvania, it became necessary for me to go to Louisville, in
+Kentucky, where, if possible, I became more horrified with the
+impositions practiced upon the negro than before. There a slave was
+sold to go farther south, and was hand-cuffed for the purpose of
+keeping him secure. But choosing death rather than slavery, he jumped
+overboard and was drowned. When I returned four weeks afterwards his
+body, that had floated three miles below, was yet unburied. One fact;
+it is impossible for a person to pass through a slave state, if he has
+eyes open, without beholding every day cruelties repugnant to
+humanity.
+
+Respectfully Yours,
+
+LEMUEL SAPINGTON.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MRS. NANCY LOWRY, A NATIVE OF KENTUCKY.
+
+Mrs. Lory, is a member of the non-conformist church in Osnaburg, Stark
+County, Ohio, she is a native of Kentucky. We have received from her
+the following testimony.
+
+"I resided in the family of Reuben Long, the principal part of the
+time, from seven to twenty-two years of age. Mr. Long had 16 slaves,
+among whom were three who were treated with severity, although Mr.
+Long was thought to be a very human master. These three, namely John,
+Ned, and James, had wives; John and Ned had theirs at some distance,
+but James had his with him. All three died a premature death, and it
+was generally believed by his neighbors, that extreme whipping was the
+cause. I believe so too. Ned died about the age of 25 and John 34 or
+35. The cause of their flogging was commonly staying a little over the
+time, with their wives. Mr. Long would tie them up by the wrist, so
+high that their toes would just touch the ground, and then with a
+cow-hide lay the lash upon the naked back, until he was exhausted,
+when he would sit down and rest. As soon as he had rested
+sufficiently, he would ply the cow-hide again, thus he would continue
+until the whole back of the poor victim was lacerated into one uniform
+coat of blood. Yet he was a strict professor of the Christian
+religion, in the southern church. I frequently washed the wounds of
+John, with salt water, to prevent putrefaction. This was the usual
+course pursued after a severe flogging; their backs would be full of
+gashes, so deep the I could almost lay my finger in them. They were
+generally laid up after the flogging for several days. The last
+flogging Ned got, he was confined to the bed, which he never left till
+he was carried to his grave. During John's confinement in his last
+sickness on one occasion while attending on him, he exclaimed, 'oh,
+Nancy, Miss Nancy, I haven't much longer in this world, I feel as if
+my whole body inside and all my bones were beaten into a jelly.' Soon
+after he died. John and Ned were both professors of religion.
+
+"John Ruffner, a slaveholder, had one slave named Pincy, whom he as
+well as Mrs. Ruffner would often flog very severely. I frequently saw
+Mrs. Ruffner flog her with the broom, shovel, or any thing she could
+seize in her rage. She would knock her down and then kick and stamp
+her most unmercifully, until she would be apparently so lifeless, that
+I more than once thought she would never recover. Often Pincy would
+try to shelter herself from the blows of her mistress, by creeping
+under the bed, from which Mrs. Ruffner would draw her by the feet, and
+then stamp and leap on her body, till her breath would be gone. Often
+Pincy, would cry, 'Oh Missee, don't kill me!' 'Oh Lord, don't kill
+me!' 'For God's sake don't kill me!' But Mrs. Ruffner would beat and
+stamp away, with all the venom of a demon. The cause of Pincy's
+flogging was, not working enough, or making some mistake in baking,
+&c. &c. Many a night Pincy had to lie on the bare floor, by the side
+of the cradle, rocking the baby of her mistress, and if she would fall
+asleep, and suffer the child to cry, so as to waken Mrs. Ruffner, she
+would be sure to receive a flogging."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. WM. C. GILDERSLEEVE, A NATIVE OF GEORGIA
+
+MR. W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, a native of Georgia, is an elder of the
+Presbyterian Church at Wilkesbarre, Pa.
+
+"_Acts of cruelty, without number, fell under my observation_ while I
+lived in Georgia. I will mention but one. A slave of a Mr. Pinkney, on
+his way with a wagon to Savannah, 'camped' for the night by the road
+side. That night, the nearest hen-roost was robbed. On his return, the
+hen-roost was again visited, and the fowl counted one less in the
+morning. The oldest son, with some attendants made search, and came
+upon the poor fellow, in the act of dressing his spoil. He was too
+nimble for them, and made his retreat good into a dense swamp. When
+much effort to start him from his hiding place had proved
+unsuccessful, it was resolved to lay an ambush for him, some distance
+ahead. The wagon, meantime, was in charge of a lad, who accompanied
+the teamster as an assistant. The little boy lay still till nearly
+night, (in the hope probably that the teamster would return,) when he
+started with his wagon. After travelling some distance, the lost one
+made his appearance, when the ambush sprang upon him. The poor fellow
+was conducted back to the plantation. He expected little mercy. He
+begged for himself, in the most suplicating manner, 'pray massa give
+me 100 lashes and let me go.' He was then tied by the hands, to a limb
+of a large mulberry tree, which grew in the yard, so that his feet
+were raised a few inches from the ground, while a _sharpened stick_
+was driven underneath that he might rest his weight on it, or swing by
+his hands. In this condition 100 lashes were laid on his bare body. I
+stood by and witnessed the whole, without as I recollect feeling the
+least compassion. So hardening is the influence of slavery, that it
+very much destroys feeling for the slave."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. HIRAM WHITE--A NATIVE OF NORTH CAROLINA
+
+
+Mr. WHITE resided thirty-two years in Chatham county, North Carolina,
+and is now a member of the Baptist Church, at Otter Creek Prairie,
+Illinois.
+
+About the 20th December 1830, a report was raised that the slaves in
+Chatham county, North Carolina, were going to rise on Christmas day,
+in consequence of which a considerable commotion ensued among the
+inhabitants; orders were given by the Governor to the militia
+captains, to appoint patrolling captains in each district, and orders
+were given for every man subject to military duty to patrol as their
+captains should direct. I went two nights in succession, and after
+that refused to patrol at all. The reason why I refused was this,
+orders were given to search every negro house for books or prints of
+any kind, and _Bibles_ and _Hymn books_ were particularly mentioned.
+And should we find any, our orders were to inflict punishment by
+whipping the slave until he _informed who_ gave them to him, or how
+they came by them.
+
+As regards the comforts of the slaves in the vicinity of my residence,
+I can say they had nothing that would bear that name. It is true, the
+slaves in general, of a good crop year, were tolerably well fed, but
+of a bad crop year, they were, as a general thing, cut short of their
+allowance. Their houses were pole cabins, without loft or floor. Their
+beds were made of what is there called "broom-straw." The men more
+commonly sleep on benches. Their clothing would compare well with
+their lodging. Whipping was common. It was hardly possible for a man
+with a common pair of ears, if he was out of his house but a short
+time on Monday mornings, to miss of hearing the sound of the lash, and
+the cries of the sufferers pleading with their masters to desist.
+These scenes were more common throughout the time of my residence
+there, from 1799 to 1831.
+
+Mr. Hedding of Chatham county, held a slave woman. I traveled past
+Heddings as often as once in two weeks during the winter of 1828, and
+always saw her clad in a single cotton dress, sleeves came half way to
+the elbow, and in order to prevent her running away, a child, supposed
+to be about seven years of age, was connected with her by a long chain
+fastened round her neck, and in this situation she was compelled all
+the day to grub up the roots of shrubs and sapplings to prepare ground
+for the plough. It is not uncommon for slaves to make up on Sundays
+what they are not able to perform through the week of their tasks.
+
+At the time of the rumored insurrection above named, Chatham jail was
+filled with slaves who were said to have been concerned in the plot.
+Without the least evidence of it, they were punished in divers ways;
+some were whipped, some had their _thumbs screwed in a vice_ to make
+them confess, but no proof satisfactory was ever obtained that the
+negroes had ever thought of an insurrection, nor did any so far as I
+could learn, acknowledge that an insurrection had ever been projected.
+From this time forth, the slaves were prohibited from assembling
+together for the worship of God, and many of those who had previously
+been authorized to preach the gospel were prohibited.
+
+Amalgamation was common. There was scarce a family of slaves that had
+females of mature age where there were not some mulatto children.
+
+HIRAM  WHITE
+
+_Otter Creek Prairie, Jan. 22, 1839_.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. JOHN M. NELSON--A NATIVE OF VIRGINIA.
+
+Extract of a letter, dated January 3, 1839, from John M. Nelson, Esq.,
+of Hillsborough. Mr. Nelson removed from Virginia to Highland county,
+Ohio, many years since, where he is extensively known and respected.
+
+I was born and raised in Augusta county, Virginia; my father was an
+elder in the Presbyterian Church, and was "owner" of about twenty
+slaves; he was what was generally termed a "good master." His slaves
+were generally tolerably well fed and clothed, and not over worked,
+they were sometimes permitted to attend church, and called in to
+family worship; few of them, however, availed themselves of these
+privileges. On _some occasions_ I have seen him whip them severely,
+particularly for the crime of trying to obtain their liberty, or for
+what was called, "running away." For _this_ they were scourged more
+severely than for any thing else. After they have been retaken, I have
+seen them stripped naked and suspended by the hands, sometimes to a
+tree, sometimes to a post, until their toes barely touched the ground,
+and whipped with a cowhide until the blood dripped from their backs. A
+boy named Jack, particularly, I have seen served in this way more than
+once. When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to
+see one _tied up_ to be whipped, and I used to intercede with tears in
+their behalf, and mingle my cries with theirs, and feel almost willing
+to take part of the punishment; I have been severely rebuked by my
+father for this kind of sympathy. Yet, such is the hardening nature of
+such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the suffering
+slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness their stripes
+with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that without remorse.
+One case I have often looked back to with sorrow and contrition,
+particularly since I have been convinced that "negroes are men." When
+I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age, I undertook to correct
+a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed offence; I think it was
+leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he being larger and stronger
+than myself took hold of my arms and held me, in order to prevent my
+striking him; this I considered the height of insolence, and cried for
+help, when my father and mother both came running to my rescue. My
+father stripped and tied him, and took him into the orchard, where
+switches were plenty, and directed me to whip him; when one switch
+wore out he supplied me with others. After I had whipped him a while,
+he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and I kicked him in the
+face; my father said, "don't kick him, but whip him;" this I did until
+his back was literally covered with _welts_. I know I have repented,
+and trust I have obtained pardon for these things.
+
+My father owned a woman, (we used to call aunt Grace,) she was
+purchased in Old Virginia. She has told me that her old master, in his
+_will_, gave her her freedom, but at his death, his sons had sold her
+to my father: when he bought her she manifested some unwillingness to
+go with him, when she was put in irons and taken by force. This was
+before I was born; but I remember to have seen the irons, and was told
+that was what they had been used for. Aunt Grace is still living, and
+must be between seventy and eighty years of age; she has, for the last
+forty years, been an exemplary Christian. When I was a youth I took
+some pains to learn her to read; this is now a great consolation to
+her. Since age and infirmity have rendered her of little value to her
+"owners," she is permitted to read as much as she pleases; this she
+can do, with the aid of glasses, in the old family Bible, which is
+almost the only book she has ever looked into. This with some little
+mending for the black children, is all she does; she is still held as
+a slave. I well remember what a _heart-rending scene_ there was in the
+family when _my father sold her husband_; this was, I suppose,
+thirty-five years ago. And yet my father was considered one of the
+best of masters. I know of few who were better, but of _many_ who were
+worse.
+
+The last time I saw my father, which was in the fall of 1832, he
+promised me that he would free all his slaves at his death. He died
+however without doing it; and I have understood since, that he omitted
+it, through the influence of Rev. Dr. Speece, a Presbyterian minister,
+who lived in the family, and was a _warm friend of the Colonization
+Society_.
+
+About the year 1809 or 10, I became a student of Rev. George Bourne;
+he was the first abolitionist I had ever seen, and the first I had
+ever heard pray or plead for the oppressed, which gave me the first
+misgivings about the _innocence_ of slaveholding. I received
+impressions from Mr. Bourne which I could not get rid of,[6] and
+determined in my own mind that when I settled in life, it should be in
+a free state; this determination I carried into effect in 1813, when I
+removed to this place, which I supposed at that time, to be all the
+opposition to slavery that was necessary, but the moment I became
+convinced that all slaveholding was in itself _sinful_, I became an
+abolitionist, which was about four years ago.
+
+[Footnote 6: Mr. Bourne resided seven years in Virginia, "in perils
+among false brethren; fiercely persecuted for his faithful testimony
+against slavery. More than twenty years since he published a work
+entitled 'The Book and Slavery irreconcileable.'"]
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF ANGELINA GRIMKE WELD.
+
+Mrs. Weld is the youngest daughter of the late Judge Grimke, of the
+Supreme Court of South Carolina, and a sister of the late Hon. Thomas
+S. Grimke, of Charleston.
+
+Fort Lee, Bergen Co., New Jersey, Fourth month 6th, 1839.
+
+I sit down to comply with thy request, preferred in the name of the
+Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society. The
+responsibility laid upon me by such a request, leaves me no option.
+While I live, and slavery lives, I _must_ testify against it. If I
+should hold my peace, "the stone would cry out of the wall, and the
+beam out of the timber would answer it." But though I feel a necessity
+upon me, and "a woe unto me," if I withhold my testimony, I give it
+with a heavy heart. My flesh crieth out, "if it be possible, let
+_this_ cup pass from me;" but, "Father, _thy_ will be done," is, I
+trust, the breathing of my spirit. Oh, the slain of the daughter of my
+people! they lie in all the ways; their tears fall as the rain, and
+are their meat day and night; their blood runneth down like water;
+their plundered hearths are desolate; they weep for their husbands and
+children, because they are not; and the proud waves do continually go
+over them, while no eye pitieth, and no man careth for their souls.
+
+But it is not alone for the sake of my poor brothers and sisters in
+bonds, or for the cause of truth, and righteousness, and humanity,
+that I testify; the deep yearnings of affection for the mother that
+bore me, who is still a slaveholder, both in fact and in heart; for my
+brothers and sisters, (a large family circle,) and for my numerous
+other slaveholding kindred in South Carolina, constrain me to speak:
+for even were slavery no curse to its victims, the exercise of
+arbitrary power works such fearful ruin upon the hearts of
+_slaveholders_, that I should feel impelled to labor and pray for its
+overthrow with my last energies and latest breath.
+
+I think it important to premise, that I have seen almost nothing of
+slavery on _plantations_. My testimony will have respect exclusively
+to the treatment of "_house-servants_," and chiefly those belonging to
+the first families in the city of Charleston, both in the religious
+and in the fashionable world. And here let me say, that the treatment
+of _plantation_ slaves cannot be fully known, except by the poor
+sufferers themselves, and their drivers and overseers. In a multitude
+of instances, even the master can know very little of the actual
+condition of his own field-slaves, and his wife and daughters far
+less. A few facts concerning my own family will show this. Our
+permanent residence was in Charleston; our country-seat (Bellemont,)
+was 200 miles distant, in the north-western part of the state; where,
+for some years, our family spent a few months annually. Our
+_plantation_ was three miles from this family mansion. There, all the
+field-slaves lived and worked. Occasionally, once a month, perhaps,
+some of the family would ride over to the plantation, but I never
+visited the _fields where the slaves were at work_, and knew almost
+nothing of their condition; but this I do know, that the overseers who
+had charge of them, were generally unprincipled and intemperate men.
+But I rejoice to know, that the general treatment of slaves in that
+region of country, was far milder than on the plantations in the lower
+country.
+
+Throughout all the eastern and middle portions of the state, the
+planters very rarely reside permanently on their plantations. They
+have almost invariably _two residences_, and spend less than half the
+year on their estates. Even while spending a few months on them,
+politics, field-sports, races, speculations, journeys, visits,
+company, literary pursuits, &c., absorb so much of their time, that
+they must, to a considerable extent, take the condition of their
+slaves _on trust_, from the reports of their overseers. I make this
+statement, because these slaveholders (the wealthier class,) are, I
+believe, almost the only ones who visit the north with their
+families;--and northern opinions of slavery are based chiefly on their
+testimony.
+
+But not to dwell on preliminaries, I wish to record my testimony to
+the faithfulness and accuracy with which my beloved sister, Sarah M.
+Grimke, has, in her 'narrative and testimony,' on a preceding page,
+described the condition of the slaves, and the effect upon the hearts
+of slaveholders, (even the best,) caused by the exercise of unlimited
+power over moral agents. Of the _particular acts_ which she has
+stated, I have no personal knowledge, as they occurred before my
+remembrance; but of the spirit that prompted them, and that constantly
+displays itself in scenes of similar horror, the recollections of my
+childhood, and the effaceless imprint upon my riper years, with the
+breaking of my heart-strings, when, finding that I was powerless to
+shield the victims, I tore myself from my home and friends, and became
+an exile among strangers--all these throng around me as witnesses, and
+their testimony is graven on my memory with a pen of fire.
+
+Why I did not become totally hardened, under the daily operation of
+this system, God only knows; in deep solemnity and gratitude, I say,
+it was the _Lord's_ doing, and marvellous in mine eyes. Even before my
+heart was touched with the love of Christ, I used to say, "Oh that I
+had the wings of a dove, that I might flee away and be at rest;" for I
+felt that there could be no rest for me in the midst of such outrages
+and pollutions. And yet I saw _nothing_ of slavery in its most vulgar
+and repulsive forms. I saw it in the city, among the fashionable and
+the honorable, where it was garnished by refinement, and decked out
+for show. A few _facts_ will unfold the state of society in the circle
+with which I was familiar far better than any general assertions I can
+make.
+
+I will first introduce the reader to a woman of the highest
+respectability--one who was foremost in every benevolent enterprise,
+and stood for many years, I may say, at the _head_ of the fashionable
+Elite of the city of Charleston, and afterwards at the head of the
+moral and religious female society there. It was after she had made a
+profession of religion, and retired from the fashionable world, that I
+knew her; therefore I will present her in her religious character.
+This lady used to keep cowhides, or small paddles, (called 'pancake
+sticks,') in four different apartments in her house; so that when she
+wished to punish, or to have punished, any of her slaves, she might
+not have the trouble of sending for an instrument of torture. For many
+years, one or other, and _often_ more of her slaves, were flogged
+_every day_; particularly the young slaves about the house, whose
+faces were slapped, or their hands beat with the 'pancake stick; for
+every trifling offence--and often for no fault at all. But the
+floggings were not all; the scolding, and abuse daily heaped upon them
+all, were worse: 'fools' and 'liars,' 'sluts' and 'husseys,'
+'hypocrites' and 'good-for-nothing creatures'; were the common
+epithets with which her mouth was filled, when addressing her slaves,
+adults as well as children. Very often she would take a position at
+her window, in an upper story, and scold at her slaves while working
+in the garden, at some distance from the house, (a large yard
+intervening,) and occasionally order a flogging. I have known her thus
+on the watch, scolding for more than an hour at a time, in so loud a
+voice that the whole neighborhood could hear her; and this without the
+least apparent feeling of shame. Indeed, it was no disgrace among
+slaveholders, and did not in the least injure her standing, either as
+a lady or a Christian, in the aristocratic circle in which she moved.
+After the 'revival' in Charleston, in 1825, she opened her house to
+social prayer-meetings. The room in which they were held in the
+evening, and where the voice of prayer was heard around the family
+altar, and where she herself retired for private devotion thrice each
+day, was the very place in which, when her slaves were to be whipped
+with the cowhide, they were taken to receive the infliction; and the
+wail of the sufferer would be heard, where, perhaps only a few hours
+previous, rose the voices of prayer and praise. This mistress would
+occasionally send her slaves, male and female, to the Charleston
+work-house to be punished. One poor girl, whom she sent there to be
+flogged, and who was accordingly stripped _naked_ and whipped, showed
+me the deep gashes on her back--I might have laid my whole finger in
+them--_large pieces of flesh had actually been cut out by the
+torturing lash_. She sent another female slave there, to be imprisoned
+and worked on the tread-mill. This girl was confined several days, and
+forced to work the mill while in a state of suffering from another
+cause. For ten days or two weeks after her return, she was lame, from
+the violent exertion necessary to enable her to keep the step on the
+machine. She spoke to me with intense feeling of this outrage upon
+her, as a _woman_. Her men servants were sometimes flogged there; and
+so exceedingly offensive has been the putrid flesh of their lacerated
+backs, for days after the infliction, that they would be kept out of
+the house--the smell arising from their wounds being too horrible to
+be endured. They were always stiff and sore for some days, and not in
+a condition to be seen by visitors.
+
+This professedly Christian woman was a most awful illustration of the
+ruinous influence of arbitrary power upon the temper--her bursts of
+passion upon the heads of her victims were dreaded even by her own
+children, and very often, all the pleasure of social intercourse
+around the domestic board, was destroyed by her ordering the cook into
+her presence, and storming at him, when the dinner or breakfast was
+not prepared to her taste, and in the presence of all her children,
+commanding the waiter to slap his face. _Fault-finding_, was with her
+the constant accompaniment of every meal, and banished that peace
+which should hover around the social board, and smile on every face.
+It was common for her to order brothers to whip their own sisters, and
+sisters their own brothers, and yet no woman visited among the poor
+more than she did, or gave more liberally to relieve their wants.
+This may seem perfectly unaccountable to a northerner, but these
+seeming contradictions vanish when we consider that over _them_ she
+possessed no arbitrary power, they were always presented to her mind
+as unfortunate sufferers, towards whom her sympathies most freely
+flowed; she was ever ready to wipe the tears from _their_ eyes, and
+open wide her purse for _their_ relief, but the others were her
+_vassals_, thrust down by public opinion beneath her feet, to be at
+her beck and call, ever ready to serve in all humility, her, whom God
+in his providence had set over them--it was their _duty_ to abide in
+abject submission, and hers to _compel_ them to do so--_it was thus
+that she reasoned_. Except at family prayers, none were permitted to
+_sit_ in her presence, but the seamstresses and waiting maids, and
+they, however delicate might be their circumstances, were forced to
+sit upon low stools, without backs, that they might be constantly
+reminded of their inferiority. A slave who waited in the house, was
+guilty on a particular occasion of going to visit his wife, and kept
+dinner waiting a little, (his wife was the slave of a lady who lived
+at a little distance.)  When the family sat down to the table, the
+mistress began to scold the waiter for the offence--he attempted to
+excuse himself--she ordered him to hold his tongue--he ventured
+another apology; her son then rose from the table in a rage, and beat
+the face and ears of the waiter so dreadfully that the blood gushed
+from his mouth, and nose, and ears. This mistress was a _professor of
+religion_; her daughter who related the circumstance, was a _fellow
+member_ of the Presbyterian church _with the poor outraged
+slave_--instead of feeling indignation at this outrageous abuse of her
+brother in the church, she justified the deed, and said "he got just
+what he deserved."  I solemnly believe this to be a true picture of
+_slaveholding religion_.
+
+The following is another illustration of it:
+
+A mistress in Charleston sent a grey headed female slave to the
+workhouse, and had her severely flogged. The poor old woman went to
+an acquaintance of mine and begged her to buy her, and told her how
+cruelly she had been whipped. My friend examined her _lacerated back_,
+and out of compassion did purchase her. The circumstance was
+mentioned to one of the former owner's relatives, who asked her if it
+were true. The mistress told her it was, and said that she had made
+the severe whipping of this aged woman a _subject of prayer_, and that
+she believed she had done right to have it inflicted upon her. The
+last 'owner' of the poor old slave, said she, had no fault to find
+with her as a servant.
+
+I remember very well that when I was a child, our next door neighbor
+whipped a young woman so brutally, that in order to escape his blows
+she rushed through the drawing-room window in the second story, and
+fell upon the street pavement below and broke her hip. This
+circumstance produced no excitement or inquiry.
+
+The following circumstance occurred in Charleston, in 1828:
+
+A slaveholder, after flogging a little girl about thirteen years old,
+set her on a table with her feet fastened in a pair of stocks. He then
+locked the door and took out the key. When the door was opened she
+was found dead, having fallen from the table. When I asked a
+prominent lawyer, who belonged to one of the first families in the
+State, whether the murderer of this helpless child could not be
+indicted, he coolly replied, that the slave was Mr. ----'s property,
+and if he chose to suffer the _loss_, no one else had any thing to do
+with it. The loss of _human life_, the distress of the parents and
+other relatives of the little girl, seemed utterly out of his
+thoughts: it was the loss of _property_ only that presented itself to
+his mind.
+
+I knew a gentleman of great benevolence and generosity of character,
+so essentially to injure the eye of a little boy, about ten years old,
+as to destroy its sight, by the blow of a cowhide, inflicted whilst he
+was whipping him.[7]  I have heard the same individual speak of
+"breaking down the spirit of a slave under the lash" as perfectly
+right.
+
+[Footnote 7: The Jewish law would have set this servant free, for his
+eye's sake, but he was held in slavery and sold from hand to hand,
+although, besides this title to his liberty according to Jewish law,
+he was a _mulatto_, and therefore free under the Constitution of the
+United States, in whose preamble our fathers declare that they
+established it expressly to "secure the blessings of _liberty_ to
+themselves and _their posterity_."--Ed.]
+
+I also know that an aged slave of his, (by marriage,) was allowed to
+get a scanty and precarious subsistence, by begging in the streets of
+Charleston--he was too old to work, and therefore _his allowance was
+stopped_, and he was turned out to make his living by begging.
+
+When I was about thirteen years old, I attended a seminary, in
+Charleston, which was superintended by a man and his wife of superior
+education. They had under their instruction the daughters of nearly
+all the aristocracy. Their cruelty to their slaves, both male and
+female, I can never forget. I remember one day there was called into
+the school room to open a window, a boy whose head had been shaved in
+order to disgrace him, and he had been so dreadfully whipped that he
+could hardly walk. So horrible was the impression produced upon my
+mind by his heart-broken countenance and crippled person that I
+fainted away. The sad and ghastly countenance of one of their female
+mulatto slaves who used to sit on a low stool at her sewing in the
+piazza, is now fresh before me. She often told me, secretly, how
+cruelly she was whipped when they sent her to the work house. I had
+known so much of the terrible scourgings inflicted in that house of
+blood, that when I was once obliged to pass it, the very sight smote
+me with such horror that my limbs could hardly sustain me. I felt as
+if I was passing the precincts of hell. A friend of mine who lived in
+the neighborhood, told me she often heard the screams of the slaves
+under their torture.
+
+I once heard a physician of a high family, and of great respectability
+in his profession, say, that when he sent his slaves to the work-house
+to be flogged, he always went to see it done, that he might be sure
+they were properly, i.e. _severely_ whipped. He also related the
+following circumstance in my presence. He had sent a youth of about
+eighteen to this horrible place to be whipped and _afterwards_ to be
+worked upon the treadmill. From not keeping the step, which probably
+he COULD NOT do, in consequence of the lacerated state of his body;
+his arm got terribly torn, from the shoulder to the wrist. This
+physician said, he went every day to attend to it himself, in order
+that he might use those restoratives, which _would inflict the
+greatest possible pain_. This poor boy, after being imprisoned there
+for some weeks, was then brought home, and compelled to wear iron
+clogs on his ankles for one or two months. I saw him with those irons
+on one day when I was at the house. This man was, when young,
+remarkable in the fashionable world for his elegant and fascinating
+manners, but the exercise of the slaveholder's power has thrown the
+fierce air of tyranny even over these.
+
+I heard another man of equally high standing say, that he believed he
+suffered far more than his waiter did whenever he flogged him for he
+felt the _exertion_ for days afterward, but he could not let his
+servant go on in the neglect of his business, it was _his duty_ to
+chastise him. "His duty" to flog this boy of seventeen so severely
+that he felt _the exertion_ for days after! and yet he never felt it
+to be his duty to instruct him, or have him instructed, even in the
+common principles of morality. I heard the mother of this man say it
+would be no surprise to her, if he killed a slave some day, for, that,
+when transported with passion he did not seem to care what he did. He
+once broke a _large_ stick over the back of a slave and at another
+time the ivory butt-end of a long coach whip over the _head_ of
+another. This last was attacked with epileptic fits some months after,
+and has ever since been subject to them, and occasionally to violent
+fits of insanity.
+
+Southern mistresses sometimes flog their slaves themselves though
+generally one slave is compelled to flog another. Whilst staying at a
+friend's house some years ago, I one day saw the mistress with a
+cow-hide in her hand, and heard her scolding in an under tone, her
+waiting man, who was about twenty-five years old. Whether she actually
+inflicted the blows I do not know, for I hastened out of sight and
+hearing. It was not the first time I had seen a mistress thus engaged.
+I knew she was a cruel mistress, and had heard her daughters
+disputing, whether their mother did right or wrong, to send the slave
+_children_, (whom she sent out to sweep chimneys) to the work house to
+be whipped if they did not bring in their wages regularly. This woman
+moved in the most fashionable circle in Charleston. The income of this
+family was derived mostly from the hire of their slaves, about one
+hundred in number. Their luxuries were blood-bought luxuries indeed.
+And yet what stranger would ever have inferred their cruelties from
+the courteous reception and bland manners of the parlor. Every thing
+cruel and revolting is carefully concealed from strangers, especially
+those from the north. Take an instance. I have known the master and
+mistress of a family send to their friends to _borrow_ servants to
+wait on company, because their own slaves had been so cruelly flogged
+in the work house, that they could not walk without limping at every
+step, and their putrified flesh emitted such an intolerable smell that
+they were not fit to be in the presence of company. How can
+northerners know these things when they are hospitably received at
+southern tables and firesides? I repeat it, no one who has not been an
+_integral part_ of a slaveholding community, can have any idea of its
+abominations. It is a whited sepulchre full of dead men's bones and
+all uncleanness. Blessed be God, the Angel of _Truth_ has descended
+and rolled away the stone from the mouth of the sepulchre, and sits
+upon it. The abominations so long hidden are now brought forth before
+all Israel and the sun. Yes, the Angel of Truth _sits upon this
+stone_, and it can never be rolled back again.
+
+The utter disregard of the comfort of the slaves, in _little_ things,
+can scarcely be conceived by those who have not been a _component
+part_ of slaveholding communities. Take a few particulars out of
+hundreds that might be named. In South Carolina musketoes swarm in
+myriads, more than half the year--they are so excessively annoying at
+night, that no family thinks of sleeping without nets or
+"musketoe-bars" hung over their bedsteads, yet slaves are never
+provided with them, unless it be the favorite old domestics who get
+the cast-off pavilions; and yet these very masters and mistresses will
+be so kind to their _horses_ as to provide them with _fly nets_.
+Bedsteads and bedding too, are rarely provided for any of the
+slaves--if the waiters and coachmen, waiting maids, cooks, washers,
+&c., have beds at all, they must generally get them for themselves.
+Commonly they lie down at night on the bare floor, with a small
+blanket wrapped round them in winter, and in summer a coarse osnaburg
+sheet, or nothing. Old slaves generally have beds, but it is because
+when younger _they have provided them for themselves._
+
+Only two meals a day are allowed the house slaves--the _first at
+twelve o'clock_. If they eat before this time, it is by stealth, and I
+am sure there must be a good deal of suffering among them from
+_hunger_, and particularly by children. Besides this, they are often
+kept from their meals by way of punishment. No table is provided for
+them to eat from. They know nothing of the comfort and pleasure of
+gathering round the social board--each takes his plate or tin pan and
+iron spoon and holds it in the hand or on the lap. I _never_ saw
+slaves seated round a _table_ to partake of any meal.
+
+As the general rule, no lights of any kind, no firewood--no towels,
+basins, or soap, no tables, chairs, or other furniture, are provided.
+Wood for cooking and washing _for the family_ is found, but when the
+master's work is done, the slave must find wood for himself if he has
+a fire. I have repeatedly known slave children kept the whole winter's
+evening, sitting on the stair-case in a cold entry, just to be at hand
+to snuff candles or hand a tumbler of water from the side-board, or go
+on errands from one room to another. It may be asked why they were not
+permitted to stay in the parlor, when they would be still more at
+hand. I answer, because waiters are not allowed to _sit_ in the
+presence of their owners, and as children who were kept running all
+day, would of course get very tired of standing for two or three
+hours, they were allowed to go into the entry and sit on the staircase
+until rung for. Another reason is, that even slaveholders at times
+find the presence of slaves very annoying; they cannot exercise entire
+freedom of speech before them on all subjects.
+
+I have also known instances where seamstresses were kept in cold
+entries to work by the stair case lamps for one or two hours, every
+evening in winter--they could not see without standing up all the
+time, though the work was often too large and heavy for them to sew
+upon it in that position without great inconvenience, and yet they
+were expected to do their work as _well_ with their cold fingers, and
+standing up, as if they had been sitting by a comfortable fire and
+provided with the necessary light. House slaves suffer a great deal
+also from not being allowed to leave the house without permission. If
+they wish to go even for a draught of water, they must _ask leave_,
+and if they stay longer than the mistress thinks necessary, they are
+liable to be punished, and often are scolded or slapped, or kept from
+going down to the next meal.
+
+It frequently happens that relatives, among slaves, are separated for
+weeks or months, by the husband or brother being taken by the master
+on a journey, to attend on his horses and himself.--When they return,
+the white husband seeks the wife of his love; but the black husband
+must wait to see _his_ wife, until mistress pleases to let her
+chambermaid leave her room. Yes, such is the despotism of slavery,
+that wives and sisters dare not run to meet their husbands and
+brothers after such separations, and hours sometimes elapse before
+they are allowed to meet; and, at times, a fiendish pleasure is taken
+in keeping them asunder--this furnishes an opportunity to vent
+feelings of spite for any little neglect of "duty."
+
+The sufferings to which slaves are subjected by separations of various
+kinds, cannot be imagined by those unacquainted with the working out
+of the system behind the curtain. Take the following instances.
+
+Chambermaids and seamstresses often sleep in their mistresses'
+apartments, but with no bedding at all. I know an instance of a woman
+who has been married eleven years, and yet has never been allowed to
+sleep out of her mistress's chamber.--This is a _great_ hardship to
+slaves. When we consider that house slaves are rarely allowed social
+intercourse during _the day_, as their work generally _separates_
+them; the barbarity of such an arrangement is obvious. It is
+peculiarly a hardship in the above case, as the husband of the woman
+does not "belong" to her "owner;" and because he is subject to
+dreadful attacks of illness, and can have but little attention from
+his wife in the _day_. And yet her mistress, who is an old lady, gives
+her the highest character as a faithful servant, and told a friend of
+mine, that she was "entirely dependent upon her for _all_ her
+comforts; she dressed and undressed her, gave her all her food, and
+was so _necessary_ to her that she could not do without her." I may
+add, that this couple are tenderly attached to each other.
+
+I also know an instance in which the husband was a slave and the wife
+was free: during the illness of the former, the latter was _allowed_
+to come and nurse him; she was obliged to leave the work by which she
+had made a living, and come to stay with her husband, and thus lost
+weeks of her time, or he would have suffered for want of proper
+attention; and yet his "owner" made her no compensation for her
+services. He had long been a faithful and a favorite slave, and his
+owner was a woman very benevolent to the poor whites.--She went a
+great deal among these, as a visiting commissioner of the Ladies'
+Benevolent Society, and was in the constant habit of _paying the
+relatives of the poor whites_ for nursing _their_ husbands, fathers,
+and other relations; because she thought it very hard, when their time
+was taken up, so that they could not earn their daily bread, that they
+should be left to suffer. Now, such is the stupifying influence of the
+"_chattel_ principle" on the minds of slaveholders, that I do not
+suppose it ever occurred to her that this poor _colored_ wife ought to
+be paid for her services, and particularly as she was spending her
+time and strength in taking care of her "_property_." She no doubt
+only thought how kind she was, to _allow_ her to come and stay so long
+in her yard; for, let it be kept in mind, that slaveholders have
+unlimited power to separate husbands and wives, parents and children,
+however and whenever they please; and if this mistress had chosen to
+do it, she could have debarred this woman from all intercourse with
+her husband, by forbidding her to enter her premises.
+
+Persons who own plantations and yet live in cities, often take
+children from their parents as soon as they are weaned, and send them
+into the country; because they do not want the time of the mother
+taken up by attendance upon her own children, it being too valuable to
+the mistress. As a _favor_, she is, in some cases, permitted to go to
+see them once a year. So, on the other hand, if field slaves happen to
+have children of an age suitable to the convenience of the master,
+they are taken from their parents and brought to the city. Parents are
+almost never consulted as to the disposition to be made of their
+children; they have as little control over them, as have domestic
+animals over the disposal of their young. Every natural and social
+feeling and affection are violated with indifference; slaves are
+treated as though they did not possess them.
+
+Another way in which the feelings of slaves are trifled with and often
+deeply wounded, is by changing their names; if, at the time they are
+brought into a family, there is another slave of the same name; or if
+the owner happens, for some other reason, not to like the name of the
+new comer. I have known slaves very much grieved at having the names
+of their children thus changed, when they had been called after a dear
+relation. Indeed it would be utterly impossible to recount the
+multitude of ways in which the _heart_ of the slave is continually
+lacerated by the total disregard of his feelings as a social being and
+a human creature.
+
+The slave suffers also greatly from being continually watched. The
+system of espionage which is constantly kept up over slaves is the
+most worrying and intolerable that can be imagined. Many mistresses
+are, in fact, during the absence of their husbands, really their
+drivers; and the pleasure of returning to their families often, on the
+part of the husband, is entirely destroyed by the complaints preferred
+against the slaves when he comes home to his meals.
+
+A mistress of my acquaintance asked her servant boy, one day, what was
+the reason she could not get him to do his work whilst his master was
+away, and said to him, "Your master works a great deal harder than you
+do; he is at his office all day, and often has to study his law cases
+at night." "Master," said the boy, "is working for himself, and for
+you, ma'am, but I am working for _him_". The mistress turned and
+remarked to a friend, that she was so struck with the truth of the
+remark, that she could not say a word to him. But I forbear--the
+sufferings of the slaves are not only innumerable, but they are
+_indescribable_. I may paint the agony of kindred torn from each
+other's arms, to meet no more in time; I may depict the inflictions of
+the blood-stained lash, but I cannot describe the daily, hourly,
+ceaseless torture, endured by the heart that is constantly trampled
+under the foot of despotic power. This is a part of the horrors of
+slavery which, I believe, no one has ever attempted to delineate; I
+wonder not at it, it mocks all power of language. Who can describe the
+anguish of that mind which feels itself impaled upon the iron of
+arbitrary power--its living, writhing, helpless victim! every human
+susceptibility tortured, its sympathies torn, and stung, and
+bleeding--always feeling the death-weapon in its heart, and yet not so
+deep as to _kill_ that humanity which is made the curse of Its
+existence.
+
+In the course of my testimony I have entered somewhat into the
+_minutiae_ of slavery, because this is a part of the subject often
+overlooked, and cannot be appreciated by any but those who have been
+witnesses, and entered into sympathy with the slaves as human beings.
+Slaveholders think nothing of them, because they regard their slaves
+as _property_, the mere instruments of their convenience and pleasure.
+_One who is a slaveholder at heart never recognises a human being in a
+slave_.
+
+As thou hast asked me to testify respecting the _physical condition_
+of the slaves merely, I say nothing of the awful neglect of their
+_minds and souls_ and the systematic effort to imbrute them. A wrong
+and an impiety, in comparison with which all the other unutterable
+wrongs of slavery are but as the dust of the balance.
+
+ANGELINA G. WELD.
+
+
+
+
+GENERAL TESTIMONY
+
+TO THE CRUELTIES INFLICTED UPON SLAVES.
+
+
+Before presenting to the reader particular details of the cruelties
+inflicted upon American slaves, we will present in brief the
+well-weighed declarations of slaveholders and other residents of slave
+states, testifying that the slaves are treated with barbarous
+inhumanity. All _details_ and particulars will be drawn out under
+their appropriate heads. We propose in this place to present testimony
+of a _general character_--the solemn declarations of slaveholders and
+others, that the slaves are treated with great cruelty.
+
+To discredit the testimony of witnesses who insist upon convicting
+themselves, would be an anomalous scepticism.
+
+
+To show that American slavery has _always_ had one uniform character
+of diabolical cruelty, we will go back one hundred years, and prove it
+by unimpeachable witnesses, who have given their deliberate testimony
+to its horrid barbarity, from 1739 to 1839.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. GEORGE WHITEFIELD.
+
+In a letter written by him in Georgia, and addressed to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina and
+Georgia, in 1739.--See Benezet's "Caution to Great Britain and her
+Colonies."
+
+"As I lately passed through your provinces on my way hither, I was
+sensibly touched with a fellow-feeling of the miseries of the poor
+negroes.
+
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are _some_,) I fear the _generality_ of
+you that own negroes _are liable to such a charge_. Not to mention
+what numbers have been given up to the inhuman usage of cruel
+_taskmasters_, who by their unrelenting scourges, have ploughed their
+backs and made long furrows, and at length brought them to the grave!
+
+"_The blood of them, spilt for these many years, in your respective
+provinces, will ascend up to heaven against you!_" The following is
+the testimony of the celebrated JOHN WOOLMAN, an eminent minister of
+the Society of Friends, who traveled extensively in the slave state.
+We copy it from a "Memoir of JOHN WOOLMAN, chiefly extracted from a
+Journal of his Life and Travels." It was published in Philadelphia, by
+the "Society of Friends."
+
+"The following reflections, were written in 1757, while he was
+traveling on a religious account among slaveholders."
+
+"Many of the white people in these provinces, take little or no care
+of negro marriages; and when negroes marry, after their own way, some
+make so little account of those marriages, that, with views of outward
+interest, they often part men from their wives, by selling them far
+asunder; which is common when estates are sold by executors at vendue.
+
+"Many whose labor is heavy, being followed at their business in the
+field by a man with a whip, hired for that purpose,--have, in common,
+little else allowed them but _one peck_ of Indian corn and some salt
+for one week, with a few potatoes. (The potatoes they commonly raise
+by their labor on the first day of the week.) The correction ensuing
+on their disobedience to overseers, or slothfulness in business, is
+often _very severe_, and sometimes _desperate_. Men and women have
+many times _scarce clothes enough to hide their nakedness_--and boys
+and girls, ten and twelve years old, are often _quite naked_ among
+their masters' children. Some use endeavors to instruct those (negro
+children) they have in reading; but in common, this is not only
+neglected, but disapproved."--p. 12.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE 'MARYLAND JOURNAL AND BALTIMORE ADVERTISER,' OF MAY
+30, 1788.
+
+
+"In the ordinary course of the business of the country, the punishment
+of relations frequently happens on the same farm, and in view of each
+other: the father often sees his beloved son--the son his venerable
+sire--the mother her much loved daughter--the daughter her
+affectionate parent--the husband sees the wife of his bosom, and she
+the husband of her affection, _cruelly bound up_ without delicacy or
+mercy, and without daring to interpose in each other's behalf, and
+punished with all the _extremity of incensed rage, and all the rigor
+of unrelenting severity_. Let us reverse the case, and suppose it ours:
+ALL IS SILENT HORROR!"
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE HON. WILLIAM PINCKNEY, OF MARYLAND.
+
+
+In a speech before the Maryland House of Delegates, in 1789, Mr. P.
+calls slavery in that state, "a speaking picture of _abominable
+oppression_;" and adds: "It will not do thus to ... act like
+_unrelenting tyrants_, perpetually sermonizing it with liberty as our
+text, and actual _oppression_ for our commentary. Is she [Maryland]
+not ... the foster mother of _petty despots_,--the patron of _wanton
+oppression?_"
+
+Extract from a speech of Mr. RICE, in the Convention for forming the
+Constitution of Kentucky, in 1790:
+
+"The master may, and _often does, inflict upon him all the severity of
+punishment the human body is capable of bearing."_
+
+President Edwards, the Younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, 1791, says:
+
+"From these drivers, for every imagined, as well as real neglect or
+want of exertion, they receive the lash--the smack of which is all day
+long in the ears of those who are on the plantation or in the
+vicinity; and it is used with such dexterity and severity, as not only
+to lacerate the skin, but to tear out small portions of the flesh at
+almost every stroke.
+
+"This is the general treatment of the slaves. But many individuals
+suffer still more severely. _Many, many are knocked down; some have
+their eyes beaten out: some have an arm or a leg broken, or chopped
+off_; and many, for a very small, or for no crime at all, have been
+beaten to death, merely to gratify the fury of an enraged master or
+overseer."
+
+Extract from an oration, delivered at Baltimore, July 4, 1797, by
+GEORGE BUCHANAN, M.D., member of the American Philosophical Society.
+
+Their situation (the slaves') is _insupportable_; misery inhabits
+their cabins, and pursues them in the field. Inhumanly beaten, they
+_often_ fall sacrifices to the turbulent tempers of their masters! Who
+is there, unless inured to savage cruelties, that can hear of the
+inhuman punishments _daily inflicted_ upon the unfortunate blacks,
+without feeling for them? Can a man who calls himself a Christian,
+coolly and deliberately tie up, _thumb-screw, torture with pincers_,
+and beat unmercifully a poor slave, for perhaps a trifling neglect of
+duty?--p. 14.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF HON. JOHN RANDOLPH, OF ROANOKE--A SLAVEHOLDER.
+
+
+In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: "Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post-horses _whipped to death_ in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+_The hand-cuff; the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide!_"
+
+MAJOR STODDARD, of the United States' army, who took possession of
+Louisiana in behalf of the United States, under the cession of 1804,
+in his Sketches of Louisiana, page 332, says:
+
+"The feelings of humanity are outraged--the most odious tyranny
+exercised in a land of freedom, and hunger and nakedness prevail
+amidst plenty. * * * Cruel, and even unusual punishments are daily
+inflicted on these wretched creatures, enfeebled with hunger, labor
+and the lash. The scenes of misery and distress constantly witnessed
+along the coast of the Delta, [of the Mississippi,] the wounds and
+lacerations occasioned by demoralized masters and overseers, torture
+the feelings of the passing stranger, and wring blood from the heart."
+
+Though only the third of the following series of resolutions is
+directly relevant to the subject now under consideration, we insert
+the other resolutions, both because they are explanatory of the third,
+and also serve to reveal the public sentiment of Indiana, at the date
+of the resolutions. As a large majority of the citizens of Indiana at
+that time, were _natives of slave states_, they well knew the actual
+condition of the slaves.
+
+1. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, by the Legislative Council and House of
+Representatives of Indiana Territory, that a suspension of the sixth
+article of compact between the United States and the territories and
+states north west of the river Ohio, passed the 13th day of January,
+1783, for the term of ten years, would be highly advantageous to the
+territory, and meet the approbation of at least nine-tenths of the
+good citizens of the same."
+
+2. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the abstract question of liberty and
+slavery, is not considered as involved in a suspension of the said
+article, inasmuch as the number of slaves in the United States would
+not be augmented by the measure."
+
+3. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that the suspension of the said article
+would be equally advantageous to the territory, to the states from
+whence the negroes would be brought, and _to the negroes themselves._
+The states which are overburthened with negroes which they cannot
+comfortably support; * * and THE NEGRO HIMSELF WOULD EXCHANGE A SCANTY
+PITTANCE OF THE COARSEST FOOD, for a plentiful and nourishing diet;
+and a situation which admits not the most distant prospect of
+emancipation, for one which presents no considerable obstacle to his
+wishes."
+
+4. "RESOLVED UNANIMOUSLY, that a copy of these resolutions be
+delivered to the delegate to Congress from this territory, and that he
+be, and he hereby is, instructed to use his best endeavors to obtain a
+suspension of the said article."
+
+J.B. THOMAS, _Speaker of the House of Representatives._
+
+PIERRE MINARD, _President pro tem. of the Legislative Council.
+Vincennes, Dec._ 20, 1806.
+
+"Forwarded to the Speaker the United States' Senate, by WILLIAM HENRY
+HARRISON, Governor"--_American State Papers_ vol 1. p. 467.
+
+
+MONSIEUR C.C. ROBIN, who resided in Louisiana from 1802 to 1806, and
+published a volume containing the results of his observations there,
+thus speaks of the condition of the slaves:
+
+"While they are at labor, the manager, the master, or the driver has
+commonly the whip in hand to strike the idle. But those of the negroes
+who are judged guilty of serious faults, are punished twenty,
+twenty-five, forty, fifty, or one hundred lashes. The manner of this
+cruel execution is as follows: four stakes are driven down, making a
+long square; the culprit is extended naked between these stakes, face
+downwards; his hands and his feet are bound separately, with strong
+cords, to each of the stakes, so far apart that his arms and legs,
+stretched in the form of St. Andrew's cross, give the poor wretch no
+chance of stirring. Then the executioner, who is ordinarily a negro,
+armed with the long whip of a coachman, strikes upon the reins and
+thighs. The crack of his whip resounds afar, like that of an angry
+cartman beating his horses. The blood flows, the long wounds cross
+each other, strips of skin are raised without softening either the
+hand of the executioner or the heart of the master, who cries 'sting
+him harder.'
+
+"The reader is moved; so am I: my agitated hand refuses to trace the
+bloody picture, to recount how many times the piercing cry of pain has
+interrupted my silent occupations; how many times I have shuddered at
+the faces of those barbarous masters, where I saw inscribed the number
+of victims sacrificed to their ferocity.
+
+"The women are subjected to these punishments as rigorously as the
+men--not even pregnancy exempts them; in that case, before binding
+them to the stakes, a hole is made in the ground to accommodate the
+enlarged form of the victim.
+
+"It is remarkable that the white creole women are ordinarily more
+inexorable than the men. Their slow and languid gait, and the trifling
+services which they impose, betoken only apathetic indolence; but
+should the slave not promptly obey, should he even fail to divine the
+meaning of their gestures, or looks, in an instant they are armed with
+a formidable whip; it is no longer the arm which cannot sustain the
+weight of a shawl or a reticule--it is no longer the form which but
+feebly sustains itself. They themselves order the punishment of one of
+these poor creatures, and with a dry eye see their victim bound to
+four stakes; they count the blows, and raise a voice of menace, if the
+arm that strikes relaxes, or if the blood does not flow in sufficient
+abundance. Their sensibility changed to fury must needs feed itself
+for a while on the hideous spectacle; they must, as if to revive
+themselves, hear the piercing shrieks, and see the flow of fresh
+blood; there are some of them who, in their frantic rage, pinch and
+bite their victims.
+
+"It is by no means wonderful that the laws designed to protect the
+slave, should be little respected by the generality of such masters. I
+have seen some masters pay those unfortunate people the miserable
+overcoat which is their due; but others give them nothing at all, and
+do not even leave them the hours and Sundays granted to them by law. I
+have seen some of those barbarous masters leave them, during the
+winter, in a state of revolting nudity, even contrary to their own
+true interests, for they thus weaken and shorten the lives upon which
+repose the whole of their own fortunes. I have seen some of those
+negroes obliged to conceal their nakedness with the long moss of the
+country. The sad melancholy of these wretches, depicted upon their
+countenances, the flight of some, and the death of others, do not
+reclaim their masters; they wreak upon those who remain, the vengeance
+which they can no longer exercise upon the others."
+
+
+WHITMAN MEAD, Esq. of New York, in his journal, published nearly a
+quarter of a century ago, under date of
+
+"SAVANNAH, January 28, 1817.
+
+"To one not accustomed to such scenes as slavery presents, the
+condition of the slaves is _impressively shocking._ In the course of
+my walks, I was every where witness to their wretchedness. Like the
+brute creatures of the north, they are driven about at the pleasure of
+all who meet them: _half naked and half starved_, they drag out a
+pitiful existence, apparently almost unconscious of what they suffer.
+A threat accompanies every command, and a bastinado is the usual
+reward of disobedience."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JOHN RANKIN,
+
+_A native of Tennessee, educated there, and for a number of years a
+preacher in slave states--now pastor of a church in Ripley, Ohio._
+
+"Many poor slaves are stripped naked, stretched and tied across
+barrels, or large bags, _and tortured with the lash during hours, and
+even whole days, until their flesh is mangled to the very bones_.
+Others are stripped and hung up by the arms, their feet are tied
+together, and the end of a heavy piece of timber is put between their
+legs in order to stretch their bodies, and so prepare them for the
+torturing lash--and in this situation they are often whipped until
+their bodies are covered _with blood and mangled flesh_--and in order
+to add the greatest keenness to their sufferings, their wounds are
+washed with _liquid salt_! And some of the miserable creatures are
+permitted to hang in that position until they actually _expire_; some
+die under the lash, others linger about for a time, and at length die
+of their wounds, and many survive, and endure again similar torture.
+These bloody scenes are _constantly exhibiting in every slave holding
+country--thousands of whips are every day stained in African blood_!
+Even the poor _females_ are not permitted to escape these shocking
+cruelties."--_Rankin's Letters._
+
+These letters were published fifteen years ago.--They were addressed
+to a brother in Virginia, who was a slaveholder.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.
+
+"We have heard of slavery as it exists in Asia, and Africa, and
+Turkey--we have heard of the feudal slavery under which the peasantry
+of Europe have groaned from the days of Alaric until now, but
+excepting only the horrible system of the West India Islands, we have
+never heard of slavery in any country, ancient or modern, Pagan,
+Mohammedan, or _Christian! so terrible in its character_, as the
+slavery which exists in these United States."--_Seventh Report
+American Colonization Society,_ 1824.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE GRADUAL EMANCIPATION SOCIETY OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+
+
+_Signed by Moses Swain, President, and William Swain, Secretary._
+
+"In the eastern part of the state, the slaves considerably outnumber
+the free population. Their situation is there wretched beyond
+description. Impoverished by the mismanagement which we have already
+attempted to describe, the master, unable to support his own grandeur
+and maintain his slaves, puts the unfortunate wretches upon short
+allowances, scarcely sufficient for their sustenance, so that a great
+part of them go half naked and half starved much of the time.
+Generally, throughout the state, the African is an _abused, a
+monstrously outraged creature."--See Minutes of the American
+Convention, convened in Baltimore, Oct._ 25, 1826.
+
+
+
+
+FROM NILES' BALTIMORE REGISTER FOR 1829, VOL 35, p. 4.
+
+
+"Dealing in slaves has become a _large business_. Establishments are
+made at several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle. These places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with _iron thumb-screws and gags_, and ornamented with
+_catskins and other whips--often times bloody_."
+
+Judge RUFFIN, of the Supreme Court of North Carolina, in one of his
+judicial decisions, says--"The slave, to remain a slave, must feel
+that there is NO APPEAL FROM HIS MASTER. No man can anticipate the
+provocations which the slave would give, nor the consequent wrath of
+the master, prompting him to BLOODY VENGEANCE on the turbulent
+traitor, a vengeance _generally_ practiced with impunity, by reason of
+its PRIVACY."--See _Wheeler's Law of Slavery_ p. 247.
+
+MR. MOORE, of VIRGINIA, in his speech before the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 15, 1832, says: "It must be confessed, that although the
+treatment of our slaves is in the general, as mild and humane as it
+can be, that it must always happen, that there will be found hundreds
+of individuals, who, owing either to the natural ferocity of their
+dispositions, or to the effects of intemperance, will be guilty of
+cruelty and barbarity towards their slaves, which is _almost
+intolerable_, and at which humanity revolts."
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF B. SWAIN, ESQ., OF NORTH CAROLINA.
+
+
+"Let any man of spirit and feeling, for a moment cast his thoughts
+over this land of slavery--think of the _nakedness_ of some, the
+_hungry yearnings_ of others, the _flowing tears and heaving sighs_ of
+parting relations, the _wailings and wo, the bloody cut of the keen
+lash, and the frightful scream that rends the very skies_--and all
+this to gratify ambition, lust, pride, avarice, vanity, and other
+depraved feelings of the human heart.... THE WORST IS NOT GENERALLY
+KNOWN. Were all the miseries, the horrors of slavery, to burst at once
+into view, a peal of seven-fold thunder could scarce strike greater
+alarm."--_See "Swain's Address,"_ 1830.
+
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF DR. JAMES C. FINLEY,
+
+
+_Son of Dr. Finley, one of the founders of the Colonization Society,
+and brother of R.S. Finley, agent of the American Colonization
+Society._ Dr. J.C. Finley was formerly one of the editors of the
+Western Medical Journal, at Cincinnati, and is well known in the west
+as utterly hostile to immediate abolition.
+
+"In almost the last conversation I had with you before I left
+Cincinnati, I promised to give you some account of some scenes of
+atrocious cruelty towards slaves, which I witnessed while I lived at
+the south. I almost regret having made the promise, for not only are
+they _so atrocious_ that you will with difficulty believe them, but I
+also fear that they will have the effect of driving you into that
+_abolitionism_, upon the borders of which you have been so long
+hesitating. The people of the north _are ignorant of the horrors of
+slavery_--of the _atrocities_ which it commits upon the unprotected
+slave.   *     *     *
+
+"I do not know that any thing could be gained by particularizing the
+scenes of _horrible barbarity_, which fell under my observation during
+my _short_ residence in one of the wealthiest, most intelligent, and
+most moral parts of Georgia. Their _number_ and _atrocity_ are such,
+that I am confident they would gain credit with none but
+_abolitionists_. Every thing will be conveyed in the remark, that in a
+state of society calculated to foster the worst passions of our
+nature, the slave derives _no protection_ either from _law_ or _public
+opinion_, and that ALL the cruelties which the Russians are reported
+to have acted towards the Poles, after their late subjugation, ARE
+SCENES OF EVERY-DAY OCCURRENCE in the southern states. This statement,
+incredible as it may seem, falls short, very far short of the truth."
+
+The foregoing is extracted from a letter written by Dr. Finley to Rev.
+Asa Mahan, his former pastor, then of Cincinnati, now President of
+Oberlin Seminary.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM T. ALLAN, OF ILLINOIS, _Son of a
+Slaveholder, Rev. Dr. Allan of Huntsville, Ala._
+
+"At our house it is so common to hear their (the slaves') screams,
+that we think nothing of it: and lest any one should think that in
+_general_ the slaves are well treated, let me be distinctly
+understood:--_cruelty_ is the _rule_, and _kindness_ the _exception_."
+
+Extract of a letter dated July 2d, 1834, from Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St.
+Louis, Missouri, to Arthur Tappan, Esq. of this city:
+
+"I am not an advocate of the immediate and unconditional emancipation
+of the slaves of our country, yet _no man has ever yet depicted the
+wretchedness of the situation of the slaves in colors as dark for the
+truth_.... I know that many good people _are not aware of the
+treatment to which slaves are usually subjected_, nor have they any
+just idea of the extent of the evil."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. JAMES A. THOME, _A native of Kentucky--Son of Arthur
+Thome Esq., till recently a Slaveholder._
+
+"Slavery is the parent of more suffering than has flowed from any one
+source since the date of its existence. Such sufferings too!
+_Sufferings inconceivable and innumerable--unmingled wretchedness_
+from the ties of nature rudely broken and destroyed, the _acutest
+bodily tortures, groans, tears and blood_--lying forever in weariness
+and painfulness, in watchings, in hunger and in thirst, in cold and
+nakedness.
+
+"Brethren of the North, be not deceived. _These sufferings still
+exist_, and despite the efforts of their cruel authors to hush them
+down, and confine them within the precincts of their own plantations,
+they will ever and anon, struggle up and reach the ear of
+humanity."--_Mr. Thome's Speech at New York, May,_ 1834.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE MARYVILLE (TENNESSEE) INTELLIGENCER, OF OCT. 4, 1835.
+
+The Editor, in speaking of the sufferings of the slaves which are
+taken by the internal trade to the South West, says:
+
+"Place yourself in imagination, for a moment, in their condition.
+With _heavy galling chains_, riveted upon your person; _half-naked,
+half-starved_; your back _lacerated_ with the 'knotted Whip;'
+traveling to a region where your _condition through time will be
+second only to the wretched creatures in Hell_.
+
+"This depicting is not visionary. Would to God that it was."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN SYNOD OF KENTUCKY; _A large majority of
+whom are slaveholders._
+
+"This system licenses and produces _great cruelty_.
+
+"Mangling, imprisonment, starvation, every species of torture, may be
+inflicted upon him, (the slave,) and he has no redress.
+
+"There are now in our whole land two millions of human beings,
+exposed, defenceless, to every insult, and every injury short of
+maiming or death, which their fellow men may choose to inflict. _They
+suffer all_ that can be inflicted by wanton caprice, by grasping
+avarice, by brutal lust, by malignant spite, and by insane anger.
+Their happiness is the sport of every whim, and the prey of every
+passion that may, occasionally, or habitually, infest the master's
+bosom. If we could calculate the amount of wo endured by ill-treated
+slaves, it would overwhelm every compassionate heart--it would move
+even the obdurate to sympathy. There is also a vast sum of suffering
+inflicted upon the slave by humane masters, as a punishment for that
+idleness and misconduct which slavery naturally produces.
+
+"_Brutal stripes_ and all the varied kinds of personal indignities,
+are not the only species of cruelty which slavery licenses."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF THE REV. N.H. HARDING, Pastor of the Presbyterian Church,
+in Oxford, North Carolina, a slaveholder.
+
+"I am greatly surprised that you should in any form have been the
+apologist of a system so full of deadly poison to all holiness and
+benevolence as slavery, the concocted essence of fraud, selfishness,
+and cold hearted tyranny, and the fruitful parent of unnumbered evils,
+both to the oppressor and the oppressed, THE ONE THOUSANDTH PART OF
+WHICH HAS NEVER BEEN BROUGHT TO LIGHT."
+
+MR. ASA A. STONE, a theological student, who lived near Natchez,
+(Mi.,) in 1834 and 5, sent the following with other testimony, to be
+published under his own name, in the N.Y. Evangelist, while he was
+still residing there.
+
+"Floggings for all offences, including deficiencies in work, are
+_frightfully common_, and _most terribly severe._
+
+"_Rubbing with salt and red pepper is very common after a severe
+whipping._"
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH, Centreville, Allegany Co., N.Y. who
+lived four years at the South.
+
+"They are badly clothed, badly fed, wretchedly lodged, unmercifully
+whipped, from month to month, from year to year, from childhood to old
+age."
+
+
+REV. JOSEPH M. SADD, Castile, Genessee CO. N.Y. who was till recently
+a preacher in Missouri, says,
+
+"It is true that barbarous cruelties are inflicted upon them, such as
+terrible lacerations with the whip, and excruciating tortures are
+sometimes experienced from the thumb screw."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from SARAH M. GRIMKE, dated 4th Month, 2nd, 1839
+
+"If the following extracts from letters which I have received from
+South Carolina, will be of any use thou art at liberty to publish
+them. I need not say, that the names of the writers are withheld of
+necessity, because such sentiments if uttered at the south would peril
+their lives."
+
+
+EXTRACTS
+
+--South Carolina, 4th Month, 5th, 1835. "With regard to slavery I
+must confess, though we had heard a great deal on the subject, we
+found on coming South the _half_, the _worst_ half too, had not been
+told us; not that we have ourselves seen much oppression, though truly
+we have felt its deadening influence, but the accounts we have
+received from every tongue that nobly dares to speak upon the subject,
+are indeed _deplorable_. To quote the language of a lady, who with
+true Southern hospitality, received us at her mansion. "The _northern_
+people don't know anything of slavery at all, they think it is
+_perpetual bondage merely_, but of the _depth of degradation_ that
+that word involves, they have no conception; if they had any just idea
+of it, they would I am sure use every effort until an end was put to
+such a shocking system.'
+
+"Another friend writing from South Carolina, and who sustains herself
+the legal relation of slaveholder, in a letter dated April 4th, 1838,
+says--'I have some time since, given you my views on the subject of
+slavery, which so much engrosses your attention. I would most
+willingly forget what I have seen and heard in my own family, with
+regard to the slaves. _I shudder when I think of it_, and increasingly
+feel that slavery is a curse since it leads to such _cruelty_.'"
+
+
+
+
+PUNISHMENTS.
+
+
+I. FLOGGINGS.
+
+The slaves are terribly lacerated with whips, paddles, &c.; red pepper
+and salt are rubbed into their mangled flesh; hot brine and turpentine
+are poured into their gashes; and innumerable other tortures inflicted
+upon them.
+
+We will in the first place, prove by a cloud of witnesses, that the
+slaves are whipped with such inhuman severity, as to lacerate and
+mangle their flesh in the most shocking manner, leaving permanent
+scars and ridges; after establishing this, we will present a mass of
+testimony, concerning a great variety of other tortures. The
+testimony, for the most part, will be that of the slaveholders
+themselves, and in their own chosen words. A large portion of it will
+be taken from the advertisements, which they have published in their
+own newspapers, describing by the scars on their bodies made by the
+whip, their own runaway slaves. To copy these advertisements _entire_
+would require a great amount of space, and flood the reader with a
+vast mass of matter irrelevant to the _point_ before us; we shall
+therefore insert only so much of each, as will intelligibly set forth
+the precise point under consideration. In the column under the word
+"witnesses," will be found the name of the individual, who signs the
+advertisement, or for whom it is signed, with his or her place of
+residence, and the name and date of the paper, in which it appeared,
+and generally the name of the place where it is published. Opposite
+the name of each witness, will be an extract, from the advertisement,
+containing his or her testimony.
+
+
+Mr. D. Judd, jailor, Davidson Co., Tennessee, in the "Nashville
+Banner," Dec. 10th, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail as a runaway, a negro woman named Martha, 17 or 18
+years of age, has _numerous scars of the whip on her back_."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Nicoll, Dauphin st. between Emmanuel and Conception st's,
+Mobile, Alabama, in the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+
+"Ten dollars reward for my woman Siby, _very much scarred about the
+neck and ears by whipping_."
+
+
+Mr. Bryant Johnson, Fort Valley Houston Co., Georgia, in the "Standard
+of Union," Milledgeville Ga. Oct. 2, 1838. "Ranaway, a negro woman,
+named Maria, _some scars on her back occasioned by the whip_."
+
+
+Mr. James T. De Jarnett, Vernon, Autauga Co., Alabama, in the
+"Pensacola Gazette," July 14, 1838.
+
+"Stolen a negro woman, named Celia. On examining her back you will
+find marks _caused by the whip_."
+
+
+Maurice Y. Garcia, Sheriff of the County of Jefferson, La., in the
+"New Orleans Bee,"  August, 14, 1838.
+
+"Lodged in jail, a mulatto boy, _having large marks of the whip,_ on
+his shoulders and other parts of his body."
+
+
+R.J. Bland, Sheriff of Claiborne Co, Miss., in the "Charleston (S.C.)
+Courier." August, 28, 1838.
+
+"Was committed a negro boy, named Tom, is _much marked with the
+whip_."
+
+
+Mr. James Noe, Red River Landing, La., in the "Sentinel," Vicksburg,
+Miss., August 22, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow named Dick--has _many scars on his back from
+being whipped."_
+
+
+William Craze, jailor, Alexandria, La. in the "Planter's
+Intelligencer." Sept. 26, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave--his back is _very badly scarred."_
+
+
+John A. Rowland, jailor, Lumberton, North Carolina, in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 20, 1838.
+
+"Committed, a mulatto fellow--his back shows _lasting impressions of
+the whip,_ and leaves no doubt of his being A SLAVE"
+
+
+J.K. Roberts, sheriff, Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," Dec. 9, 1839.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man--his back _much marked_ by the whip."
+
+
+Mr. H. Varillat, No. 23 Girod street, New Orleans--in the "Commercial
+Bulletin," August 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro slave named Jupiter--has a _fresh mark_ of a
+cowskin on one of his cheeks."
+
+
+Mr. Cornelius D. Tolin, Augusta, Ga., in the "Chronicle and Sentinel,"
+Oct. 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Johnson--he has a _great many marks of the
+whip_ on his back."
+
+
+W.H. Brasseale, sheriff; Blount county, Ala., in the "Huntsville
+Democrat," June 9, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro slave named James--_much scarred_ with a
+whip on his back."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Ga., in the "Georgia Messenger," July 27,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain--he is marked _on the back with the whip."_
+
+
+Mr. John Wotton, Rockville, Montgomery county, Maryland, in the
+"Baltimore Republican," Jan. 13, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Bill--has _several_ LARGE SCARS on his back from a _severe_
+whipping in _early life."_
+
+
+D.S. Bennett, sheriff, Natchitoches, La., in the "Herald," July 21,
+1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy who calls himself Joe--said negro
+bears _marks of the whip."_
+
+
+Messrs. C.C. Whitehead, and R.A. Evans, Marion, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville (Ga.) "Standard of Union," June 26, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro fellow John--from being whipped, has _scars on his
+back, arms, and thighs."_
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Stewart, Greensboro', Ala., in the "Southern Advocate,"
+Huntsville, Jan. 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a boy named Jim--with the marks of the _whip_ on the small
+of the back, reaching round to the flank."
+
+
+Mr. John Walker, No. 6, Banks' Arcade New Orleans, in the "Bulletin,"
+August 11, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the mulatto boy Quash--_considerably marked_ on the back and
+other places with the lash."
+
+
+Mr. Jesse Beene, Cahawba, Ala., in the "State Intelligencer,"
+Tuskaloosa, Dec. 25, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Billy--he has the _marks of the_ whip."
+
+
+Mr. John Turner, Thomaston, Upson county, Georgia--in the "Standard of
+Union," Milledgeville, June 26, 1838.
+
+"Left, my negro man named George--has _marks of the whip very plain on
+his thighs."_
+
+
+James Derrah, deputy sheriff; Claiborne county, Mi., in the "Port
+Gibson Correspondent," April 15, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, negro man Toy--he has been _badly whipped."_
+
+
+S.B. Murphy, sheriff, Wilkinson county, Georgia--in the Milledgeville
+"Journal," May 15, 1838.
+
+"Brought to jail, a negro man named George--he has a _great many scars
+from the lash."_
+
+
+Mr. L.E. Cooner, Branchville Orangeburgh District, South Carolina--in
+the Macon "Messenger," May 25, 1837.
+
+"One hundred dollars reward, for my negro Glasgow, and Kate, his wife.
+Glasgow is 24 years old--has _marks of the whip_ on his back. Kate is
+26--has a _scar_ on her cheek, _and several marks of a whip."_
+
+
+John H. Hand, jailor, parish of West Feliciana, La., in the St.
+"Francisville Journal," July 6, 1837
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro boy named John, about 17 years old--his
+back _badly marked_ with the _whip_, his upper lip and chin _severely
+bruised."_
+
+
+The preceding are extracts from advertisements published in southern
+papers, mostly in the year 1838. They are the mere _samples_ of
+hundreds of similar ones published during the same period, with which,
+as the preceding are quite sufficient to show the _commonness_ of
+inhuman floggings in the slave states, we need not burden the reader.
+
+The foregoing testimony is, as the reader perceives, that of the
+slaveholders themselves, voluntarily certifying to the outrages which
+their own hands have committed upon defenceless and innocent men and
+women, over whom they have assumed authority. We have given to _their_
+testimony precedence over that of all other witnesses, for the reason
+that when men testify against _themselves_ they are under no
+temptation to exaggerate.
+
+We will now present the testimony of a large number of individuals,
+with their names and residences,--persons who witnessed the
+inflictions to which they testify. Many of them have been
+slaveholders, and _all_ residents for longer or shorter periods in
+slave states.
+
+
+Rev. JOHN H. CURTISS, a native of Deep Creek, Norfolk county,
+Virginia, now a local preacher of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Portage co., Ohio, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In 1829 or 30, one of my father's slaves was accused of taking the
+key to the office and stealing four or five dollars: he denied it. A
+constable by the name of Hull was called; he took the Negro, very
+deliberately tied his hands, and whipped him till the blood ran freely
+down his legs. By this time Hull appeared tired, and stopped; he then
+took a rope, put a slip noose around his neck, and told the negro he
+was going to _kill_ him, at the same time drew the rope and began
+whipping: the Negro fell; his cheeks looked as though they would burst
+with strangulation. Hull whipped and kicked him, till I really thought
+he was going to kill him; when he ceased, the negro was in a complete
+gore of blood from head to foot."
+
+
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class-leader in the Methodist Church, at St.
+Alban's, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In the year 1821 or 2, I saw a slave hung for killing his master. The
+master had whipped the slave's mother to DEATH, and, locking him in a
+room, threatened him with the same fate; and, cowhide in hand, had
+begun the work, when the slave joined battle and slew the master."
+
+
+SAMUEL ELLISON, a member of the Society of Friends, formerly of
+Southampton county, Virginia, now of Marlborough, Stark county, Ohio,
+gives the following testimony:--
+
+"While a resident of Southampton county, Virginia, I knew two men,
+after having been severely treated, endeavor to make their escape. In
+this they failed--were taken, tied to trees, and whipped to _death_ by
+their overseer. I lived a mile from the negro quarters, and, at that
+distance, could frequently hear the screams of the poor creatures when
+beaten, and could also hear the blows given by the overseer with some
+heavy instrument."
+
+
+Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam, Ohio, gives the following testimony of
+Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of that place, a captain and supercargo of boats
+descending the Mississippi river:--
+
+"At Bayou Sarah, I saw a slave _staked out,_ with his face to the
+ground, and whipped with a large whip, which laid open the flesh for
+about two and a half inches _every stroke._ I stayed about five
+minutes, but could stand it no longer, and left them whipping."
+
+
+Mr. STEPHEN E. MALTBY, inspector of provisions, Skeneateles, New York,
+who has resided in Alabama, speaking of the condition of the slaves,
+says:--
+
+"I have seen them cruelly whipped. I will relate one instance. One
+Sabbath morning, before I got out of my bed, I heard an outcry, and
+got up and went to the window, when I saw some six or eight boys, from
+eight to twelve years of age, near a rack (made for tying horses) on
+the public square. A man on horseback rode up, got off his horse, took
+a cord from his pocket, _tied one of the boys_ by the _thumbs_ to the
+rack, and with his horsewhip lashed him most severely. He then untied
+him and rode off without saying a word.
+
+"It was a general practice, while I was at Huntsville, Alabama, to
+have a patrol every night; and, to my knowledge, this patrol was in
+the habit of traversing the streets with cow-skins, and, if they found
+any slaves out after eight o'clock without a pass, to whip them until
+they were out of reach, or to confine them until morning."
+
+
+Mr. J.G. BALDWIN, of Middletown, Connecticut, a member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, gives the following testimony:--
+
+"I traveled at the south in 1827: when near Charlotte, N.C. a free
+colored man fell into the road just ahead of me, and went on
+peaceably.--When passing a public-house, the landlord ran out with a
+large cudgel, and applied it to the head and shoulders of the man with
+such force as to shatter it in pieces. When the reason of his conduct
+was asked, he replied, that he owned slaves, and he would not permit
+free blacks to come into his neighborhood.
+
+"Not long after, I stopped at a public-house near Halifax, N.C.,
+between nine and ten o'clock P.M., to stay over night. A slave sat
+upon a bench in the bar-room asleep. The master came in, seized a
+large horsewhip, and, without any warning or apparent provocation,
+laid it over the face and eyes of the slave. The master cursed, swore,
+and swung his lash--the slave cowered and trembled, but said not a
+word. Upon inquiry the next morning, I ascertained that the only
+offence was falling asleep, and this too in consequence of having been
+up nearly all the previous night, in attendance upon company."
+
+
+Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, of Castile, N.Y., who has lately left Missouri,
+where he was pastor of a church for some years, says:--
+
+"In one case, near where we lived, a runaway slave, when brought back,
+was most cruelly beaten--bathed in the _usual_ liquid--laid in the
+sun, and a physician employed to heal his wounds:--then the same
+process of punishment and healing was _repeated_, _and repeated
+again_, and then the poor creature was sold for the New Orleans
+market. This account we had from the _physician himself_."
+
+
+MR. ABRAHAM BELL, of Poughkeepsie, New York, a member of the Scotch
+Presbyterian Church, was employed, in 1837 and 38, in levelling and
+grading for a rail-road in the state of Georgia: he had under his
+direction, during the whole time, thirty slaves. Mr. B. gives the
+following testimony:--
+
+"_All_ the slaves had their backs scarred, from the oft-repeated
+whippings they had received."
+
+
+Mr. ALONZO BARNARD, of Farmington, Ohio, who was in Mississippi in
+1837 and 8, says:--
+
+"The slaves were often severely whipped. I saw one _woman_ very
+severely whipped for accidentally cutting up a stalk of cotton.[8]
+When they were whipped they were commonly _held down by four men_: if
+these could not confine them, they were fastened by stakes driven
+firmly into the ground, and then lashed often so as to draw blood at
+each blow. I saw one woman who had lately been delivered of a child in
+consequence of cruel treatment."
+
+[Footnote 8: Mr. Cornelius Johnson, of Farmington, Ohio, was also a
+witness to this inhuman outrage upon an unprotected woman, for the
+unintentional destruction of a stalk of cotton! In his testimony he is
+more particular, and says, that the number of lashes inflicted upon
+her by the overseer was "ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY."]
+
+
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Presbyterian Church at Buffalo,
+N.Y. says:--
+
+"There was a steam cotton press, in the vicinity of my boarding-house
+at New Orleans, which was driven night and day, without intermission.
+My curiosity led me to look at the interior of the establishment.
+There I saw several slaves engaged in rolling cotton bags, fastening
+ropes lading carts, &c.
+
+"The presiding genius of the place was a driver, who held a rope four
+feet long in his hand, which he wielded with cruel dexterity. He used
+it in single blows, just as the men were lifting to _tighten_ the bale
+cords. It seemed to me that he was desirous to edify me with a
+specimen of his authority; at any rate the cruelty was horrible."
+
+
+Mr. JOHN VANCE, a member of the Baptist Church, in St. Albans, Licking
+county, Ohio, who moved from Culpepper county, Va., his native state
+in 1814, testifies as follows:--
+
+"In 1826, I saw a woman by the name of Mallix, flog her female slave
+with a horse-whip so horribly that she was washed in salt and water
+several days, to keep her bruises from mortifying.
+
+"In 1811, I was returning from mill, in Shenandoah county, when I
+heard the cry of murder, in the field of a man named Painter. I rode
+to the place to see what was going on. Two men, by the names of John
+Morgan and Michael Siglar, had heard the cry and came running to the
+place. I saw Painter beating a negro with a tremendous club, or small
+handspike, swearing he would kill him: but he was rescued by Morgan
+and Siglar. I learned that Painter had commenced flogging the slave
+for not getting to work soon enough. He had escaped, and taken refuge
+under a pile of rails that were on some timbers up a little from the
+ground. The master had put fire to one end, and stood at the other
+with his club, to kill him as he came out. The pile was still burning.
+Painter said he was a turbulent fellow and he _would_ kill him. The
+apprehension of P. was TALKED ABOUT, but, as a compromise, the negro
+was sold to another man."
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE PUBLISHED JOURNAL OF THE LATE WM. SAVER, of
+Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the Religious Society of
+Friends:--
+
+"6th mo. 22d, 1791. We passed on to Augusta, Georgia. They can
+scarcely tolerate us, on account of our abhorrence of slavery. On the
+28th we got to Savannah, and lodged at one Blount's, a hard-hearted
+slaveholder. One of his lads, aged about fourteen, was ordered to go
+and milk the cow: and falling asleep, through weariness, the master
+called out and ordered him a flogging. I asked him what he meant by a
+flogging. He replied, the way we serve them here is, we cut their
+backs until they are raw all over, and then salt them. Upon this my
+feelings were roused; I told him that was too bad, and queried *if it
+were possible; he replied it was, with many curses upon the blacks. At
+supper this unfeeling wretch _craved a blessing_!
+
+"Next morning I heard some one begging for mercy, and also the lash as
+of a whip. Not knowing whence the sound came, I rose, and presently
+found the poor boy tied up to a post, his toes scarcely touching the
+ground, and a negro whipper. He had already cut him in an unmerciful
+manner, and the blood ran to his heels. I stepped in between them, and
+ordered him untied immediately, which, with some reluctance and
+astonishment, was done. Returning to the house I saw the landlord, who
+then showed himself in his true colors, the most abominably wicked man
+I ever met with, full of horrid execrations and threatenings upon all
+northern people; but I did not spare him; which occasioned a bystander
+to say, with an oath, that I should be "popped over." We left them,
+and were in full expectation of their way-laying or coming after us,
+but the Lord restrained them. The next house we stopped at we found
+the same wicked spirit."
+
+
+Col. ELIJAH ELLSWORTH, of Richfield, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:--
+
+"Eight or ten years ago I was in Putnam county, in the state of
+Georgia, at a Mr. Slaughter's, the father of my brother's wife. A
+negro, that belonged to Mr. Walker, (I believe,) was accused of
+stealing a pedlar's trunk. The negro denied, but, without ceremony,
+was lashed to a tree--the whipping commenced--six or eight men took
+turns--the poor fellow begged for mercy, but without effect, until he
+was literally _cut to pieces, from his shoulders to his hips_, and
+covered with a gore of blood. When he said the trunk was in a stack of
+fodder, he was unlashed. They proceeded to the stack, but found no
+trunk. They asked the poor fellow, what he lied about it for; he said,
+"Lord, Massa, to keep from being whipped to death; I know nothing
+about the trunk." They commenced the whipping with redoubled vigor,
+until I really supposed he would be whipped to death on the spot; and
+such shrieks and crying for mercy! Again he acknowledged, and again
+they were defeated in finding, and the same reason given as before.
+Some were for whipping again, others thought he would not survive
+another, and they ceased. About two months after, the trunk was found,
+and it was then ascertained who the thief was: and the poor fellow,
+after being nearly beat to death, and twice made to lie about it, was
+as innocent as I was."
+
+
+The following statements are furnished by Major HORACE NYE, of Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio.
+
+"In the summer of 1837, Mr. JOHN H. MOOREHEAD, a partner of mine,
+descended the Mississippi with several boat loads of flour. He told me
+that floating in a place in the Mississippi, where he could see for
+miles a head, he perceived a concourse of people on the bank, that for
+at least a mile and a half above he saw them, and heard the screams of
+some person, and from a great distance, the crack of a whip, he run
+near the shore, and saw them whipping a black man, who was on the
+ground, and at that time nearly unable to scream, but the whip
+continued to be applied without intermission, as long as he was in
+sight, say from one mile and a half, to two miles below--he probably
+saw and heard them for one hour in all. He expressed the opinion that
+the man could not survive.
+
+"About four weeks since I had a conversation with Mr. Porter, a
+respectable citizen of Morgan county of this state, of about fifty
+years of age. He told me that he formerly traveled about five years in
+the southern states, and that on one occasion he stopped at a private
+house, to stay all night; (I think it was in Virginia,) while he was
+conversing with the man, his wife came in, and complained that the
+wench had broken some article in the kitchen, and that she must be
+whipped. He took the _woman_ into the door yard, stripped her clothes
+down to her hips--tied her hands together, and drawing them up to a
+limb, so that she could just touch the ground, took a very large
+cowskin whip, and commenced flogging; he said that every stroke at
+first raised the skin, and immediately the blood came through; this he
+continued, until the blood stood in a puddle down at her feet. He then
+turned to my informant and said, 'Well, Yankee, what do you think of
+that?'"
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. W. DUSTIN, a member of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church, and, when the letter was written, 1835, a student of
+Marietta College, Ohio.
+
+"I find by looking over my journal that the murdering, which I spoke
+of yesterday, took place about the first of June, 1834.
+
+"Without commenting upon this act of cruelty, or giving vent to my own
+feelings, I will simply give you a statement of the fact, as known
+from _personal_ observation.
+
+"Dr. K. a man of wealth, and a practising physician in the county of
+Yazoo, state of Mississippi, personally known to me, having lived in
+the same neighborhood more than twelve months, after having scourged
+one of his negroes for running away, declared with an oath, that if he
+ran away again, he would kill him. The negro, so soon as an
+opportunity offered, ran away again. He was caught and brought back.
+Again he was scourged, until his flesh, mangled and torn, and thick
+mingled with the clotted blood, rolled from his back. He became
+apparently insensible, and beneath the heaviest stroke would scarcely
+utter a groan. The master got tired, laid down his whip and nailed the
+negro's ear to a tree; in this condition, nailed fast to the rugged
+wood, he remained all night!
+
+"Suffice it to say, in the conclusion, that the next day he was found
+DEAD!
+
+"Well, what did they do with the master? The sum total of it is this:
+he was taken before a magistrate and gave bonds, for his appearance at
+the next court. Well, to be sure he had plenty of cash, so he paid up
+his bonds and moved away, and there the matter ended.
+
+"If the above fact will be of any service to you in exhibiting to the
+world the condition of the unfortunate negroes, you are at liberty to
+make use of it in any way you think best.
+
+Yours, fraternally, M. DUSTIN."
+
+
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, a member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and the assessor of that town, has furnished the following:
+
+"I went down the Mississippi in December, 1838 and saw twelve of
+fourteen negroes punished on one plantation, by stretching them on a
+ladder and tying them to it; then stripping off their clothes, and
+whipping them on the naked flesh with a heavy whip, the lash seven or
+eight feet long: most of the strokes cut the skin. I understood they
+were whipped for not doing the tasks allotted to them."
+
+
+FROM THE PHILANTHROPIST, Cincinnati, Ohio, Feb. 26, 1839.
+
+"A very intelligent lady the widow of a highly respectable preacher of
+the gospel of the Presbyterian Church, formerly a resident of a free
+state, and a colonizationist, and a strong antiabolitionist, who,
+although an enemy to slavery, was opposed to abolition on the ground
+that it was for carrying things too rapidly, and without regard to
+circumstances, and especially who believed that abolitionists
+exaggerated with regard to the evils of slavery, and used to say that
+such men ought to go to slave states and see for themselves, to be
+convinced that they did the slaveholders injustice, has gone and seen
+for herself. Hear her testimony."
+
+_Kentucky, Dec._ 25, 1835.
+
+"Dear Mrs. W.--I am still in the land of oppression and cruelty, but
+hope soon to breathe the air of a free state. My soul is sick of
+slavery, and I rejoice that my time is nearly expired: but the scenes
+that I have witnessed have made an impression that never can be
+effaced, and have inspired me with the determination to unite my
+feeble efforts with those who are laboring to suppress this horrid
+system. I am _now_ an _abolitionist_. You will cease to be surprised
+at this, when I inform you, that I have just seen a poor slave who was
+beaten by his inhuman master until he could neither walk nor stand. I
+saw him from my window carried from the barn where he had been
+whipped to the cabin, by two negro men; and he now lies there, and if
+he recovers, will be a sufferer for months, and probably for life. You
+will doubtless suppose that he committed some great crime; but it was
+not so. He was called upon by a young man (the son of his master,) to
+do something, and not moving as quickly as his young master wished him
+to do, he drove him to the barn, knocked him down, and jumped upon
+him, stamped, and then cowhided him until he was almost dead. This is
+not the first act of cruelty that I have seen, though it is the
+_worst_; and I am convinced that those who have described the
+cruelties of slaveholders, have not exaggerated."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM GERRIT SMITH, Esq., of Peterboro'. N.Y.
+Peterboro', December 1, 1838.
+
+_To the Editor of the Union Herald_: "My dear Sir:--You will be happy
+to hear, that the two fugitive slaves, to whom in the brotherly love
+of your heart, you gave the use of your horse, are still making
+undisturbed progress towards the _monarchical_ land whither
+_republican_ slaves escape for the enjoyment of liberty. They had
+eaten their breakfast, and were seated in my wagon, before day-dawn,
+this morning.
+
+"Fugitive slaves have before taken my house in their way, but never
+any, whose lips and persons made so forcible an appeal to my
+sensibilities, and kindled in me so much abhorrence of the
+hell-concocted system of American slavery.
+
+"The fugitives exhibited their bare backs to myself and a number of my
+neighbors. Williams' back is comparatively scarred. But, I speak
+within bounds, when I say, that one-third to one-half of the whole
+surface of the back and shoulders of poor Scott, _consists of scars
+and wales resulting from innumerable gashes._ His natural complexion
+being yellow and the callous places being nearly black, his back and
+shoulders remind you of a spotted animal."
+
+The LOUISVILLE REPORTER (Kentucky,) Jan. 15, 1839, contains the report
+of a trial for inhuman treatment of a female slave. The following is
+some of the testimony given in court.
+
+"Dr. CONSTANT testified that he saw Mrs. Maxwell at the kitchen door,
+whipping the negro severely, without being particular whether she
+struck her in the face or not. The negro was lacerated by the whip,
+and the blood flowing. Soon after, on going down the steps, he saw
+quantities of blood on them, and on returning, saw them again. She had
+been thinly clad--barefooted in very cold weather. Sometimes she had
+shoes--sometimes not. In the beginning of the winter she had linsey
+dresses, since then, calico ones. During the last four months, had
+noticed many scars on her person. At one time had one of her eyes tied
+up for a week. During the last three months seemed declining, and had
+become stupified. Mr. Winters was passing along the street, heard
+cries, looked up through the window that was hoisted, saw the boy
+whipping her, as much as forty or fifty licks, while he staid. The
+girl was stripped down to the hips. The whip seemed to be a cow-hide.
+Whenever she turned her face to him, he would hit her across the face
+either with the butt end or small end of the whip to make her turn her
+back round square to the lash, that he might get a fair blow at her.
+
+"Mr. Say had noticed several wounds on her person, chiefly bruises.
+
+"Captain Porter, keeper of the work-house, into which Milly had been
+received, thought the injuries on her person very bad--some of them
+appeared to be burns--some bruises or stripes, as of a cow-hide."
+
+
+LETTER OF REV. JOHN RANKIN, of Ripley, Ohio, to the Editor of the
+Philanthropist.
+
+RIPLEY, Feb. 20, 1839.
+
+"Some time since, a member of the Presbyterian Church of Ebenezer,
+Brown county, Ohio, landed his boat at a point on the Mississippi. He
+saw some disturbance among the colored people on the bank. He stepped
+up, to see what was the matter. A black man was stretched naked on
+the ground; his hands were tied to a stake, and one held each foot. He
+was doomed to receive fifty lashes; but by the time the overseer had
+given him twenty-five with his great whip, the blood was standing
+round the wretched victim in little puddles. It appeared just as if it
+had rained blood.--Another observer stepped up, and advised to defer
+the other twenty-five to another time, lest the slave might die; and
+he was released, to receive the balance when he should have so
+recruited as to be able to bear it and live. The offence was, coming
+one hour too late to work."
+
+
+Mr. RANKIN, who is a native of Tennessee, in his letters on slavery,
+published fifteen years since, says:
+
+"A respectable gentleman, who is now a citizen of Flemingsburg,
+Fleming county, Kentucky, when in the state of South Carolina, was
+invited by a slaveholder, to walk with him and take a view of his
+farm. He complied with the invitation thus given, and in their walk
+they came to the place where the slaves were at work, and found the
+overseer whipping one of them very severely for not keeping pace with
+his fellows--in vain the poor fellow alleged that he was sick, and
+could not work. The master seemed to think all was well enough, hence
+he and the gentleman passed on. In the space of an hour they returned
+by the same way, and found that the poor slave, who had been whipped
+as they first passed by the field of labor, was actually dead! This I
+have from unquestionable authority."
+
+Extract of a letter from a MEMBER OF CONGRESS, to the Editor of the
+New York American, dated Washington, Feb. 18, 1839. The name of the
+writer is with the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society.
+
+"Three days ago, the inhabitants in the vicinity of the new Patent
+Building were alarmed by an outcry in the street, which proved to be
+that of a slave who had just been knocked down with a brick-bat by his
+pursuing master. Prostrate on the ground, with a large gash in his
+head, the poor slave was receiving the blows of his master on one
+side, and the kicks of his master's son on the other. His cries
+brought a few individuals to the spot; but no one dared to interfere,
+save to exclaim--You will kill him--which was met by the response, "He
+is mine, and I have a right to do what I please with him." The
+heart-rending scene was closed from _public_ view by dragging the poor
+bruised and wounded slave from the public street into his master's
+stable. What followed is not known. The outcries were heard by members
+of Congress and others at the distance of near a quarter of a mile
+from the scene.
+
+"And now, perhaps, you will ask, is not the city aroused by this
+flagrant cruelty and breach of the peace? I answer--not at all. Every
+thing is quiet. If the occurrence is mentioned at all, it is spoken of
+in whispers."
+
+_From the Mobile Examiner, August_ 1, 1837.
+
+"POLICE REPORT--MAYOR'S OFFICE.
+_Saturday morning, August_ 12, 1837.
+
+"His Honor the Mayor presiding.
+
+"Mr. MILLER, of the foundry, brought to the office this morning a
+small negro girl aged about eight or ten years, whom he had taken into
+his house some time during the previous night. She had crawled under
+the window of his bed room to screen herself from the night air, and
+to find a warmer shelter than the open canopy of heaven afforded. Of
+all objects of pity that have lately come to our view, this poor
+little girl most needs the protection of authority, and the sympathies
+of the charitable. From the cruelty of her master and mistress, she
+has been whipped, worked and starved, until she is now a breathing
+skeleton, hardly able to stand upon her feet.
+
+"The back of the poor little sufferer, (which we ourselves saw,) _was
+actually cut into strings, and so perfectly was the flesh worn from
+her limbs,_ by the wretched treatment she had received, that _every
+joint showed distinctly its crevices_ and protuberances through the
+skin. Her little lips clung closely over her teeth--her cheeks were
+sunken and her head narrowed, and when her eyes were closed, the lids
+resembled film more than flesh or skin.
+
+"We would desire of our northern friends such as choose to publish to
+the world their own version of the case we have related, not to forget
+to add, in conclusion, that the owner of this little girl is a
+foreigner, speaks against slavery as an institution, and reads his
+Bible to his wife, with the view of finding proofs for his opinions."
+
+
+Rev. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, gives the following testimony
+in a recent letter:
+
+"I had a class-mate at the Andover Theological Seminary, who spent a
+season at the south,--in Georgia, I think--who related the following
+fact in an address before the Seminary. It occasioned very deep
+sensation on the part of opponents. The gentleman was Mr. Julius C.
+Anthony, of Taunton, Mass. He graduated at the Seminary in 1835. I do
+not know where he is now settled. I have no doubt of the fact, as be
+was an _eye-witness_ of it. The man with whom he resided had a very
+athletic slave--a valuable fellow--a blacksmith. On a certain day a
+small strap of leather was missing. The man's little son accused this
+slave of stealing it. He denied the charge, while the boy most
+confidently asserted it. The slave was brought out into the yard and
+bound--his hands below his knees, and a stick crossing his knees, so
+that he would lie upon either side in form of the letter S. One of the
+overseers laid on fifty lashes--he still denied the theft--was turned
+over and fifty more put on. Sometimes the master and sometimes the
+overseers whipping--as they relieved each other to take breath. Then
+he was for a time left to himself, and in the course of the day
+received FOUR HUNDRED LASHES--still denying the charge, Next morning
+Mr. Anthony walked out--the sun was just rising--he saw the man
+greatly enfeabled, leaning against a stump. It was time to go to
+work--he attempted to rise, but fell back--again attempted, and again
+fell back--still making the attempt, and still falling back, Mr.
+Anthony thought, nearly _twenty times_ before he succeeded in
+standing--he then staggered off to his shop. In course of the morning
+Mr. A. went to the door and looked in. Two overseers were standing by.
+The slave was feverish and sick--his skin and mouth dry and parched.
+He was very thirsty. One of the overseers, while Mr. A, was looking at
+him, inquired of the other whether it were not best to give him a
+little water. 'No. damn him, he will do well enough,' was the reply
+from the other overseer. This was all the relief gained by the poor
+slave. A few days after, the slaveholder's _son confessed that he
+stole the strap himself._"
+
+
+Rev. D.C. EASTMAN, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church at
+Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, has just forwarded a letter, from
+which the following is an extract:
+
+
+"GEORGE ROEBUCK, an old and respectable farmer, near Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, a member of the Methodist Episcopal church,
+says, that almost forty-three years ago, he saw in Bath county,
+Virginia, a slave girl with a sore between the shoulders of the size
+and shape of a _smoothing iron._ The girl was 'owned' by one M'Neil. A
+slaveholder who boarded at M'Neil's stated that Mrs. M'Neil had placed
+the aforesaid iron when hot, between the girl's shoulders, and
+produced the sore.
+
+"Roebuck was once at this M'Neil's father's, and whilst the old man
+was at morning prayer, he heard the son plying the whip upon a slave
+out of doors.
+
+
+"ELI WEST, of Concord township, Fayette county, Ohio, formerly of
+North Carolina, a farmer and an exhorter in the Methodist Protestant
+church, says, that many years since he went to live with an uncle who
+owned about fifty negroes. Soon after his arrival, his uncle ordered
+his waiting boy, who was _naked_, to be tied--his hands to horse rack,
+and his feet together, with a rail passed between his legs, and held
+down by a person at each end. In this position he was whipped, from
+neck to feet, till covered with blood; after which he was _salted._
+
+"His uncle's slaves received one quart of corn each day, and that
+only, and were allowed one hour each day to cook and eat it. They had
+no meat but once in the year. Such was the general usage in that
+country.
+
+"West, after this, lived one year with Esquire Starky and mother. They
+had two hundred slaves, who received the usual treatment of
+starvation, nakedness, and the cowhide. They had one lively negro
+woman who bore no children. For this neglect, her mistress had her
+back made naked and a severe whipping inflicted. But as she continued
+barren, she was sold to the 'negro buyers.'"
+
+
+"THOMAS LARRIMER, a deacon in the Presbyterian church at Bloomingburg,
+Fayette county, Ohio, and a respectable farmer, says, that in April,
+1837, as he was going down the Mississippi river, about fifty miles
+below Natchez, he saw ahead, on the left side of the river, a colored
+person tied to a post, and a man with a driver's whip, the lash about
+eight or ten feet long. With this the man commenced, with much
+deliberation, to whip, with much apparent force, and continued till he
+got out of sight.
+
+"When coming up the river forty or fifty miles below Vicksburg, a
+Judge Owens came on board the steamboat. He was owner of a cotton
+plantation below there, and on being told of the above whipping, he
+said that slaves were often whipped to death for great offences, such
+as _stealing,_ &c.--but that when death followed, the overseers were
+generally severely _reproved!_
+
+"About the same time, he spent a night at Mr. Casey's, three miles
+from Columbia, South Carolina. Whilst there they heard him giving
+orders as to what was to be done, and amongst other things, "That
+nigger must be buried." On inquiry, he learnt that a gentleman
+traveling with a servant, had a short time previous called there, and
+said his servant had just been taken ill, and he should be under the
+necessity of leaving him. He did so. The slave became worst, and
+Casey called in a physician, who pronounced it an old case, and said
+that he must shortly die. The slave said, if that was the case he
+would now tell the truth. He had been attacked, a long time since,
+with a difficulty in the side--his master swore he would 'have his own
+out of him' and started off to sell him, with a threat to kill him if
+he told he had been sick, more than a few days. They saw them making
+a rough plank box to bury him in.
+
+"In March, 1833, twenty-five or thirty miles south of Columbia, on the
+great road through Sumpterville district, they saw a large company of
+female slaves carrying rails and building fence. Three of them were
+far advanced in pregnancy.
+
+"In the month of January, 1838, he put up with a drove of mules and
+horses, at one Adams', on the Drovers' road, near the south border of
+Kentucky. His son-in-law, who had lived in the south, was there. In
+conversation about picking cotton, he said, 'some hands cannot get the
+sleight of it. I have a girl who to-day has done as good a day's work
+at grubbing as any _man_, but I could not make her a hand at
+cotton-picking. I whipped her, and if I did it once I did it five
+hundred times, but I found she _could_ not; so I put her to carrying
+rails with the men. After a few days I found her shoulders were so
+_raw_ that every rail was _bloody_ as she laid it down. I asked her if
+she would not rather pick cotton than carry rails. 'No,' said she, 'I
+don't get whipped now.'"
+
+
+WILLIAM A. USTICK, an elder of the Presbyterian church at
+Bloomingburg, and Mr. G.S. Fullerton, a merchant and member of the
+same church, were with Deacon Larrimer on this journey, and are
+witnesses to the preceding facts.
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, and formerly
+secretary of the Colonization society in that village, has recently
+communicated the facts that follow. We quote from his letter.
+
+
+"The following horrid flagellation was witnessed in part, till his
+soul was sick, by MR. GLIDDEN, an inhabitant of Marietta, Ohio, who
+went down the Mississippi river, with a boat load of produce in the
+autumn of 1837; it took place at what is called 'Matthews' or
+'Matheses Bend' in December, 1837. Mr. G. is worthy of credit.
+
+"A negro was tied up, and flogged until the blood ran down and filled
+his shoes, so that when he raised either foot and set it down again,
+the blood would run over their tops. I could not look on any longer,
+but turned away in horror; the whipping was continued to the number of
+500 lashes, as I understood; a quart of spirits of turpentine was then
+applied to his lacerated body. The same negro came down to my boat, to
+get some apples, and was so weak from his wounds and loss of blood,
+that he could not get up the bank, but fell to the ground. The crime
+for which the negro was whipped, was that of telling the other
+negroes, that _the overseer had lain with his wife."_
+
+Mr. Hall adds:--
+
+"The following statement is made by a young man from Western Virginia.
+He is a member of the Presbyterian Church, and a student in Marietta
+College. All that prevents the introduction of his _name,_ is the
+peril to his life, which would probably be the consequence, on his
+return to Virginia. His character for integrity and veracity is above
+suspicion.
+
+"On the night of the great meteoric shower, in Nov. 1833. I was at
+Remley's tavern, 12 miles west of Lewisburg, Greenbrier Co., Virginia.
+A drove of 50 or 60 negroes stopped at the same place that night.
+They usually 'camp out,' but as it was excessively muddy, they were
+permitted to come into the house. So far as my knowledge extends,
+'droves,' on their way to the south, eat but twice a day, early in the
+morning and at night. Their supper was a compound of 'potatoes and
+meal,' and was, without exception, the _dirtiest, blackest looking
+mess I ever saw._ I remarked at the time that the food was not as
+clean, in appearance, as that which was given to a _drove of hogs_, at
+the same place the night previous. Such as it was, however, a black
+woman brought it on her head, in a tray or trough two and a half feet
+long, where the men and women were promiscuously herded. The slaves
+rushed up and seized it from the trough in handfulls, before the woman
+could take it off her head. They jumped at it as if half-famished.
+
+"They slept on the floor of the room which they were permitted to
+occupy, lying in every form imaginable, males and females,
+promiscuously. They were so thick on the floor, that in passing
+through the room it was necessary to step over them.
+
+"There were three drivers, one of whom staid in the room to watch the
+drove, and the other two slept in an adjoining room. Each of the
+latter took a female from the drove to lodge with him, as is the
+common practice of the drivers generally. There is no doubt about this
+particular instance, _for they were seen together_. The mud was so
+thick on the floor where this drove slept, that it was necessary to
+take a shovel, the next morning, and clear it out. Six or eight in
+this drove were chained; all were for the south.
+
+In the autumn of the same year I saw a drove of upwards of a hundred,
+between 40 and 50 of them were fastened to one chain, the links being
+made of iron rods, as thick in diameter as a man's little finger. This
+drove was bound westward to the Ohio river, to be shipped to the
+south. I have seen many droves, and more or less in each, almost
+without exception, were chained. I never saw but one drove, that went
+on their way making merry. In that one they were blowing horns,
+singing, &c., and appeared as if they had been drinking whisky.
+
+"They generally appear extremely dejected. I have seen in the course
+of five years, on the road near where I reside, 12 or 15 droves at
+least, passing to the south. They would average 40 in each drove. Near
+the first of January, 1834, I started about sunrise to go to
+Lewisburg. It was a bitter cold morning. I met a drove of negroes, 30
+or 40 in number, remarkably ragged and destitute of clothing. One
+little boy particularly excited my sympathy. He was some distance
+behind the others, not being able to keep up with the rest. Although
+he was shivering with cold and crying, the driver was pushing him up
+in a trot to overtake the main gang. All of them looked as if they
+were half-frozen. There was one remarkable instance of tyranny,
+exhibited by a boy, not more than eight years old, that came under my
+observation, in a family by the name of D----n, six miles from
+Lewisburg. This youngster would swear at the slaves, and exert all the
+strength he possessed, to flog or beat them, with whatever instrument
+or weapon he could lay hands on, provided they did not obey him
+_instanter_. He was encouraged in this by his father, the master of
+the slaves. The slaves often fled from this young tyrant in terror."
+
+Mr. Hall adds:--
+
+"The following extract is from a letter, to a student in Marietta
+College, by his friend in Alabama. With the writer, Mr. Isaac Knapp, I
+am perfectly acquainted. He was a student in the above College, for
+the space of one year, before going to Alabama, was formerly a
+resident of Dummerston, Vt. He is a professor of religion, and as
+worthy of belief as any member of the community. Mr. K. has returned
+from the South, and is now a member of the same college.
+
+"In Jan. (1838) a negro of a widow Phillips, ranaway, was taken up,
+and confined in Pulaski jail. One Gibbs, overseer for Mrs. P., mounted
+on horseback, took him from confinement, compelled him to run back to
+Elkton, a distance of fifteen miles, whipping him all the way. When he
+reached home, the negro exhausted and worn out, exclaimed, 'you have
+broke my heart,' i.e. you have killed me. For this, Gibbs flew into a
+violent passion, tied the negro to a stake, and, in the language of a
+witness, '_cut his back to mince-meat_.' But the fiend was not
+satisfied with this. He burnt his legs to a blister, with hot embers,
+and then chained him _naked_, in the open air, weary with running,
+weak from the loss of blood, and smarting from his burns. It was a
+cold night--and _in the morning the negro was dead_. Yet this monster
+escaped without even _the shadow_ of a trial. 'The negro,' said the
+doctor, 'died, by--he knew not what; any how, Gibbs did not kill
+him.'[9]  A short time since, (the letter is dated, April, 1838.)
+'Gibbs whipped another negro unmercifully because the horse, with
+which he was ploughing, broke the reins and ran. He then raised his
+whip against Mr. Bowers, (son of Mrs. P.) who shot him. Since I came
+here,' (a period of about six months,) there have been eight white men
+and two negroes killed, within 30 miles of me."
+
+[Footnote 9: Mr. Knapp, gives me some further verbal particulars about
+this affair. He says that his informant saw the negro dead the next
+morning, that his legs were blistered, and that the negroes affirmed
+that Gibbs compelled them to throw embers upon him. But Gibbs denied
+it, and said the blistering was the effect of frost, as the negro was
+much exposed to before being taken up. Mr. Bowers, a son of Mrs.
+Phillips by a former husband, attempted to have Gibbs brought to
+justice, but his mother justified Gibbs, and nothing was therefore
+done about it. The affair took place in Upper Elkton, Tennessee, near
+the Alabama line.]
+
+The following is from Mr. Knapp's own lips, taken down a day or two
+since.
+
+"Mr. Buster, with whom I boarded, in Limestone Co., Ala., related to me
+the following incident: 'George a slave belonging to one of the
+estates in my neighborhood, was lurking about my residence without a
+pass. We were making preparations to give him a flogging, but he
+escaped from us. Not long afterwards, meeting a patrol which had just
+taken a negro in custody without a pass, I inquired, Who have you
+there? on learning that it was _George_, well, I rejoined, there is a
+small matter between him and myself that needs adjustment, so give me
+the raw hide, which I accordingly took, and laid 60 strokes on his
+back, to the utmost of my strength.' I was speaking of this barbarity,
+afterwards, to Mr. Bradley, an overseer of the Rev. Mr. Donnell, who
+lives in the vicinity of Moresville, Ala., 'Oh,' replied he, 'we
+consider _that_ a very light whipping here' Mr. Bradley is a professor
+of religion, and is esteemed in that vicinity a very pious, exemplary
+Christian.'"
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM REV. C. STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois,
+dated Jan. 1, 1839.
+
+"I do not feel at liberty to disclose the name of the brother who has
+furnished the following facts. He is highly esteemed as a man of
+scrupulous veracity. I will confirm my own testimony by the
+certificate of Judge Snow and Mr. Keyes, two of the oldest and most
+respectable settlers in Quincy.
+
+Quincy, Dec. 29, 1838"
+
+"Dear Sir,--We have been long acquainted with the Christian brother
+who has named to you some facts that fell under his observation while
+a resident of slave states. He is a member of a Christian church, in
+good standing; and is a man of strict integrity of character.
+
+Henry H. Snow, Willard Keyes.
+Rev. C. Stewart Renshaw."
+
+
+"My informant spent thirty years of his life in Kentucky and Missouri.
+Whilst in Kentucky he resided in Hardin co. I noted down his testimony
+very nearly in his own words, which will account for their
+_evidence-like_ form. On the general condition of the slaves in
+Kentucky, through Hardin co., he said, their houses were very
+uncomfortable, generally without floors, other than the earth: many
+had puncheon floors, but he never remembers to have seen a plank
+floor. In regard to clothing they were very badly off. In summer
+they cared little for clothing; but in winter they almost froze. Their
+rags might hide their nakedness from the sun in summer, but would not
+protect them from the cold in winter. Their bed-clothes were tattered
+rags, thrown into a corner by day, and drawn before the fire by night.
+'The only thing,' said he, 'to which I can compare them, in winter, is
+_stock without a shelter.'_
+
+"He made the following comparison between the condition of slaves in
+Kentucky and Missouri. So far as he was able to compare them, he said,
+that in Missouri the slaves had better _quarters_-but are not so well
+clad, and are more severely punished than in Kentucky. In both states,
+the slaves are huddled together, without distinction of sex, into the
+same quarter, till it is filled, then another is built; often two or
+three families in a log hovel, twelve feet square.
+
+"It is proper to state, that the sphere of my informant's observation
+was mainly in the region of Hardin co., Kentucky, and the eastern part
+of Missouri, and not through those states generally.
+
+"Whilst at St. Louis, a number of years ago, as he was going to work
+with Mr. Henry Males, and another carpenter, they heard groans from a
+barn by the road-side: they stopped, and looking through the cracks of
+the barn, saw a negro bound hand and foot to a post, so that his toes
+just touched the ground; and his master, Captain Thorpe, was
+inflicting punishment; he had whipped him till exhausted,--rested
+himself, and returned again to the punishment. The wretched sufferer
+was in a most pitiable condition, and the warm blood and dry dust of
+the barn had formed a mortar up to his instep. Mr. Males jumped the
+fence, and remonstrated so effectually with Capt. Thorpe, that he
+ceased the punishment. It was six weeks before that slave could put on
+his shirt!
+
+"John Mackey, a rich slaveholder, lived near Clarksville, Pike co.,
+Missouri, some years since. He whipped his slave Billy, a boy fourteen
+years old, till he was sick and stupid; he then sent him home. Then,
+for his stupidity, whipped him again, and fractured his skull with an
+axe-helve. He buried him away in the woods; dark words were whispered,
+and the body was disinterred. A coroner's inquest was held, and Mr. R.
+Anderson, the coroner, brought in a verdict of death from fractured
+skull, occasioned by blows from an axe-handle, inflicted by John
+Mackey. The case was brought into court, but Mackey was rich, and his
+murdered victim was his SLAVE; after expending about $500 be walked
+free.
+
+"One Mrs. Mann, living near ----, in ---- co., Missouri was known to
+be very cruel to her slaves. She had a bench made purposely to whip
+them upon; and what she called her "six pound paddle," an instrument
+of prodigious torture, bored through with holes; this she would wield
+with both hands as she stood over her prostrate victim.
+
+"She thus punished a hired slave woman named Fanny, belonging to Mr.
+Charles Trabue, who lives neat Palmyra, Marion co., Missouri; on the
+morning after the punishment Fanny was a corpse; she was silently and
+quickly buried, but rumor was not so easily stopped. Mr. Trabue heard
+of it, and commenced suit for his _property_. The murdered slave was
+disinterred, and an inquest held; her back was a mass of jellied
+muscle; and the coroner brought in a verdict of death by the 'six
+pound paddle.'  Mrs. Mann fled for a few months, but returned again,
+and her friends found means to protract the suit.
+
+"This same Mrs. Mann had another hired slave woman living with her,
+called Patterson's Fanny, she belonged to a Mr. Patterson; she had a
+young babe with her, just beginning to creep. One day, after washing,
+whilst a tub of rinsing water yet stood in the kitchen, Mrs. Mann came
+out in haste, and sent Fanny to do something out of doors. Fanny tried
+to beg off--she was afraid to leave her babe, lest it should creep to
+the tub and get hurt--Mrs. M. said she would watch the babe, and sent
+her off. She went with much reluctance, and heard the child struggle
+as she went out the door. Fearing lest Mrs. M. should leave the babe
+alone, she watched the room, and soon saw her pass out of the opposite
+door. Immediately Fanny hurried in, and looked around for her babe,
+she could not see it, she looked at the tub--there her babe was
+floating, a strangled corpse. The poor woman gave a dreadful scream;
+and Mrs. M. rushed into the room, with her hands raised, and
+exclaimed, 'Heavens, Fanny! have you drowned your child?' It was vain
+for the poor bereaved one to attempt to vindicate herself: in vain she
+attempted to convince them that the babe had not been alone a moment,
+and could not have drowned itself; and that she had not been in the
+house a moment, before she screamed at discovering her drowned babe.
+All was false! Mrs. Mann declared it was all pretence--that Fanny had
+drowned her own babe, and now wanted to lay the blame upon her! and
+Mrs. Mann was a white woman--of course her word was more valuable than
+the oaths of all the slaves of Missouri. No evidence but that of
+slaves could be obtained, or Mr. Patterson would have prosecuted for
+his 'loss of property.'  As it was, every one believed Mrs. M. guilty,
+though the affair was soon hushed up."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Col. THOMAS ROGERS, a native of Kentucky, now
+an elder in the Presbyterian Church at New Petersburg, Highland co.,
+Ohio.
+
+"When a boy, in Bourbon co., Kentucky, my father lived near a
+slaveholder of the name of Clay, who had a large number of slaves; I
+remember being often at their quarters; not one of their shanties, or
+hovels, had any floor but the earth. Their clothing was truly neither
+fit for covering nor decency. We could distinctly, of a still morning,
+hear this man whipping his blacks, and hear their screams from my
+father's farm; this could be heard almost any still morning about the
+dawn of day. It was said to be his usual custom to repair, about the
+break of day, to their cabin doors, and, as the blacks passed out, to
+give them as many strokes of his cowskin as opportunity afforded; and
+he would proceed in this manner from cabin to cabin until they were
+all out. Occasionally some of his slaves would abscond, and upon being
+retaken they were punished severely; and some of them, it is believed,
+died in consequence of the cruelty of their usage. I saw one of this
+man's slaves, about seventeen years old, wearing a collar, with long
+iron horns extending from his shoulders far above his head.
+
+"In the winter of 1828-29 I traveled through part of the states of
+Maryland and Virginia to Baltimore. At Frost Town, on the national
+road, I put up for the night. Soon after, there came in a slaver with
+his drove of slaves; among them were two young men, chained together.
+The bar room was assigned to them for their place of lodging--those in
+chains were guarded when they had to go out. I asked the 'owner' why
+he kept these men chained; he replied, that they were stout young
+fellows, and should they rebel, he and his son would not be able to
+manage them. I then left the room, and shortly after heard a
+_scream_, and when the landlady inquired the cause, the slaver coolly
+told her not to trouble herself, he was only chastising one of his
+women. It appeared that three days previously her child had died on
+the road, and been thrown into a hole or crevice in the mountain, and
+a few stones thrown over it; and the mother weeping for her child was
+chastised by her master, and told by him, she 'should have something
+to cry for.' The name of this man I can give if called for.
+
+"When engaged in this journey I spent about one month with my
+relations in Virginia. It being shortly after new year, _the time of
+hiring_ was over; but I saw the pounds, and the scaffolds which
+remained of the pounds, in which the slaves had been penned up"
+
+M. GEORGE W. WESTGATE, of Quincy, Illinois, who lived in the
+southwestern slave states a number of years, has furnished the
+following statement.
+
+"The great mass of the slaves are under drivers and overseers. I never
+saw an overseer without a whip; the whip usually carried is a short
+loaded stock, with a heavy lash from five to six feet long. When they
+whip a slave they make him pull off his shirt, if he has one, then
+make him lie down on his face, and taking their stand at the length of
+the lash, they inflict the punishment. Whippings are so _universal_
+that a negro that has not been whipped is talked of in all the region
+as a wonder. By whipping I do not mean a few lashes across the
+shoulders, but a set flogging, and generally _lying down._
+
+"On sugar plantations generally, and on some cotton plantations, they
+have negro drivers, who are in such a degree responsible for their
+gang, that if they are at fault, the driver is whipped. The result is,
+the gang are constantly driven by him to the extent of the influence
+of the lash; and it is uniformly the case that gangs dread a negro
+driver more than a white overseer.
+
+"I spent a winter on widow Culvert's plantation, near Rodney,
+Mississippi, but was not in a situation to see extraordinary
+punishments. Bellows, the overseer, for a trifling offence, took one
+of the slaves, stripped him, and with a piece of burning wood applied
+to his posteriors, burned him cruelly; while the poor wretch screamed
+in the greatest agony. The principal preparation for punishment that
+Bellows had, was single handcuffs made of iron, with chains, by which
+the offender could be chained to four stakes on the ground. These are
+very common in all the lower country. I noticed one slave on widow
+Calvert's plantation, who was whipped from twenty-five to fifty lashes
+every fortnight during the whole winter. The expression 'whipped to
+death,' as applied to slaves, is common at the south.
+
+"Several years ago I was going below New Orleans, in what is called
+the Plaquemine country, and a planter sent down in my boat a runaway
+he had found in New Orleans, to his plantation at Orange 5 Points. As
+we came near the Points he told me, with deep feeling, that he
+expected to be whipped almost to death: pointing to a graveyard, he
+said, 'There lie five who were whipped to death.' Overseers generally
+keep some of the women on the plantation; I scarce know an exception
+to this. Indeed, their intercourse with them is very much
+promiscuous,--they show them not much, if any favor. Masters
+frequently follow the example of their overseers in this thing.
+
+"GEORGE W. WESTGATE."
+
+
+
+II. TORTURES, BY IRON COLLARS, CHAINS, FETTERS, HANDCUFFS, &c.
+
+The slaves are often tortured by iron collars, with long prongs or
+"horns" and sometimes bells attached to them--they are made to wear
+chains, handcuffs, fetters, iron clogs, bars, rings, and bands of iron
+upon their limbs, iron masks upon their faces, iron gags in their
+mouths, &c.
+
+In proof of this, we give the testimony of slaveholders themselves,
+under their own names; it will be mostly in the form of extracts from
+their own advertisements, in southern newspapers, in which, describing
+their runaway slaves, they specify the iron collars, handcuffs,
+chains, fetters, &c., which they wore upon their necks, wrists,
+ankles, and other parts of their bodies. To publish the _whole_ of
+each advertisement, would needlessly occupy space and tax the reader;
+we shall consequently, as heretofore, give merely the name of the
+advertiser, the name and date of the newspaper containing the
+advertisement, with the place of publication, and only so much of the
+advertisement as will give the particular _fact_, proving the truth of
+the assertion contained in the _general head_.
+
+
+William Toler, sheriff of Simpson county, Mississippi, in the
+"Southern Sun," Jackson, Mississippi, September 22, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a yellow boy named Jim--had on a _large lock
+chain around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. James R. Green, in the "Beacon," Greensborough, Alabama, August
+23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Squire--had on a _chain locked with a
+house-lock, around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. Hazlet Loflano, in the "Spectator," Staunton, Virginia, Sept. 27,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named David--with some _iron hobbles around each
+ankle."_
+
+
+Mr. T. Enggy, New Orleans, Gallatin street, between Hospital and
+Barracks, N.O. "Bee," Oct. 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negress Caroline--had on a _collar with one prong turned
+down."_
+
+
+Mr. John Henderson, Washington, county, Mi., in the "Grand Gulf
+Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a black woman, Betsey--had an _iron bar on her right leg."_
+
+
+William Dyer sheriff, Claiborne, Louisiana, in the "Herald,"
+Natchitoches, (La.) July 26, 1837.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Ambrose--has a _ring of iron
+around his neck."_
+
+
+Mr. Owen Cooke, "Mary street, between Common and Jackson streets," New
+Orleans, in the N.O. "Bee," September 12, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my slave Amos, had a _chain_ attached to one of his legs"
+
+
+H.W. Rice, sheriff, Colleton district, South Carolina, in the
+"Charleston Mercury," September 1, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Patrick, about forty-five years old,
+and is _handcuffed._"
+
+
+W.P. Reeves, jailor, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the "Memphis
+Enquirer, June 17, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro--had on his right leg an _iron band_ with
+one link of a chain."
+
+
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Lauderdale county, Ala., in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," August 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Charles--had on a _drawing chain,_
+fastened around his ankle with a house lock."
+
+
+Mr. A. Murat, Baton Rouge, in the New Orleans "Bee," June 20, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro Manuel, _much marked with irons."_
+
+
+Mr. Jordan Abbott, in the "Huntsville Democrat," Nov. 17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named Daniel, about nineteen years old, and was
+_handcuffed."_
+
+
+Mr. J. Macoin, No. 177 Ann street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," August
+ll, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negress Fanny--had on an _iron band about her neck."_
+
+
+Menard Brothers, parish of Bernard, Louisiana, In the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named John--having an _iron around his right foot."_
+
+
+Messrs. J.L. and W.H. Bolton, Shelby county, Tennessee, in the
+"Memphis Enquirer," June 7, 1837.
+
+"Absconded, a colored boy named Peter--had an _iron round his neck_
+when he went away."
+
+
+H. Gridly, sheriff of Adams county, Mi., in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Times," September, 1834.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro boy--had on a _large neck iron_ with a
+_huge pair of horns and a large bar or band of iron_ on his left leg."
+
+
+Mr. Lambre, in the "Natchitoches (La.) Herald," March 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Teams--he had on his neck an _iron collar."_
+
+
+Mr. Ferdinand Lemos, New Orleans, in the "Bee," January 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro George--he had on _his neck an iron collar,_ the
+branches of which had been taken off"
+
+
+Mr. T.J. De Yampert, merchant, Mobile, Alabama, of the firm of De
+Yampert, King & Co., in the "Mobile Chronicle," June 15, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy about _twelve_ years old--had round his neck _a
+chain dog-collar_, with 'De Yampert' engraved on it."
+
+
+J.H. Hand, jailor, St. Francisville, La., in the "Louisiana
+Chronicle," July 26, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, slave John--has several scars on his wrists,
+occasioned, as he says, by _handcuffs."_
+
+
+Mr. Charles Curener, New Orleans, in the "Bee," July 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro, Hown--has a ring of iron on his left foot. Also,
+Grise, his _wife,_ having a _ring and chain on the left leg."_
+
+
+Mr. P.T. Manning, Huntsville, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Advocate,"
+Oct. 23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy named James--said boy was _ironed_ when he left
+me."
+
+
+Mr. William L. Lambeth, Lynchburg, Virginia, in the "Moulton [Ala.]
+Whig," January 30, 1836.
+
+"Ranaway, Jim--had on when he escaped a pair of _chain handcuffs."_
+
+
+Mr. D.F. Guex, Secretary of the Steam Cotton Press Company, New
+Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," May 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Edmund Coleman--it is supposed he must have _iron shackles
+on his ankles_."
+
+
+Mr. Francis Durett, Lexington, Alabama, in the "Huntsville Democrat,"
+March 8, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway ----, a mulatto--had on when he left, a _pair of handcuffs_
+and a _pair of drawing chains_."
+
+
+B.W. Hodges, jailor, Pike county, Alabama, in the "Montgomery
+Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a man who calls his name John--he has a _clog of
+iron on his right foot which will weigh four or five pounds_."
+
+
+P. Bayhi captain of police, in the N.O. "Bee," June 9, 1838.
+
+"Detained at the police jail, the negro wench Myra--has several marks
+of _lashing_, and has _irons on her feet_."
+
+
+Mr. Charles Kernin, parish of Jefferson, Louisiana, in the N.O. "Bee,"
+August 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Betsey--when she left she had on her _neck an iron collar_."
+
+
+The foregoing advertisements are sufficient for our purpose, scores of
+similar ones may be gathered from the newspapers of the slave states
+every month.
+
+To the preceding testimony of slaveholders, published by themselves,
+and vouched for by their own signatures, we subjoin the following
+testimony of other witnesses to the same point.
+
+JOHN M. NELSON, Esq., a native of Virginia, now a highly respected
+citizen of highland county, Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian
+Church in Hillsborough, in a recent letter states the following:--
+
+"In Staunton, Va., at the horse of Mr. Robert M'Dowell, a merchant of
+that place, I once saw a colored woman, of intelligent and dignified
+appearance, who appeared to be attending to the business of the house,
+with an _iron collar_ around her neck, with horns or prongs extending
+out on either side, and up, until they met at something like a foot
+above her head, at which point there was a bell attached. This _yoke_,
+as they called it, I understood was to prevent her from running away,
+or to punish her for having done so. I had frequently seen _men_ with
+iron collars, but this was the first instance that I recollect to have
+seen a _female_ thus degraded."
+
+Major HORACE NYE, an elder in the Presbyterian Church at Putnam,
+Muskingum county, Ohio, in a letter, dated Dec. 5, 1838, makes the
+following statement:--
+
+"Mr. Wm. Armstrong, of this place, who is frequently employed by our
+citizens as captain and supercargo of descending boats, whose word may
+be relied on, has just made to me the following statement:--
+
+"While laying at Alexandria, on Red River, Louisiana, he saw a slave
+brought to a blacksmith's shop and a collar of iron fastened round his
+neck, with two pieces rivetted to the sides, meeting some distance
+above his head. At the top of the arch, thus formed, was attached a
+large cow-bell, the motion of which, while walking the streets, made
+it necessary for the slave to hold his hand to one of its sides, to
+steady it.
+
+"In New Orleans he saw several with iron collars, with horns attached
+to them. The first he saw had three prongs projecting from the collar
+ten or twelve inches, with the letter S on the end of each. He says
+iron collars are quite frequent there."
+
+To the preceding Major Nye adds:--
+
+"When I was about twelve years of age I lived at Marietta, in this
+state: I knew little of slaves, as there were few or none, at that
+time, in the part of Virginia opposite that place. But I remember
+seeing a slave who had run away from some place beyond my knowledge at
+that time: he had an iron collar round his neck, to which was a strap
+of iron rivetted to the collar, on each side, passing over the top of
+the head; and another strap, from the back side to the top of the
+first--thus inclosing the head on three sides. I looked on while the
+blacksmith severed the collar with a file, which, I think, took him
+more than an hour."
+
+Rev. JOHN DUDLEY, Mount Morris, Michigan, resided as a teacher at the
+missionary station, among the Choctaws, in Mississippi, during the
+years 1830 and 31. In a letter just received Mr. Dudley says:--
+
+"During the time I was on missionary ground, which was in 1830 and 31,
+I was frequently at the residence of the agent, who was a
+slaveholder.--I never knew of his treating his own slaves with
+cruelty; but the poor fellows who were escaping, and lodged with him
+when detected, found no clemency. I once saw there a fetter for '_the
+d----d runaways_,' the weight of which can be judged by its size. It
+was at least three inches wide, half an inch thick, and something over
+a foot long. At this time I saw a poor fellow compelled to work in the
+field, at 'logging,' with such a galling fetter on his ankles. To
+prevent it from wearing his ankles, a string was tied to the centre,
+by which the victim suspended it when he walked, with one hand, and
+with the other carried his burden. Whenever he lifted, the fetter
+rested on his bare ankles. If he lost his balance and made a misstep,
+which must very often occur in lifting and rolling logs, the torture
+of his fetter was severe. Thus he was doomed to work while wearing the
+torturing iron, day after day, and at night he was confined in the
+runaways' jail. Some time after this, I saw the same dejected,
+heart-broken creature obliged to wait on the other hands, who were
+husking corn. The privilege of sitting with the others was too much
+for him to enjoy; he was made to hobble from house to barn and barn to
+house, to carry food and drink for the rest. He passed round the end
+of the house where I was sitting with the agent: he seemed to take no
+notice of me, but fixed his eyes on his tormentor till he passed quite
+by us."
+
+
+Mr. ALFRED WILKINSON, member of the Baptist Church in Skeneateles,
+N.Y. and an assessor of that town, testifies as follows :--
+
+"I stayed in New Orleans three weeks: during that time there used to
+pass by where I stayed a number of slaves, each with an iron band
+around his ankle, a chain attached to it, and an eighteen pound ball
+at the end. They were employed in wheeling dirt with a wheelbarrow;
+they would put the ball into the barrow when they moved.--I recollect
+one day, that I counted nineteen of them, sometimes there were not as
+many; they were driven by a slave, with a long lash, as if they were
+beasts. These, I learned, were runaway slaves from the plantations
+above New Orleans.
+
+"There was also a negro woman, that used daily to come to the market
+with milk; she had an iron band around her neck, with three rods
+projecting from it, about sixteen inches long, crooked at the ends."
+
+For the fact which follows we are indebted to Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a
+teacher in Marietta College, Ohio. We quote his letter.
+
+"Mr. Curtis, a journeyman cabinet-maker, of Marietta, relates the
+following, of which he was an eye witness. Mr. Curtis is every way
+worthy of credit.
+
+"In September, 1837, at 'Milligan's Bend,' in the Mississippi river, I
+saw a negro with an iron band around his head, locked behind with a
+padlock. In the front, where it passed the mouth, there was a
+projection inward of an inch and a half, which entered the mouth.
+
+"The overseer told me, he was so addicted to running away, it did not
+do any good to whip him for it. He said he kept this gag constantly on
+him, and intended to do so as long as he was on the plantation: so
+that, if he ran away, he could not eat, and would starve to death. The
+slave asked for drink in my presence; and the overseer made him lie
+down on his back, and turned water on his face two or three feet high,
+in order to torment him, as he could not swallow a drop.--The slave
+then asked permission to go to the river; which being granted, he
+thrust his face and head entirely under the water, that being the only
+way he could drink with his gag on. The gag was taken off when he took
+his food, and then replaced afterwards."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. SOPHIA LITTLE, of Newport, Rhode Island,
+daughter of Hon. Asher Robbins, senator in Congress for that state.
+
+"There was lately found, in the hold of a vessel engaged in the
+southern trade, by a person who was clearing it out, an iron collar,
+with three horns projecting from it. It seems that a young female
+slave, on whose slender neck was riveted this fiendish instrument of
+torture, ran away from her tyrant, and begged the captain to bring her
+off with him. This the captain refused to do; but unriveted the collar
+from her neck, and threw it away in the hold of the vessel. The collar
+is now at the anti-slavery office, Providence. To the truth of these
+facts Mr. William H. Reed, a gentleman of the highest moral character,
+is ready to vouch.
+
+"Mr. Reed is in possession of many facts of cruelty witnessed by
+persons of veracity; but these witnesses are not willing to give their
+names. One case in particular he mentioned. Speaking with a certain
+captain, of the state of the slaves at the south, the captain
+contended that their punishments were often very _lenient_; and, as an
+instance of their excellent clemency, mentioned, that in one instance,
+not wishing to whip a slave, they sent him to a blacksmith, and had an
+iron band fastened around him, with three long projections reaching
+above his head; and this he wore some time."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. JONATHON F. BALDWIN, of Lorain county,
+Ohio. Mr. B. was formerly a merchant in Massillon, Ohio, and an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church there.
+
+"Dear Brother,--In conversation with Judge Lyman, of Litchfield
+county, Connecticut, last June, he stated to me, that several years
+since he was in Columbia, South Carolina, and observing a colored man
+lying on the floor of a blacksmith's shop, as he was passing it, his
+curiosity led him in. He learned the man was a slave and rather
+unmanageable. Several men were attempting to detach from his ankle an
+iron which had been bent around it.
+
+"The iron was a piece of a flat bar of the ordinary size from the
+forge hammer, and bent around the ankle, the ends meeting, and forming
+a hoop of about the diameter of the leg. There was one or more strings
+attached to the iron and extending up around his neck, evidently so to
+suspend it as to prevent its galling by its weight when at work, yet
+it had galled or griped till the leg had swollen out beyond the iron
+and inflamed and suppurated, so that the leg for a considerable
+distance above and below the iron, was a mass of putrefaction, the
+most loathsome of any wound he had ever witnessed on any living
+creature. The slave lay on his back on the floor, with his leg on an
+anvil which sat also on the floor, one man had a chisel used for
+splitting iron, and another struck it with a sledge, to drive it
+between the ends of the hoop and separate it so that it might be taken
+off. Mr. Lyman said that the man swung the sledge over his shoulders
+as if splitting iron, and struck many blows before he succeeded in
+parting the ends of the iron at all, the bar was so large and
+stubborn--at length they spread it as far as they could without
+driving the chisel so low as to ruin the leg. The slave, a man of
+twenty-five years, perhaps, whose countenance was the index of a mind
+ill adapted to the degradations of slavery, never uttered a word or a
+groan in all the process, but the copious flow of sweat from every
+pore, the dreadful contractions and distortions of every muscle in his
+body, showed clearly the great amount of his sufferings; and all this
+while, such was the diseased state of the limb, that at every blow,
+the bloody, corrupted matter gushed out in all directions several
+feet, in such profusion as literally to cover a large area around the
+anvil. After various other fruitless attempts to spread the iron, they
+concluded it was necessary to weaken by filing before it could be got
+off which he left them attempting to do."
+
+
+Mr. WILLIAM DROWN, a well known citizen of Rhode Island, formerly of
+Providence, who has traveled in nearly all the slave states, thus
+testifies in a recent letter:
+
+"I recollect seeing large gangs of slaves, generally a considerable
+number in each gang, being chained, passing westward over the
+mountains from Maryland, Virginia, &c. to the Ohio. On that river I
+have frequently seen flat boats loaded with them, and their keepers
+armed with pistols and dirks to guard them.
+
+"At New Orleans I recollect seeing gangs of slaves that were driven
+out every day, the Sabbath not excepted, to work on the streets.
+These had heavy chains to connect two or more together, and some had
+iron collars and yokes, &c. The noise as they walked, or worked in
+their chains, was truly dreadful!"
+
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, pastor of the Congregational Church at Bedford,
+New Hampshire, who was for some years a resident of Mississippi and
+Louisiana, gives the following fact, in a letter dated January 9,
+1839.
+
+"In 1819, while employed as an instructor at Second Creek, near
+Natchez, Mississippi, I resided on a plantation where I witnessed the
+following circumstance. One of the slaves was in the habit of running
+away. He had been repeatedly taken, and repeatedly whipped, with
+great severity, but to no purpose. He would still seize the first
+opportunity to escape from the plantation. At last his owner
+declared, I'll fix him, I'll put a stop to his running away. He
+accordingly took him to a blacksmith, and had an _iron head-frame_
+made for him, which may be called lock-jaw, from the use that was made
+of it. It had a lock and key, and was so constructed, that when on the
+head and locked, the slave could not open his mouth to take food, and
+the design was to prevent his running away. But the device proved
+unavailing. He was soon missing, and whether by his own desperate
+effort, or the aid of others, contrived to sustain himself with food;
+but he was at last taken, and if my memory serves me, his life was
+soon terminated by the cruel treatment to which he was subjected."
+
+The Western Luminary, a religious paper published at Lexington,
+Kentucky, in an editorial article, in the summer of 1833, says:
+
+"A few weeks since we gave an account of a company of men, women and
+children, part of whom were manacled, passing through our streets.
+Last week, a number of slaves were driven through the main street of
+our city, among whom were a number manacled together, two abreast, all
+connected by, and supporting a _heavy iron chain_, which extended the
+whole length of the line."
+
+TESTIMONY OF A VIRGINIAN.
+
+The _name_ of this witness cannot be published, as it would put him in
+peril; but his _credibility_ is vouched for by the Rev. Ezra Fisher,
+pastor of the Baptist Church, Quincy, Illinois, and Dr. Richard Eels,
+of the same place. These gentlemen say of him, "We have great
+confidence in his integrity, discretion, and strict Christian
+principle."  He says--
+
+"About five years ago, I remember to have passed, in _a single day_,
+four droves of slaves for the south west; the largest drove had 350
+slaves in it, and the smallest upwards of 200. I counted 68 or 70 in
+a single _coffle_. The '_coffle chain_' is a chain fastened at one
+end to the centre of the bar of a pair of hand cuffs, which are
+fastened to the right wrist of one, and the left wrist of another
+slave, they standing abreast, and the chain between them. These are
+the head of the coffle. The other end is passed through a ring in the
+bolt of the next handcuffs, and the slaves being manacled thus, two
+and two together, walk up, and the coffle chain is passed, and they go
+up towards the head of the coffle. Of course they are closer or wider
+apart in the coffle, according to the number to be coffled, and to the
+length of the chain. _I have seen HUNDREDS of droves and
+chain-coffles of this description_, and every coffle was a scene of
+misery and wo, of tears and brokenness of heart."
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, gives, in a late
+letter, the following statement of a fellow student, from Kentucky, of
+whom he says, "he is a professor of religion, and worthy of entire
+confidence."
+
+"I have seen at least _fifteen_ droves of 'human cattle,' passing by
+us on their way to the south; and I do not recollect an exception,
+where there were not more or less of them _chained_ together."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE P.C. HUSSEY, of Fayetteville, Franklin county,
+Pennsylvania, writes thus:
+
+"I was born and raised in Hagerstown, Washington county, Maryland,
+where slavery is perhaps milder than in any other part of the slave
+states; and yet I have seen _hundreds_ of colored men and women
+chained together, two by two, and driven to the south. I have seen
+slaves tied up and lashed till the blood ran down to their heels."
+
+
+Mr. GIDDINGS, member of Congress from Ohio, in his speech in the House
+of Representatives, Feb. 13, 1839, made the following statement:
+
+"On the beautiful avenue in front of the Capitol, members of Congress,
+during this session, have been compelled to turn aside from their
+path, to permit a coffle of slaves, males and females, _chained to
+each other by their necks_, to pass on their way to this _national
+slave market_."
+
+
+Testimony of JAMES K. PAULDING, Esq. the present Secretary of the
+United States' Navy.
+
+In 1817, Mr. Paulding published a work, entitled 'Letters from the
+South, written during an excursion in the summer of 1816.'  In the
+first volume of that work, page 128, Mr. P. gives the following
+description:
+
+"The sun was shining out very hot--and in turning the angle of the
+road, we encountered the following group: first, a little cart drawn
+by one horse, in which five or six half naked black children were
+tumbled like pigs together. The cart had no covering, and they seemed
+to have been broiled to sleep. Behind the cart marched three black
+women, with head, neck and breasts uncovered, and without shoes or
+stockings: next came three men, bare-headed, and _chained together
+with an ox-chain_. Last of all, came a white man on horse back,
+carrying his pistols in his belt, and who, as we passed him, had the
+impudence to look us in the face without blushing. At a house where we
+stopped a little further on, we learned that he had bought these
+miserable beings in Maryland, and was marching them in this manner to
+one of the more southern states. Shame on the State of Maryland! and I
+say, shame on the State of Virginia! and every state through which
+this wretched cavalcade was permitted to pass! I do say, that when
+they (the slaveholders) permit such flagrant and indecent outrages
+upon humanity as that I have described; when they sanction a villain
+in thus marching half naked women and men, loaded with chains, without
+being charged with any crime but that of being _black_ from one
+section of the United States to another, hundreds of miles in the face
+of day, they disgrace themselves, and the country to which they
+belong."[10]
+
+[Footnote 10: The fact that Mr. Paulding, in the reprint of these
+"Letters," in 1835, struck out this passage with all others
+disparaging to slavery and its supporters, does not impair the force
+of his testimony, however much it may sink the man. Nor will the next
+generation regard with any more reverence, his character as a prophet,
+because in the edition of 1835, two years after the American
+Antislavery Society was formed, and when its auxiliaries were numbered
+by hundreds, he inserted a _prediction_ that such movements would be
+made at the North, with most disastrous results. "Wot ye not that such
+a man as I can certainly divine!" Mr. Paulding has already been taught
+by Judge Jay, that he who aspires to the fame of an oracle, without
+its inspiration, must resort to other expedients to prevent detection,
+than the clumsy one of _antedating_ his responses.]
+
+
+
+III. BRANDINGS, MAIMINGS, GUY-SHOT WOUNDS, &c.
+
+The slaves are often branded with hot irons, pursued with fire arms
+and _shot_, hunted with dogs and torn by them, shockingly maimed with
+knives, dirks, &c.; have their ears cut off, their eyes knocked out,
+their bones dislocated and broken with bludgeons, their fingers and
+toes cut off, their faces and other parts of their persons disfigured
+with scars and gashes, _besides_ those made with the lash.
+
+We shall adopt, under this head, the same course as that pursued under
+previous ones,--first give the testimony of the slaveholders
+themselves, to the mutilations, &c. by copying their own graphic
+descriptions of them, in advertisements published under their own
+names, and in newspapers published in the slave states, and,
+generally, in their own immediate vicinity. We shall, as heretofore,
+insert only so much of each advertisement as will be necessary to make
+the point intelligible.
+
+
+Mr. Micajah Ricks, Nash County, North Carolina, in the Raleigh
+"Standard," July 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman and two children; a few days before she went
+off, _I burnt her with a hot iron_, on the left side of her face,_ I
+tried to make the letter M._"
+
+
+Mr. Asa B. Metcalf, Kingston, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier;'
+June 15, 1832.
+
+"Ranaway Mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball._"
+
+
+Mr. William Overstreet, Benton, Yazoo Co. Mi. in the "Lexington
+(Kentucky) Observer," July 22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man named Henry, _his left eye out_, some scars from
+a _dirk_ on and under his left arm, and _much scarred_ with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. R.P. Carney, Clark Co. Ala., in the Mobile Register, Dec. 22, 1832
+
+One hundred dollars reward for a negro fellow Pompey, 40 years old, he
+is _branded_ on the _left jaw_.
+
+
+Mr. J. Guyler, Savannah Georgia, in the "Republican," April 12, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Laman, an old negro man, grey, has _only one eye._"
+
+
+J.A. Brown, jailor, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Jan.
+12, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail a negro man, has _no toes_ on his left foot."
+
+
+Mr. J. Scrivener, Herring Bay, Anne Arundel Co. Maryland, in the
+Annapolis Republican, April 18, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway negro man Elijah, has a scar on his left cheek, apparently
+occasioned by _a shot_."
+
+
+Madame Burvant corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, New Orleans,
+in the "Bee," Dec. 21, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro woman named Rachel, has _lost all her toes_ except
+the large one."
+
+
+Mr. O.W. Lains, In the "Helena, (Ark.) Journal," June 1, 1833.
+
+"Ranaway Sam, he was _shot_ a short time since, through the hand, and
+has _several shots in his left arm and side_."
+
+
+Mr. R.W. Sizer, in the "Grand Gulf, [Mi.] Advertiser," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man Dennis, said negro has been _shot_ in the left
+arm between the shoulders and elbow, which has paralyzed the left
+hand."
+
+
+Mr. Nicholas Edmunds, in the "Petersburgh [Va.] Intelligencer," May
+22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man named Simon, _he has been shot badly_ in his
+back and right arm."
+
+
+Mr. J. Bishop, Bishopville, Sumpter District, South Carolina, in the
+"Camden [S.C.] Journal," March 4, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway a negro named Arthur, has a considerable _scar_ across his
+_breast and each arm_, made by a knife; loves to talk much of the
+goodness of God."
+
+
+Mr. S. Neyle, Little Ogeechee, Georgia, in the "Savannah Republican,"
+July 3, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway George, he has a _sword cut_ lately received on his left
+arm."
+
+
+Mrs. Sarah Walsh, Mobile, Ala. in the "Georgia Journal," March 27,
+1837.
+
+"Twenty five dollars reward for my man Isaac, he has a scar on his
+forehead caused by a _blow_, and one on his back made by _a shot from
+a pistol_."
+
+
+Mr. J.P. Ashford, Adams Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August 24,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+_good many teeth missing_, the letter A _is branded on her cheek and
+forehead_."
+
+
+Mr. Ely Townsend, Pike Co. Ala. in the "Pensacola Gazette," Sep. 16,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway negro Ben, has a scar on his right hand, his thumb and fore
+finger being injured by being _shot_ last fall, a part of _the bone
+came out_, he has also one or two _large scars_ on his back and hips."
+
+
+S.B. Murphy, jailer, Irvington, Ga. in the "Milledgeville Journal,"
+May 29, 1838.
+
+"Committed a negro man, is _very badly shot in the right side_ and
+right hand."
+
+
+Mr. A. Luminais, Parish of St. John Louisiana, in the New Orleans
+"Bee," March 3, 1838.
+
+"Detained at the jail, a mulatto named Tom, has a _scar_ on the right
+cheek and appears to have been _burned with powder_ on the face."
+
+
+Mr. Isaac Johnson, Pulaski Co. Georgia, in the "Milledgeville
+Journal," June 19, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man named Ned, _three of his fingers_ are drawn into
+the palm of his hand by a _cut_, has a _scar_ on the back of his neck
+nearly half round, done by a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Hudnall, Madison Co. Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register,"
+September 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro named Hambleton, _limps_ on his left foot where he
+was _shot_ a few weeks ago, while runaway."
+
+
+Mr. John McMurrain, Columbus, Ga. in the "Southern Sun," August 7,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway a negro boy named Mose, he has a _wound_ in the right
+shoulder near the back bone, which was occasioned by a _rifle shot_."
+
+
+Mr. Moses Orme, Annapolis, Maryland, in the "Annapolis Republican,"
+June 20, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway my negro man Bill, he has a _fresh wound in his head_ above
+his ear."
+
+
+William Strickland, Jailor, Kershaw District, S.C. in the "Camden
+[S.C.] Courier," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail a negro, says his name is Cuffee, he is lame in one
+knee, occasioned _by a shot_."
+
+
+The Editor of the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway Joshua, his thumb is off of his left hand."
+
+
+Mr. William Bateman, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway William, _scar_ over his left eye, one between his eye brows,
+one on his breast, and his right leg has been _broken_."
+
+
+Mr. B.G. Simmons, in the "Southern Argus," May 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Mark, his left arm has been _broken_."
+
+
+Mr. James Artop, in the "Macon [Ga.] Messenger, May 25, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Caleb, 50 years old, has an awkward gait occasioned by his
+being _shot_ in the thigh."
+
+
+J.L. Jolley, Sheriff of Clinton, Co. Mi. in the "Clinton Gazette,"
+July 23, 1836.
+
+"Was committed to jail a negro man, says his name is Josiah, his back
+very much scarred by the whip, and _branded on the thigh and hips, in
+three or four places_, thus (J.M.) the _rim of his right ear has been
+bit or cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Ledwith, Jacksonville East Florida, in the "Charleston
+[S.C.] Courier, Sept. 1, 1838.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my fellow Edward, he has a _scar_ on the
+corner of his mouth, two _cuts_ on and under his arm, and the _letter
+E on his arm_."
+
+
+Mr. Joseph James, Sen., Pleasant Ridge, Paulding Co. Ga., in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Nov. 7, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Ellie, has a _scar_ on one of his arms _from the
+bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. W. Riley, Orangeburg District, South Carolina, in the "Columbia
+[S.C.] Telescope," Nov. 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway a negro man, has a _scar_ on the ankle produced by a _burn_,
+and a _mark on his arm_ resembling the letter S."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Mason, Warren Co, Mi. in the "Vicksburg Register," July 18,
+1838."
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Allen, he has a scar on his breast, also a
+scar under the left eye, and has _two buck shot in his right arm_."
+
+
+Mr. F.L.C. Edwards, in the "Southern Telegraph", Sept. 25, 1837
+
+"Ranaway from the plantation of James Surgette, the following negroes,
+Randal, _has one ear cropped_; Bob, _has lost one eye_, Kentucky Tom,
+_has one jaw broken_."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen M. Jackson, in the "Vicksburg Register", March 10, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Anthony, _one of his ears cut off_, and his left hand cut
+with an axe."
+
+
+Philip Honerton, deputy sheriff of Halifax Co. Virginia, Jan. 1837.
+
+"Was committed, a negro man, has a _scar_ on his right side by a burn,
+one on his knee, and one on the calf of his leg _by the bite of a
+dog_."
+
+
+Stearns & Co. No. 28, New Levee, New Orleans, in the "Bee", March 22,
+1837.
+
+"Absconded, the mulatto boy Tom, his fingers _scarred_ on his right
+hand, and has a _scar_ on his right cheek"
+
+
+Mr. John W. Walton, Greensboro, Ala. in the "Alabama Beacon", Dec. 13,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway my black boy Frazier, with a _scar_ below and one above his
+right ear."
+
+
+Mr. R. Furman, Charleston, S.C. in the "Charleston Mercury" Jan. 12,
+1839.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick, about 19, has lost the small toe of one foot."
+
+
+Mr. John Tart, Sen. in the "Fayetteville [N.C.] Observer", Dec. 26,
+1838
+
+"Stolen a mulatto boy, _ten_ years old, he has a _scar_ over his eye
+which was made by an axe."
+
+
+Mr. Richard Overstreet, Brook Neal, Campbell Co. Virginia, in the
+"Danville [Va.] Reporter", Dec. 21, 1838.
+
+"Absconded my negro man Coleman, has a _very large scar_ on one of his
+legs, also one on _each_ arm, by a burn, and his heels have been
+frosted."
+
+
+The editor of the New Orleans "Bee" in that paper, August 27, 1837.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for the negro Jim Blake--has a _piece cut out
+of each ear_, and the middle finger of the left hand _cut off_ to the
+second joint."
+
+
+Mr. Bryant Jonson, Port Valley, Houston county, Georgia, in the
+Milledgeville "Union", Oct. 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Maria--has a scar on one side of her
+cheek, by a _cut_--some scars on her back."
+
+
+Mr. Leonard Miles, Steen's Creek, Rankin county, Mi. in the "Southern
+Sun", Sept. 22, 1838
+
+"Ranaway, Gabriel--has _two or three scars across his neck_ made with
+a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Bezou, New Orleans, in the "Bee" May 23, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the mulatto wench Mary--has a _cut on the left arm, a scar
+on the shoulder, and two upper teeth missing_."
+
+
+Mr. James Kimborough, Memphis, Tenn. in the "Memphis Enquirer" July
+13, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro boy, named Jerry--has a _scar_ on his right check
+two inches long, from the cut of a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Beasley, Macon, Georgia, in the "Georgia Messenger", July
+27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Fountain--has _holes in his ears, a scar_ on the
+right side of his forehead--has been _shot in the hind parts of his
+legs_--is marked on the back with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. B.G. Barrer, St. Louis, Missouri, in the "Republican", Sept. 6,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jarret--_has a scar_ on the under part of
+one of his arms, occasioned by a wound from a knife."
+
+
+Mr. John D. Turner, near Norfolk, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald",
+June 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro by the name of Joshua--he has a cut across one of
+his ears, which he will conceal as much as possible--one of his
+ankles is _enlarged by an ulcer_."
+
+
+Mr. William Stansell, Picksville, Ala. in the "Huntsville Democrat",
+August 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Harper--has a scar on one of his hips in the form
+of a G."
+
+
+Hon. Ambrose H. Sevier Senator, in Congress, from Arkansas in the
+"Vicksburg Register", of Oct. 18.
+
+"Ranaway, Bob, a slave--has a _scar across his breast_, another on the
+_right side of his head_--his back is _much scarred_ with the whip."
+
+
+Mr. R.A. Greene, Milledgeville, Georgia, in the "Macon Messenger" July
+27, 1837.
+
+"Two hundred and fifty dollars reward, for my negro man Jim--he is
+much marked with _shot_ in his right thigh,--the shot entered on the
+outside, half way between the hip and knee joints."
+
+
+Benjamin Russel, deputy sheriff, Bibb county, Ga. in the "Macon
+Telegraph", December 25, 1837.
+
+"Brought to jail, John--_left ear cropt_."
+
+
+Hon. H Hitchcock, Mobile, judge of the Supreme Court, in the
+"Commercial Register", Oct. 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the slave Ellis--he has _lost one of his ears_."
+
+
+Mrs. Elizabeth L. Carter, near Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, in the "National Intelligencer", Washington, D.C. June 10,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man, Moses--he has _lost a part_ of one of his
+ears."
+
+
+Mr. William D. Buckels, Natchez, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," July
+28, 1838.
+
+"Taken up, a negro man--is _very much scarred_ about the face and
+body, and has the left _ear bit off_."
+
+
+Mr. Walter R. English, Monroe county, Ala. in the "Mobile Chronicle,"
+Sept. 2, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my slave Lewis--he has lost a _piece of one ear_, and a
+_part of one of his fingers_, a _part of one of his toes_ is also
+lost."
+
+
+Mr. James Saunders, Grany Spring, Hawkins county, Tenn. in the
+"Knoxville Register," June 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a black girl named Mary--has a _scar_ on her cheek, and the
+end of one of her toes _cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. John Jenkins, St Joseph's, Florida, captain of the steamboat
+Ellen, "Apalachicola Gazette," June 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro boy Caesar--he has _but one eye_."
+
+
+Mr. Peter Hanson, Lafayette city, La., in the New Orleans "Bee," July
+28, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negress Martha--she has _lost her right eye_."
+
+
+Mr. Orren Ellis, Georgeville, Mi. in the "North Alabamian," Sept. 15,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, George--has had the lower part of _one of his ears bit
+off_."
+
+
+Mr. Zadock Sawyer, Cuthbert, Randolph county, Georgia, in the
+"Milledgeville Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro Tom--has a piece _bit off the top of his right
+ear_, and his little finger is _stiff_."
+
+
+Mr. Abraham Gray, Mount Morino, Pike county, Ga. in the "Milledgeville
+Union," Oct. 9, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my mulatto woman Judy--she has had her _right arm broke_."
+
+
+S.B. Tuston, jailer, Adams county, Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," June
+15, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man named Bill--has had the _thumb of
+his left hand split_."
+
+Mr. Joshua Antrim, Nineveh, Warren county, Virginia, in the
+"Winchester Virginian," July 11, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a mulatto man named Joe--his fingers on the left hand are
+_partly amputated_."
+
+
+J.B. Randall, jailor,  Marietta, Cobb county, Ga., in the "Southern
+Recorder;" Nov. 6, 1838.
+
+"Lodged in jail, a negro man named Jupiter--is very _lame in his left
+hip_, so that he can hardly walk--has lost a joint of the middle
+finger of his left hand."
+
+
+Mr. John N. Dillahunty, Woodville, Mi., in the "N.O. Commercial
+Bulletin," July 21, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Bill--has a scar over one eye, also one on his leg, from
+_the bite of a dog_--has a _burn on his buttock, from a piece of hot
+iron in shape of a T_."
+
+
+William K. Ratcliffe, sheriff, Franklin county, Mi. in the "Natchez
+Free Trader," August 23, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro named Mike--_his left ear off_"
+
+
+Mr. Preston Halley, Barnwell, South Carolina, in the "Augusta [Ga.]
+Chronicle," July 27, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Levi--his left hand has been _burnt_, and I
+think the end of his fore finger _is off_."
+
+
+Mr. Welcome H. Robbins, St. Charles county, Mo. in the "St. Louis
+Republican," June 30, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named Washington--has _lost a part of his middle
+finger and the end of his little finger_."
+
+
+G. Gourdon & Co. druggists, corner of Rampart and Hospital streets,
+New Orleans, in the "Commercial Bulletin," Sept. 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro named David Drier--has _two toes cut_."
+
+
+Mr. William Brown, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Edmund--has a _scar_ on his right temple, and under his
+right eye, and _holes in both ears_."
+
+
+Mr. James McDonnell, Talbot county, Georgia, in the "Columbus
+Enquirer," Jan. 18, 1838.
+
+"Runaway, a negro boy _twelve or thirteen_ years old--has a scar on
+his left cheek _from the bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. John W. Cherry, Marengo county, Ala. in the "Mobile Register,"
+June 15, 1838.
+
+"Fifty dollars reward, for my negro man John--he has a considerable
+scar on his _throat_, done with a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Thos. Brown, Roane co. Tenn. in the "Knoxville Register," Sept 12,
+1838.
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward, for my man John--the _tip_ of his nose is
+_bit off_."
+
+
+Messrs. Taylor, Lawton & Co., Charleston, South Carolina, in the
+"Mercury," Nov. 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro fellow called Hover--has a _cut_ above the right
+eye."
+
+
+Mr. Louis Schmidt, Faubourg, Sivaudais, La. in the New Orleans "Bee,"
+Sept. 5, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro man Hardy--has a _scar_ on the upper lip, and
+another made with a _knife_ on his neck."
+
+
+W.M. Whitehead, Natchez, in the "New Orleans Bulletin," July 21,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Henry--has half of one _ear bit off_."
+
+
+Mr. Conrad Salvo, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," August
+10, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man Jacob--he has but _one eye_."
+
+
+William Baker, jailer, Shelby county, Ala., in the "Montgomery (Ala.)
+Advertiser," Oct. 5, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, Ben--his _left thumb off_ at the first joint."
+
+
+Mr. S.N. Hite, Camp street, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Feb. 19, 1838.
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward for the negro slave Sally--walks as though
+_crippled_ in the back."
+
+
+Mr. Stephen M. Richards, Whitesburg, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Democrat," Sept 8, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Dick--has a _little finger off_ the right
+hand."
+
+
+Mr. A. Brose, parish of St. Charles, La. in the "New Orleans Bee,"
+Feb. 19, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, the negro Patrick--has his little finger of the right hand
+_cut close to the hand_."
+
+
+Mr. Needham Whitefield, Aberdeen, Mi. in the "Memphis (Tenn.)
+Enquirer," June 15, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Joe Dennis--has a small _notch_ in one of his ears."
+
+
+Col. M.J. Keith, Charleston, South Carolina, in the "Mercury," Nov.
+27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick--has _lost the little toe_ of one of his feet."
+
+
+Mr. R. Faucette, Haywood, North Carolina, in the "Raleigh Register,"
+April 30, 1838.
+
+"Escaped, my negro man Eaton--his _little finger_ of the right hand
+has been _broke_."
+
+
+Mr. G.C. Richardson, Owen Station, Mo., in the St. Louis "Republican,"
+May 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man named Top--has had one of his _legs broken_."
+
+
+Mr. E. Han, La Grange, Fayette county, Tenn. in the Gallatin "Union,"
+June 23, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Jack--has a small _crop out of his left ear_."
+
+
+D. Herring, warden of Baltimore city jail, in the "Marylander," Oct 6,
+1837.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man--has _two scars_ on his forehead,
+and the _top of his left ear cut off_."
+
+
+Mr. James Marks, near Natchitoches, La. in the "Natchitoches Herald,"
+July 21, 1838.
+
+"Stolen, a negro man named Winter--has a _notch_ cut out of the left
+ear, and the mark of _four or five buck shot_ on his legs."
+
+
+Mr. James Barr, Amelia Court House, Virginia, in the "Norfolk Herald,"
+Sept. 12, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man--_scar back of his left eye_, as if from the
+_cut_ of a knife."
+
+
+Mr. Isaac Michell, Wilkinson county, Georgia, in the "Augusta
+Chronicle," Sept 21, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro man Buck--has a very _plain mark_ under his ear on his
+jaw, about the size of a dollar, having been _inflicted by a knife._"
+
+
+Mr. P. Bayhi, captain of the police, Suburb Washington, third
+municipality, New Orleans, in the "Bee," Oct. 13, 1837.
+
+"Detained at the jail, the negro boy Hermon--has a scar below his left
+ear, from the _wound of a knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Willie Paterson, Clinton, Jones county, Ga. in the "Darien
+Telegraph," Dec. 5, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man by the name of John--he has a _scar_ across his
+cheek, and one on his right arm, apparently done with a _knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Ragland, Triana, Madison county, Alabama, in the
+"Huntsville Advocate," Dec. 23, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Isham--has a _scar_ upon the breast and upon the under lip,
+from the _bite of a dog_."
+
+
+Mr. Moses E. Bush, near Clayton, Ala. in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," July 5, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man--has a _scar_ on his hip and on his breast, and
+_two front teeth out_."
+
+
+C.W. Wilkins, sheriff Baldwin Co, Ala, is the "Mobile Advertiser;"
+Sept. 24, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man, he is _crippled_ in the right leg."
+
+
+Mr. James H. Taylor, Charleston South Carolina, in the "Courier,"
+August 7, 1837.
+
+"Absconded, a colored boy, named Peter, _lame_ in the right leg."
+
+
+N.M.C. Robinson, jailer, Columbus, Georgia, in the "Columbus (Ga.)
+Enquirer," August 2, 1838.
+
+"Brought to jail, a negro man, his left ankle has been _broke_."
+
+
+Mr. Littlejohn Rynes, Hinds Co. Mi. in the "Natchez Courier," August,
+17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man named Jerry, has a small piece _cut out of the
+top of each ear_."
+
+
+The Heirs of J.A. Alston, near Georgetown, South Carolina, in the
+"Georgetown [S.C.] Union," June 17, 1837.
+
+"Absconded a negro named Cuffee, has _lost one finger_; has an
+_enlarged leg_."
+
+
+A.S. Ballinger, Sheriff, Johnston Co, North Carolina, In the "Raleigh
+Standard," Oct. 18, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man; has a _very sore leg_."
+
+
+Mr. Thomas Crutchfield, Atkins, Ten. in the "Tennessee Journal," Oct.
+17, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my mulatto boy Cy, has but _one hand_, all the fingers of
+his right hand were _burnt off_ when young."
+
+
+J.A. Brown, jailer, Orangeburg, South Carolina, in the "Charleston
+Mercury," July 18, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro named Bob, appears to be _crippled_ in
+the right leg."
+
+
+S.B. Turton, jailer, Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natchez Courier," Sept.
+29, 1838.
+
+"Was committed to jail, a negro man, has his _left thigh broke_."
+
+
+Mr. John H. King,  High street, Georgetown, in the "National
+Intelligencer," August 1, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro man, he has the _end of one_ of his fingers
+_broken_."
+
+
+Mr. John B. Fox, Vicksburg, Miss. in the "Register," March 29, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a yellowish negro boy named Tom, has a _notch_ in the back
+of one of his ears."
+
+
+Messrs. Fernandez and Whiting, auctioneers, New Orleans, in the "Bee,"
+April 8, 1837.
+
+"Will be sold Martha, aged nineteen, _has one eye out_."
+
+
+Mr. Marshall Jett, Farrowsville, Fauquier Co. Virginia, in the
+"National Intelligencer," May 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, negro man Ephraim, has a _mark_ over one of his eyes,
+occasioned by a _blow_."
+
+
+S.B. Turton, jailer Adams Co. Miss. in the "Natches Courier," Oct. 12,
+1838.
+
+"Was committed a negro, calls himself Jacob, has been _crippled_ in
+his right leg."
+
+
+John Ford, sheriff of Mobile County, in the "Mississippian," Jackson
+Mi. Dec. 28, 1838.
+
+"Committed to jail, a negro man Cary, a _large scar on his forehead_."
+
+
+E.W. Morris, sheriff of Warren County, in the "Vicksburg [Mi.]
+Register," March 28, 1838.
+
+"Committed as a runaway, a negro man Jack, he has _several scars_ on
+his face."
+
+
+Mr. John P. Holcombe, In the "Charleston Mercury," April 17, 1828.
+
+"Absented himself, his negro man Ben, _has scars_ on his throat,
+occasioned by the _cut of a knife_."
+
+
+Mr. Geo. Kinlock, in the "Charleston, S.C. Courier," May 1, 1839.
+
+"Ranaway, negro boy Kitt, 15 or 16 years old, _has a piece taken out
+of one of his ears_."
+
+
+Wm. Magee, sheriff, Mobile Co. in the "Mobile Register," Dec. 27, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail, a runaway slave, Alexander, a _scar_ on his left
+check."
+
+
+Mr. Henry M. McGregor, Prince George County, Maryland, in the
+"Alexandria [D.C.] Gazette," Feb. 6, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro Phil, _scar through the right eye brow_ part of the
+_middle toe_ right foot _cut off_."
+
+
+Green B Jourdan, Baldwin County Ga. in the "Georgia Journal," April
+18, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, John, has a _scar_ on one of his hands extending from the
+wrist joint to the little finger, also a _scar_ on one of his legs."
+
+
+Messrs. Daniel and Goodman, New Orleans, in the "N.O. Bee," Feb. 2,
+1838.
+
+"Absconded, mulatto slave Alick, has a _large scar over_ one of his
+cheeks."
+
+
+Jeremiah Woodward, Gonchland, Co. Va. in the "Richmond Va. Whig," Jan.
+30, 1838.
+
+"200 DOLLARS REWARD for Nelson, has a _scar_ on his forehead
+occasioned by a _burn_, and one on his lower lip and one about the
+knee."
+
+
+Samuel Rawlins, Gwinet Co. Ga. in the "Columbus Sentinel," Nov. 29,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man and his wife, named Nat and Priscilla, he has a
+small _scar_ on his left cheek, _two stiff fingers_ on his right hand
+with a _running sore_ on them; his wife has a _scar_ on her left arm,
+and one _upper tooth out_."
+
+
+The reader perceives that we have under this head, as under previous
+ones, given to the testimony of the slaveholders themselves, under
+their own names, a precedence over that of all other witnesses. We now
+ask the reader's attention to the testimonies which follow. They are
+endorsed by responsible names--men who 'speak what they know, and
+testify what they have seen'--testimonies which show, that the
+slaveholders who wrote the preceding advertisements, describing the
+work of their own hands, in branding with hot irons, maiming,
+mutilating, cropping, shooting, knocking out the teeth and eyes of
+their slaves, breaking their bones, &c., have manifested, _as far as
+they have gone_ in the description, a commendable fidelity to truth.
+
+It is probable that some of the scars and maimings in the preceding
+advertisements were the result of accidents; and some _may be_ the
+result of violence inflicted by the slaves upon each other. Without
+arguing that point, we say, these are the _facts_; whoever reads and
+ponders them, will need no argument to convince him, that the
+proposition which they have been employed to sustain, _cannot be
+shaken_. That any considerable portion of them were _accidental_, is
+totally improbable, from the nature of the case; and is in most
+instances disproved by the advertisements themselves. That they have
+not been produced by assaults of the slaves upon each other, is
+manifest from the fact, that injuries of that character inflicted by
+the slaves upon each other, are, as all who are familiar with the
+habits and condition of slaves well know, exceedingly rare; and of
+necessity must be so, from the constant action upon them of the
+strongest dissuasives from such acts that can operate on human nature.
+
+Advertisements similar to the preceding may at any time be gathered by
+scores from the daily and weekly newspapers of the slave states.
+Before presenting the reader with further testimony in proof of the
+proposition at the head of this part of our subject, we remark, that
+some of the tortures enumerated under this and the preceding heads,
+are not in all cases inflicted by slaveholders as _punishments_, but
+sometimes merely as preventives of escape, for the greater security of
+their 'property'. Iron collars, chains, &c. are put upon slaves when
+they are driven or transported from one part of the country to
+another, in order to keep them from running away. Similar measures are
+often resorted to upon plantations. When the master or owner suspects
+a slave of plotting an escape, an iron collar with long 'horns,' or a
+bar of iron, or a ball and chain, are often fastened upon him, for the
+double purpose of retarding his flight, should he attempt it, and of
+serving as an easy means of detection.
+
+Another inhuman method of _marking_ slaves, so that they may be easily
+described and detected when they escape, is called _cropping_. In the
+preceding advertisements, the reader will perceive a number of cases,
+in which the runaway is described as '_cropt_,' or a '_notch cut_ in
+the ear, or a part or the whole of the ear _cut off_,' &c.
+
+Two years and a half since, the writer of this saw a letter, then just
+received by Mr. Lewis Tappan, of New York, containing a negro's ear
+cut off close to the head. The writer of the letter, who signed
+himself Thomas Oglethorpe, Montgomery, Alabama, sent it to Mr. Tappan
+as 'a specimen of a negro's ears,' and desired him to add it to his
+'collection.'
+
+Another method of _marking_ slaves, is by drawing out or breaking off
+one or two _front teeth_--commonly the upper ones, as the mark would
+in that case be the more obvious. An instance of this kind the reader
+will recall in the testimony of Sarah M. Grimke, page 30, and of which
+she had _personal_ knowledge; being well acquainted both with the
+inhuman master, (a distinguished citizen of South Carolina,) by whose
+order the brutal deed was done, and with the poor young girl whose
+mouth was thus barbarously mutilated, to furnish a convenient mark by
+which to describe her in case of her elopement, as she had frequently
+run away.
+
+The case stated by Miss G. serves to unravel what, to one uninitiated,
+seems quite a mystery: i.e. the frequency with which, in the
+advertisements of runaway slaves published in southern papers, they
+are described as having _one or two front teeth out_. Scores of such
+advertisements are in southern papers now on our table. We will
+furnish the reader with a dozen or two.
+
+
+Jesse Debruhl, sheriff, Richland District, "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Feb. 24, 1839.
+
+"Committed to jail, Ned, about 25 years of age, has lost his _two
+upper front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. John Hunt, Black Water Bay, "Pensacola (Ga.) Gazette," October 14,
+1837.
+
+"100 DOLLARS REWARD, for Perry, _one under front tooth_ missing, aged
+23 years."
+
+
+Mr. John Frederick, Branchville, Orangeburgh District, S.C.
+"Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 12, 1837.
+
+"10 DOLLARS REWARD, for Mary, _one or two upper teeth_ out, about 25
+years old."
+
+
+Mr. Egbert A. Raworth, eight miles west of Nashville on the Charlotte
+road "Daily Republican Banner," Nashville, Tennessee, April 30, 1938.
+
+"Ranaway, Myal, 23 years old, one of his _fore teeth out_."
+
+
+Benjamin Russel, Deputy sheriff Bibb Co. Ga. "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph,"
+Dec. 25, 1837.
+
+"Brought to jail John, 23 years old, _one fore tooth out_."
+
+
+F. Wisner, Master of the Work House, "Charleston (S.C.) Courier." Oct.
+17, 1837.
+
+"Committed to the Charleston Work House Tom, _two of his upper front
+teeth out_, about 30 years of age."
+
+Mr. S. Neyle, "Savannah (Ga.) Republican," July 3, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Peter, has lost _two front teeth_ in the upper jaw."
+
+
+Mr. John McMurrain, near Columbus, "Georgia Messenger," Aug. 2, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a boy named Moses, some of his _front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. John Kennedy, Stewart Co. La. "New Orleans Bee," April 7, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Sally, her _fore teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. A.J. Hutchings, near Florence, Ala. "North Alabamian," August 25,
+1838
+
+"Ranaway, George Winston, two of his _upper fore teeth out_
+immediately in front."
+
+
+Mr. James Purdon, 33 Commons street, N.O. "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 13,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Jackson, has lost _one of his front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. Robert Calvert, in the "Arkansas State Gazette," August 22, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Jack, 25 years old, has lost _one of his fore teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. A.G.A. Beazley, in the Memphis Gazette, March 18, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Abraham, 20 or 22 years of age, _his front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. Samuel Townsend, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," May 24,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Dick, 18 or 20 years of age, _has one front tooth out_."
+
+
+Mr. Philip A. Dew, in the "Virginia Herald," of May 24, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Washington, about 25 years of age, has _an upper front tooth
+out_."
+
+
+J.G. Dunlap, "Georgia Constitutionalist," April 24, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, negro woman Abbe, _upper front teeth out_."
+
+
+John Thomas, "Southern Argus," August 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Lewis, 25 or 26 years old, _one or two of his front teeth
+out_."
+
+
+M.E.W. Gilbert, in the "Columbus [Ga.] Enquirer," Oct. 5. 1837.
+
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Prince, 25 or 26 years old, _one or two teeth
+out_ in front on the upper jaw."
+
+
+Publisher of the "Charleston Mercury," Aug. 31, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Seller Saunders, _one fore tooth out_, about 22 years of
+age."
+
+
+Mr. Byrd M. Grace, in the "Macon [Ga.] Telegraph," Oct. 16, 1383.
+
+"Ranaway, Warren, about 25 or 26 years old, has lost _some of his
+front teeth_."
+
+
+Mr. George W. Barnes, in the "Milledgeville [Ga.] Journal," May 22,
+1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Henry, about 23 years old, has one of his _upper front teeth
+out_."
+
+
+D. Herring, Warden of Baltimore Jail, in "Baltimore Chronicle," Oct.
+6, 1837.
+
+"Committed to jail Elizabeth Steward, 17 or 18 years old, has _one of
+her front teeth out_."
+
+
+Mr. J.L. Colborn, in the "Huntsville [Ala.] Democrat," July 4, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway Liley, 26 years of age, _one fore tooth gone_."
+
+
+Samuel Harman Jr. in the "New Orleans Bee," Oct. 12, 1838.
+
+"50 DOLLARS REWARD, for Adolphe, 28 years old, _two of his front
+teeth_ are missing."
+
+
+Were it necessary, we might easily add to the preceding list,
+_hundreds_. The reader will remark that all the slaves, whose ages are
+given, are _young_--not one has arrived at middle age; consequently it
+can hardly be supposed that they have lost their teeth either from age
+or decay. The probability that their teeth were taken out by force, is
+increased by the fact of their being _front teeth_ in almost every
+case, and from the fact that the loss of no _other_ is mentioned in
+the advertisements. It is well known that the front teeth are not
+generally the first to fail. Further, it is notorious that the teeth
+of the slaves are remarkably sound and serviceable, that they decay
+far less, and at a much later period of life than the teeth of the
+whites: owing partly, no doubt, to original constitution; but more
+probably to their diet, habits, and mode of life.
+
+As an illustration of the horrible mutilations _sometimes_ suffered by
+them in the breaking and tearing out of their teeth, we insert the
+following, from the New Orleans Bee of May 31, 1837.
+
+$10 REWARD.--Ranaway, Friday, May 12, JULIA, a negress, EIGHTEEN OR
+TWENTY YEARS OLD. SHE HAS LOST HER UPPER TEETH, and the under ones ARE
+ALL BROKEN. Said reward will be paid to whoever will bring her to her
+master, No. 172 Barracks-street, or lodge her in the jail.
+
+The following is contained in the same paper.
+
+Ranaway, NELSON, 27 years old,--"ALL HIS TEETH ARE MISSING."
+
+This advertisement is signed by "S. ELFER," Faubourg Marigny.
+
+We now call the attention of the reader to a mass of testimony in
+support of our general proposition.
+
+GEORGE B. RIPLEY, Esq. of Norwich, Connecticut, has furnished the
+following statement, in a letter dated Dec. 12, 1838.
+
+"GURDON CHAPMAN, Esq., a respectable merchant of our city, one of our
+county commissioners,--last spring a member of our state
+legislature,--and whose character for veracity is above suspicion,
+about a year since visited the county of Nansemond, Virginia, for the
+purpose of buying a cargo of corn. He purchased a large quantity of
+Mr. ----, with whose family he spent a week or ten days; after he
+returned, he related to me and several other citizens the following
+facts. In order to prepare the corn for market by the time agreed
+upon, the slaves were worked as hard as they would bear, from daybreak
+until 9 or 10 o'clock at night. They were called directly from their
+bunks in the morning to their work, without a morsel of food until
+noon, when they took their breakfast and dinner, consisting of bacon
+and corn bread. The quantity of meat was not one tenth of what the
+same number of northern laborers usually have at a meal. They were
+allowed but fifteen minutes to take this meal, at the expiration of
+this time the horn was blown. The rigor with which they enforce
+punctuality to its call, may be imagined from the fact, that a little
+boy only nine years old was whipped so severely by the driver, that in
+many places the whip cut through his clothes (which were of cotton,)
+for tardiness of not over three minutes. They then worked without
+intermission until 9 or 10 at night; after which they prepared and ate
+their second meal, as scanty as the first. An aged slave, who was
+remarkable for his industry and fidelity, was working with all his
+might on the threshing floor; amidst the clatter of the shelling and
+winnowing machines the master spoke to him, but he did not hear; he
+presently gave him several severe cuts with the raw hide, saying, at
+the same time, 'damn you, if you cannot hear I'll see if you can
+feel.' One morning the master rose from breakfast and whipped most
+cruelly, with a raw hide, a nice girl who was waiting on the table,
+for not opening a _west_ window when he had told her to open an east
+one. The number of slaves was only forty, and yet the lash was in
+constant use. The bodies of all of them were literally covered with
+old scars.
+
+"Not one of the slaves attended church on the Sabbath. The social
+relations were scarcely recognised among them, and they lived in a
+state of promiscuous concubinage. The master said he took pains to
+breed from his best stock--the whiter the progeny the higher they
+would sell for house servants. When asked by Mr. C. if he did not fear
+his slaves would run away if he whipped them so much, he replied, they
+know too well what they must suffer if they are taken--and then said,
+'I'll tell you how I treat my runaway niggers. I had a big nigger that
+ran away the second time; as soon as I got track of him I took three
+good fellows and went in pursuit, and found him in the night, some
+miles distant, in a corn-house; we took him and ironed him hand and
+foot, and carted him home. The next morning we tied him to a tree, and
+whipped him until there was not a sound place on his back. I then tied
+his ankles and hoisted him up to a _limb_--feet up and head down--we
+then whipped him, until the damned nigger smoked so that I thought he
+would take fire and burn up. We then took him down; and to make sure
+that he should not run away the third time, I run my knife in back of
+the ankles, and _cut off the large cords_,--and then I ought to have
+put some lead into the wounds, but I forgot it'
+
+"The truth of the above is from unquestionable authority; and you may
+publish or suppress it, as shall best subserve the cause of God and
+humanity."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM STEPHAN SEWALL, Esq., Winthrop, Maine, dated
+Jan. 12th, 1839. Mr. S. is a member of the Congregational church in
+Winthrop, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing company.
+
+"Being somewhat acquainted with slavery, by a residence of about five
+years in Alabama, and having witnessed many acts of slaveholding
+cruelty, I will mention one or two that came under my eye; and one of
+excessive cruelty mentioned to me at the time, by the gentleman (now
+dead,) that interfered in behalf of the slave.
+
+"I was witness to such cruelties by an overseer to a slave, that he
+twice attempted to drown himself, to get out of his power: this was on
+a raft of slaves, in the Mobile river. I saw an owner take his runaway
+slave, tie a rope round him, then get on his horse, give the slave and
+horse a cut the whip, and run the poor creature barefooted, very fast,
+over rough ground, where small black jack oaks had been cut up,
+leaving the sharp stumps, on which the slave would frequently fall;
+then the master would drag him as long as he could himself hold out;
+then stop, and whip him up on his feet again--then proceed as before.
+This continued until he got out of my sight, which was about half a
+mile. But what further cruelties this wretched man, (whose passion was
+so excited that he could scarcely utter a word when he took the slave
+into his own power,) inflicted upon his poor victim, the day of
+judgment will unfold.
+
+"I have seen slaves severely whipped on plantations, but this _is an
+every day occurrence_, and comes under the head of general treatment.
+
+"I have known the case of a husband compelled to whip his wife. This I
+did not witness, though not two rods from the cabin at the time.
+
+"I will now mention the case of cruelty before referred to. In 1820 or
+21, while the public works were going forward on Dauphin Island,
+Mobile Bay, a contractor, engaged on the works, beat one of his slaves
+so severely that the poor creature had no longer power to writhe under
+his suffering: he then took out his knife, and began to _cut his flesh
+in strips, from his hips down_. At this moment, the gentleman referred
+to, who was also a contractor, shocked at such inhumanity, stepped
+forward, between the wretch and his victim, and exclaimed, 'If you
+touch that slave again you do it at the peril of your life.' The
+slaveholder raved at him for interfering between him and his slave;
+but he was obliged to drop his victim, fearing the arm of my
+friend--whose stature and physical powers were extraordinary."
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MRS. MARY COWLES, a member of the
+Presbyterian church at Geneva, Ashtabula county, Ohio, dated 12th, mo.
+18th, 1838. Mrs. Cowles is a daughter of Mr. James Colwell of Brook
+county, Virginia, near West Liberty.
+
+"In the year 1809, I think, when I was twenty-one years old, a man in
+the vicinity where I resided, in Brooke co. Va. near West Liberty, by
+the name of Morgan, had a little slave girl about six years old, who
+had a habit or rather a natural infirmity common to children of that
+age. On this account her master and mistress would pinch her ears with
+hot tongs, and throw hot embers on her legs. Not being able to
+accomplish their object by these means, they at last resorted to a
+method too indelicate, and too horrible to describe in detail. Suffice
+it to say, it soon put an end to her life in the most excruciating
+manner. If further testimony to authenticate what I have stated is
+necessary, I refer you to Dr. Robert Mitchel who then resided in the
+vicinity, but now lives at Indiana, Pennsylvania, above Pittsburgh."
+
+MARY COWLES.
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF WILLIAM LADD, Esq., now of Minot, Maine, formerly a
+slaveholder in Florida. Mr. Ladd is now the President of the American
+Peace Society. In a letter dated November 29, 1838, Mr. Ladd says:
+
+"While I lived in Florida I knew a slaveholder whose name was
+Hutchinson, he had been a preacher and a member of the Senate of
+Georgia. He told me that he dared not keep a gun in his house, because
+he was so passionate; and that he had _been the death of three or four
+men_. I understood him to mean _slaves_. One of his slaves, a girl,
+once came to my house. She had run away from him at Indian river. The
+cords of one of her hands were so much contracted that her hand was
+useless. It was said that he had thrust her hand into the fire while
+he was in a fit of passion, and held it there, and this was the
+effect. My wife had hid the girl, when Hutchinson came for her. Out of
+compassion for the poor slave, I offered him more than she was worth,
+which he refused. We afterward let the girl escape, and I do not know
+what became of her, but I believe he never got her again. It was
+currently reported of Hutchinson, that he once knocked down a _new_
+negro (one recently from Africa) who was clearing up land, and who
+complained of the cold, as it was mid-winter. The slave was stunned
+with the blow. Hutchinson, supposing he had the 'sulks,' applied fire
+to the side of the slave until it was so roasted that he said the
+slave was not worth curing, and ordered the other slaves to pile on
+brush, and he was consumed.
+
+"A murder occurred at the settlement, (Musquito) while I lived there.
+An overseer from Georgia, who was employed by a Mr. Cormick, in a fit
+of jealousy shot a slave of Samuel Williams, the owner of the next
+plantation. He was apprehended, but afterward suffered to escape. This
+man told me that he had rather whip a negro than sit down to the best
+dinner. This man had, near his house, a contrivance like that which is
+used in armies where soldiers are punished with the picket; by this
+the slave was drawn up from the earth, by a cord passing round his
+wrists, so that his feet could just touch the ground. It somewhat
+resembled a New England well sweep, and was used when the slaves were
+flogged.
+
+"The treatment of slaves at Musquito I consider much milder than that
+which I have witnessed in the United States. Florida was under the
+Spanish government while I lived there. There were about fifteen or
+twenty plantations at Musquito. I have an indistinct recollection of
+four or five slaves dying of the cold in Amelia Island. They belonged
+to Mr. Bunce of musquito. The compensation of the overseers was a
+certain portion of the crop."
+
+
+GERRIT SMITH, Esq. of Peterboro, in a letter, dated Dec. 15, 1838,
+says:
+
+"I have just been conversing with an inhabitant of this town, on the
+subject of the cruelties of slavery. My neighbors inform me that he is
+a man of veracity. The candid manner of his communication utterly
+forbade the suspicion that he was attempting to deceive me.
+
+"My informant says that he resided in Louisiana and Alabama during a
+great part of the years 1819 and 1820:--that he frequently saw slaves
+whipped, never saw any killed; but often heard of their being
+killed:--that in several instances he had seen a slave receive, in the
+space of two hours, five hundred lashes--each stroke drawing blood. He
+adds that this severe whipping was always followed by the application
+of strong brine to the lacerated parts.
+
+"My informant further says, that in the spring of 1819, he steered a
+boat from Louisville to New Orleans. Whilst stopping at a plantation
+on the east bank of the Mississippi, between Natchez and New Orleans,
+for the purpose of making sale of some of the articles with which the
+boat was freighted, he and his fellow boatmen saw a shockingly cruel
+punishment inflicted on a couple of slaves for the repeated offence of
+running away. Straw was spread over the whole of their backs, and,
+after being fastened by a band of the same material, was ignited, and
+left to burn, until entirely consumed. The agonies and screams of the
+sufferers he can never forget."
+
+
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, late president of Marion College, Missouri, a native
+of Tennessee, and till forty years old a slaveholder, said in an
+Anti-Slavery address at Northampton, Mass. Jan. 1839--
+
+"I have not attempted to harrow your feelings with stories of cruelty.
+I will, however, mention one or two among the many incidents that came
+under my observation as family physician. I was one day dressing a
+blister, and the mistress of the house sent a little black girl into
+the kitchen to bring me some warm water. She probably mistook her
+message; for she returned with a bowl full of boiling water; which her
+mistress no sooner perceived, than she thrust her hand into it, and
+held it there till it was half cooked."
+
+
+Mr. HENRY H. LOOMIS, a member of the Presbyterian Theological Seminary
+in the city of New York, says, in a recent letter--
+
+"The Rev. Mr. Hart, recently my pastor, in Otsego county, New York,
+and who has spent some time at the south as a teacher, stated to me
+that in the neighborhood in which he resided a slave was set to watch
+a turnip patch near an academy, in order to keep off the boys who
+occasionally trespassed on it. Attempting to repeat the trespass in
+presence of the slave, they were told that his 'master forbad it.' At
+this the boys were enraged, and hurled brickbats at the slave until
+his face and other parts were much injured and wounded--but nothing
+was said or done about it as an injury to the slave.
+
+"He also said, that a slave from the same neighborhood was found out
+in the woods, with his arms and legs burned almost to a cinder, up as
+far as the elbow and knee joints; and there appeared to be but little
+more said or thought about it than if he had been a brute. It was
+supposed that his master was the cause of it--making him an example of
+punishment to the rest of the gang!"
+
+The following is an extract of a letter dated March 5, 1839, from Mr.
+JOHN CLARKE, a highly respected citizen of Scriba, Oswego county, New
+York, and a member of the Presbyterian church.
+
+The 'Mrs. Turner' spoken of in Mr. C.'s letter, is the wife of Hon.
+Fielding S. Turner, who in 1803 resided at Lexington, Kentucky, and
+was the attorney for the Commonwealth. Soon after that, he removed to
+New Orleans, and was for many years Judge of the Criminal Court of
+that city. Having amassed an immense fortune, he returned to Lexington
+a few years since, and still resides there. Mr. C. the writer, spent
+the winter of 1836-7 in Lexington. He says,
+
+"Yours of the 27th ult. is received, and I hasten to state the facts
+which came to my knowledge while in Lexington, respecting the
+occurrences about which you inquire. Mrs. Turner was originally a
+Boston lady. She is from 35 to 40 years of age, and the wife of Judge
+Turner, formerly of New Orleans, and worth a large fortune in slaves
+and plantations. I repeatedly heard, while in Lexington, Kentucky,
+during the winter of 1836-7, of the wanton cruelty practised by this
+woman upon her slaves, and that she had caused several to be _whipped
+to death_; but I never heard that she was suspected of being deranged,
+otherwise than by the indulgence of an ungoverned temper, until I
+heard that her husband was attempting to incarcerate her in the
+Lunatic Asylum. The citizens of Lexington, believing the charge to be
+a false one, rose and prevented the accomplishment for a time, until,
+lulled by the fair promises of his friends, they left his domicil, and
+in the dead of night she was taken by force, and conveyed to the
+asylum. This proceeding being judged illegal by her friends, a suit
+was instituted to liberate her. I heard the testimony on the trial,
+which related only to proceedings had in order to getting her admitted
+into the asylum; and no facts came out relative to her treatment of
+her slaves, other than of a general character.
+
+"Some days after the above trial, (which by the way did not come to an
+ultimate decision, as I believe) I was present in my brother's office,
+when Judge Turner, in a long conversation with my brother on the
+subject of his trials with his wife, said, '_That woman has been the
+immediate cause of the death of_ six _of my servants, by her
+severities_!
+
+"I was repeatedly told, while I was there, that she drove a colored
+boy from the second story window, a distance of 15 to 18 feet, on to
+the pavement, which made him a cripple for a time.
+
+"I heard the trial of a man for the murder of his slave, by whipping,
+where the evidence was to my mind perfectly conclusive of his guilt;
+but the jury were two of them for convicting him of manslaughter, and
+the rest for acquitting him; and as they could not agree were
+discharged--and on a subsequent trial, as I learned by the papers, the
+culprit was acquitted."
+
+
+Rev. THOMAS SAVAGE, of Bedford, New Hampshire, in a recent letter,
+states the following fact:
+
+"The following circumstance was related to me last summer, by my
+brother, now residing as a physician, at Rodney, Mississippi; and who,
+though a pro-slavery man, spoke of it in terms of reprobation, as an
+act of capricious, wanton cruelty. The planter who was the actor in it
+I myself knew; and the whole transaction is so characteristic of the
+man, that, independent of the strong authority I have, I should
+entertain but little doubt of its authenticity. He is a wealthy
+planter, residing near Natchez, eccentric, capricious and intemperate.
+On one occasion he invited a number of guests to an elegant
+entertainment, prepared in the true style of southern luxury. From
+some cause, none of the guests appeared. In a moody humor, and under
+the influence, probably, of mortified pride, he ordered the overseer
+to call the people (a term by which the field hands are generally
+designated,) on to the piazza. The order was obeyed, and the people
+came. 'Now,' said he, 'have them seated at the table. Accordingly they
+were seated at the well-furnished, glittering table, while he and his
+overseer waited on them, and helped them to the various dainties of
+the feast. 'Now,' said he, after awhile, raising his voice, 'take
+these rascals, and give them twenty lashes a piece. I'll show them how
+to eat at my table.' The overseer, in relating it, said he had to
+comply, though reluctantly, with this brutal command."
+
+
+Mr. HENRY P. THOMPSON, a native and still a resident of Nicholasville,
+Kentucky, made the following statement at a public meeting in Lane
+Seminary, Ohio, in 1833. He was at that time a slaveholder.
+
+"_Cruelties_, said he, _are so common_, I hardly know what to relate.
+But one fact occurs to me just at this time, that happened in the
+village where I live. The circumstances are these. A colored man, a
+slave, ran away. As he was crossing Kentucky river, a white man, who
+suspected him, attempted to stop him. The negro resisted. The white
+man procured help, and finally succeeded in securing him. He then
+wreaked his vengeance on him for resisting--flogging him till he was
+not able to walk. They then put him on a horse, and came on with him
+ten miles to Nicholasville. When they entered the village, it was
+noticed that he sat upon his horse like a drunken man. It was a very
+hot day; and whilst they were taking some refreshment, the negro sat
+down upon the ground, under the shade. When they ordered him to go, he
+made several efforts before he could get up; and when he attempted to
+mount the horse, his strength was entirely insufficient. One of the
+men struck him, and with an oath ordered him to get on the horse
+without any more fuss. The negro staggered back a few steps, fell
+down, and died. I do not know that any notice was ever taken of it."
+
+
+Rev. COLEMAN S. HODGES, a native and still a resident of Western
+Virginia, gave the following testimony at the same meeting.
+
+"I have frequently seen the mistress of a family in Virginia, with
+whom I was well acquainted, beat the woman who performed the kitchen
+work, with a stick two feet and a half long, and nearly as thick as my
+wrist; striking her over the head, and across the small of the back,
+as she was bent over at her work, with as much spite as you would a
+snake, and for what I should consider no offence at all. There lived
+in this same family a young man, a slave, who was in the habit of
+running away. He returned one time after a week's absence. The master
+took him into the barn, stripped him entirely naked, tied him up by
+his hands so high that he could not reach the floor, tied his feet
+together, and put a small rail between his legs, so that he could not
+avoid the blows, and commenced whipping him. He told me that he gave
+him five hundred lashes. At any rate, he was covered with wounds from
+head to foot. Not a place as big as my hand but what was cut. Such
+things as these are perfectly common all over Virginia; at least so
+far as I am acquainted. Generally, planters avoid punishing their
+slaves before strangers."
+
+
+Mr. CALVIN H. TATE, of Missouri, whose father and brothers were
+slaveholders, related the following at the same meeting. The
+plantation on which it occurred, was in the immediate neighborhood of
+his father's.
+
+"A young woman, who was generally very badly treated, after receiving
+a more severe whipping than usual, ran away. In a few days she came
+back, and was sent into the field to work. At this time the garment
+next her skin was stiff like a scab, from the running of the sores
+made by the whipping. Towards night, she told her master that she was
+sick, and wished to go to the house. She went, and as soon as she
+reached it, laid down on the floor exhausted. The mistress asked her
+what the matter was? She made no reply. She asked again; but received
+no answer. 'I'll see,' said she, 'if I can't make you speak.' So
+taking the tongs, she heated them red hot, and put them upon the
+bottoms of her feet; then upon her legs and body; and, finally, in a
+rage, took hold of her throat. This had the desired effect. The poor
+girl faintly whispered, 'Oh, misse, don't--I am most gone;' and
+expired."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, pastor of the
+Congregational Church, Quincy, Illinois.
+
+"Judge Menzies of Boone county, Kentucky, an elder in the Presbyterian
+Church, and a slaveholder, told me that _he knew_ some overseers in
+the tobacco growing region of Virginia, who, to make their slaves
+careful in picking the tobacco, that is taking the worms off; (you
+know what a loathsome thing the tobacco worm is) would make them _eat_
+some of the worms, and others who made them eat every worm they missed
+in picking."
+
+
+"Mrs. NANCY JUDD, a member of the Non-Conformist Church in Osnaburg,
+Stark county, Ohio, and formerly a resident of Kentucky, testifies
+that she knew a slaveholder,
+
+"Mr. Brubecker, who had a number of slaves, among whom was one who
+would frequently avoid labor by hiding himself; for which he would get
+severe floggings without the desired effect, and that at last Mr. B.
+would tie large cats on his naked body and whip them to make them tear
+his back, in order to break him of his habit of hiding."
+
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marlborough, Massachusetts, says:
+
+"Some, when other modes of punishment will not subdue them, _cat-haul_
+them; that is, take a cat by the nape of the neck and tail, or by its
+hind legs, and drag the claws across the back until satisfied; this
+kind of punishment, as I have understood, poisons the flesh much worse
+than the whip, and is more dreaded by the slave."
+
+
+Rev. ABEL BROWN, Jr. late pastor of the first Baptist Church, Beaver,
+Pennsylvania, in a communication to Rev. C.P. Grosvenor, Editor of
+the Christian Reflector, says:
+
+"I almost daily see the poor heart-broken slave making his way to a
+land of freedom. A short time since, I saw a noble, pious, distressed,
+spirit-crushed slave, a member of the Baptist church, escaping from a
+(professed Christian) bloodhound, to a land where he could enjoy that
+of which he had been robbed during forty years. His prayers would have
+made us all feel. I saw a Baptist sister of about the same age, her
+children had been torn from her, her head was covered with fresh
+wounds, while her upper lip had scarcely ceased to bleed, in
+consequence of a blow with the poker, which knocked out her teeth; she
+too, was going to a land of freedom. Only a very few days since, I saw
+a girl of about eighteen, with a child as white as myself, aged ten
+months; a Christian master was raising her child (as well his own
+perhaps) to sell to a southern market. She had heard of the
+intention, and at midnight took her only treasure and traveled twenty
+miles on foot through a land of strangers--she found friends."
+
+
+Rev. HENRY T. HOPKINS, pastor of the Primitive Methodist Church in New
+York City, who resided in Virginia from 1821 to 1826, relates the
+following fact:
+
+"An old colored man, the slave of Mr. Emerson; of Portsmouth,
+Virginia, being under deep conviction for sin, went into the back part
+of his master's garden to pour out his soul in prayer to God. For this
+offence he was whipped thirty-nine lashes."
+
+
+Extract of a letter from DOCTOR F. JULIUS LEMOYNE, of Washington,
+Pennsylvania, dated Jan. 9, 1839.
+
+"Lest you should not have seen the statement to which I am going to
+allude, I subjoin a brief outline of the facts of a transaction which
+occurred in Western Virginia, adjacent to this county, a number of
+years ago--a full account of which was published in the "Witness"
+about two years since by Dr. Mitchell, who now resides in Indiana
+county, Pennsylvania. A slave boy ran away in cold weather, and during
+his concealment had his legs frozen; he returned, or was retaken.
+After some time the flesh decayed and _sloughed_--of course was
+offensive--he was carried out to a field and left there without bed,
+or shelter, _deserted to die_. His only companions were the house dogs
+which he called to him. After several days and nights spent in
+suffering and exposure, he was visited by Drs. McKitchen and Mitchell
+in the field, of their own accord, having heard by report of his
+lamentable condition; they remonstrated with the master; brought the
+boy to the house, amputated both legs, and he finally recovered."
+
+
+Hon. JAMES K. PAULDING, the Secretary of the Navy of the U. States, in
+his "Letters from the South" published in 1817, relates the following:
+
+"At one of the taverns along the road we were set down in the same
+room with an elderly man and a youth who seemed to be well acquainted
+with him, for they conversed familiarly and with true republican
+independence--for they did not mind who heard them. From the tenor of
+his conversation I was induced to look particularly at the elder. He
+was telling the youth something like the following detested tale. He
+was going, it seems, to Richmond, to inquire about a draft for seven
+thousand dollars, which he had sent by mail, but which, not having
+been acknowledged by his correspondent, he was afraid had been stolen,
+and the money received by the thief. 'I should not like to lose it,'
+said he, 'for I worked hard for it, and sold many a poor d----l of a
+black to Carolina and Georgia, to scrape it together.' He then went on
+to tell many a perfidious tale. All along the road it seems he made it
+his business to inquire where lived a man who might be tempted to
+become a party in this accursed traffic, and when he had got some half
+dozen of these poor creatures, _he tied their hands behind their
+backs_, and drove them three or four hundred miles or more,
+bare-headed and half naked through the burning southern sun. Fearful
+that _even southern humanity_ would revolt at such an exhibition of
+human misery and human barbarity, he gave out that they were runaway
+slaves he was carrying home to their masters. On one occasion a poor
+black woman exposed this fallacy, and told the story of her being
+_kidnapped_, and when he got her into a wood out of hearing, he beat
+her, to use his own expression, 'till her back was white.' It seems he
+married all the men and women he bought, himself, because they would
+sell better for being man and wife! But, said the youth, were you not
+afraid, in traveling through the wild country and sleeping in lone
+houses, these slaves would rise and kill you? 'To be sure I was,' said
+the other, 'but I always fastened my door, put a chair on a table
+before it, so that it might wake me in falling, and slept with a
+loaded pistol in each hand. It was a bad life, and I left it off as
+soon as I could live without it; for many is the time I have separated
+wives from husbands, and husbands from wives, and parents from
+children, but then I made them amends by marrying them again as soon
+as I had a chance, that is to say, I made them call each other man and
+wife, and sleep together, which is quite enough for negroes. I made
+one bad purchase though,' continued he. 'I bought a young mulatto
+girl, a lively creature, a great bargain. She had been the favorite of
+her master, who had lately married. The difficulty was to get her to
+go, for the poor creature loved her master. However, I swore most
+bitterly I was only going to take to take her to her mother's at ----
+and she went with me, though she seemed to doubt me very much. But
+when she discovered, at last, that we were out of the state, I thought
+she would go mad, and in fact, the next night she drowned herself in
+the river close by. I lost a good five hundred dollars by this foolish
+trick.'" Vol. I. p. 121.
+
+
+Mr. ---- SPILLMAN, a native, and till recently, a resident of
+Virginia, now a member of the Presbyterian church in Delhi, Hamilton
+co., Ohio, has furnished the two following facts, of which he had
+personal knowledge.
+
+"David Stallard, of Shenandoah co., Virginia, had a slave, who run
+away; he was taken up and lodged in Woodstock jail. Stallard went with
+another man and took him out of the jail--tied him to their
+horses--and started for home. The day was excessively hot, and they
+rode so fast, dragging the man by the rope behind them, that he became
+perfectly exhausted--fainted--dropped down, and died.
+
+"Henry Jones, of Culpepper co., Virginia, owned a slave, who ran away.
+Jones caught him, tied him up, and for two days, at intervals,
+continued to flog him, and rub salt into his mangled flesh, until his
+back was literally cut up. The slave sunk under the torture; and for
+some days it was supposed he must die. He, however, slowly recovered;
+though it was some weeks before he could walk."
+
+
+Mr. NATHAN COLE, of St. Louis, Missouri, in a letter to Mr. Arthur
+Tappan, of New-York, dated July 2, 1834, says,--
+
+"You will find inclosed an account of the proceedings of an inquest
+lately held in this city upon the body of a slave, the details of
+which, if published, not one in ten could be induced to believe
+true.[11] It appears that the master or mistress, or both, suspected
+the unfortunate wretch of hiding a bunch of keys which were missing;
+and to extort some explanation, which, it is more than probable, the
+slave was as unable to do as her mistress, or any other person, her
+master, Major Harney, an officer of our army, had whipped her for
+three successive days, and it is supposed by some, that she was kept
+tied during the time, until her flesh was so lacerated and torn that
+it was impossible for the jury to say whether it had been done with a
+whip or hot iron; some think both--but she was tortured to death. It
+appears also that the husband of the said slave had become suspected
+of telling some neighbor of what was going on, for which Major Harney
+commenced torturing him, until the man broke from him, and ran into
+the Mississippi and drowned himself. The man was a pious and very
+industrious slave, perhaps not surpassed by any in this place. The
+woman has been in the family of John Shackford, Esq., the present
+doorkeeper of the Senate of the United States, for many years; was
+considered an excellent servant--was the mother of a number of
+children--and I believe was sold into the family where she met her
+fate, as matter of conscience, to keep her from being sent below."
+
+[Footnote 11: The following is the newspaper notice referred to:--
+
+An inquest was held at the dwelling house of Major Harney, in this
+city, on the 27th inst. by the coroner, on the body of Hannah, a
+slave. The jury, on their oaths, and after hearing the testimony of
+physicians and several other witnesses, found, that said slave "came
+to her death by wounds inflicted by William S. Harney."]
+
+
+
+
+MR. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a highly respected citizen of Cornwall,
+Litchfield co., Connecticut, who resided for many years at the south,
+furnished to the Rev. E. R. Tyler, editor of the Connecticut Observer,
+the following personal testimony.
+
+"While I lived in Limestone co., Alabama, in 1826-7, a tavern-keeper
+of the village of Moresville discovered a negro carrying away a piece
+of old carpet. It was during the Christmas holidays, when the slaves
+are allowed to visit their friends. The negro stated that one of the
+servants of the tavern owed him some twelve and a half or twenty-five
+cents, and that he had taken the carpet in payment. This the servant
+denied. The innkeeper took the negro to a field near by, and whipped
+him cruelly. He then struck him with a stake, and punched him in the
+face and mouth, knocking out some of his teeth. After this, he took
+him back to the house, and committed him to the care of his son, who
+had just then come home with another young man. This was at evening.
+They whipped him by turns, with heavy cowskins, and made the _dogs
+shake him_. A Mr. Phillips, who lodged at the house, heard the cruelty
+during the night. On getting up he found the negro in the bar-room,
+terribly mangled with the whip, and his flesh so torn by the dogs,
+that the cords were bare. He remarked to the landlord that he was
+dangerously hurt, and needed care. The landlord replied that he
+deserved none. Mr. Phillips went to a neighboring magistrate, who took
+the slave home with him, where he soon died. The father and son were
+both tried, and acquitted!! A suit was brought, however, for damages
+in behalf of the owner of the slave, a young lady by the name of Agnes
+Jones. _I was on the jury when these facts were stated on oath_. Two
+men testified, one that he would have given $1000 for him, the other
+$900 or $950. The jury found the latter sum.
+
+"At Union Court House, S.C., a tavern-keeper, by the name of Samuel
+Davis, procured the conviction and execution of his own slave, for
+stealing a cake of gingerbread from a grog shop. The slave raised the
+latch of the back door, and took the cake, doing no other injury. The
+shop keeper, whose name was Charles Gordon, was willing to forgive
+him, but his master procured his conviction and execution by hanging.
+The slave had but one arm; and an order on the state treasury by the
+court that tried him, which also assessed his value, brought him more
+money than he could have obtained for the slave in market."
+
+
+Mr. ----, an elder of the Presbyterian Church in one of the slave
+states, lately wrote a letter to an agent of the Anti-Slavery Society,
+in which he states the following fact. The name of the writer is with
+the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society.
+
+"I was passing through a piece of timbered land, and on a sudden I
+heard a sound as of murder; I rode in that direction, and at some
+distance discovered a naked black man, hung to the limb of a tree by
+his hands, his feet chained together, and a pine rail laid with one
+end on the chain between his legs, and the other upon the ground, to
+steady him; and in this condition the overseer gave him _four hundred
+lashes_. The miserably lacerated slave was then taken down, and put to
+the care of a physician. And what do you suppose was the offence for
+which all this was done? Simply this; his owner, observing that he
+laid off corn rows too crooked, he replied, 'Massa, much corn grow on
+crooked row as on straight one!' This was it--this was enough. His
+overseer, boasting of his skill in managing a _nigger_, he was
+submitted to him, and treated as above."
+
+
+DAVID L. CHILD, Esq., of Northampton, Massachusetts, Secretary of the
+United States' minister at the Court of Lisbon during the
+administration of President Monroe, stated the following fact in an
+oration delivered by him in Boston, in 1831. (See Child's "Despotism
+of Freedom," p. 30.
+
+"An honorable friend, who stands high in the state and in the nation,
+[12] was _present at the_ burial of a female slave in Mississippi, who
+_had been whipped to death_ at the stake by her master, because she
+was gone longer of an errand to the neighboring town than her master
+thought necessary. Under the lash she protested tlat she was ill, and
+was obliged to rest in the fields. To complete the climax of horror,
+she was delivered of a dead infant while undergoing the punishment."
+
+[Footnote 12: "The narrator of this fact is now absent from the United
+States, and I do not feel at liberty to mention his name."]
+
+
+The same fact is stated by MRS. CHILD in her "Appeal." In answer to a
+recent letter, inquiring of Mr. and Mrs. Child if they were now at
+liberty to disclose the name of their informant, Mr. C. says,--
+
+"The witness who stated to us the fact was John James Appleton, Esq.,
+of Cambridge, Mass. He is now in Europe, and it is not without some
+hesitation that I give his name. He, however, has openly embraced our
+cause, and taken a conspicuous part in some anti-slavery public
+meetings since the time that I felt a scruple at publishing his name.
+Mr. Appleton is a gentleman of high talents and accomplishments. He
+has been Secretary of Legation at Rio Janeiro, Madrid, and the Hague;
+Commissioner at Naples, and Charge d'Affaires at Stockholm."
+
+
+The two following facts are stated upon the authority of the REV.
+JOSEPH G. WILSON, pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Salem,
+Washington co., Indiana.
+
+"In Bath co., Kentucky, Mr. L., in the year '32 or '33, while
+intoxicated, in a fit of rage whipped a female slave until she fainted
+and fell on the floor. Then he whipped her to get up; then with red
+hot tongs he burned off her ears, and whipped her again! but all in
+vain. He then ordered his negro men to carry her to the cabin. There
+she was found dead next morning.
+
+"One Wall, in Chester district, S.C., owned a slave, whom he hired to
+his brother-in-law, Wm. Beckman, for whom the slave worked eighteen
+months, and worked well. Two weeks after returning to his master he
+ran away on account of bad treatment. To induce him to return, the
+master sold him _nominally_ to his neighbor, to whom the slave gave
+himself up, and by whom he was returned to his master:--Punishment,
+_stripes_. To prevent escape a bar of iron was fastened with three
+bands, at the waist, knee, and ankle. That night he broke the bands
+and bar, and escaped. Next day he was taken and whipped to death, by
+three men, the master, Thorn, and the overseer. First, he was whipped
+and driven towards home; on the way he attempted to escape, and was
+shot at by the master,--caught, and knocked down with the butt of the
+gun by Thorn. In attempting to cross a ditch he fell, with his feet
+down, and face on the bank; they whipped in vain to get him up--he
+died. His soul ascended to God, to be a swift witness against his
+oppressors. This took place at 12 o'clock. Next evening an inquest was
+held. Of thirteen jurors, summoned by the coroner, nine said it was
+murder; two said it was manslaughter, and two said it was JUSTIFIABLE!
+He was bound over to court, tried, and acquitted--not even fined!"
+
+
+The following fact is stated on the authority of Mr. WM. WILLIS,  of
+Green Plains, Clark co. Ohio; formerly of Caroline co. on the eastern
+shore of Maryland.
+
+"Mr. W. knew a slave called Peter White, who was sold to be taken to
+Georgia; he escaped, and lived a long time in the woods--was finally
+taken. When he found himself surrounded, he surrendered himself
+quietly. When his pursuers had him in their possession, they shot him
+in the leg, and broke it, out of mere wantonness. The next day a
+Methodist minister set his leg, and bound it up with splints. The man
+who took him, then went into his place of confinement, wantonly jumped
+upon his leg and crushed it. His name was William Sparks."
+
+
+Most of our readers are familiar with the horrible atrocities
+perpetrated in New Orleans, in 1834, by a certain Madame La Laurie,
+upon her slaves. They were published extensively in northern
+newspapers at the time. The following are extracts from the accounts
+as published in the New Orleans papers immediately after the
+occurrence. The New Orleans Bee says:--
+
+"Upon entering one of the apartments, the most appalling spectacle met
+their eyes. Seven slaves, more or less horribly mutilated, were seen
+suspended by the neck, with their limbs apparently stretched and torn,
+from one extremity to the other. They had been confined for several
+months in the situation from which they had thus providentially been
+rescued; and had been merely kept in existence to prolong their
+sufferings, and to make them taste all that a most refined cruelty
+could inflict."
+
+
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+
+"A negro woman was found chained, covered with bruises and wounds from
+severe flogging.--All the apartments were then forced open. In a room
+on the ground floor, two more were found chained, and in a deplorable
+condition. Up stairs and in the garret, four more were found chained;
+some so weak as to be unable to walk, and all covered with wounds and
+sores. One mulatto boy declares himself to have been chained for five
+months, being fed daily with only a handful of meal, and receiving
+every morning the most cruel treatment."
+
+
+The New Orleans Courier says:--
+
+"We saw one of these miserable beings.--He had a large hole in his
+head--his body, from head to foot, was covered with scars and filled
+with worms."
+
+
+The New Orleans Mercantile Advertiser says:
+
+"Seven poor unfortunate slaves were found--some chained to the floor,
+others with chains around their necks, fastened to the ceiling; and
+one poor old man, upwards of sixty years of age, chained hand and
+foot, and made fast to the floor, in a _kneeling position_. His head
+bore the appearance of having been beaten until it was broken, and the
+worms were actually to be seen making a feast of his brains!! A woman
+had her back literally cooked (if the expression may be used) with the
+lash; _the very bones might be seen projecting through the skin!_"
+
+
+The New York Sun, of Feb. 21, 1837, contains the following:--
+
+"Two negroes, runaways from Virginia, were overtaken a few days since
+near Johnstown, Cambria co. Pa. when the persons in pursuit called out
+for them to stop or they would shoot them.--One of the negroes turned
+around and said, he would die before he would be taken, and at the
+moment received a rifle ball through his knee: the other started to
+run, but was brought to the ground by a ball being shot in his back.
+After receiving the above wounds they made battle with their pursuers,
+but were captured and brought into Johnstown. It is said that the
+young men who shot them had orders to take them dead or alive."
+
+
+Mr. M.M. SHAFTER, of Townsend, Vermont, recently a graduate of the
+Wesleyan University at Middletown, Connecticut, makes the following
+statement:
+
+"Some of the events of the Southampton, Va. insurrection were narrated
+to me by Mr. Benjamin W. Britt, from Riddicksville, N.C. Mr. Britt
+claimed the honor of having shot a black on that occasion, for the
+crime of disobeying Mr. Britt's imperative 'Stop.' And Mr. Ashurst, of
+Edenton, Georgia, told me that a neighbor of his 'fired at a likely
+negro boy of his mother,' because the said boy encroached upon his
+premises."
+
+
+Mr. DAVID HAWLEY, a class leader in the Methodist Episcopal Church at
+St. Albans, Licking county, Ohio, who moved from Kentucky to Ohio in
+1831, certifies as follows:--
+
+"About the year 1825, a slave had escaped for Canada, but was arrested
+in Hardin county. On his return, I saw him in Hart county--his wrists
+tied together before, his arms tied close to his body, the rope then
+passing behind his body, thence to the neck of a horse on which rode
+the master, with a club about three feet long, and of the size of a
+hoe handle; which, by the appearance of the slave, had been used on
+his head, so as to wear off the hair and skin in several places, and
+the blood was running freely from his mouth and nose; his heels very
+much bruised by the horse's feet, as his master had rode on him
+because he _would_ not go fast enough. Such was the slave's appearance
+when passing through where I resided. Such cases were not unfrequent."
+
+
+The following is furnished by Mr. F.A. HART, of Middletown,
+Connecticut, a manufacturer, and an influential member of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church. It occurred in 1824, about twenty-five
+miles this side of Baltimore, Maryland.--
+
+"I had spent the night with a Methodist brother; and while at
+breakfast, a person came in and called for help. We went out and found
+a crowd collected around a carriage. Upon approaching we discovered
+that a slave-trader was endeavoring to force a woman into his
+carriage. He had already put in three children, the youngest
+apparently about eight years of age. The woman was strong, and
+whenever he brought her to the side of the carriage, she resisted so
+effectually with her feet that he could not get her in. The woman
+becoming exhausted, at length, by her frantic efforts, he thrust her
+in with great violence, _stamped her down upon the bottom with his
+feet_! shouted to the driver to go on; and away they rolled, the
+miserable captives moaning and shrieking, until their voices were lost
+in the distance."
+
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, writes as
+follows:--
+
+"Mr. ISAAC C. FULLER is a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+Marietta. He was a fellow student of mine while in college, and now
+resides in this place. He says:--In 1832, as I was descending the Ohio
+with a flat boat, near the 'French Islands,' so called, below
+Cincinnati, I saw two negroes on horseback. The horses apparently took
+fright at something and ran. Both jumped over a rail fence; and one of
+the horses, in so doing, broke one of his fore-legs, falling at the
+same time and throwing the negro who was upon his back. A white man
+came out of a house not over two hundred yards distant, and came to
+the spot. Seizing a stake from the fence, he knocked the negro down
+five or six times in succession.
+
+"In the same year I worked for a Mr. Nowland, eleven miles above Baton
+Rouge, La. at a place called 'Thomas' Bend.' He had an overseer who
+was accustomed to flog more or less of the slaves every morning. I
+heard the blows and screams as regularly as we used to hear the
+college bell that summoned us to any duty when we went to school. This
+overseer was a nephew of Nowland, and there were about fifty slaves on
+his plantation. Nowland himself related the following to me. One of
+his slaves ran away, and came to the Homo Chitto river, where he found
+no means of crossing. Here he fell in with a white man who knew his
+master, being on a journey from that vicinity. He induced the slave to
+return to Baton Rouge, under the promise of giving him a pass, by
+which he might escape, but, in reality, to betray him to his master.
+This he did, instead of fulfilling his promise. Nowland said that he
+took the slave and inflicted five hundred lashes upon him, cutting his
+back all to pieces, and then thew on hot embers. The slave was on the
+plantation at the time, and told me the same story. He also rolled up
+his sleeves, and showed me the scars on his arms, which, in
+consequence, appeared in places to be callous to the bone. I was with
+Nowland between five and six months."
+
+
+Rev. JOHN RANKIN, formerly of Tennessee, now pastor of the
+Presbyterian Church of Ripley, Ohio, has furnished the following
+statement:--
+
+"The Rev. LUDWELL G. GAINES, now pastor of the Presbyterian Church of
+Goshen, Clermont county, Ohio, stated to me, that while a resident of
+a slave state, he was summoned to assist in taking a man who had made
+his black woman work naked several days, and afterwards murdered her.
+The murderer armed himself, and threatened to shoot the officer who
+went to take him; and although there was ample assistance at hand, the
+officer declined further interference."
+
+
+Mr. RANKIN adds the following:--
+
+"A Presbyterian preacher, now resident in a slave state, and therefore
+it is not expedient to give his name, stated, that he saw on board of
+a steamboat at Louisville, Kentucky, a woman who had been forced on
+board, to be carried off from all she counted dear on earth. She ran
+across the boat and threw herself into the river, in order to end a
+life of intolerable sorrows. She was drawn back to the boat and taken
+up. The brutal driver beat her severely, and she immediately threw
+herself again into the river. She was hooked up again, chained, and
+carried off."
+
+
+Testimony of M. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper county, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves.
+
+"I saw a slave taken out of prison by his master, on a hot summer's
+day, and driven, by said master, on the road before him, till he
+dropped down dead."
+
+
+The above statement was made by Mr. Hansborough to Lindley Coates, of
+Lancaster county, Pa. a distinguished member of the Society of
+Friends, and a member of the late Convention in Pa. for altering the
+State Constitution. The letter from Mr. C. containing this testimony
+of Mr. H. is now before us.
+
+
+Mr. TOBIAS BOUDINOT, a member of the Methodist Church in St. Albans,
+Licking county, Ohio, says:
+
+"In Nicholasville, Ky. in the year 1823, he saw a slave fleeing before
+the patrol, but he was overtaken near where he stood, and a man with a
+knotted cane, as large as his wrist, struck the slave a number of
+times on his head, until the club was broken and he made tame; the
+blood was thrown in every direction by the violence of the blows."
+
+
+The Rev. WILLIAM DICKEY, of Bloomingburg, Fayette county, Ohio, wrote
+a letter to the Rev. John Rankin, of Ripley, Ohio thirteen years
+since, containing a description of the cutting up of a slave with a
+broad axe; beginning at the feet and gradually cutting the legs, arms,
+and body into pieces! This diabolical atrocity was committed in the
+state of Kentucky, in the year 1807. The perpetrators of the deed were
+two brothers, Lilburn and Isham Lewis, NEPHEWS OF PRESIDENT JEFFERSON.
+The writer of this having been informed by Mr. Dickey, that some of
+the facts connected with this murder were not contained in his letter
+published by Mr. Rankin, requested him to write the account _anew_,
+and furnish the additional facts. This he did, and the letter
+containing it was published in the "Human Rights" for August, 1837. We
+insert it here, slightly abridged, with the introductory remarks which
+appeared in that paper.
+
+"Mr. Dickey's first letter has been scattered all over the country,
+south and north; and though multitudes have affected to disbelieve its
+statements, _Kentuckians_ know the truth of them quite too well to
+call them in question. The story is fiction or fact--if _fiction_, why
+has it not been nailed to the wall? Hundreds of people around the
+mouth of Cumberland River are personally knowing to these facts.
+_There_ are the records of the court that tried the wretches.--_There_
+their acquaintances and kindred still live. All over that region of
+country, the brutal butchery of George is a matter of public
+notoriety. It is quite needless, perhaps, to add, that the Rev. Wm.
+Dickey is a Presbyterian clergyman, one of the oldest members of the
+Chilicothe Presbytery, and greatly respected and beloved by the
+churches in Southern Ohio. He was born in South Carolina, and was for
+many years pastor of a church in Kentucky."
+
+REV. WM. DICKEY'S LETTER.
+
+"In the county of Livingston, KY. near the mouth of Cumberland River,
+lived Lilburn Lewis, a sister's son of the celebrated Jefferson. He
+was the wealthy owner of a considerable gang of negroes, whom he drove
+constantly, fed sparingly, and lashed severely. The consequence was,
+that they would run away. Among the rest was an ill-thrived boy of
+about seventeen, who, having just returned from a skulking spell, was
+sent to the spring for water, and in returning let fall an elegant
+pitcher: it was dashed to shivers upon the rocks. This was made the
+occasion for reckoning with him. It was night, and the slaves were all
+at home. The master had them all collected in the most roomy negro
+house, and a rousing fire put on. When the door was secured, that none
+might escape, either through _fear of him_ or _sympathy with George_,
+he opened to them the design of the interview, namely, that they might
+be effectually advised to _stay at home and obey his orders_. All
+things now in train, he called up George, who approached his master
+with unreserved submission. He bound him with cords; and by the
+assistance of Isham Lewis, his youngest brother, laid him on a broad
+bench, the _meat-block_. He then proceeded to _hack off George at the
+ankles_! It was with the _broad axe_! In vain did the unhappy victim
+_scream and roar_! for he was completely in his master's power; not a
+hand among so many durst interfere; casting the feet into the fire, he
+lectured them at some length.--He next _chopped him off below the
+knees_! George _roaring out_ and praying his master to begin at the
+_other end_! He admonished them again, throwing the legs into the
+fire--then, above the knees, tossing the joints into the fire--the
+next stroke severed the thighs from the body; these were also
+committed to the flames--and so it may be said of the arms, head, and
+trunk, until all was in the fire! He threatened any of them with
+similar punishment who should in future disobey, run away, or disclose
+the proceedings of that evening. Nothing now remained but to consume
+the flesh and bones; and for this purpose the fire was brightly
+stirred until two hours after midnight; when a coarse and heavy
+back-wall, composed of rock and clay, covered the fire and the remains
+of George. It was the Sabbath--this put an end to the _amusements_ of
+the evening. The negroes were now permitted to disperse, with charges
+to keep this matter among themselves, and never to whisper it in the
+neighbourhood, under the penalty of a like punishment.
+
+"When he returned home and retired, his wife exclaimed, 'Why, Mr.
+Lewis, where have you been, and what were you doing?' She had heard a
+strange _pounding_ and dreadful _screams_, and had smelled something
+like fresh meat _burning_. The answer he returned was, that he had
+never enjoyed himself at a ball so well as he had enjoyed himself that
+night.
+
+"Next morning he ordered the hands to rebuild the back-wall, and he
+himself superintended the work, throwing the pieces of flesh that
+still remained, with the bones, behind, as it went up--thus hoping to
+conceal the matter. But it _could not be hid_--much as the negroes
+seemed to hazard, they did _whisper the horrid deed_. The neighbors
+came, and in his presence tore down the wall; and finding the
+_remains_ of the boy, they apprehended Lewis and his brother, and
+testified against them. They were committed to jail, that they might
+answer at the coming court for this shocking outrage; but finding
+security for their appearance at court, THEY WERE ADMITTED TO BAIL!
+
+"In the interim, other articles of evidence leaked out. That of Mrs.
+Lewis hearing a pounding, and screaming and her smelling fresh meat
+burning, for not till now had this come out. He was offended with her
+for disclosing these things, alleging that they might have some weight
+against him at the pending trial.
+
+"In connection with this is another item, full of horror. Mr.s. Lewis,
+or her girl, in making her bed one morning after this, found, under
+her bolster, a keen BUTCHER KNIFE! The appalling discovery forced from
+her the confession that she considered her life in jeopardy. Messrs.
+Rice and Philips, whose wives were her sisters, went to see her and to
+bring her away if she wished it. Mr. Lewis received them with all the
+expressions of _Virginia hospitality_. As soon as they were seated
+they said, 'Well, Letitia, we supposed that you might be unhappy here,
+and afraid for your life; and we have come to-day to take you to your
+father's, if you desire it.' She said, 'Thank you, kind brothers, I am
+indeed afraid for my life.'--We need not interrupt the story to tell
+how much surprised he affected to be with this strange procedure of
+his brothers-in-law, and with this declaration of his wife. But all
+his professions of fondness for her, to the contrary notwithstanding,
+they rode off with her before his eyes.--He followed and overtook, and
+went with them to her father's; but she was locked up from him, with
+her own consent, and he returned home.
+
+"Now he saw that his character was gone, his respectable friends
+believed that he had massacred George; but, worst of all, he saw that
+they considered the life of the harmless Letitia was in danger from
+his perfidious hands. It was too much for his chivalry to sustain. The
+proud Virginian sunk under the accumulated load of public odium. He
+proposed to his brother Isham, who had been his accomplice in the
+George affair, that they should finish the play of life with a still
+deeper tragedy. The plan was, that they should shoot one another.
+Having made the hot-brained bargain, they repaired with their guns to
+the grave-yard, which was on an eminence in the midst of his
+plantation. It was inclosed with a railing, say thirty feet square.
+One was to stand at one railing, and the other over against him at the
+other. They were to make ready, take aim, and count deliberately 1, 2,
+3, and then fire. Lilburn's will was written, and thrown down open
+beside him. They cocked their guns and raised them to their faces; but
+the peradventure occurring that one of the guns might miss fire, Isham
+was sent for a rod, and when it was brought, Lilburn cut it off at
+about the length of two feet, and was showing his brother how the
+survivor might do, provided one of the guns should fail; (for they
+were determined upon going together;) but forgetting, perhaps, in the
+perturbation of the moment that the gun was cocked, when he touched
+trigger with the rod the gun fired, and he fell, and died in a few
+minutes--and was with George in the eternal world, where _the slave is
+free from his master_. But poor Isham was so terrified with this
+unexpected occurrence and so confounded by the awful contortions of
+his brother's face, that he had not nerve enough to follow up the
+play, and finish the plan as was intended, but suffered Lilburn to go
+alone. The negroes came running to see what it meant that a gun should
+be fired in the grave-yard. There lay their master, dead! They ran for
+the neighbors. Isham still remained on the spot. The neighbors at the
+first charged him with the murder of his brother. But he, though as if
+he had lost more than half his mind, told the whole story; and the
+course of range of the ball in the dead man's body agreeing with his
+statement, Isham was not farther charged with Lilburn's death.
+
+"The Court sat--Isham was judged to be guilty of a capital crime in
+the affair of George. He was to be hanged at Salem. The day was set.
+My good old father visited him in the prison--two or three times
+talked and prayed with him; I visited him once myself. We fondly hoped
+that he was a sincere penitent. Before the day of execution came, by
+some means, I never knew what, Isham was _missing_. About two years
+after, we learned that he had gone down to Natchez, and had married a
+lady of some refinement and piety. I saw her letters to his sisters,
+who were worthy members of the church of which I was pastor. The last
+letter told of his death. He was in Jackson's army, and fell in the
+famous battle of New Orleans."
+
+"I am, sir, your friend,
+
+"WM. DICKEY."
+
+
+
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES-PART III.
+
+
+NARRATIVE AND TESTIMONY OF REV. FRANCIS HAWLEY.
+
+Mr. Hawley is the pastor of the Baptist Church in Colebrook,
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. He has resided fourteen years in the
+slave states, North and South Carolina. His character and standing
+with his own denomination at the south, may be inferred from the
+fact, that the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina appointed
+him, a few years since, their general agent to visit the Baptist
+churches within their bounds, and to secure their co-operation in
+the objects of the Convention. Mr. H. accepted the appointment, and
+for some time traveled in that capacity.
+
+"I rejoice that the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society have resolved to publish a volume of facts and testimony
+relative to the character and workings of American slavery. Having
+resided fourteen years at the south, I cheerfully comply with your
+request, to give the result of my observation and experience.
+
+"And I would here remark, that one may reside at the south for years,
+and not witness extreme cruelties; a northern man, and one who is not
+a slaveholder, would be the last to have an opportunity of witnessing
+the infliction of cruel punishments."
+
+
+PLANTATIONS.
+
+"A majority of the large plantations are on the banks of rivers, far
+from the public eye. A great deal of low marshy ground lies in the
+vicinity of most of the rivers at the south; consequently the main
+roads are several miles from the rivers, and generally no _public_
+road passes the plantations. A stranger traveling on the _ridge_,
+would think himself in a miserably poor country; but every two or
+three miles he will see a road turning off and leading into the swamp;
+taking one of those roads, and traveling from two to six miles, he
+will come to a large gate; passing which, he will find himself in a
+clearing of several hundred acres of the first quality of land;
+passing on, he will see 30, or 40, or more slaves--men, women, boys
+and girls, at their task, every one with a hoe; or, if in cotton
+picking season, with their baskets. The overseer, with his whip,
+either riding or standing about among them; or if the weather is hot,
+sitting under a shade. At a distance, on a little rising ground, if
+such there be, he will see a cluster of huts, with a tolerable house
+in the midst, for the overseer. Those huts are from ten to fifteen
+feet square, built of logs, and covered, not with shingles, but with
+boards, about four feet long, split out of pine timber with a
+'_frow_'. The floors are very commonly made in this way. Clay is first
+worked until it is soft; it is then spread upon the ground, about four
+or five inches thick; when it dries, it becomes nearly as hard as a
+brick. The crevices between the logs are sometimes filled with the
+same. These huts generally cost the master nothing--they are commonly
+built by the negroes at night, and on Sundays. When a slave of a
+neighboring plantation takes a wife, or to use the phrase common at
+the south, 'takes up' with one of the women, he builds a hut, and it
+is called her house. Upon entering these huts, (not as comfortable in
+many instances as the horse stable,) generally, you will find no
+chairs, but benches and stools; no table, no bedstead, and no bed,
+except a blanket or two, and a few rags or moss; in some instances a
+knife or two, but very rarely a fork. You may also find a pot or
+skillet, and generally a number of gourds, which serve them instead of
+bowls and plates. The cruelties practiced on those secluded
+plantations, the judgment day alone can reveal. Oh, Brother, could I
+summon ten slaves from ten plantations that I could name, and have
+them give but one year's history of their bondage, it would thrill the
+land with horror. Those overseers who follow the business of
+overseeing for a livelihood, are generally the most unprincipled and
+abandoned of men. Their wages are regulated according to their skill
+in extorting labor. The one who can make the most bags of cotton, with
+a given number of hands, is the one generally sought after; and there
+is a competition among them to see who shall make the largest crop,
+according to the hands he works. I ask, what must be the condition of
+the poor slaves, under the unlimited power of such men, in whom, by
+the long-continued practise of the most heart-rending cruelties, every
+feeling of humanity has been obliterated? But it may be asked, cannot
+the slaves have redress by appealing to their masters? In many
+instances it is impossible, as their masters live hundreds of miles
+off. There are perhaps thousands in the northern slave states, [and
+many in the free states,] who own plantations in the southern slave
+states, and many more spend their summers at the north, or at the
+various watering places. But what would the slaves gain, if they
+should appeal to the master? He has placed the overseer over them,
+with the understanding that he will make as large a crop as possible,
+and that he is to have entire control, and manage them according to
+his own judgment. Now suppose that in the midst of the season, the
+slaves make complaint of cruel treatment. The master cannot get along
+without an overseer--it is perhaps very sickly on the plantation he
+dare not risk his own life there. Overseers are all enraged at that
+season, and if he takes part with his slave against the overseer, he
+would destroy his authority, and very likely provoke him to leave his
+service--which would of course be a very great injury to him. Thus, in
+nineteen cases out of twenty, self-interest would prevent the master
+from paying any attention to the complaints of his slaves. And, if any
+should complain, it would of course come to the ears of the overseer,
+and the complainant would be inhumanly punished for it."
+
+
+CLOTHING.
+
+"The rule, where slaves are hired out, is two suits of clothes per
+year, one pair of shoes, and one blanket; but as it relates to the
+great body of the slaves, this cannot be called a general rule. On
+many plantations, the children under ten or twelve years old, go
+_entirely naked_--or, it clothed at all, they have nothing more than a
+shirt. The cloth is of the coarsest kind, far from being durable or
+warm; and their shoes frequently come to pieces in a few weeks. I
+have never known any provision made, or time allowed for the washing
+of clothes. If they wish to wash, as they have generally but one suit,
+they go after their day's toil to some stream, build a fire, pull off
+their clothes and wash them in the stream, and dry them by the fire;
+and in some instances they wear their clothes until they are worn off;
+without washing. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+putting himself to any expense, that his slaves might have decent
+clothes for the Sabbath. If by making baskets, brooms, mats, &c. at
+night or on Sundays, the slaves can get money enough to buy a Sunday
+suit, very well. I have never known an instance of a slaveholder
+furnishing his slaves with stockings or mittens. I _know_ that the
+slaves suffer much, and no doubt many die in consequence of not being
+well clothed."
+
+
+FOOD.
+
+"In the grain-growing part of the south, the slaves, as it relates to
+food, fare tolerably well; but in the cotton, and rice-growing, and
+sugar-making portion, some of them fare badly. I have been on
+plantations where, from the appearance of the slaves, I should judge
+they were half-starved. They receive their allowance very commonly on
+Sunday morning. They are left to cook it as they please, and when they
+please. Many slaveholders rarely give their slaves meat, and very few
+give them more food than will keep them in a working condition. They
+rarely ever have a _change_ of food. I have never known an instance of
+slaves on plantations being furnished either with sugar, butter,
+cheese, or milk."
+
+
+WORK.
+
+"If the slaves on plantations were well fed and clothed, and had the
+stimulus of wages, they could perhaps in general perform their tasks
+without injury. The horn is blown soon after the dawn of day, when all
+the hands destined for the field must be 'on the march!' If the field
+is far from their huts, they take their breakfast with them. They toil
+till about ten o'clock, when they eat it. They then continue their
+toil till the sun is set.
+
+"A neighbor of mine, who has been an overseer in Alabama, informs me,
+that there they ascertain how much labor a slave can perform in a day,
+in the following manner. When they commence a new cotton field, the
+overseer takes his watch, and marks how long it takes them to hoe one
+row, and then lays out the task accordingly. My neighbor also informs
+me, that the slaves in Alabama are worked very hard; that the lash is
+almost universally applied at the close of the day, if they fail to
+perform their task in the cotton-picking season. You will see them,
+with their baskets of cotton, slowly bending their way to the cotton
+house, where each one's basket is weighed. They have no means of
+knowing accurately, in the course of the day, how they make progress;
+so that they are in suspense, until their basket is weighed. Here
+comes the mother, with her children; she does not know whether
+herself, or children, or all of them, must take the lash; they cannot
+weigh the cotton themselves--the whole must be trusted to the
+overseer. While the weighing goes on, all is still. So many pounds
+short, cries the overseer, and takes up his whip, exclaiming, 'Step
+this way, you d--n lazy scoundrel, or bitch.' The poor slave begs, and
+promises, but to no purpose. The lash is applied until the overseer is
+satisfied. Sometimes the whipping is deferred until the weighing is
+all over. I have said that all must be _trusted_ to the overseer. If
+he owes any one a grudge, or wishes to enjoy the fiendish pleasure of
+whipping a little, (for some overseers really delight in it,) they
+have only to tell a falsehood relative to the weight of their basket;
+they can then have a pretext to gratify their diabolical disposition;
+and from the character of overseers, I have no doubt that it is
+frequently done. On all plantations, the male and female slaves fare
+pretty much alike; those who are with child are driven to their task
+till within a few days of the time of their delivery; and when the
+child is a few weeks old, the mother must again go to the field. If it
+is far from her hut, she must take her babe with her, and leave it in
+the care of some of the children--perhaps of one not more than four or
+five years old. If the child cries, she cannot go to its relief; the
+eye of the overseer is upon her; and if, when she goes to nurse it,
+she stays a little longer than the overseer thinks necessary, he
+commands her back to her task, and perhaps a husband and father must
+hear and witness it all. Brother, you cannot begin to know what the
+poor slave mothers suffer, on thousands of plantations at the south.
+
+"I will now give a few facts, showing the workings of the system. Some
+years since, a Presbyterian minister moved from North Carolina to
+Georgia. He had a negro man of an uncommon mind. For some cause, I
+know not what, this minister whipped him most unmercifully. He next
+nearly _drowned_ him; he then put him _in the fence_; this is done by
+lifting up the corner of a 'worm' fence, and then putting the feet
+through; the rails serve as _stocks_. He kept him there some time, how
+long I was not informed, but the poor slave _died_ in a few days; and,
+if I was rightly informed, nothing was done about it, either in church
+or state. After some tame, he moved back to North Carolina, and is now
+a member of ---- Presbytery. I have heard him preach, and have been in
+the pulpit with him. May God forgive me!
+
+"At Laurel Hill, Richmond county, North Carolina, it was reported that
+a runaway slave was in the neighborhood. A number of young men took
+their guns, and went in pursuit. Some of them took their station near
+the stage road, and kept on the look-out. It was early in the
+evening--the poor slave came along, when the ambush rushed upon him,
+and ordered him to surrender. He refused, and kept them off with his
+club. They still pressed upon him with their guns presented to his
+breast. Without seeming to be daunted, he caught hold of the muzzle of
+one of the guns, and came near getting possession of it. At length,
+retreating to a fence on one side of the road, he sprang over into a
+corn-field, and started to run in one of the rows. One of the young
+men stepped to the fence, fired, and lodged the whole charge between
+his shoulders; he fell, and died in a short time. He died without
+telling who his master was, or whether he had any, or what his own
+name was, or where he was from. A hole was dug by the side of the road
+his body tumbled into it, and thus ended the whole matter.
+
+"The Rev, Mr. C. a Methodist minister, held as his slave a negro man,
+who was a member of his own church. The slave was considered a very
+pious man, had the confidence of his master, and all who knew him, and
+if I recollect right, he sometimes attempted to preach. Just before
+the Nat Turner insurrection, in Southampton county, Virginia, by which
+the whole south was thrown into a panic, then worthy slave obtained
+permission to visit his relatives, who resided either in Southampton,
+or the county adjoining. This was the only instance that ever came to
+my knowledge, of a slave being permitted to go so far to visit his
+relatives. He went and returned according to agreement. A few weeks
+after his return, the insurrection took place, and the whole country
+was deeply agitated. Suspicion soon fixed on this slave. Nat Turner
+was a Baptist minister, and the south became exceedingly jealous of
+all negro preachers. It seemed as if the whole community were
+impressed with the belief that he knew all about it; that he and Nat
+Turner had concocted an extensive insurrection; and so confident were
+they in this belief, that they took the poor slave, tried him, and
+hung him. It was all done in a few days. He protested his innocence to
+the last. After the excitement was over, many were ready to
+acknowledge that they believed him innocent. He was hung upon
+_suspicion_!
+
+"In R---- county, North Carolina, lived a Mr. B. who had the name of
+being a cruel master. Three or four winters since, his slaves were
+engaged in clearing a piece of new land. He had a negro girl, about 14
+years old, whom he had severely whipped a few days before, for not
+performing her task. She again failed. The hands left the field for
+home; she went with them a part of the way, and fell behind; but the
+negroes thought she would soon be along; the evening passed away, and
+she did not come. They finally concluded that she had gone back to the
+new ground, to lie by the log heaps that were on fire. But they were
+mistaken: she had sat down by the foot of a large pine. She was thinly
+clad--the night was cold and rainy. In the morning the poor girl was
+found, but she was speechless and died in a short time.
+
+"One of my neighbors sold to a speculator a negro boy, about 14 years
+old. It was more than his poor mother could bear. Her reason fled, and
+she became a perfect _maniac_, and had to be kept in close
+confinement. She would occasionally get out and run off to the
+neighbors. On one of these occasions she came to my house. She was
+indeed a pitiable object. With tears rolling down her checks, and her
+frame shaking with agony, she would cry out, _'don't you hear
+him--they are whipping him now, and he is calling for me!'_ This
+neighbor of mine, who tore the boy away from his poor mother, and thus
+broke her heart, was a _member of the Presbyterian church._
+
+"Mr. S----, of Marion District, South Carolina, informed me that a boy
+was killed by the overseer on Mr. P----'s plantation. The boy was
+engaged in driving the horses in a cotton gin. The driver generally
+sits on the end of the sweep. Not driving to suit the overseer, he
+knocked him off with the butt of his whip. His skull was fractured. He
+died in a short time.
+
+"A man of my acquaintance in South Carolina, and of considerable
+wealth, had an only son, whom he educated for the bar; but not
+succeeding in his profession, he soon returned home. His father having
+a small plantation three or four miles off; placed his son on it as an
+overseer. Following the example of his father, as I have good reason
+to believe, he took the wife of one of the negro men. The poor slave
+felt himself greatly injured, and expostulated with him. The wretch
+took his gun, and deliberately shot him. Providentially he only
+wounded him badly. When the father came, and undertook to remonstrate
+with his son about his conduct, he threatened to shoot him also! and
+finally, took the negro woman, and went to Alabama, where he still
+resided when I left the south.
+
+"An elder in the Presbyterian church related to me the following.--'A
+speculator with his drove of negroes was passing my house, and I
+bought a little girl, nine or ten years old. After a few months, I
+concluded that I would rather have a plough-boy. Another speculator
+was passing, and I sold the girl. She was much distressed, and was
+very unwilling to leave.'--She had been with him long enough to become
+attached to his own and his negro children, and he concluded by
+saying, that in view of the little girl's tears and cries, he had
+determined never to do the like again. I would not trust him, for I
+know him to be a very avaricious man.
+
+"While traveling in Anson county, North Carolina, I put up for a night
+at a private house. The man of the house was not at home when I
+stopped, but came in the course of the evening, and was noisy and
+profane, and nearly drunk. I retired to rest, but not to sleep; his
+cursing and swearing were enough to keep a regiment awake. About
+midnight he went to his kitchen, and called out his two slaves, a man
+and woman. His object, he said, was to whip them. They both begged and
+promised, but to no purpose. The whipping began, and continued for
+some time. Their cries might have been heard at a distance.
+
+"I was acquainted with a very wealthy planter, on the Pedee river, in
+South Carolina, who has since died in consequence of intemperance. It
+was said that he had occasioned the death of twelve of his slaves, by
+compelling them to work in water, opening a ditch in the midst of
+winter. The disease with which they died was a pleurisy.
+
+"In crossing Pedee river, at Cashway Ferry, I observed that the
+ferryman had no hair on either side of his head, I asked him the
+cause. He informed me that it was caused by his master's cane. I said,
+you have a very bad master. 'Yes, a very bad master.' I understood
+that he was once a number of Congress from South Carolina.
+
+"While traveling as agent for the North Carolina Baptist State
+Convention, I attended a three days' meeting in Gates county, Friday,
+the first day, passed off. Saturday morning came, and the pastor of
+the church, who lived a few miles off, did not make his appearance.
+The day passed off, and no news from the pastor. On Sabbath morning,
+he came hobbling along, having but little use of one foot. He soon
+explained: said he had a hired negro man, who, on Saturday morning,
+gave him a 'little _slack jaw.'_ Not having a stick at hand, he fell
+upon him with his fist and foot, and in _kicking_ him, he injured his
+foot so seriously, that he could not attend meeting on Saturday.
+
+"Some of the slaveholding ministers at the south, put their slaves
+under overseers, or hire them out, and then take the pastoral care of
+churches. The Rev. Mr. B----, formerly of Pennsylvania, had a
+plantation in Marlborough District, South Carolina, and was the pastor
+of a church in Darlington District. The Rev. Mr. T----, of Johnson
+county, North Carolina, has a plantation in Alabama.
+
+"I was present, and saw the Rev. J---- W----, of Mecklenburg county,
+North Carolina, hire out four slaves to work in the gold mines is
+Burke county. The Rev. H---- M----, of Orange county, sold for $900, a
+negro man to a speculator, on a Monday of a camp meeting.
+
+"Runaway slaves are frequently hunted with guns and dogs. _I was once
+out on such an excursion, with my rifle and two dogs._ I trust the
+Lord has forgiven me this heinous wickedness! We did not take the
+runaways.
+
+"Slaves are sometimes most unmercifully punished for trifling
+offences, or mere mistakes.
+
+"As it relates to amalgamation, I can say, that I have been in
+respectable families, (so called,) where I could distinguish the
+family resemblance in the slaves who waited upon the table. I once
+hired a slave who belonged to his own _uncle._ It is so common for the
+female slaves to have white children, that little or nothing is ever
+said about it. Very few inquiries are made as to who the father is.
+
+"Thus, brother ----, I have given you very briefly, the result, in
+part, of my observations and experience relative to slavery. You can
+make what disposition of it you please. I am willing that my name
+should go to the world with what I have now written.
+
+"Yours affectionately, for the oppressed,
+
+"FRANCIS HAWLEY."
+
+_Colebrook, Connecticut, March_ 18, 1839.
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY AND RICHARD MACY.
+
+
+The following is an extract of a letter recently received from CHARLES
+MARRIOTT of Hudson, New York. Mr. Marriott is an elder in the
+Religious Society of Friends, and is extensively known and respected.
+
+"The two following brief statements, are furnished by Richard Macy and
+Reuben G. Macy, brothers, both of Hudson, New York. They are head
+carpenters by trade, and have been well known to me for more than
+thirty years, as esteemed members of the Religious Society of Friends.
+They inform me that during their stay in South Carolina, a number more
+similar cases to those here related, came under their notice, which to
+avoid repetition they omit.
+
+C. MARRIOTT."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REUBEN G. MACY.
+
+"During the winter of 1818 and 19, I resided on an island near the
+mouth of the Savanna river, on the South Carolina side. Most of the
+slaves that came under my particular notice, belonged to a widow and
+her daughter, in whose family I lived. No white man belonged to the
+plantation. Her slaves were under the care of an overseer who came
+once a week to give orders, and settled the score laid up against such
+as their mistress thought deserved punishment, which was from
+twenty-five to thirty lashes on their naked backs, with a whip which
+the overseer generally brought with him. This whip had a stout handle
+about two feet long, and a lash about four and a half feet. From two
+to four received the above, I believe nearly every week during the
+winter, sometimes in my presence, and always in my hearing. I examined
+the backs and shoulders of a number of the men, which were mostly
+naked while they were about their labor, and found them covered with
+hard ridges in every direction. One day, while busy in the cotton
+house, hearing a noise, I ran to the door and saw a colored woman
+pleading with the overseer, who paid no attention to her cries, but
+tied her hands together, and passed the rope over a beam, over head,
+where was a platform for spreading cotton, he then drew the rope as
+tight as he could, so as to let her toes touch the ground; then
+stripped her body naked to the waist, and went deliberately to work
+with his whip, and put on twenty-five or thirty lashes, she pleading
+in vain all the time. I inquired, the cause of such treatment, and was
+informed it was for answering her mistress rather '_short_.'"
+
+"A woman from a neighboring plantation came where I was, on a visit;
+she came in a boat rowed by six slaves, who, according to the common
+practice, were left to take care of themselves, and having laid them
+down in the boat and fallen asleep, the tide fell, and the water
+filling the stern of the boat, wet their mistresses trunk of clothes.
+When she discovered it, she called them up near where I was, and
+compelled them to whip each other, till they all had received a severe
+flogging. She standing by with a whip in her hand to see that they did
+not spare each other. Their usual allowance of food was one peck of
+corn per week, which was dealt out to them every first day of the
+week, and such as were not there to receive their portion at the
+appointed time, had to live as they could during the coming week. Each
+one had the privilege of planting a small piece of ground, and raising
+poultry for their own use which they generally sold, that is, such as
+did improve the privilege which were but few. They had nothing allowed
+them besides the corn, except one quarter of beef at Christmas which a
+slave brought three miles on his head. They were allowed three days
+rest at Christmas. Their clothing consisted of a pair of trowsers and
+jacket, made of whitish woollen cloth called negro cloth. The women
+had nothing but a petticoat, and a very short short-gown, made of the
+same king of cloth. Some of the women had an old pair of shoes, but
+they generally went _barefoot_. The houses for the field slaves were
+about fourteen feet square, built in the coarsest manner, having but
+one room, without any chimney, or flooring, with a hole at the roof at
+one end to let the smoke out.
+
+"Each one was allowed one blanket in which they rolled themselves up.
+I examined their houses but could not discover any thing like a bed. I
+was informed that when they had a sufficiency of potatoes the slaves
+were allowed some; but the season that I was there they did not raise
+more than were wanted for seed. All their corn was ground in one
+hand-mill, every night just as much as was necessary for the family,
+then each one his daily portion, which took considerable time in the
+night. I often awoke and heard the sound of the mill. Grinding the
+corn in the night, and in the dark, after their day's labor, and the
+want of other food, were great hardships.
+
+"The traveling in those parts, among the islands, was altogether with
+boats, rowed by from four to ten slaves, which often stopped at our
+plantation, and staid through the night, when the slaves, after rowing
+through the day, were left to shift for themselves; and when they went
+to Savannah with a load of cotton the were obliged to sleep in the
+open boats, as the law did not allow a colored person to be out after
+eight o'clock in the evening, without a pass from his master."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF RICHARD MACY.
+
+"The above account is from my brother, I was at work on Hilton Head
+about twenty miles north of my brother, during the same winter. The
+same allowance of one peck of corn for a week, the same kind of houses
+to live in, and the same method of grinding their corn, and always in
+the night, and in the dark, was practiced there.
+
+"A number of instances of severe whipping came under my notice. The
+first was this:--two men were sent out to saw some blocks out of large
+live oak timber on which to raise my building. Their saw was in poor
+order, and they sawed them badly, for which their master stripped them
+naked and flogged them.
+
+"The next instance was a boy about sixteen years of age. He had crept
+into the coach to sleep; after two or three nights he was caught by
+the coach driver, a _northern man_, and stripped _entirely naked_, and
+whipped without mercy, his master looking on.
+
+"Another instance. The overseer, a young white man, had ordered
+several negroes a boat's crew, to be on the spot at a given time. One
+man did not appear until the boat had gone. The overseer was very
+angry and told him to strip and be flogged; he being slow, was told if
+he did not instantly strip off his jacket, he, the overseer, would
+whip it off which he did in shreds, whipping him cruelly.
+
+"The man ran into the barrens and it was about a month before they
+caught him. He was newly starved, and at last stole a turkey; then
+another, and was caught.
+
+"Having occasion to pass a plantation very early one foggy morning, in
+a boat we heard the sound of the whip, before we could see, but as we
+drew up in front of the plantation, we could see the negroes at work
+in the field. The overseer was going from one to the other causing
+them to lay down their hoe, strip off their garment, hold up their
+hands and receive their number of lashes. Thus he went on from one to
+the other until we were out of sight. In the course of the winter a
+family came where I was, on a visit from a neighboring island; of
+course, in a boat with negroes to row them--one of these a barber,
+told me that he ran away about two years before, and joined a company
+of negroes who had fled to the swamps. He said they suffered a great
+deal--were at last discovered by a party of hunters, who fired among
+them, and caused them to scatter. Himself and one more fled to the
+coast, took a boat and put off to sea, a storm came on and swamped or
+upset them, and his partner was drowned, he was taken up by a passing
+vessel and returned to his master.
+
+RICHARD MACY.
+
+_Hudson, 12 mo. 29th_, 1838."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MR. ELEAZAR POWELL
+
+
+EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM MR. WILLIAM SCOTT, a highly respectable
+citizen of Beaver co. Pennsylvania, dated Jan 7, 1839.
+
+_Chippeca Township, Beaver co. Pa. Jan._ 7, 1839.
+
+"I send you the statement of Mr. Eleazar Powell, who was born, and has
+mostly resided in this township from his birth. His character for
+sobriety and truth stands above impeachment.
+
+"With sentiments of esteem,
+I am your friend,
+WILLIAM SCOTT.
+
+"In the month of December, 1836, I went to the State of Mississippi to
+work at my trade, (masonry and bricklaying,) and continued to work in
+the counties of Adams and Jefferson, between four and five months. In
+following my business I had an opportunity of seeing the treatment of
+slaves in several places.
+
+"In Adams county I built a chimney for a man named Joseph Gwatney; he
+had forty-five field hands of both sexes. The field in which they
+worked at that time, lay about two miles from the house; the hands had
+to cook and eat their breakfast, prepare their dinner, and be in the
+field at daylight, and continue there till dark. In the evening the
+cotton they had picked was weighed, and if they fell short of their
+task they were whipped. One night I attended the weighing--two women
+fell short of their task, and the master ordered the black driver to
+take them to the quarters and flog them; one of them was to receive
+twenty-five lashes and pick a peck of cotton seed. I have been with
+the overseer several times through the negro quarters. The huts are
+generally built of split timber, some larger than rails, twelve and a
+half feet wide and fourteen feet long--some with and some without
+chimneys, and generally without floors; they were generally without
+daubing, and mostly had split clapboards nailed on the cracks on the
+outside, though some were without even that: in some there was a kind
+of rough bedstead, made from rails, polished with the axe, and put
+together in a very rough manner, the bottom covered with clapboards,
+and over that a bundle of worn out clothes. In some huts there was no
+bedstead at all. The above description applies to the places generally
+with which I was acquainted, and they were mostly _old settlements._
+
+"In the east part of Jefferson county I built a chimney for a man
+named ---- M'Coy; he had forty-seven laboring hands. Near where I was
+at work, M'Coy had ordered one of his slaves to set a post for a gate.
+When he came to look at it, he said the slave had not set it in the
+right place; and ordered him to strip, and lie down on his face;
+telling him that if he struggled, or attempted to get up, two men, who
+had been called to the spot, should seize and hold him fast. The slave
+agreed to be quiet, and M'Coy commenced flogging him on the bare back,
+with the wagon whip. After some time the sufferer attempted to get up;
+one of the slaves standing by, seized him by the feet and held him
+fast; upon which he yielded, and M'Coy continued to flog him ten or
+fifteen minutes. When he was up, and had put on his trowsers, the
+blood came through them.
+
+"About half a mile from M'Coy's was a plantation owned by his
+step-daughter. The overseer's name was James Farr, of whom it appears
+Mrs. M'Coy's waiting woman was enamoured. One night, while I lived
+there, M'Coy came from Natchez, about 10 o'clock at night. He said
+that Dinah was gone, and wished his overseer to go with him to Farr's
+lodgings. They went accordingly, one to each door, and caught Dinah as
+she ran out, she was partly dressed in her mistress's clothes; M'Coy
+whipped her unmercifully, and she afterwards made her escape. On the
+next day, (Sabbath), M'Coy came to the overseer's, where I lodged, and
+requested him and me to look for her, as he was afraid that she had
+hanged herself. He then gave me the particulars of the flogging. He
+stated that near Farr's he had made her strip and lie down, and had
+flogged her until he was tired; that before he reached home he had a
+second time made her strip, and again flogged her until he was tired;
+that when he reached home he had tied her to a peach-tree, and after
+getting a drink had flogged her until he was thirsty again; and while
+he went to get a drink the woman made her escape. He stated that he
+knew, from the whipping he had given her, there must be in her back
+cuts an inch deep. He showed the place where she had been tied to the
+tree; there appeared to be as much blood as if a hog had been stuck
+there. The woman was found on Sabbath evening, near the sprang, and
+had to be carried into the house.
+
+"While I lived there I heard M'Coy say, if the slaves did not raise
+him three hundred bales of cotton the ensuing season, he would kill
+every negro he had.
+
+"Another case of flogging came under my notice: Philip O. Hughes,
+sheriff of Jefferson county, had hired a slave to a man, whose name I
+do not recollect. On a Sabbath day the slave had drank somewhat
+freely; he was ordered by the tavern keeper, (where his present master
+had left his horse and the negro,) to stay in the kitchen; the negro
+wished to be out. In persisting to go out he was knocked down three
+times; and afterwards flogged until another young man and myself ran
+about half a mile, having been drawn by the cries of the negro and the
+sound of the whip. When we came up, a number of men that had been
+about the tavern, were whipping him, and at intervals would ask him if
+he would take off his clothes. At seeing them drive down the stakes
+for a regular flogging he yielded, and took them off. They then
+flogged him until satisfied. On the next morning I saw him, and his
+pantaloons were all in a gore of blood.
+
+"During my stay in Jefferson county, Philip O. Hughes was out one day
+with his gun--he saw a negro at some distance, with a club in one hand
+and an ear of corn in the other--Hughes stepped behind a tree, and
+waited his approach; he supposed the negro to be a runaway, who had
+escaped about nine months before from his master, living not very far
+distant. The negro discovered Hughes before he came up, and started to
+run; he refusing to stop, Hughes fired, and shot him through the arm.
+Through loss of blood the negro was soon taken and put in jail. I saw
+his wound twice dressed, and heard Hughes make the above statement.
+
+"When in Jefferson county I boarded six weeks in Fayette, the county
+town, with a tavern keeper named James Truly. He had a slave named
+Lucy, who occupied the station of chamber maid and table waiter. One
+day, just after dinner Mrs. Truly took Lucy and bound her arms round a
+pine sapling behind the house, and commenced flogging her with a
+riding-whip; and when tired would take her chair and rest. She
+continued thus alternately flogging and resting, for at least an hour
+and a half. I afterwards learned from the bar-keeper, and others, that
+the woman's offence was that she had bought two candles to set on the
+table the evening before, not knowing there were yet some in the box.
+I did nor see the act of flogging above related; but it was commenced
+before I left the house after dinner, and my work not being more than
+twenty rods from the house, I distinctly heard the cries of the woman
+all the time, and the manner of tying I had from those who did see it.
+
+"While I boarded at Truly's, an overseer shot a negro about two miles
+northwest of Fayette, belonging to a man named Hinds Stuart. I heard
+Stuart himself state the particulars. It appeared that the negro's
+wife fell under the overseer's displeasure, and he went to whip her.
+The negro said she should not be whipped. The overseer then let her
+go, and ordered him to be seized. The negro, having been a driver,
+rolled the lash of his whip round his hand, and said he would not be
+whipped at that time. The overseer repeated his orders. The negro took
+up a hoe, and none dared to take hold of him. The overseer then went
+to his coat, that he had laid off to whip the negro's wife, and took
+out his pistol and shot him dead. His master ordered him to be buried
+in a hole without a coffin. Stuart stated that he would not have taken
+two thousand dollars for him. No punishment was inflicted on the
+overseer.
+
+ELEAZAR POWELL, Jr."
+
+
+TESTIMONY ON THE AUTHORITY OF REV. WM. SCALES, LYNDON, VT
+
+The following is an extract of a letter from two professional
+gentlemen and their wives, who have lived for some years in a small
+village in one of the slave states. They are all persons of the
+highest respectability, and are well known in at least one of the New
+England states. Their names are with the Executive Committee of the
+American Anti-Slavery Society; but as the individuals would doubtless
+be murdered by the slaveholders, if they were published, the Committee
+feel sacredly bound to withhold them. The letter was addressed to a
+respected clergyman in New England. The writers say:
+
+"A man near us owned a valuable slave--his best--most faithful servant.
+In a gust of passion, he struck him dead with a lever, or stick of
+wood.
+
+"During the years '36 and '37, the following transpired. A slave in
+our neighborhood ran away and went to a place about thirty miles
+distant. There he was found by his pursuers on horseback, and
+compelled by the whip to run the distance of thirty miles. It was an
+exceedingly hot day--and within a few hours after he arrived at the
+end of his journey the slave was dead.
+
+"Another slave ran away, but concluded to return. He had proceeded
+some distance on his return, when he was met by a company of two or
+three drivers who raced, whipped and abused him until he fell down and
+expired. This took place on the Sabbath." The writer after speaking of
+another murder of a slave in the neighborhood, without giving the
+circumstances, say--"There is a powerful New England influence at
+----" the village where they reside--"We may therefore suppose that
+there would he as little of barbarian cruelty practiced there as any
+where;--at least we might suppose that the average amount of cruelty
+in that vicinity would be sufficiently favorable to the side of
+slavery.--Describe a circle, the centre of which shall be--, the
+residence of the writers, and the radius fifteen miles, and in about
+one year three, and I think four slaves have been _murdered_, within
+that circle, under circumstances of horrid cruelty.--What must have
+been the amount of murder in the whole slave territory? The whole
+south is rife with the crime of separating husbands and wives, parents
+and children."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF JOSEPH IDE, ESQ.
+
+Mr. IDE is a respected member of the Baptist Church in Sheffield,
+Caledonia county, Vt.; and recently the Postmaster in that town. He
+spent a few months at the south in the years 1837 and 8. In a letter
+to the Rev. Wm. Scales of Lyndon, Vt. written a few weeks since, Mr.
+Ide writes as follows.
+
+"In answering the proposed inquiries, I will say first, that although
+there are various other modes resorted to, whipping with the cowskin
+is the usual mode of inflicting punishment on the poor slave. I have
+never actually witnessed a whipping scene, for they are usually taken
+into some back place for that purpose; but I have often heard their
+groans and screams while writhing under the lash; and have seen the
+blood flow from their torn and lacerated skins after the vengeance of
+the inhuman master or mistress had been glutted. You ask if the woman
+where I boarded whipped a slave to death. I can give you the
+particulars of the transaction as they were related to me. My
+informant was a gentleman--a member of the Presbyterian church in
+Massachusetts--who the winter before boarded where I did. He said that
+Mrs. T---- had a female slave whom she used to whip unmercifully, and on
+one occasion, she whipped her as long as she had strength, and after
+the poor creature was suffered to go, she crawled off into a cellar.
+As she did not immediately return, search was made, and she was found
+dead in the cellar, and the horrid deed was kept a secret in the
+family, and it was reported that she died of sickness. This wretch at
+the same time was a member of a Presbyterian church. Towards her
+slaves she was certainly the most cruel wretch of any woman with whom
+I was ever acquainted--yet she was nothing more than a slaveholder.
+She would deplore slavery as much as I did, and often told me she was
+much of an abolitionist as I was. She was constant in the declaration
+that her kind treatment to her slaves was proverbial. Thought I, then
+the Lord have mercy on the rest. She has often told me of the cruel
+treatment of the slaves on a plantation adjoining her father's in the
+low country of South Carolina. She says she has often seen them driven
+to the necessity of eating frogs and lizards to sustain life. As to
+the mode of living generally, my information is rather limited, being
+with few exceptions confined to the different families where I have
+boarded. My stopping places at the south have mostly been in cities.
+In them the slaves are better fed and clothed than on plantations. The
+house servants are fed on what the families leave. But they are kept
+short, and I think are oftener whipped for stealing something to eat
+than any other crime. On plantations their food is principally
+hommony, as the southerners call it. It is simply cracked corn boiled.
+This probably constitutes seven-eights of their living. The
+house-servants in cities are generally decently clothed, and some
+favorite ones are richly dressed, but those on the plantations,
+especially in their dress, if it can be called dress, exhibit the most
+haggard and squalid appearance. I have frequently seen those of both
+sexes more than two-thirds naked. I have seen from forty to sixty,
+male and female, at work in a field, many of both sexes with their
+bodies entirely naked--who did not exhibit signs of shame more than
+cattle. As I did not go among them much on the plantations, I have
+had but few opportunities for examining the backs of slaves--but have
+frequently passed where they were at work, and been occasionally
+present with them, and in almost every case there were marks of
+violence on some parts of them--every age, sex and condition being
+liable to the whip. A son of the gentleman with whom I boarded, a
+young man about twenty-one years of age, had a plantation and eight or
+ten slaves. He used to boast almost every night of whipping some of
+them. One day he related to me a case of whipping an old negro--I
+should judge sixty years of age. He said he called him up to flog him
+for some real or supposed offence, and the poor old man, being pious,
+asked the privilege of praying before he received his punishment. He
+said he granted him the favor, and to use his own expression, 'The old
+nigger knelt down and prayed for me, and then got up and took his
+whipping.' In relation to negro huts, I will say that planters usually
+own large tracts of land. They have extensive clearings and a
+beautiful mansion house--and generally some forty or fifty rods from
+the dwelling are situated the negro cabins, or huts, built of logs in
+the rudest manner. Some consist of poles rolled up together and
+covered with mud or clay--many of them not as comfortable as northern
+pig-sties."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. PHINEAS SMITH
+
+MR. SMITH is now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Centreville,
+Allegany county, N.Y. He has recently returned from a residence in the
+slave states, and the American slave holding settlements in Texas. The
+following is an extract of a letter lately received from him.
+
+"You inquire respecting instances of cruelty that have come within my
+knowledge. I reply. Avarice and cruelty constitute the very gist of
+the whole slave system. Many of the enormities committed upon the
+plantations will not be described till God brings to light the hidden
+things of darkness, then the tears and groans and blood of innocent
+men, women and children will be revealed, and the oppressor's spirit
+must confront that of his victim.
+
+"I will relate a case of _torture_ which occurred on the Brassos while
+I resided a few miles distant upon the Chocolate Bayou. The case
+should be remembered as a true illustration of the nature of slavery,
+as it exists at the south. The facts are these. An overseer by the
+name of Alexander, notorious for his cruelty, was found dead in the
+timbered lands of the Brassos. It was supposed that he was murdered,
+but who perpetrated the act was unknown. Two black men were however
+seized, taken into the Prairie and put to the torture. A physician by
+the name of Parrott from Tennessee, and another from New England by
+the name of Anson Jones, were present on this occasion. The latter
+gentleman is now the Texan minister plenipotentiary to the United
+States, and resides at Washington. The unfortunate slaves being
+stripped, and all things arranged, the torture commenced by whipping
+upon their bare backs. Six athletic men were employed in this scene of
+inhumanity, the names of some of whom I well remember. There was one
+of the name of Brown, and one or two of the name of Patton. Those six
+executioners were successively employed in cutting up the bodies of
+these defenceless slaves, who persisted to the last in the avowal of
+their innocence. The bloody whip was however kept in motion till
+savage barbarity itself was glutted. When this was accomplished, the
+bleeding victims were re-conveyed to the inclosure of the mansion
+house where they were deposited for a few moments. '_The dying groans
+however incommoding the ladies, they were taken to a back shed where
+one of them soon expired_.'[13] The life of the other slave was for a
+time despaired of, but after hanging over the grave for months, he at
+length so far recovered as to walk about and labor at light work.
+These facts _cannot be controverted_. They were disclosed under the
+solemnity of an oath, at Columbia, in a court of justice. I was
+present, and shall never forget them. The testimony of Drs. Parrott
+and Jones was most appalling. I seem to hear the death-groans of that
+murdered man. His cries for mercy and protestations of innocence fell
+upon adamantine hearts. The facts above stated, and others in relation
+to this scene of cruelty came to light in the following manner. The
+master of the murdered man commenced legal process against the actors
+in this tragedy for the _recovery of the value of the chattel_, as one
+would institute a suit for a horse or an ox that had been unlawfully
+killed. It was a suit for the recovery of _damages_ merely. No
+_indictment_ was even dreamed of. Among the witnesses brought upon the
+stand in the progress of this cause were the physicians, Parrott and
+Jones above named. The part which they were called to act in this
+affair was, it is said, to examine the pulse of the victims during the
+process of _torture_. But they were mistaken as to the quantum of
+torture which a human being can undergo and not die under it. Can it
+be believed that one of these physicians was born and educated in the
+land of the pilgrims? Yes, in my own native New England. It is even
+so! The stone-like apathy manifested at the trial of the above cause,
+and the screams and the death-groans of an innocent man, as developed
+by the testimony of the witnesses, can never be obliterated from my
+memory. They form an era in my life, a point to which I look back with
+horror.
+
+[Footnote 13: The words of Dr. Parrott, a witness on the trial hereafter
+referred to.]
+
+"Another case of cruelty occurred on the San Bernard near Chance
+Prairie, where I resided for some time. The facts were these. A slave
+man fled from his master, (Mr. Sweeny) and being closely _pursued_ by
+the overseer and a son of the owner, he stepped a few yards in the
+Bernard and placed himself upon a root, from which there was no
+possibility of his escape, for he could not swim. In this situation he
+was fired upon with a blunderbuss loaded heavily with ball and grape
+shot. The overseer who shot the gun was at a distance of a few feet
+only. The charge entered the body of the negro near the groin. He was
+conveyed to the plantation, lingered in inexpressible agony a few days
+and expired. A physician was called, but medical and surgical skill
+was unavailing. No notice whatever was taken of this murder by the
+public authorities, and the murderer was not discharged from the
+service of his employer.
+
+"When slaves flee, as they not unfrequently do, to the timbered lands
+of Texas, they are hunted with guns and dogs.
+
+"The sufferings of the slave not unfrequently drive him to despair and
+suicide. At a plantation on the San Bernard, where there were but five
+slaves, two during the same year committed suicide by drowning."
+
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF PHILEMON BLISS, ESQ.
+
+Mr. Bliss is a highly respectable member of the bar, in Elyria, Lorain
+Co. Ohio, and member of the Presbyterian church, in that place. He
+resided in Florida, during the years 1834 and 5.
+
+The following extracts are from letters, written by Mr. B. in 1835,
+while residing on a plantation near Tallahassee, and published soon
+after in the Ohio Atlas; also from letters written in 1836 and
+published in the New York Evangelist.
+
+"In speaking of slavery as it is, I hardly know where to begin. The
+physical condition of the slave is far from being accurately known at
+the north. Gentlemen _traveling_ in the south can know nothing of it.
+They must make the south their residence; they must live on
+plantations, before they can have any opportunity of judging of the
+slave. I resided in Augustine five months, and had I not made
+_particular_ inquiries, which most northern visitors very seldom or
+never do, I should have left there with the impression that the slaves
+were generally very _well_ treated, and were a happy people. Such is
+the report of many northern travelers who have no more opportunity of
+knowing their real condition than if they had remained at home. What
+confidence could we place in the reports of the traveler, relative to
+the condition of the Irish peasantry, who formed his opinion from the
+appearance of the waiters at a Dublin hotel, or the household servants
+of a country gentleman? And it is not often on plantations even, that
+_strangers_ can witness the punishment of the slave. I was conversing
+the other day with a neighboring planter, upon the brutal treatment of
+the slaves which I had witnessed: he remarked, that had I been with
+him I should not have seen this. "When I whip niggers, I take them out
+of sight and hearing." Such being the difficulties in the way of a
+stranger's ascertaining the treatment of the slaves, it is not to be
+wondered at that gentlemen, of undoubted veracity, should give
+directly false statements relative to it. But facts cannot lie, and in
+giving these I confine myself to what has come under my own personal
+observation.
+
+"The negroes commence labor by daylight in the morning, and, excepting
+the plowboys, who must feed and rest their horses, do not leave the
+field till dark in the evening. There is a good deal of contention
+among planters, who shall make the most cotton to the hand, or, who
+shall drive their negroes the hardest; and I have heard bets made and
+staked upon the issue of the crops. Col. W. was boasting of his large
+crops, and swore that 'he made for his force, the largest crops in the
+country.' He was disputed of course. On riding home in company with
+Mr. C. the conversation turned upon Col. W. My companion remarked,
+that though Col. W. had the reputation of making a large crop, yet he
+could beat him himself, and did do it the last year. I remarked that I
+considered it no honor to _Col. W_. to drive his slaves to death to
+make a large crop. I have heard no more about large crops from him
+since. Drivers or overseers usually drive the slaves worse than
+masters.--Their reputation for good overseers depends in a great
+measure upon the crops they make, and the death of a slave is no loss
+to them.
+
+"Of the extent and cruelty of the punishment of the slave, the
+northern public know nothing. From the nature of the case they can
+know little, as I have before mentioned.
+
+"I _have seen_ a woman, a mother, compelled, in the presence of her
+master and mistress, _to hold up her clothes_, and endure the whip of
+the driver on the naked body for more than _twenty minutes_, and while
+her cries would have rent the heart of any one, who had not hardened
+himself to human suffering. Her master and mistress were conversing
+with apparent indifference. What was her crime? She had a task given
+her of sewing which she _must finish_ that day. Late at night she
+finished it; but _the stitches were too long_, and she must be
+whipped. The same was repeated three or four nights for the same
+offence. _I have seen_ a man tied to a tree, hands and feet, and
+receive 305 blows with the paddle[14] on the fleshy parts of the body.
+Two others received the same kind of punishment at the time, though I
+did not count the blows. One received 230 lashes. Their crime was
+stealing mutton. I have _frequently_ heard the shrieks of the slaves,
+male and female, accompanied by the strokes of the paddle or whip,
+when I have not gone near the scene of horror. I knew not their
+crimes, excepting of one woman, which was stealing _four potatoes_ to
+eat with her bread! The more common number of lashes inflicted was
+fifty or eighty; and this I saw not once or twice, but so frequently
+that I can not tell the number of times I have seen it. So frequently,
+that my own heart was becoming so hardened that I could witness with
+comparative indifference, the female writhe under the lash, and her
+shrieks and cries for mercy ceased to pierce my heart with that
+keenness, or give me that anguish which they first caused. It was not
+always that I could learn their crimes; but of those I did learn, the
+most common was non-performance of tasks. I have seen men strip and
+receive from one to three hundred strokes of the whip and paddle. My
+studies and meditations were almost nightly interrupted by the cries
+of the victims of cruelty and avarice. Tom, a slave of Col. N.
+obtained permission of his overseer on Sunday, to visit his son, on a
+neighboring plantation, belonging in part to his master, but neglected
+to take a "pass." Upon its being demanded by the other overseer, he
+replied that he had permission to come, and that his having a mule was
+sufficient evidence of it, and if he did not consider it as such, he
+could take him up. The overseer replied he would take him up; giving
+him at the same time a blow on the arm with a stick he held in his
+hand, sufficient to lame it for some time. The negro collared him, and
+threw him; and on the overseer's commanding him to submit to be tied
+and whipped, he said he would not be whipped by _him_ but would leave
+it to massa J. They came to massa J.'s. I was there. After the
+overseer had related the case as above, he was blamed for not shooting
+or stabbing him at once.--After dinner the negro was tied, and the
+whip given to the overseer, and he used it with a severity that was
+shocking. I know not how many lashes were given, but from his
+shoulders to his heels there was not a spot unridged! and at almost
+every stroke the blood flowed. He could not have received less than
+300, _well laid on_. But his offence was great, almost the greatest
+known, laying hands on a _white_ man! Had he struck the overseer,
+under any provocation, he would have been in some way disfigured,
+perhaps by the loss of his ears, in addition to a whipping: or he
+might have been hung. The most common cause of punishments is, not
+finishing tasks.
+
+[Footnote 14: A piece of oak timber two and a half feet long, flat and
+wide at one end.]
+
+
+"But it would be tedious mentioning further particulars. The negro has
+no other inducement to work but the _lash_; and as man never acts
+without motive, the lash must be used so long as all other motives are
+withheld. Hence corporeal punishment is a necessary part of slavery.
+
+"Punishments for runaways are usually severe. Once whipping is not
+sufficient. I have known runaways to be whipped for six or seven
+nights in succession for one offence. I have known others who, with
+pinioned hands, and a chain extending from an iron collar on their
+neck, to the saddle of their master's horse, have been driven at a
+smart trot, one or two hundred miles, being compelled to ford water
+courses, their drivers, according to their own confession, not abating
+a whit in the rapidity of their journey for the case of the slave. One
+tied a kettle of sand to his slave to render his journey more arduous.
+
+"Various are the instruments of torture devised to keep the slave in
+subjection. The stocks are sometimes used. Sometimes blocks are filled
+with pegs and nails, and the slave compelled to stand upon them.
+
+"While stopping on the plantation of a Mr. C. I saw a whip with a
+knotted lash lying on the table, and inquired of my companion, who was
+also an acquaintance of Mr. C's, if he used that to whip his negroes?
+"Oh," says he, "Mr. C. is not severe with his hands. He never whips
+very hard. The _knots in the lash are so large_ that he does not
+usually draw blood in whipping them."
+
+"It was principally from hearing the conversation of southern men on
+the subject, that I judge of the cruelty that is generally practiced
+toward slaves. They will deny that slaves are generally ill treated;
+but ask them if they are not whipped for certain offences, which
+either a freeman would have no temptation to commit, or which would
+not be an offence in any but a slave, and for non-performance of
+tasks, they will answer promptly in the affirmative. And frequently
+have I heard them excuse their cruelty by citing Mr. A. or Mr. B. who
+is a Christian, or Mr. C. a preacher, or Mr. D. from the _north_, who
+"drives his hands tighter, and whips them harder, than we ever do."
+Driving negroes to the utmost extent of their ability, with
+occasionally a hundred lashes or more, and a few switchings in the
+field if they hang back in the driving seasons, viz: in the hoing and
+picking months, is perfectly consistent with good treatment!
+
+"While traveling across the Peninsula in a stage, in company with a
+northern gentleman, and southern lady, of great worth and piety, a
+dispute arose respecting the general treatment of slaves, the
+gentleman contending that their treatment was generally good--'O, no!'
+interrupted the lady, 'you can know nothing of the treatment they
+receive on the plantations. People here do whip the poor negroes most
+cruelly, and many half starve them. You have neither of you had
+opportunity to know scarcely anything of the cruelties that are
+practiced in this country,' and more to the same effect. I met with
+several others, besides this lady, who appeared to feel for the sins
+of the land, but they are few and scattered, and not usually of
+sufficiently stern mould to withstand the popular wave.
+
+"Masters are not forward to publish their "domestic regulations," and
+as neighbors are usually several miles apart, one's observation must
+be limited. Hence the few instances of cruelty which break out can be
+but a fraction of what is practised. A planter, a professor of
+religion, in conversation upon the universality of whipping, remarked
+that a planter in G--, who had whipped a great deal, at length got
+tired of it, and invented the following _excellent_ method of
+punishment, which I saw practised while I was paying him a visit. The
+negro was placed in a sitting position, with his hands made fast above
+his head, and feet in the stocks, so that he could not move any part
+of the body.
+
+"The master retired, intending to leave him till morning, but we were
+awakened in the night by the groans of the negro, which were so
+doleful that we feared he was dying. We went to him, and found him
+covered with a cold sweat, and almost gone. He could not have lived an
+hour longer. Mr. ---- found the 'stocks' such an effective punishment,
+that it almost superseded the whip."
+
+"How much do you give your niggers for a task while hoeing cotton,"
+inquired Mr. C---- of his neighbor Mr. H----."
+
+H. "I give my men an acre and a quarter, and my women an acre."[15]
+
+[Footnote 15: Cotton is planted in drills about three feet apart, and
+is hilled like corn.]
+
+
+C. "Well, that is a fair task. Niggers do a heap better if they are
+drove pretty tight."
+
+H. "O yes, I have driven mine into complete subordination. When I
+first bought them they were discontented and wished me to sell them,
+but I soon whipped _that_ out of them; and they now work very
+contentedly!"
+
+C. "Does Mary keep up with the rest?"
+
+H. "No, she does'nt often finish the task alone, she has to get Sam to
+help her out after he has done his, _to save her a whipping_. There's
+no other way but to be severe with them."
+
+C. "No other, sir, if you favor a nigger you spoil him."
+
+"The whip is considered as necessary on a plantation as the plough;
+and its use is almost as common. The negro whip is the common
+teamster's whip with a black leather stock, and a short, fine, knotted
+lash. The paddle is also frequently used, sometimes with holes bored
+in the flattened end. The ladies (!) in chastising their domestic
+servants, generally use the cowhide. I have known some use shovel and
+tongs. It is, however, more common to commit them to the driver to be
+whipped. The manner of whipping is as follows: The negro is tied by
+his hands, and sometimes feet, to a post or tree, and stripped to the
+skin. The female slave is not always tied. The number of lashes
+depends upon the character for severity of the master or overseer.
+
+"Another instrument of torture is sometimes used, how extensively I
+know not. The negro, or, in the case which came to my knowledge, the
+negress was compelled to stand barefoot upon a block filled with sharp
+pegs and nails for two or three hours. In case of sickness, if the
+master or overseer thinks them seriously ill, they are taken care of,
+but their complaints are usually not much heeded. A physician told me
+that he was employed by a planter last winter to go to a plantation of
+his in the country, as many of the negroes were sick. Says he--"I
+found them in a most miserable condition. The weather was cold, and
+the negroes were barefoot, with hardly enough of _cotton_ clothing to
+cover their nakedness. Those who had huts to shelter them were obliged
+to build them nights and Sundays. Many were sick and some had died. I
+had the sick taken to an older plantation of their masters, where they
+could be made comfortable, and they recovered. I directed that they
+should not go to work till after sunrise, and should not work in the
+rain till their health became established. But the overseer refusing
+to permit it, I declined attending on them farther. I was called,'
+continued he, 'by the overseer of another plantation to see one of the
+men. I found him lying by the side of a log in great pain. I asked him
+how he did, 'O,' says he, 'I'm most dead, can live but little longer.'
+How long have you been sick? I've felt for more than six weeks as
+though I could hardly stir.' Why didn't you tell your master, you was
+sick? 'I couldn't see my master, and the overseer always whips us when
+we complain, I could not stand a whipping.' I did all I could for the
+poor fellow, but his _lungs were rotten_. He died in three days from
+the time he left off work.' The cruelty of that overseer is such that
+the negroes almost tremble at his name. Yet he gets a high salary, for
+he makes the largest crop of any other man in the neighborhood, though
+none but the hardiest negroes can stand it under him. "That man," says
+the Doctor, "would be hung in my country." He was a German."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF REV. WILLIAM A. CHAPIN.
+
+REV. WILLIAM SCALES, of Lyndon, Vermont, has furnished the following
+testimony, under date of Dec. 15, 1838.
+
+"I send you an extract from a letter that I have just received, which
+you may use _ad libitum_. The letter is from Rev. Wm. A. Chapin,
+Greensborough, Vermont. To one who is acquainted with Mr. C. his
+opinion and statements must carry conviction even to the most
+obstinate and incredulous. He observes, 'I resided, as a teacher,
+nearly two years in the family of Carroll Webb, Esq., of Hampstead,
+New Kent co. about twenty miles from Richmond, Virginia. Mr. Webb had
+three or four plantations, and was considered one of the two
+wealthiest men in the county: it was supposed he owned about two
+hundred slaves. He was a member of the Presbyterian Church, and was
+elected an elder while I was with him. He was a native of Virginia,
+but a graduate of a New-England college.
+
+"The slaves were called in the morning before daylight, I believe at
+all seasons of the year, that they might prepare their food, and be
+ready to go to work as soon as it was light enough to see. I know that
+at the season of husking corn, October and November, they were usually
+compelled to work late--till 12 or 1 o'clock at night. I know this
+fact because they accompanied their work with a loud singing of their
+own sort. I usually retired to rest between 11 and 12 o'clock, and
+generally heard them at their work as long as I was awake. The slaves
+lived in wretched log cabins, of one room each, without floors or
+windows. I believe the slaves sometimes suffer for want of food. One
+evening, as I was sitting in the parlor with Mr. W. one of the most
+resolute of the slaves came to the door, and said, "Master, I am
+willing to work for you, but I want something to eat." The only reply
+was, "Clear yourself." I learned that the slaves had been without food
+all day, because the man who was sent to mill could not obtain his
+grinding. He went again the next day, and obtained his grist, and the
+slaves had no food till he returned. He had to go about five
+miles.[16]
+
+[Footnote 16: To this, Rev. Mr. Scales adds, "In familiar language, and
+in more detail, as I have learned it in conversation with Mr. Chapin,
+the fact is as follows:--
+
+"Mr. W. kept, what he called a 'boy,' i.e. a _man_, to go to mill. It
+was his custom not to give his slaves anything to eat while he was
+gone to mill--let him have been gone longer or shorter--for this
+reason, if he was lazy, and delayed, the slaves would become hungry:
+hence indignant, and abuse him--this was his punishment. On that
+occasion he went to mill in the morning. The slaves came up at noon,
+and returned to work without food. At night, after having worked hard
+all day, without food, went to bed without supper. About 10 o'clock
+the next day, they came up in a company, to their master's door, (that
+master an elder in the church), and deputed one more resolute than the
+rest to address him. This he did in the most respectful tones and
+terms. "We are willing to work for you, master, but we can't work
+without food; we want something to eat." "Clear yourself," was the
+answer. The slaves retired; and in the morning were driven away to
+work without food. At noon, I think, or somewhat after, they were
+fed."]
+
+
+
+"I know the slaves were sometimes severely whipped. I saw the backs of
+several which had numerous scars, evidently caused by long and deep
+lacerations of the whip; and I have good reason to believe that the
+slaves were generally in that condition; for I never saw the back of
+one exposed that was not thus marked,--and from their tattered and
+scanty clothing their backs were often exposed."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF MESSRS. T.D.M. AND F.C. MACY.
+
+This testimony is communicated in a letter from Mr. Cyrus Pierce, a
+respectable and well known citizen of Nantucket, Mass. Of the
+witnesses, Messrs. T.D.M. and F.C. Macy, Mr. Pierce says, "They are
+both inhabitants of this island, and have resided at the south; they
+are both worthy men, for whose integrity and intelligence I can vouch
+unqualifiedly; the former has furnished me with the following
+statement.
+
+"During the winter of 1832-3, I resided on the island of St. Simon,
+Glynn county, Georgia. There are several extensive cotton plantations
+on the island. The overseer of the plantation on that part of the
+island where I resided was a Georgian--a man of stern character, and
+at times _cruelly abusive_ to his slaves. I have often been witness of
+the _abuse_ of his power. In South Carolina and Georgia, on the low
+lands, the cultivation is chiefly of rice. The land where it is raised
+is often inundated, and the labor of preparing it, and raising a crop,
+is very arduous. Men and women are in the field from earliest dawn to
+dark--often _without hats_, and up to their arm-pits in mud and water.
+At St. Simon's, cotton was the staple article. Ocra, the driver,
+usually waited on the overseer to receive orders for the succeeding
+day. If any slave was insolent, or negligent, the driver was
+authorized to punish him with the whip, with as many blows as the
+magnitude of the crime justified. He was frequently cautioned, upon
+the peril of his skin, to see that all the negroes were off to the
+field in the morning. 'Ocra,' said the overseer, one evening, to the
+driver, 'if any pretend to be sick, send me word--allow no lazy wench
+or fellow to skulk in the negro house.' Next morning, a few minutes
+after the departure of the hands to the field, Ocra was seen hastening
+to the house of the overseer. He was soon in his presence. 'Well, Ocra,
+what now?' 'Nothing, sir, only Rachel says she sick--can't go to de
+field to-day.' 'Ah, sick, is she? I'll see to her; you may be off. She
+shall see if I am longer to be fooled with in this way. Here,
+Christmas, mix these salts--bring them to me at the negro house.' And
+seizing his whip, he made off to the negro settlement. Having a strong
+desire to see what would be the result, I followed him. As I
+approached the negro house, I heard high words. Rachel was stating her
+complaint--children were crying from fright--and the overseer
+threatening. Rachel.--'I can't work to-day--I'm sick!' Overseer.--'But
+you shall work, if you die for it. Here, take these salts. Now move
+off--quick--let me see your face again before night, and, by G--d,
+you shall smart for it. Be off--no begging--not a word;'--and he
+dragged her from the house, and followed her 20 or 30 rods,
+threatening. The woman did not reach the field. Overcome by the
+exertion of walking, and by agitation, she sunk down exhausted by the
+road side--was taken up, and carried back to the house, where an
+_abortion_ occurred, and her life was greatly jeoparded.
+
+"It was _no uncommon_ sight to see a whole family, father, mother, and
+from two to five children, collected together around their piggin of
+hommony, or pail of potatoes, watched by the overseer. One meal was
+always eaten in the field. No time was allowed for relaxation.
+
+"It was not unusual for a child of five or six years to perform the
+office of nurse--because the mother worked in a remote part of the
+field, and was not allowed to leave her employment to take care of her
+infant. Want of proper nutriment induces sickness of the worst type.
+
+"No matter what the nature of the service, a peck of corn, dealt out
+on Sunday, must supply the demands of nature for a week.
+
+"The Sabbath, on a southern plantation, is a mere nominal holiday. The
+slaves are liable to be called upon at all times, by those who have
+authority over them.
+
+"When it rained, the slaves were allowed to collect under a tree until
+the shower had passed. Seldom, on a week day, were they permitted to
+go to their huts during rain; and even had this privilege been
+granted, many of those miserable habitations were in so dilapidated a
+condition, that they would afford little or no protection. Negro huts
+are built of logs, covered with boards or thatch, having _no
+flooring_, and but one apartment, serving all the purposes of
+sleeping, cooking, &c. Some are furnished with a temporary loft. I
+have seen a whole family herded together in a loft ten feet by twelve.
+In cold weather, they gather around the fire, spread their blankets
+_on the ground_, and keep as comfortable as they can. Their supply of
+clothing is scanty--each slave being allowed a Holland coat and
+pantaloons, of the coarsest manufacture, and one pair of cowhide
+shoes. The women, enough of the same kind of cloth for one frock. They
+have also one pair of shoes. Shoes are given to the slaves in the
+winter only. In summer, their clothing is composed of osnaburgs.
+Slaves on different plantations are not allowed without a written
+permission, to visit their fellow bondsmen, under penalty of severe
+chastisement. I witnessed the chastisement of a young male slave, who
+was found lurking about the plantation, and could give no other
+account of himself, than that he wanted to visit some of his
+acquaintance. Fifty lashes was the penalty for this offence. I could
+not endure the dreadful shrieks of the tortured slave, and rushed away
+front the scene."
+
+The remainder of this testimony is furnished by Mr. F.C. Macy.
+
+"I went to Savannah in 1820. Sailing up the river, I had my first view
+of slavery. A large number of men and women, with _a piece of board on
+their heads, carrying mud_, for the purpose of dyking, near the river.
+After tarrying a while in Savannah, I went down to the sea islands of
+De Fuskee and Hilton Head, where I spent six months. Negro houses are
+small, built of rough materials, _and no floor_. Their clothing, (one
+suit,) coarse; which they received on Christmas day. Their food was
+three pecks of potatoes per week, in the potatoe season, and one peck
+of corn the remainder of the year. The slaves carried with them into
+the field their meal, and a gourd of water. They cooked their hommony
+in the field, and ate it with a wooden paddle. Their treatment was
+little better than that of brutes. _Whipping_ was nearly an every-day
+practice. On Mr. M----'s plantation, at the island De Fuskee, I saw an
+old man whipped; he was about 60. He had no clothing on, except a
+shirt. The man that inflicted the blows was Flim, a tall and stout
+man. The whipping was _very severe_. I inquired into the cause. Some
+vegetables had been stolen from his master's garden, of which he could
+give no account. I saw several women whipped, some of whom were in
+very _delicate_ circumstances. The case of one I will relate. She had
+been purchased in Charleston, and separated from her husband. On her
+passage to Savannah, or rather to the island, she was delivered of a
+child; and in about three weeks after this, she appeared to be
+deranged. She would leave her work, go into the woods, and sing. Her
+master sent for her, and ordered the driver to whip her. I was near
+enough to hear the strokes.
+
+"I have known negro boys, partly by persuasion, and partly by force,
+made to strip off their clothing and fight for _the amusement of their
+masters_. They would fight until both got to crying.
+
+"One of the planters told me that his boat had been used without
+permission. A number of his negroes were called up, and put in a
+building that was lathed and shingled. The covering could be easily
+removed from the inside. He called one out for examination. While
+examining this one, he discovered another negro, coming out of the
+roof. He ordered him back: he obeyed. In a few moments he attempted it
+again. The master took deliberate aim at his head, but his gun missed
+fire. He told me he should probably have killed him, had his gun gone
+off. The negro jumped and run. The master took aim again, and fired;
+but he was so far distant, that he received only a few shots in the
+calf of his leg. After several days he returned, and received a severe
+whipping.
+
+"Mr. B----, planter at Hilton Head, freely confessed, that he kept one
+of his slaves as a mistress. She slept in the same room with him.
+This, I think, is a very common practice."
+
+
+TESTIMONY OF A CLERGYMAN.
+
+The following letter was written to Mr. ARTHUR TAPPAN, of New York, in
+the summer of 1833. As the name of the writer cannot be published with
+safety to himself, it is withheld.
+
+The following testimonials, from Mr. TAPPAN, Professor WRIGHT, and
+THOMAS RITTER, M.D. of New York, establish the trust-worthiness and
+high respectability of the writer.
+
+"I received the following letters from the south during the year 1833.
+They were written by a gentleman who had then resided some years in
+the slave states. Not being at liberty to give the writer's name, I
+cheerfully certify that he is a gentleman of established character, a
+graduate of Yale College, and a respected minister of the gospel.
+
+"ARTHUR TAPPAN."
+
+"My acquaintance with the writer of the following letter commenced, I
+believe, in 1823, from which time we were fellow students in Yale
+College till 1826. I have occasionally seen him since. His character,
+so far as it has come within my knowledge, has been that of an upright
+and remarkably _candid_ man. I place great confidence both in his
+habits of careful and unprejudiced observation and his veracity.
+
+"E. WRIGHT, jun. New York, April 13, 1839."
+
+"I have been acquainted with the writer of the following letter about
+twelve years, and know him to be a gentleman of high respectability,
+integrity, and piety. We were fellow students in Yale College, and my
+opportunities for judging of his character, both at that time and
+since our graduation, have been such, that I feel myself fully
+warranted in making the above unequivocal declaration.
+
+"THOMAS RITTER. 104, Cherry-street, New York."
+
+"NATCHEZ, 1833.
+
+"It has been almost four years since I came to the south-west; and
+although I have been told, from month to month, that I should soon
+wear off my northern prejudices, and probably have slaves of my own,
+yet my judgment in regard to oppression, or my prejudices, if they are
+pleased so to call them, remain with me still. I judge still from
+those principles which were fixed in my mind at the north; and a
+residence at the south has not enabled me so to pervert truth, as to
+make injustice appear justice.
+
+"I have studied the state of things here, now for years, coolly and
+deliberately, with the eye of an uninterested looker on; and hence I
+may not be altogether unprepared to state to you some facts, and to
+draw conclusions from them.
+
+"Permit me then to relate what I have seen; and do not imagine that
+these are all exceptions to the general treatment, but rather believe
+that thousands of cruelties are practised in this Christian land,
+every year, which no eye that ever shed a tear of pity could look
+upon.
+
+"Soon after my arrival I made an excursion into the country, to the
+distance of some twenty miles. And as I was passing by a cotton field,
+where about fifty negroes were at work, I was inclined to stop by the
+road side to view a scene which was then new to me. While I was, in my
+mind, comparing this mode of labor with that of my own native place, I
+heard the driver, with a rough oath, order one that was near him, who
+seemed to be laboring to the extent of his power, to "lie down." In a
+moment he was obeyed; and he commenced whipping the offender upon his
+naked back, and continued, to the amount of about twenty lashes, with
+a heavy raw-hide whip, the crack of which might have been heard more
+than half a mile. Nor did the females escape; for although I stopped
+scarcely fifteen minutes, no less than three were whipped in the same
+manner, and that so severely, I was strongly inclined to interfere.
+
+"You may be assured, sir, that I remained not unmoved: I could no
+longer look on such cruelty, but turned away and rode on, while the
+echoes of the lash were reverberating in the woods around me. Such
+scenes have long since become familiar to me. But then the full effect
+was not lost; and I shall never forget, to my latest day, the mingled
+feelings of pity, horror, and indignation that took possession of my
+mind. I involuntarily exclaimed, O God of my fathers, how dost thou
+permit such things to defile our land! Be merciful to us! and visit us
+not in justice, for all our iniquities and the iniquities of our
+fathers!
+
+"As I passed on I soon found that I had escaped from one horrible
+scene only to witness another. A planter with whom I was well
+acquainted, had caught a negro without a pass. And at the moment I was
+passing by, he was in the act of fastening his feet and hands to the
+trees, having previously made him take off all his clothing except his
+trowsers. When he had sufficiently secured this poor creature, he beat
+him for several minutes with a green switch more than six feet long;
+while he was writhing with anguish, endeavoring in vain to break the
+cords with which he was bound, and incessantly crying out, "Lord,
+master! do pardon me this time! do, master, have mercy!" These
+expressions have recurred to me a thousand times since; and although
+they came from one that is not considered among the sons of men, yet I
+think they are well worthy of remembrance, as they might lead a wise
+man to consider whether such shall receive mercy from the righteous
+Judge, as never showed mercy to their fellow men.
+
+"At length I arrived at the dwelling of a planter of my acquaintance,
+with whom I passed the night. At about eight o'clock in the evening I
+heard the barking of several dogs, mingled with the most agonizing
+cries that I ever heard from any human being. Soon after the gentleman
+came in, and began to apologize, by saying that two of his runaway
+slaves had just been brought home; and as he had previously tried
+every species of punishment upon them without effect, he knew not what
+else to add, except to set his blood hounds upon them. 'And,'
+continued he, 'one of them has been so badly bitten that he has been
+trying to die. I am only sorry that he did not; for then I should not
+have been further troubled with him. If he lives I intend to send him
+to Natchez or to New Orleans, to work with the ball and chain.'
+
+"From this last remark I understood that private individuals have the
+right of thus subjecting their unmanageable slaves. I have since seen
+numbers of these 'ball and chain' men, both in Natchez and New
+Orleans, but I do not know whether there were any among them except
+the state convicts.
+
+"As the summer was drawing towards a close, and the yellow fever
+beginning to prevail in town, I went to reside some months in the
+country. This was the cotton picking season, during which, the
+planters say, there is a greater necessity for flogging than at any
+other time. And I can assure you, that as I have sat in my window
+night after night, while the cotton was being weighed, I have heard
+the crack of the whip, without much intermission, for a whole hour,
+from no less than three plantations, some of which were a full mile
+distant.
+
+"I found that the slaves were kept in the field from daylight until
+dark; and then, if they had not gathered what the master or overseer
+thought sufficient, they were subjected to the lash.
+
+"Many by such treatment are induced to run away and take up their
+lodging in the woods. I do not say that all who run away are thus
+closely pressed, but I do know that many are; and I have known no less
+than a dozen desert at a time from the same plantation, in consequence
+of the overseer's forcing them to work to the extent of their power,
+and then whipping them for not having done more.
+
+"But suppose that they run away--what is to become of them in the
+forest? If they cannot steal they must perish of hunger--if the nights
+are cold, their feet will be frozen; for if they make a fire they may
+be discovered, and be shot at. If they attempt to leave the country,
+their chance of success is about nothing. They must return, be
+whipped--if old offenders, wear the collar, perhaps be branded, and
+fare worse than before.
+
+"Do you believe it, sir, not six months since, I saw a number of my
+_Christian_ neighbors packing up provisions, as I supposed for a deer
+hunt; but as I was about offering myself to the party, I learned that
+their powder and balls were destined to a very different purpose: it
+was, in short, the design of the party to bring home a number of
+runaway slaves, or to shoot them if they should not be able to get
+possession of them in any other way.
+
+"You will ask, Is not this murder? Call it, sir, by what name you
+please, such are the facts:--many are shot every year, and that too
+while the masters say they treat their slaves well.
+
+"But let me turn your attention to another species of cruelty. About a
+year since I knew a certain slave who had deserted his master, to be
+caught, and for the first time fastened to the stocks. In those same
+stocks, from which at midnight I have heard cries of distress, while
+the master slept, and was dreaming, perhaps, of drinking wine and of
+discussing the price of cotton. On the next morning he was chained in
+an immovable posture, and branded in both cheeks with red hot stamps
+of iron. Such are the tender mercies of men who love wealth, and are
+determined to obtain it at any price.
+
+"Suffer me to add another to the list of enormities, and I will not
+offend you with more.
+
+"There was, some time since, brought to trial in this town a planter
+residing about fifteen miles distant, for whipping his slave to death.
+You will suppose, of course, that he was punished. No, sir, he was
+acquitted, although there could be no doubt of the fact. I heard the
+tale of murder from a man who was acquainted with all the
+circumstances. 'I was,' said he, 'passing along the road near the
+burying-ground of the plantation, about nine o'clock at night, when I
+saw several lights gleaming through the woods; and as I approached, in
+order to see what was doing, I beheld the coroner of Natchez, with a
+number of men, standing around the body of a young female, which by
+the torches seemed almost perfectly white. On inquiry I learned that
+the master had so unmercifully beaten this girl that she died under
+the operation: and that also he had so severely punished another of
+his slaves that he was but just alive.'"
+
+We here rest the case for the present, so far as respects the
+presentation of facts showing the condition of the slaves, and proceed
+to consider the main objections which are usually employed to weaken
+such testimony, or wholly to set it aside. But before we enter upon
+the examination of specific objections, and introductory to them, we
+remark,--
+
+1. That the system of slavery must be a system of horrible cruelty,
+follows of necessity, from the fact that two millions seven hundred
+thousand human beings _are held by force_, and used as articles of
+property. Nothing but a heavy yoke, and an iron one, could possibly
+keep so many necks in the dust. That must be a constant and mighty
+pressure which holds so still such a vast army; nothing could do it
+but the daily experience of severities, and the ceaseless dread and
+certainty of the most terrible inflictions if they should dare to toss
+in their chains.
+
+2. Were there nothing else to prove it a system of monstrous cruelty,
+the fact that FEAR is the only motive with which the slave is plied
+during his whole existence, would be sufficient to brand it with
+execration as the grand tormentor of man. The slave's _susceptibility
+of pain_ is the sole fulcrum on which slavery works the lever that
+moves him. In this it plants all its stings; here it sinks its hot
+irons; cuts its deep gashes; flings its burning embers, and dashes its
+boiling brine and liquid fire: into this it strikes its cold flesh
+hooks, grappling irons, and instruments of nameless torture; and by it
+drags him shrieking to the end of his pilgrimage. The fact that the
+master inflicts pain upon the slave not merely as an _end_ to gratify
+passion, but constantly as a _means_ of extorting labor, is enough of
+itself to show that the system of slavery is unmixed cruelty.
+
+3. That the slaves must suffer frequent and terrible inflictions,
+follows inevitably from the _character of those who direct their
+labor_. Whatever may be the character of the slaveholders themselves,
+all agree that the overseers are, as a class, most abandoned, brutal,
+and desperate men. This is so well known and believed that any
+testimony to prove it seems needless. The testimony of Mr. WIRT, late
+Attorney General of the United States, a Virginian and a slaveholder,
+is as follows. In his life of Patrick Henry, p. 36, speaking of the
+different classes of society in Virginia, he says,--"Last and lowest a
+feculum, of beings called 'overseers'--_the most abject, degraded,
+unprincipled race_, always cap in hand to the dons who employ them,
+and furnishing materials for the exercise of their _pride, insolence,
+and spirit of domination_."
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, of Centreville, New-York, who has resided some
+years at the south, says of overseers--
+
+"It need hardly be added that overseers are in general ignorant,
+_unprincipled and cruel_, and in such low repute that they are not
+permitted to come to the tables of their employers; yet they have the
+constant control of all the human cattle that belong to the master.
+
+"These men are continually advancing from their low station to the
+higher one of masters. These changes bring into the possession of
+power a class of men of whose mental and moral qualities I have
+already spoken."
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, Marlboro', Massachusetts, who lived in Georgia
+several years, says of them,--
+
+"The overseers are _generally loose in their morals_; it is the object
+of masters to employ those whom they think will get the most work out
+of their hands,--hence those who _whip and torment the slaves the
+most_ are in many instances called the best overseers. The masters
+think those whom the slaves fear the most are the best. Quite a
+portion of the masters employ their own slaves as overseers, or rather
+they are called drivers; these are more subject to the will of the
+masters than the white overseers are; some of them are as lordly as an
+Austrian prince, and sometimes more cruel even than the whites."
+
+That the overseers are, as a body, sensual, brutal, and violent men is
+_proverbial_. The tender mercies of such men _must be cruel_.
+
+4. The _ownership_ of human beings necessarily presupposes an utter
+disregard of their happiness. He who assumes it monopolizes their
+_whole capital_, leaves them no stock on which to trade, and out of
+which to _make_ happiness. Whatever is the master's gain is the
+slave's loss, a loss wrested from him by the master, for the express
+purpose of making it _his own gain_; this is the master's constant
+employment--forcing the slave to toil--violently wringing from him
+all he has and all he gets, and using it as his own;--like the vile
+bird that never builds its nest from materials of its own gathering,
+but either drives other birds from theirs and takes possession of
+them, or tears them in pieces to get the means of constructing their
+own. This daily practice of forcibly robbing others, and habitually
+living on the plunder, cannot but beget in the mind the _habit_ of
+regarding the interests and happiness of those whom it robs, as of no
+sort of consequence in comparison with its own; consequently whenever
+those interests and this happiness are in the way of its own
+gratification, they will be sacrificed without scruple. He who cannot
+see this would be unable to _feel_ it, if it were seen.
+
+
+
+OBJECTIONS CONSIDERED.
+
+
+Objection I--"SUCH CRUELTIES ARE INCREDIBLE."
+
+The enormities inflicted by slaveholders upon their slaves will never
+be discredited except by those who overlook the simple fact, that he
+who holds human beings as his bona fide property, _regards_ them as
+property, and not as _persons;_ this is his permanent state of mind
+toward them. He does not contemplate slaves as human beings,
+consequently does not _treat_ them as such; and with entire
+indifference sees them suffer privations and writhe under blows,
+which, if inflicted upon whites, would fill him with horror and
+indignation. He regards that as good treatment of slaves, which would
+seem to him insufferable abuse if practiced upon others; and would
+denounce that as a monstrous outrage and horrible cruelty, if
+perpretated upon white men and women, which he sees every day meted
+out to black slaves, without perhaps ever thinking it cruel.
+Accustomed all his life to regard them rather as domestic animals, to
+hear them stormed at, and to see them cuffed and caned; and being
+himself in the constant habit of treating them thus, such practices
+have become to him a mere matter of course, and make no impression on
+his mind. True, it is incredible that men should treat as _chattels_
+those whom they truly regard as _human beings;_ but that they should
+treat as chattels and working animals those whom they _regard_ as
+such, is no marvel. The common treatment of dogs, when they are in the
+way, is to kick them out of it; we see them every day kicked off the
+sidewalks, and out of shops, and on Sabbaths out of churches,--yet, as
+they are but _dogs_, these do not strike us as outrages; yet, if we
+were to see men, women, and children--our neighbors and friends,
+kicked out of stores by merchants, or out of churches by the deacons
+and sexton, we should call the perpetrators inhuman wretches.
+
+We have said that slaveholders regard their slaves not as human
+beings, but as mere working animals, or merchandise. The whole
+vocabulary of slaveholders, their laws, their usages, and their entire
+treatment of their slaves fully establish this. The same terms are
+applied to slaves that are given to cattle. They are called "stock."
+So when the children of slaves are spoken of prospectively, they are
+called their "increase;" the same term that is applied to flocks and
+herds. So the female slaves that are mothers, are called "breeders"
+till past child bearing; and often the same terms are applied to the
+different sexes that are applied to the males and females among
+cattle. Those who compel the labor of slaves and cattle have the same
+appellation, "drivers:" the names which they call them are the same
+and similar to those given to their horses and oxen. The laws of slave
+states make them property, equally with goats and swine; they are
+levied upon for debt in the same way; they are included in the same
+advertisements of public sales with cattle, swine, and asses; when
+moved from one part of the country to another, they are herded in
+droves like cattle, and like them urged on by drivers; their labor is
+compelled in the same way. They are bought and sold, and separated
+like cattle: when exposed for sale, their good qualities are described
+as jockies show off the good points of their horses; their strength,
+activity, skill, power of endurance, &c. are lauded,--and those who
+bid upon them examine their persons, just as purchasers inspect horses
+and oxen; they open their mouths to see if their teeth are sound;
+strip their backs to see if they are badly scarred, and handle their
+limbs and muscles to see if they are firmly knit. Like horses, they
+are warranted to be "sound," or to be returned to the owner if
+"unsound." A father gives his son a horse and a _slave_; by his will
+he distributes among them his race-horses, hounds, game-cocks, and
+_slaves_. We leave the reader to carry out the parallel which we have
+only begun. Its details would cover many pages.
+
+That slaveholders do not practically regard slaves as _human beings_
+is abundantly shown by their own voluntary testimony. In a recent work
+entitled, "The South vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+Northern Abolitionists," which was written, we are informed, by
+Colonel Dayton, late member of Congress from South Carolina; the
+writer, speaking of the awe with which the slaves regard the whites,
+says,--
+
+"The northerner looks upon a band of negroes as upon so many _men_,
+but the planter or southerner _views them in a very different light._"
+
+
+Extract from the speech of Mr. SUMMERS, of Virginia, in the
+legislature of that state, Jan. 26, 1832. See the Richmond Whig.
+
+"When, in the sublime lessons of Christianity, he (the slaveholder) is
+taught to 'do unto others as he would have others do unto him,' HE
+NEVER DREAMS THAT THE DEGRADED NEGRO IS WITHIN THE PALE OF THAT HOLY
+CANON."
+
+
+PRESIDENT JEFFERSON, in his letter to GOVERNOR COLES, of Illinois,
+dated Aug. 25, 1814, asserts, that slaveholders regard their slaves as
+brutes, in the following remarkable language.
+
+"Nursed and educated in the daily habit of seeing the degraded
+condition, both bodily and mental, of these unfortunate beings [the
+slaves], FEW MINDS HAVE YET DOUBTED BUT THAT THEY WERE AS LEGITIMATE
+SUBJECTS OF PROPERTY AS THEIR HORSES OR CATTLE."
+
+
+Having shown that slaveholders regard their slaves as mere working
+animals and cattle, we now proceed to show that their actual treatment
+of them, is _worse_ than it would be if they were brutes. We repeat
+it, SLAVEHOLDERS TREAT THEIR SLAVES WORSE THAN THEY DO THEIR BRUTES.
+Whoever heard of cows or sheep being deliberately tied up and beaten
+and lacerated till they died? or horses coolly tortured by the hour,
+till covered with mangled flesh, or of swine having their legs tied
+and being suspended from a tree and lacerated with thongs for hours,
+or of hounds stretched and made fast at full length, flayed with
+whips, red pepper rubbed into their bleeding gashes, and hot brine
+dashed on to aggravate the torture? Yet just such forms and degrees of
+torture are _daily_ perpetrated upon the slaves. Now no man that knows
+human nature will marvel at this. Though great cruelties have always
+been inflicted by men upon brutes, yet incomparably the most horrid
+ever perpetrated, have been those of men upon _their own species_. Any
+leaf of history turned over at random has proof enough of this. Every
+reflecting mind perceives that when men hold _human beings_ as
+_property_, they must, from the nature of the case, treat them worse
+than they treat their horses and oxen. It is impossible for _cattle_
+to excite in men such tempests of fury as men excite in each other.
+Men are often provoked if their horses or hounds refuse to do, or
+their pigs refuse to go where they wish to drive them, but the feeling
+is rarely intense and never permanent. It is vexation and impatience,
+rather than settled rage, malignity, or revenge. If horses and dogs
+were intelligent beings, and still held as property, their opposition
+to the wishes of their owners, would exasperate them immeasurably more
+than it would be possible for them to do, with the minds of brutes.
+None but little children and idiots get angry at sticks and stones
+that lie in their way or hurt them; but put into sticks and stones
+intelligence, and will, and power of feeling and motion, while they
+remain as now, articles of property, and what a towering rage would
+men be in, if bushes whipped them in the face when they walked among
+them, or stones rolled over their toes when they climbed hills! and
+what exemplary vengeance would be inflicted upon door-steps and
+hearth-stones, if they were to move out of their places, instead of
+lying still where they were put for their owners to tread upon. The
+greatest provocation to human nature is _opposition to its will_. If a
+man's will be resisted by one far _below_ him, the provocation is
+vastly greater, than when it is resisted by an acknowledged superior.
+In the former case, it inflames strong passions, which in the latter
+lie dormant. The rage of proud Haman knew no bounds against the poor
+Jew who would not do as he wished, and so he built a gallows for him.
+If the person opposing the will of another, be so far below him as to
+be on a level with chattels, and be actually held and used as an
+article of property; pride, scorn, lust of power, rage and revenge
+explode together upon the hapless victim. The idea of _property_
+having a will, and that too in opposition to the will of its _owner_,
+and counteracting it, is a stimulant of terrible power to the most
+relentless human passions and from the nature of slavery, and the
+constitution of the human mind, this fierce stimulant must, with
+various degrees of strength, act upon slaveholders almost without
+ceasing. The slave, however abject and crushed, is an intelligent
+being: he has a _will_, and that will cannot be annihilated, _it will
+show itself_; if for a moment it is smothered, like pent up fires when
+vent is found, it flames the fiercer. Make intelligence _property_,
+and its manager will have his match; he is met at every turn by an
+_opposing will_, not in the form of down-right rebellion and defiance,
+but yet, visibly, an _ever-opposing will_. He sees it in the
+dissatisfied look, and reluctant air and unwilling movement; the
+constrained strokes of labor, the drawling tones, the slow hearing,
+the feigned stupidity, the sham pains and sickness, the short memory;
+and he _feels_ it every hour, in innumerable forms, frustrating his
+designs by a ceaseless though perhaps invisible countermining. This
+unceasing opposition to the will of its 'owner,' on the part of his
+rational 'property,' is to the slaveholder as the hot iron to the
+nerve. He raves under it, and storms, and gnashes, and smites; but the
+more he smites, the hotter it gets, and the more it burns him.
+Further, this opposition of the slave's will to his owner's, not only
+excites him to severity, that he may gratify his rage, but makes it
+necessary for him to use violence in breaking down this
+resistance--thus subjecting the slave to additional tortures. There is
+another inducement to cruel inflictions upon the slave, and a
+necessity for it, which does not exist in the case of brutes.
+Offenders must be made an example to others, to strike them with
+terror. If a slave runs away and is caught, his master flogs him with
+terrible severity, not merely to gratify his resentment, and to keep
+him from running away again, but as a warning to others. So in every
+case of disobedience, neglect, stubbornness, unfaithfulness,
+indolence, insolence, theft, feigned sickness, when his directions are
+forgotten, or slighted, or supposed to be, or his wishes crossed, or
+his property injured, or left exposed, or his work ill-executed, the
+master is tempted to inflict cruelties, not merely to wreak his own
+vengeance upon him, and to make the slave more circumspect in future,
+but to sustain his authority over the other slaves, to restrain them
+from like practices, and to preserve his own property.
+
+A multitude of facts, illustrating the position that slaveholders
+treat their slaves _worse_ than they do their cattle, will occur to
+all who are familiar with slavery. When cattle break through their
+owners' inclosures and escape, if found, they are driven back and
+fastened in again; and even slaveholders would execrate as a wretch,
+the man who should tie them up, and bruise and lacerate them for
+straying away; but when _slaves_ that have escaped are caught, they
+are flogged with the most terrible severity. When herds of cattle are
+driven to market, they are suffered to go in the easiest way, each by
+himself; but when slaves are driven to market, they are fastened
+together with handcuffs, galled by iron collars and chains, and thus
+forced to travel on foot hundreds of miles, sleeping at night in their
+chains. Sheep, and sometimes horned cattle are marked with their
+owners' initials--but this is generally done with paint, and of course
+produces no pain. Slaves, too, are often marked with their owners'
+initials, but the letters are stamped into their flesh with a hot
+iron. Cattle are suffered to graze their pastures without stint; but
+the slaves are restrained in their food to a fixed allowance. The
+slaveholders' horses are notoriously far better fed, more moderately
+worked, have fewer hours of labor, and longer intervals of rest than
+their slaves; and their valuable horses are far more comfortably
+housed and lodged, and their stables more effectually defended from
+the weather, than the slaves' huts. We have here merely _begun_ a
+comparison, which the reader can easily carry out at length, from the
+materials furnished in this work.
+
+We will, however, subjoin a few testimonies of slaveholders, and
+others who have resided in slave states, expressly asserting that
+slaves are treated _worse than brutes_.
+
+
+The late Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, a member of the
+American Philosophical Society, in an oration delivered in Baltimore,
+July 4, 1791, page 10, says:
+
+"The Africans whom you despise, whom you _more inhumanly treat than
+brutes_, are equally capable of improvement with yourselves."
+
+
+The Rev. GEORGE WHITEFIELD, in his celebrated letter to the
+slaveholders of Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, and
+Georgia, written one hundred years ago, (See Benezet's Caution to
+Great Britain and her Colonies, page 13), says:
+
+"Sure I am, it is sinful to use them as bad, nay worse than if they
+were brutes; and whatever particular _exceptions_ there may be, (as I
+would charitably hope there are _some_) I fear the _generality_ of you
+that own negroes, _are liable to such a charge_."
+
+
+Mr. RICE, of Kentucky in his speech in the Convention that formed the
+Constitution of that state, in 1790, says:
+
+"He [the slave] is a rational creature, reduced by the power of
+legislation to the _state of a brute_, and thereby deprived of every
+privilege of humanity.... The brute may steal or rob, to supply
+his hunger; but the slave, though in the most starving condition,
+_dare not do either, on penalty of death, or some severe punishment_."
+
+
+Rev. HORACE MOULTON, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, in
+Marlborough, Mass. who lived some years in Georgia, says:
+
+"The southern horses and dogs have enough to eat, and good care is
+taken of them; but southern negroes--who can describe their misery and
+their wretchedness, their nakedness and their cruel scourgings!  None
+but God. Should we _whip our horses_ as they whip their slaves, even
+for small offences, we should expose ourselves to the penalty of the
+law."
+
+
+Rev. PHINEAS SMITH, Centerville, Allegany county, New York, who has
+resided four years in the midst of southern slavery--
+
+"Avarice and cruelty are twin sisters; and I do not hesitate to
+declare before the world, as my deliberate opinion, that there is
+_less compassion_ for working slaves at the south, than for working
+oxen at the north."
+
+
+STEVEN SEWALL, Esq. Winthrop, Maine, a member of the Congregational
+Church, and late agent of the Winthrop Manufacturing Company, who
+resided five years in Alabama, says--
+
+"I do not think that brutes, not even horses, are treated with _so
+much cruelty_ as American slaves."
+
+If the preceding considerations are insufficient to remove incredulity
+respecting the cruelties suffered by slaves, and if northern objectors
+still say, 'We might believe such things of savages, but that
+civilized men, and republicans, in this Christian country, can openly
+and by system perpetrate such enormities, is impossible';--to such we
+reply, that this incredulity of the people of the free states, is not
+only discreditable to their intelligence, but to their consistency.
+
+Who is so ignorant as not to know, or so incredulous as to disbelieve,
+that the early Baptists of New England were fined, imprisoned,
+scourged, and finally banished by our puritan forefathers?--and that
+the Quakers were confined in dungeons, publicly whipped at the
+cart-tail, had their ears cut off, cleft sticks put upon their
+tongues, and that five of them, four men and one woman, were hung on
+Boston Common, for propagating the sentiments of the Society of
+Friends? Who discredits the fact, that the civil authorities in
+Massachusetts, less than a hundred and fifty years ago, confined in
+the public jail a little girl of four years old, and publicly hung the
+Rev. Mr. Burroughs, and eighteen other persons, mostly women, and
+killed another, (Giles Corey,) by extending him upon his back, and
+piling weights upon his breast till he was crushed to death [17]--and
+this for no other reason than that these men and women, and this
+little child, were accused by others of _bewitching_ them.
+
+[Footnote 17:  Judge Sewall, of Mass. in his diary, describing this
+horrible scene, says that when the tongue of the poor sufferer had, in
+the extremity of his dying agony, protruded from his mouth, a person
+in attendance took his cane and thrust it back into his mouth.]
+
+
+Even the children in Connecticut, know that the following was once a
+law of that state:
+
+"No food or lodging shall be allowed to a Quaker. If any person turns
+Quaker, he shall be banished, and not be suffered to return on pain of
+death."
+
+These objectors can readily believe the fact, that in the city of New
+York, less than a hundred years since, thirteen persons were publicly
+burned to death, over a slow fire: and that the legislature of the
+same State took under its paternal care the African slave-trade, and
+declared that "all encouragement should be given to the _direct_
+importation of slaves; that all _smuggling_ of slaves should be
+condemned, as _an eminent discouragement to the fair trader_."
+
+They do not call in question the fact that the African slave-trade was
+carried on from the ports of the free states till within thirty years;
+that even members of the Society of Friends were actively engaged in
+it, shortly before the revolutionary war; [18] that as late as 1807,
+no less than fifty-nine of the vessels engaged in that trade, were
+sent out from the little state of Rhode Island, which had then only
+about seventy thousand inhabitants; that among those most largely
+engaged in these foul crimes, are the men whom the people of Rhode
+Island delight to honor: that the man who dipped most deeply in that
+trade of blood (James De Wolf,) and amassed a most princely fortune by
+it, was not long since their senator in Congress; and another, who was
+captain of one of his vessels, was recently Lieutenant Governor of the
+state.
+
+[Footnote 18: See Life and Travels of John Woolman, page 92.]
+
+
+They can believe, too, all the horrors of the middle passage, the
+chains, suffocation, maimings, stranglings, starvation, drownings, and
+cold blooded murders, atrocities perpetrated on board these
+slave-ships by their own citizens, perhaps by their own townsmen and
+neighbors--possibly by their own _fathers_: but oh! they 'can't
+believe that the slaveholders can be so hard-hearted towards their
+slaves as to treat them with great cruelty.' They can believe that his
+Holiness the Pope, with his cardinals, bishops and priests, have
+tortured, broken on the wheel, and burned to death thousands of
+Protestants--that eighty thousand of the Anabaptists were slaughtered
+in Germany--that hundreds of thousands of the blameless Waldenses,
+Huguenots and Lollards, were torn in pieces by the most titled
+dignitaries of church and state, and that _almost every professedly
+Christian sect, has, at some period of its history, persecuted unto
+blood_ those who dissented from their creed. They can believe, also,
+that in Boston, New York, Utica, Philadelphia, Cincinnati, Alton, and
+in scores of other cities and villages of the free states, 'gentlemen
+of property and standing,' led on by civil officers, by members of
+state legislatures, and of Congress, by judges and attorneys-general,
+by editors of newspapers, and by professed ministers of the gospel,
+have organized mobs, broken up lawful meetings of peaceable citizens,
+committed assault and battery upon their persons, knocked them down
+with stones, led them about with ropes, dragged them from their beds
+at midnight, gagged and forced them into vehicles, and driven them
+into unfrequented places, and there tormented and disfigured
+them--that they have rifled their houses, made bonfires of their
+furniture in the streets, burned to the ground, or torn in pieces the
+halls or churches in which they were assembled--attacked them with
+deadly weapons, stabbed some, shot others, and killed one. They can
+believe all this--and further, that a majority of the citizens in the
+places where these outrages have been committed, connived at them; and
+by refusing to indict the perpetrators, or, if they were indicted, by
+combining to secure their acquittal, and rejoicing in it, have
+publicly adopted these felonies as their own. All these things they
+can believe without hesitation, and that they have even been done by
+their own acquaintances, neighbors, relatives; perhaps those with whom
+they interchange courtesies, those for whom they _vote_, or to whose
+_salaries they contribute_--but yet, oh! they can never believe that
+slaveholders inflict cruelties upon their slaves!
+
+They can give full credence to the kidnapping, imprisonment, and
+deliberate murder of WILLIAM MORGAN, and that by men of high standing
+in society; they can believe that this deed was aided and abetted, and
+the murderers screened from justice, by a large number of influential
+persons, who were virtually accomplices, either before or after the
+fact; and that this combination was so effectual, as successfully to
+defy and triumph over the combined powers of the government;--yet
+that those who constantly rob men of their time, liberty, and wages,
+and all their _rights_, should rob them of bits of flesh, and
+occasionally of a tooth, make their backs bleed, and put fetters on
+their legs, is too monstrous to be credited! Further these same
+persons, who 'can't believe' that slaveholders are so iron-hearted as
+to ill-treat their slaves, believe that the very _elite_ of these
+slaveholders, those most highly esteemed and honored among them, are
+continually daring each other to mortal conflict, and in the presence
+of mutual friends, taking deadly aim at each other's hearts, with
+settled purpose to _kill_, if possible. That among the most
+distinguished governors of slave states, among their most celebrated
+judges, senators, and representatives in Congress, there is hardly
+_one_, who has not either killed, or tried to kill, or aided and
+abetted his friends in trying to kill, one or more individuals. That
+pistols, dirks, bowie knives, or other instruments of death are
+generally carried throughout the slave states--and that deadly affrays
+with them, in the streets of their cities and villages, are matters of
+daily occurrence; that the sons of slaveholders in southern colleges,
+bully, threaten, and fire upon their teachers, and their teachers upon
+them; that during the last summer, in the most celebrated seat of
+science and literature in the south, the University of Virginia, the
+professors were attacked by more than seventy armed students, and, in
+the words of a Virginia paper, were obliged 'to conceal themselves
+from their fury;' also that almost all the riots and violence that
+occur in northern colleges, are produced by the turbulence and lawless
+passions of southern students. That such are the furious passions of
+slaveholders, no considerations of personal respect, none for the
+proprieties of life, none for the honor of our national legislature,
+none for the character of our country abroad, can restrain the
+slaveholding members of Congress from the most disgraceful personal
+encounters on the floor of our nation's legislature--smiting their
+fists in each other's faces, throttling and even _kicking_ and trying
+to _gouge_ each other--that during the session of the Congress just
+closed, no less than six slaveholders, taking fire at words spoken in
+debate, have either rushed at each other's throats, or kicked, or
+struck, or attempted to knock each other down; and that in all these
+instances, they would doubtless have killed each other, if their
+friends had not separated them. Further, they know full well, these
+were not insignificant, vulgar blackguards, elected because they were
+the head bullies and bottle-holders in a boxing ring, or because their
+constituents went drunk to the ballot box; but they were some of the
+most conspicuous members of the House--one of them a former speaker.
+
+Our newspapers are full of these and similar daily occurrences among
+slaveholders, copied verbatim from their own accounts of them in their
+own papers and all this we fully credit; no man is simpleton enough to
+cry out 'Oh, I can't believe that slaveholders do such things;'--and
+yet when we turn to the treatment which these men mete out to their
+_slaves_, and show that they are in the habitual practice of striking,
+kicking, knocking down and shooting _them_ as well as each other--the
+look of blank incredulity that comes over northern dough-faces, is a
+study for a painter: and then the sentimental outcry, with eyes and
+hands uplifted, 'Oh, indeed, I can't believe the slaveholders are so
+cruel to their slaves.' Most amiable and touching charity! Truly, of
+all Yankee notions and free state products, there is nothing like a
+'_dough face_'--the great northern staple for the southern
+market--'made to order,' in any quantity, and _always on hand_. 'Dough
+faces!' Thanks to a slaveholder's contempt for the name, with its
+immortality of truth, infamy and scorn.[19]
+
+[Footnote 19: "_Doe_ face," which owes its paternity to John Randolph,
+age has mellowed into "_dough_ face"--a cognomen quite as expressive
+and appropriate, if not as classical.]
+
+
+Though the people of the free states affect to disbelieve the
+cruelties perpetrated upon the slaves, yet slaveholders believe _each
+other_ guilty of them, and speak of them with the utmost freedom. If
+slaveholders disbelieve any statement of cruelty inflicted upon a
+slave, it is not on account of its _enormity_. The traveler at the
+south will hear in Delaware, and in all parts of Maryland and
+Virginia, from the lips of slaveholders, statements of the most
+horrible cruelties suffered by the slaves _farther_ south, in the
+Carolinas and Georgia; when he finds himself in those states he will
+hear similar accounts about the treatment of the slaves in _Florida_
+and _Louisiana_; and in Missouri, Kentucky, and Tennessee he will hear
+of the tragedies enacted on the plantations in Arkansas, Alabama and
+Mississippi. Since Anti-Slavery Societies have been in operation, and
+slaveholders have found themselves on trial before the world, and put
+upon their good behavior, northern slaveholders have grown cautious,
+and now often substitute denials and set defences, for the voluntary
+testimony about cruelty in the far south, which, before that period,
+was given with entire freedom. Still, however, occasionally the 'truth
+will out,' as the reader will see by the following testimony of an
+East Tennessee newspaper, in which, speaking of the droves of slaves
+taken from the upper country to Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, etc.,
+the editor says, they are 'traveling to a region where their condition
+through time WILL BE SECOND ONLY TO THAT OF THE WRETCHED CREATURES IN
+HELL.' See "Maryville Intelligencer," of Oct, 4, 1835. Distant
+cruelties and cruelties _long past_, have been till recently, favorite
+topics with slaveholders. They have not only been ready to acknowledge
+that their _fathers_ have exercised great cruelty toward their slaves,
+but have voluntarily, in their official acts, made proclamation of it
+and entered it on their public records. The Legislature of North
+Carolina, in 1798, branded the successive legislatures of that state
+for more than thirty years previous, with the infamy of treatment
+towards their slaves, which they pronounce to be 'disgraceful to
+humanity, and degrading in the highest degree to the laws and
+principles of a free, Christian, and enlightened country.' This
+treatment was the enactment and perpetuation of a most barbarous and
+cruel law.
+
+But enough. As the objector can and does believe all the preceeding
+facts, if he still '_can't_ believe' as to the cruelties of
+slaveholders, it would be barbarous to tantalize his incapacity either
+with evidence or argument. Let him have the benefit of the act in such
+case made and provided.
+
+Having shown that the incredulity of the objector respecting the
+cruelty inflicted upon the slaves, is discreditable to his
+consistency, we now proceed to show that it is equally so to his
+_intelligence_.
+
+Whoever disbelieves the foregoing statements of cruelties, on the
+ground of their enormity, proclaims his own ignorance of the nature
+and history of man. What! incredulous about the atrocities perpetrated
+by those who hold human beings as property, to be used for their
+pleasure, when history herself has done little else in recording human
+deeds, than to dip her blank chart in the blood shed by arbitrary
+power, and unfold to human gaze the great red scroll? That cruelty is
+the natural effect of arbitrary power, has been the result of all
+experience, and the voice of universal testimony since the world
+began. Shall human nature's axioms, six thousand years old, go for
+nothing? Are the combined product of human experience, and the
+concurrent records of human character, to be set down as 'old wives'
+fables?' To disbelieve that arbitrary power naturally and habitually
+perpetrates cruelties, where it can do it with impunity, is not only
+ignorance of man, but of _things_. It is to be blind to innumerable
+proofs which are before every man's eyes; proofs that are stereotyped
+in the very words and phrases that are on every one's lips. Take for
+example the words _despot_ and _despotic_. Despot, signifies
+etymologically, merely one who _possesses_ arbitrary power, and at
+first, it was used to designate those alone who _possessed_ unlimited
+power over human beings, entirely irrespective of the way in which
+they exercised it, whether mercifully or cruelly. But the fact, that
+those who possessed such power, made their subjects their _victims_,
+has wrought a total change in the popular meaning of the word. It now
+signifies, in common parlance, not one who _possesses_ unlimited power
+over others, but one who exercises the power that he has, whether
+little or much, _cruelly_. So _despotic_, instead of meaning what it
+once did, something pertaining to the _possession_ of unlimited power,
+signifies something pertaining to the _capricious, unmerciful and
+relentless exercise_ of such power.
+
+The word tyrant, is another example--formerly it implied merely a
+_possession_ of arbitrary power, but from the invariable abuse of such
+power by its possessors, the proper and entire meaning of the word is
+lost, and it now signifies merely one who _exercises power to the
+injury of others_. The words tyrannical and tyranny follow the same
+analogy. So the word arbitrary; which formerly implied that which
+pertains to the will of one, independently of others; but from the
+fact that those who had no restraint upon their wills, were invariably
+capricious, unreasonable and oppressive, these words convey accurately
+the present sense of _arbitrary_, when applied to a person.
+
+How can the objector persist in disbelieving that cruelty is the
+natural effect of arbitrary power, when the very words of every day,
+rise up on his lips in testimony against him--words which once
+signified the _mere possession_ of arbitrary power, but have lost
+their meaning, and now signify merely its cruel _exercise_; because
+such a use of it has been proved by the experience of the world, to be
+inseparable from its _possession_--words now frigid with horror, and
+never used even by the objector without feeling a cold chill run over
+him.
+
+Arbitrary power is to the mind what alcohol is to the body; it
+intoxicates. Man loves power. It is perhaps the strongest human
+passion; and the more absolute the power, the stronger the desire for
+it; and the more it is desired, the more its exercise is enjoyed: this
+enjoyment is to human nature a fearful temptation,--generally an
+overmatch for it. Hence it is true, with hardly an exception, that
+arbitrary power is abused in proportion as it is _desired_. The fact
+that a person intensely desires power over others, _without
+restraint_, shows the absolute necessity of restraint. What woman
+would marry a man who made it a condition that he should have the
+power to divorce her whenever he pleased? Oh! he might never wish to
+exercise it, but the _power_ he would have! No woman, not stark mad,
+would trust her happiness in such hands.
+
+Would a father apprentice his son to a master, who insisted that his
+power over the lad should be _absolute_? The master might perhaps,
+never wish to commit a battery upon the boy, but if he should, he
+insists upon having full swing! He who would leave his son in the,
+clutches of such a wretch, would be bled and blistered for a lunatic
+as soon as his friends could get their hands upon him.
+
+The possession of power, even when greatly restrained, is such a fiery
+stimulant, that its lodgement in human hands is always perilous. Give
+men the handling of immense sums of money, and all the eyes of Argus
+and the hands of Briarcus can hardly prevent embezzlement.
+
+The mutual and ceaseless accusations of the two great political
+parties in this country, show the universal belief that this tendency
+of human nature to abuse power, is so strong, that even the most
+powerful legal restraints are insufficient for its safe custody. From
+congress and state legislatures down to grog-shop caucuses and street
+wranglings, each party keeps up an incessant din about _abuses of
+power_. Hardly an officer, either of the general or state governments,
+from the President down to the ten thousand postmasters, and from
+governors to the fifty thousand constables, escapes the charge of
+'_abuse of power_.' 'Oppression,' 'Extortion,' 'Venality,' 'Bribery,'
+'Corruption,' 'Perjury,' 'Misrule,' 'Spoils,' 'Defalcation,' stand on
+every newspaper. Now without any estimate of the lies told in these
+mutual charges, there is truth enough to make each party ready to
+believe of the other, and _of their best men too,_ any abuse of power,
+however monstrous. As is the State, so is the Church. From General
+Conferences to circuit preachers; and from General Assemblies to
+church sessions, abuses of power spring up as weeds from the dunghill.
+
+All legal restraints are framed upon the presumption, that men will
+abuse their power if not hemmed in by them. This lies at the bottom of
+all those checks and balances contrived for keeping governments upon
+their centres. If there is among human convictions one that is
+invariable and universal, it is, that when men possess unrestrained
+power over others, over their time, choice, conscience, persons,
+votes, or means of subsistence, they are under great temptations to
+abuse it; and that the intensity with which such power is desired,
+generally measures the certainty and the degree of its abuse.
+
+That American slaveholders possess a power over their slaves which is
+virtually absolute, none will deny.[20] That they _desire_ this
+absolute power, is shown from the fact of their holding and exercising
+it, and making laws to confirm and enlarge it. That the desire to
+possess this power, every tittle of it, is _intense_, is proved by the
+fact, that slaveholders cling to it with such obstinate tenacity, as
+well as by all their doings and sayings, their threats, cursings and
+gnashings against all who denounce the exercise of such power as
+usurpation and outrage, and counsel its immediate abrogation.
+
+[Footnote 20: The following extracts from the laws of slave-states are
+proofs sufficient.
+
+"The slave is ENTIRELY subject to the WILL of his master."--Louisiana
+Civil Code, Art. 273.
+
+"Slaves shall be deemed, sold, taken, reputed and adjudged in law to
+be _chattels personal,_ in the hands of their owner and possessors,
+and their executors, administrators and assigns, TO ALL INTENTS,
+CONSTRUCTIONS, AND PURPOSES, WHATSOEVER."--Laws of South Carolina, 2
+Brev. Dig. 229; Prince's Digest, 446, &c.]
+
+
+From the nature of the case--from the laws of mind, such power, so
+intensely desired, griped with such a death-clutch, and with such
+fierce spurnings of all curtailment or restraint, _cannot but be
+abused._ Privations and inflictions must be its natural, habitual
+products, with ever and anon, terror, torture, and despair let loose
+to do their worst upon the helpless victims.
+
+Though power over others is in every case liable to be used to their
+injury, yet, in almost all cases, the subject individual is shielded
+from great outrages by strong safeguards. If he have talents, or
+learning, or wealth, or office, or personal respectability, or
+influential friends, these, with the protection of law and the rights
+of citizenship, stand round him as a body guard: and even if he lacked
+all these, yet, had he the same color, features, form, dialect,
+habits, and associations with the privileged caste of society, he
+would find in _them_ a shield from many injuries, which would be
+_invited,_ if in these respects he differed widely from the rest of
+the community, and was on that account regarded with disgust and
+aversion. This is the condition of the slave; not only is he deprived
+of the artificial safeguards of the law, but has none of those
+_natural_ safeguards enumerated above, which are a protection to
+others. But not only is the slave destitute of those peculiarities,
+habits, tastes, and acquisitions, which by assimilating the possessor
+to the rest of the community, excite their interest in him, and thus,
+in a measure, secure for him their protection; but he possesses those
+peculiarities of bodily organization which are looked upon with deep
+disgust, contempt, prejudice, and aversion. Besides this, constant
+contact with the ignorance and stupidity of the slaves, their filth,
+rags, and nakedness; their cowering air, servile employments,
+repulsive food, and squalid hovels, their purchase and sale, and use
+as brutes--all these associations, constantly mingling and circulating
+in the minds of slaveholders, and inveterated by the hourly
+irritations which must assail all who use human beings as things,
+produce in them a permanent state of feeling toward the slave, made up
+of repulsion and settled ill-will. When we add to this the corrosions
+produced by the petty thefts of slaves, the necessity of constant
+watching, their reluctant service, and indifference to their master's
+interests, their ill concealed aversion to him, and spurning of his
+authority; and finally, that fact, as old as human nature, that men
+always hate those whom they oppress, and oppress those whom they hate,
+thus oppression and hatred mutually begetting and perpetuating each
+other--and we have a raging compound of fiery elements and disturbing
+forces, so stimulating and inflaming the mind of the slaveholder
+against the slave, that _it cannot but break forth upon him with
+desolating fury._
+
+To deny that cruelty is the spontaneous and uniform product of
+arbitrary power, and that the natural and controlling tendency of such
+power is to make its possessor cruel, oppressive, and revengeful
+towards those who are subjected to his control, is, we repeat, to set
+at nought the combined experience of the human race, to invalidate its
+testimony, and to reverse its decisions from time immemorial.
+
+A volume might be filled with the testimony of American slaveholders
+alone, to the truth of the preceding position. We subjoin a few
+illustrations, and first, the memorable declaration of President
+Jefferson, who lived and died a slaveholder. It has been published a
+thousand times, and will live forever. In his "Notes on Virginia,"
+sixth Philadelphia edition, p. 251, he says,--
+
+"The WHOLE COMMERCE between master and slave, is a PERPETUAL EXERCISE
+of the most _boisterous passions_, the most unremitting DESPOTISM on
+the one part, and degrading submission on the other..... The parent
+_storms_, the child looks on, catches the lineaments of _wrath_, puts
+on the same airs in the circle of smaller slaves, GIVES LOOSE TO THE
+WORST OF PASSIONS; and thus _nursed, educated, and daily exercised in
+tyranny,_ cannot but be stamped by it with odious peculiarities."
+
+Hon. Lewis Summers, Judge of the General Court of Virginia, and a
+slaveholder, said in a speech before the Virginia legislature in 1832;
+(see Richmond Whig of Jan. 26, 1832,)
+
+"A slave population exercises _the most pernicious influence_ upon the
+manners, habits and character, of those among whom it exists. Lisping
+infancy learns the vocabulary of abusive epithets, and struts the
+_embryo tyrant_ of its little domain. The consciousness of superior
+destiny takes possession of his mind at its earliest dawning, and love
+of power and rule, 'grows with his growth, and strengthens with his
+strength.' Unless enabled to rise above the operation of those
+powerful causes, he enters the world with miserable notions of
+self-importance, and under the government of an unbridled temper."
+
+The late JUDGE TUCKER of Virginia, a slaveholder, and Professor of Law
+in the University of William and Mary, in his "Letter to a Member of
+the Virginia Legislature," 1801, says,--
+
+"I say nothing of the baneful effects of slavery on our _moral
+character_, because I know you have been long sensible of this point."
+
+The Presbyterian Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, consisting of
+all the clergy of that denomination in those states, with a lay
+representation from the churches, most, if not all of whom are
+slaveholders, published a report on slavery in 1834, from which the
+following is an extract.
+
+"Those only who have the management of servants, know what the
+_hardening effect_ of it is upon _their own feelings towards them._
+There is no necessity to dwell on this point, as all _owners_ and
+_managers_ fully understand it. He who commences to manage them with
+tenderness and with a willingness to favor them in every way, must be
+watchful, otherwise he will settle down in _indifference, if not
+severity."_
+
+GENERAL WILLIAM H. HARRISON, now of Ohio, son of the late Governor
+Harrison of Virginia, a slaveholder, while minister from the United
+States to the Republic of Colombia, wrote a letter to General Simon
+Bolivar, then President of that Republic, just as he was about
+assuming despotic power. The letter is dated Bogota, Sept. 22, 1826.
+The following is an extract.
+
+"From a knowledge of your own disposition and present feelings, your
+excellency will not be willing to believe that you could ever be
+brought to an act of tyranny, or even to execute justice with
+unnecessary rigor. But trust me, sir, there is nothing more
+corrupting, nothing more _destructive of the noblest and finest
+feelings of our nature than the exercise of unlimited power_. The man,
+who in the beginning of such a career, might shudder at the idea of
+taking away the life of a fellow-being, might soon have his conscience
+so seared by the repetition of crime, that the agonies of his murdered
+victims might become music to his soul, and the drippings of the
+scaffold afford blood to swim in. History is full of such excesses."
+
+WILLIAM H. FITZHUGH, Esq. of Virginia, a slaveholder, says,--"Slavery,
+in its mildest form, is cruel and unnatural; _its injurious effects on
+our morals and habits are mutually felt."_
+
+HON. SAMUEL S. NICHOLAS, late Judge of the Court of Appeals of
+Kentucky, and a slaveholder, in a speech before the legislature of
+that state, Jan. 1837, says,--
+
+"The deliberate convictions of the most matured consideration I can
+give the subject, are, that the institution of slavery is a _most
+serious injury to the habits, manners and morals_ of our white
+population--that it leads to sloth, indolence, dissipation, and vice."
+
+Dr. THOMAS COOPER, late President of the College of South Carolina, in
+a note to his edition of the "Institutes of Justinian" page 413,
+says,--
+
+"All absolute power has a direct tendency, not only to detract from
+the happiness of the persons who are subject to it, but to DEPRAVE THE
+GOOD QUALITIES of those who possess it..... the whole history of human
+nature, in the present and every former age, will justify me in saying
+that _such is the tendency of power_ on the one hand and slavery on
+the other."
+
+A South Carolina slaveholder, whose name is with the executive
+committee of the Am. A.S. Society, says, in a letter, dated April 4,
+1838:--
+
+"I think it (slavery) _ruinous to the temper_ and to our spiritual
+life; it is a thorn in the flesh, for ever and for ever goading us on
+to say and to do what the Eternal God cannot but be displeased with. I
+speak from experience, and oh! my desire is to be delivered from it."
+
+
+Monsieur C.C. ROBIN, who was a resident of Louisiana from 1802 to
+1806, published a work on that country; in which, speaking of the
+effect of slaveholding on masters and their children, he says:--
+
+"The young creoles make the negroes who surround them the play-things
+of their whims: they flog, for pastime, those of their own age, just
+as their fathers flog others at their will. These young creoles,
+arrived at the age in which the passions are impetuous, do not _know
+how to bear contradiction_; they will have every thing done which they
+command, _possible or not_; and in default of this, they avenge their
+offended pride by multiplied punishments."
+
+
+Dr. GEORGE BUCHANAN, of Baltimore, Maryland, member of the American
+Philosophical Society, in an oration at Baltimore, July 4, 1791,
+said:--
+
+"For such are the effects of subjecting man to slavery, that it
+_destroys every humane principle_, vitiates the mind, instills ideas
+of unlawful cruelties, and eventually subverts the springs of
+government."--_Buchanan's Oration_, p. 12.
+
+
+President EDWARDS the younger, in a sermon before the Connecticut
+Abolition Society, in 1791, page 8, says:--
+
+"Slavery has a most direct tendency to haughtiness, and a _domineering
+spirit_ and conduct in the proprietors of the slaves, in their
+children, and in all who have the control of them. A man who has been
+bred up in domineering over negroes, can scarcely avoid contracting
+such a habit of haughtiness and domination as will express itself in
+his general treatment of mankind, whether in his private capacity, or
+in any office, civil or military, with which he may be invested."
+
+
+The celebrated MONTESQUIEU, in his "Spirit of the Laws," thus
+describes the effect of slaveholding upon the master:--
+
+"The master contracts all sorts of bad habits; and becomes _haughty,
+passionate, obdurate, vindictive, voluptuous, and cruel_."
+
+
+WILBERFORCE, in his speech at the anniversary of the London
+Anti-Slavery Society, in March, 1828, said:--
+
+"It is _utterly impossible_ that they who live in the administration
+of the petty despotism of a slave community, whose minds have been
+_warped_ and _polluted_ by that contamination, should not _lose that
+respect_ for their fellow creatures over whom they tyrannize, which is
+essential in the nature and moral being of man, to rescue them from
+the abuse of power over their prostrate fellow creatures."
+
+In the great debate, in the British Parliament, on the African
+slave-trade, Mr. WHITBREAD said:
+
+"Arbitrary power would spoil the hearts of the best."
+
+But we need not multiply proofs to establish our position: it is
+sustained by the concurrent testimony of sages, philosophers, poets,
+statesmen, and moralists, in every period of the world; and who can
+marvel that those in all ages who have wisely pondered men and things,
+should be unanimous in such testimony, when the history of arbitrary
+power has come down to us from the beginning of time, struggling
+through heaps of slain, and trailing her parchments in blood.
+
+Time would fail to begin with the first despot and track down the
+carnage step by step. All nations, all ages, all climes crowd forward
+as witnesses, with their scars, and wounds, and dying agonies.
+
+But to survey a multitude bewilders; let us look at a single nation.
+We instance Rome; both because its history is more generally known,
+and because it furnishes a larger proportion of instances, in which
+arbitrary power was exercised with comparative mildness, than any
+other nation ancient or modern. And yet, her whole existence was a
+tragedy, every actor was an executioner, the curtain rose amidst
+shrieks and fell upon corpses, and the only shifting of the scenes was
+from blood to blood. The whole world stood aghast, as under sentence
+of death, awaiting execution, and all nations and tongues were driven,
+with her own citizens, as sheep to the slaughter. Of her seven kings,
+her hundreds of consuls, tribunes, decemvirs, and dictators, and her
+fifty emperors, there is hardly one whose name has come down to us
+unstained by horrible abuses of power; and that too, notwithstanding
+we have mere shreds of the history of many of them, owing to their
+antiquity, or to the perturbed times in which they lived; and these
+shreds gathered from the records of their own partial countrymen, who
+wrote and sung their praises. What does this prove? Not that the
+Romans were worse than other men, nor that their rulers were worse
+than other Romans, for history does not furnish nobler models of
+natural character than many of those same rulers, when first invested
+with arbitrary power. Neither was it mainly because the martial
+enterprise of the earlier Romans and the gross sensuality of the
+later, hardened their hearts to human suffering. In both periods of
+Roman history, and in both these classes, we find men, the keen
+sympathies, generosity, and benevolence of whose general character
+embalmed their names in the grateful memories of multitudes. _They
+were human beings, and possessed power without restraint_--this
+unravels the mystery.
+
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Trajan, of his moderation, his
+clemency, his gashing sympathies, his forgiveness of injuries and
+forgetfulness of self, his tearing in pieces his own robe, to furnish
+bandages for the wounded--called by the whole world in his day, "the
+best emperor of Rome;" and so affectionately regarded by his subjects,
+that, ever afterwards, in blessing his successors upon their accession
+to power, they always said, "May you have the virtue and goodness of
+Trajan!" yet the deadly conflicts of gladiators who were trained to
+kill each other, to make sport for the spectators, furnished his chief
+pastime. At one time he kept up those spectacles for 123 days in
+succession. In the tortures which he inflicted on Christians, fire
+and poison, daggers and dungeons, wild beasts and serpents, and the
+rack, did their worst. He threw into the sea, Clemens, the venerable
+bishop of Rome, with an anchor about his neck; and tossed to the
+famished lions in the amphitheatre the aged Ignatius.
+
+Pliny the younger, who was proconsul under Trajan, may well be
+mentioned in connection with the emperor, as a striking illustration
+of the truth, that goodness and amiableness towards one class of men
+is often turned into cruelty towards another. History can hardly show
+a more gentle and lovely character than Pliny. While pleading at the
+bar, he always sought out the grievances of the poorest and most
+despised persons, entered into their wrongs with his whole soul, and
+never took a fee. Who can read his admirable letters without being
+touched by their tenderness and warmed by their benignity and
+philanthropy: and yet, this tender-hearted Pliny coolly plied with
+excruciating torture two spotless females, who had served as
+deaconesses in the Christian church, hoping to extort from them matter
+of accusation against the Christians. He commanded Christians to
+abjure their faith, invoke the gods, pour out libations to the statues
+of the emperor, burn incense to idols, and curse Christ. If they
+refused, he ordered them to execution.
+
+Who has not heard of the Emperor Titus--so beloved for his mild
+virtues and compassionate regard for the suffering, that he was named
+"The Delight of Mankind;" so tender of the lives of his subjects that
+he took the office of high priest, that his hands might never be
+defiled with blood; and was heard to declare, with tears, that he had
+rather die than put another to death. So intent upon making others
+happy, that when once about to retire to sleep, and not being able to
+recall any particular act of beneficence performed during the day, he
+cried out in anguish, "Alas! I have lost a day!"  And, finally, whom
+the learned Kennet, in his Roman Antiquities, characterizes as "the
+only prince in the world that has the character of _never doing an ill
+action_."  Yet, witnessing the mortal combats of the captives taken to
+war, killing each other in the amphitheatre, amidst the acclamations
+of the populace, was a favorite amusement with Titus. At one time he
+exhibited shows of gladiators, which lasted one hundred days, during
+which the amphitheatre was flooded with human blood. At another of
+his public exhibitions he caused five thousand wild beasts to be
+baited in the amphitheatre. During the siege of Jerusalem, he set
+ambushes to seize the famishing Jews, who stole out of the city by
+night to glean food in the valleys: these he would first dreadfully
+scourge, then torment them with all conceivable tortures, and, at
+last, crucify them before the wall of the city. According to
+Josephus, not less than five hundred a day were thus tormented. And
+when many of the Jews, frantic with famine, deserted to the Romans,
+Titus cut off their hands and drove them back. After the destruction
+of Jerusalem, he dragged to Rome one hundred thousand captives, sold
+them as slaves, and scattered them through every province of the
+empire.
+
+The kindness, condescension, and forbearance of Adrian were
+proverbial; he was one of the most eloquent orators of his age; and
+when pleading the cause of injured innocence, would melt and overwhelm
+the auditors by the pathos of his appeals. It was his constant maxim,
+that he was an Emperor, not for his own good, but for the benefit of
+his fellow creatures. He stooped to relieve the wants of the meanest
+of his subjects, and would peril his life by visiting them when sick
+of infectious diseases; he prohibited, by law, masters from killing
+their slaves, gave to slaves legal trial, and exempted them from
+torture; yet towards certain individuals and classes, he showed
+himself a monster of cruelty. He prided himself on his knowledge of
+architecture, and ordered to execution the most celebrated architect
+of Rome, because he had criticised one of the Emperor's designs. He
+banished all the Jews from their native land, and drove them to the
+ends of the earth; and unloosed the bloodhounds of persecution to rend
+in pieces his Christian subjects.
+
+The gentleness and benignity of the Emperor Aurelius, have been
+celebrated in story and song. History says of him, 'Nothing could
+quench his desire of being a blessing to mankind;' and Pope's eulogy
+of him is in the mouth of every schoolboy--'Like good Aurelius, let
+him reign;' and yet, '_good_ Aurelius,' lifted the flood gates of the
+fourth, and one of the most terrible persecutions against Christians
+that ever raged. He sent orders into different parts of his empire,
+to have the Christians murdered who would not deny Christ. The
+blameless Polycarp, trembling under the weight of a hundred years, was
+dragged to the stake and burned to ashes. Pothinus, Bishop of Lyons,
+at the age of ninety, was dragged through the streets, beaten, stoned,
+trampled upon by the soldiers, and left to perish. Tender virgins
+were put into nets, and thrown to infuriated wild bulls; others were
+fastened in red hot iron chairs; and venerable matrons were thrown to
+be devoured by dogs.
+
+Constantine the Great has been the admiration of Christendom for his
+virtues. The early Christian writers adorn his justice, benevolence
+and piety with the most exalted eulogy. He was baptized, and admitted
+to the Christian church. He abrogated Paganism, and made Christianity
+the religion of his empire; he attended the councils of the early
+fathers of the church, consulted with the bishops, and devoted himself
+with the most untiring zeal to the propagation of Christianity, and to
+the promotion of peace and love among its professors; he convened the
+Council of Nice, to settle disputes which had long distracted the
+church, appeared in the assembly with admirable modesty and temper,
+moderated the heats of the contending parties, implored them to
+exercise mutual forbearance, and exhorted them to love unfeigned, to
+forgive one another, as they hoped to be forgiven by Christ. Who would
+not think it uncharitable to accuse such a man of barbarity in the
+exercise of power?--and yet he drove Arius and his associates into
+banishment, for opinion's sake, denounced death against all with whom
+his books should afterwards be found, and prohibited, on pain of
+death, the exercise, however peaceably, of the functions of any other
+religion than Christianity. In a fit of jealousy and rage, he ordered
+his innocent son, Crispus, to execution, without granting him a
+hearing; and upon finding him innocent, killed his own wife, who had
+falsely accused him.
+
+To the preceding maybe added Theodosius the Great, the last Roman
+emperor before the division of the empire. He was a member of the
+Christian church, and in his zeal against paganism, and what he deemed
+heresy, surpassed all who were before him. The Christian writers of
+his time speak of him as a most illustrious model of justice,
+generosity, magnanimity, benevolence, and every virtue. And yet
+Theodosius denounced capital punishments against those who held
+'heretical' opinions, and commanded inter-marriage between cousins to
+be punished by burning the parties alive. On hearing that the people
+of Antioch had demolished the statues set up in that city, in honor of
+himself, and had threatened the governor, he flew into a transport of
+fury, ordered the city to be laid in ashes, and all the inhabitants to
+be slaughtered; and upon hearing of a resistance to his authority in
+Thessalonica, in which one of his lieutenants was killed, he instantly
+ordered a _general massacre_ of the inhabitants; and in obedience to
+his command, seven thousand men, women and children were butchered in
+the space of three hours.
+
+The foregoing are a few of many instances in the history of Rome, and
+of a countless multitude in the history of the world, illustrating the
+truth, that the lodgement of arbitrary power, in the best human hands,
+is always a fearfully perilous experiment; that the mildest tempers,
+the most humane and benevolent dispositions, the most blameless and
+conscientious previous life, with the most rigorous habits of justice,
+are no security, that, in a moment of temptation, the possessors of
+such power will not make their subjects their victims; illustrating
+also the truth, that, while men may exhibit nothing but honor,
+honesty, mildness, justice, and generosity, in their intercourse with
+those of their own grade, or language, or nation, or hue, they may
+practice towards others, for whom they have contempt and aversion, the
+most revolting meanness, perpetrate robbery unceasingly, and inflict
+the severest privations, and the most barbarous cruelties. But this is
+not all: history is full of examples, showing not only the effects of
+arbitrary power on its victims, but its terrible reaction on those who
+exercise it; blunting their sympathies, and hardening to adamant their
+hearts toward _them_, at least, if not toward the human race
+generally. This is shown in the fact, that almost every tyrant in the
+history of the world, has entered upon the exercise of absolute power
+with comparative moderation; multitudes of them with marked
+forbearance and mildness, and not a few with the most signal
+condescension, magnanimity, gentleness and compassion. Among these
+last are included those who afterwards became the bloodiest monsters
+that ever cursed the earth. Of the Roman Emperors, almost every one of
+whom perpetrated the most barbarous atrocities, Vitellius seems to
+have been the only one who cruelly exercised his power from the
+_outset_. Most of the other emperors, sprung up into fiends in the
+hot-bed of arbitrary power. If they had not been plied with its fiery
+stimulants, but had lived under the legal restraints of other men,
+instead of going to the grave under the curses of their generation,
+multitudes might have called them blessed.
+
+The moderation which has generally distinguished absolute monarchs at
+the commencement of their reigns, was doubtless in some cases assumed
+from policy; in the greater number, however, as is manifest from their
+history, it has been the natural workings of minds held in check by
+previous associations, and not yet hardened into habits of cruelty, by
+being accustomed to the exercise of power without restraint. But as
+those associations have weakened, and the wielding of uncontrolled
+sway has become a habit, like other evil doers, they have, in the
+expressive language of Scripture, 'waxed worse and worse.'
+
+For eighteen hundred years an involuntary shudder has run over the
+human race, at the mention of the name of Nero; yet, at the
+commencement of his reign, he burst into tears when called upon to
+sign the death-warrant of a criminal, and exclaimed, 'Oh, that I had
+never learned to write!' His mildness and magnanimity won the
+affections of his subjects; and it was not till the poison of absolute
+power had worked within his nature for years, that it swelled him into
+a monster.
+
+Tiberius, Claudius, and Caligula, began the exercise of their power
+with singular forbearance, and each grew into a prodigy of cruelty. So
+averse was Caligula to bloodshed, that he refused to look at a list of
+conspirators against his own life, which was handed to him; yet
+afterwards, a more cruel wretch never wielded a sceptre. In his thirst
+for slaughter, he wished all the necks in Rome _one_, that he might
+cut them off at a blow.
+
+Domitian, at the commencement of his reign, carried his abhorrence of
+cruelty to such lengths, that he forbad the sacrificing of oxen, and
+would sit whole days on the judgment-seat, reversing the unjust
+decisions of corrupt judges; yet afterwards, he surpassed even Nero in
+cruelty. The latter was content to torture and kill by proxy, and
+without being a spectator; but Domitian could not be denied the luxury
+of seeing his victims writhe, and hearing them shriek; and often with
+his own hand directed the instrument of torture, especially when some
+illustrious senator or patrician was to be killed by piece-meal.
+Commodus began with gentleness and condescension, but soon became a
+terror and a scourge, outstripping in his atrocities most of his
+predecessors. Maximin too, was just and generous when first invested
+with power, but afterwards rioted in slaughter with the relish of a
+fiend. History has well said of this monarch, 'the change in his
+disposition may readily serve to show how dangerous a thing is power,
+that could transform a person of such rigid virtues into such a
+monster.'
+
+Instances almost innumerable might be furnished in the history of
+every age, illustrating the blunting of sympathies, and the total
+transformation of character wrought in individuals by the exercise of
+arbitrary power. Not to detain the reader with long details, let a
+single instance suffice.
+
+Perhaps no man has lived in modern times, whose name excites such
+horror as that of Robespierre. Yet it is notorious that he was
+naturally of a benevolent disposition, and tender sympathies.
+
+"Before the revolution, when as a judge in his native city of Arras he
+had to pronounce judgment on an assassin, he took no food for two days
+afterwards, but was heard frequently exclaiming, 'I am sure he was
+guilty; he is a villain; but yet, to put a human being to death!!' He
+could not support the idea; and that the same necessity might not
+recur, he relinquished his judicial office.--(See Laponneray's Life of
+Robespierre, p. 8.) Afterwards, in the Convention of 1791, he urged
+strongly the abolition of the punishment of death; and yet, for
+sixteen months, in 1793 and 1794, till he perished himself by the same
+guillotine which he had so mercilessly used on others, no one at Paris
+consigned and caused so many fellow-creatures to be put to death by
+it, with more ruthless insensibility."--_Turner's Sacred history of
+the World_, vol. 2 p. 119.
+
+But it is time we had done with the objection, "such cruelties are
+INCREDIBLE." If the objector still reiterates it, he shall have the
+last word without farther molestation.
+
+An objection kindred to the preceding now claims notice. It is the
+profound induction that slaves _must_ be well treated because
+_slaveholders say they are!_
+
+
+
+OBJECTION. II.--'SLAVEHOLDERS PROTEST THAT THEY TREAT THEIR SLAVES
+WELL.'
+
+Self-justification is human nature; self-condemnation is a sublime
+triumph over it, and as rare as sublime. What culprits would be
+convicted, if their own testimony were taken by juries as good
+evidence? Slaveholders are on trial, charged with cruel treatment to
+their slaves, and though in their own courts they can clear themselves
+_by their own oaths_,[21] they need not think to do it at the bar of
+the world. The denial of crimes, by men accused of them, goes for
+nothing as evidence in all _civilized_ courts; while the voluntary
+confession of them, is the best evidence possible, as it is testimony
+_against themselves_, and in the face of the strongest motives to
+conceal the truth. On the preceding pages, are hundreds of just such
+testimonies; the voluntary and explicit testimony of slaveholders
+against themselves, their families and ancestors, their constituents
+and their rulers; against their characters and their memories; against
+their justice, their honesty, their honor and their benevolence. Now
+let candor decide between those two classes of slaveholders, which is
+most entitled to credit; that which testifies in its own favor, just
+as self-love would dictate, or that which testifies against all
+selfish motives and in spite of them; and though it has nothing to
+gain, but every thing to lose by such testimony, still utters it.
+
+But if there were no counter testimony, if all slaveholders were
+unanimous in the declaration that the treatment of the slaves is
+_good_, such a declaration would not be entitled to a feather's weight
+as testimony; it is not _testimony_ but _opinion_. Testimony respects
+matters of _fact_, not matters of opinion: it is the declaration of a
+witness as to _facts_, not the giving of an opinion as to the nature
+or qualities of actions, or the _character_ of a course of conduct.
+Slaveholders organize themselves into a tribunal to adjudicate upon
+their own conduct, and give us in their decisions, their estimate of
+their own character; informing us with characteristic modesty, that
+they have a high opinion of themselves; that in their own judgment
+they are very mild, kind, and merciful gentlemen! In these conceptions
+of their own merits, and of the eminent propriety of their bearing
+towards their slaves, slaveholders remind us of the Spaniard, who
+always took off his hat whenever he spoke of himself, and of the
+Governor of Schiraz, who, from a sense of justice to his own character
+added to his other titles, those of, 'Flower of Courtesy,' 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' and 'Rose of Delight.'
+
+[Footnote 21: The law of which the following is an extract, exists in
+South Carolina. "If any slave shall suffer in life, limb or member,
+when no white person shall be present, or being present, shall refuse
+to give evidence, the owner or other person, who shall have the care
+of such slave, and in whose power such slave shall be, shall be deemed
+guilty of such offence, _unless_ such owner or other person shall make
+the contrary appear by good and sufficient evidence, or shall BY HIS
+OWN OATH CLEAR AND EXCULPATE HIMSELF. Which oath every court where
+such offence shall be tried, is hereby compared to administer, and to
+_acquit the offender_, if clear proof of the offence be not made by
+_two_ witnesses at least."--2 Brevard's Digest, 242. The state of
+Louisiana has a similar law.]
+
+
+The _sincerity_ of those worthies, no one calls in question; their
+real notions of their own merits doubtless ascended into the sublime:
+but for aught that appears, they had not the arrogance to demand that
+their own notions of their personal excellence, should be taken as the
+_proof_ of it. Not so with our slaveholders. Not content with offering
+incense at the shrine of their own virtues, they have the effrontery
+to demand, that the rest of the world shall offer it, because _they_
+do; and shall implicitly believe the presiding divinity to be a good
+Spirit rather than a Devil, because _they_ call him so! In other
+words, since slaveholders profoundly appreciate their own gentle
+dispositions toward their slaves, and their kind treatment of them,
+and everywhere protest that they do truly show forth these rare
+excellencies, they demand that the rest of the world shall not only
+believe that they _think_ so, but that they think _rightly_; that
+these notions of themselves are _true_, that their taking off their
+hats to themselves proves them worthy of homage, and that their
+assumption of the titles of, 'Flower of Kindness,' and 'Nutmeg of
+Consolation,' is conclusive evidence that they deserve such
+appellations!
+
+Was there ever a more ridiculous doctrine, than that a man's opinion
+of his own actions is the true standard for measuring them, and the
+certificate of their real qualities!--that his own estimate of his
+treatment of others; is to be taken as the true one, and such
+treatment be set down as _good_ treatment upon the strength of his
+judgment. He who argues the good treatment of the slave, from the
+slaveholder's _good opinion_ of such treatment, not only argues
+against human nature and all history, his own common sense, and even
+the testimony of his senses, but refutes his own arguments by his
+daily practice. Every body acts on the presumption that men's feelings
+will vary with their _practices_; that the light in which they view
+individuals and classes, and their feelings towards them, will modify
+their opinions of the treatment which they receive. In any case of
+treatment that affects himself, his church, or his political party, no
+man so stultifies himself as to argue that such treatment must be
+good, because the _author_ of it thinks so.
+
+Who would argue that the American Colonies were well treated by the
+mother country, because parliament thought so? Or that Poland was well
+treated by Russia, because Nicholas thought so? Or that the treatment
+of the Cherokees by Georgia is proved good by Georgia notions of it?
+Or that of the Greeks by the Turks, by Turkish opinions of it? Or that
+of the Jews by almost all nations, by the judgment of their
+persecutors? Or that of the victims of the Inquisition, by the
+opinions of the Inquisitor general, or of the Pope and his cardinals?
+Or that of the Quakers and Baptists, at the hands of the Puritans,--to
+be judged of by the opinions of the legislatures that authorized, and
+the courts that carried it into effect. All those classes of persons
+did not, in their own opinion, abuse their victims. If charged with
+perpetrating outrageous cruelty upon them, all those oppressors would
+have repelled the charge with indignation.
+
+Our slaveholders chime lustily the same song, and no man with human
+nature within him, and human history before him, and with sense enough
+to keep him out of the fire, will be gulled by such professions,
+unless his itch to be humbugged has put on the type of a downright
+chronic incurable. We repeat it--when men speak of the treatment of
+others as being either good or bad, their declarations are not
+generally to be taken as testimony to matters of _fact_, so much as
+expressions of _their own feelings_ towards those persons or classes
+who are the subjects of such treatment. If those persons are their
+fellow citizens; if they are in the same class of society with
+themselves; of the same language, creed, and color; similar in their
+habits, pursuits, and sympathies; they will keenly feel any wrong done
+to them, and denounce it as base, outrageous treatment; but let the
+same wrongs be done to persons of a condition in all respects the
+reverse, persons whom they habitually despise, and regard only in the
+light of mere conveniences, to be used for their pleasure, and the
+idea that such treatment is barbarous will be laughed at as
+ridiculous. When we hear slaveholders say that their slaves are _well
+treated_, we have only to remember that they are not speaking of
+_persons_, but of _property_; not of men and women, but of _chattels_
+and _things_; not of friends but of _vassals_ and _victims_; not of
+those whom they respect and honor, but of those whom they _scorn_ and
+trample on; not of those with whom they sympathize, and co-operate,
+and interchange courtesies, but of those whom they regard with
+contempt and aversion and disdainfully set with the dogs of their
+flock. Reader, keep this fact in your mind, and you will have a clue
+to the slaveholder's definition of "_good treatment_." Remember also,
+that a part of this "good treatment" of which the slaveholders boast,
+is plundering the slaves of all their inalienable rights, of the
+ownership of their own bodies, of the use of their own limbs and
+muscles, of all their time, liberty, and earnings, of the free
+exercise of choice, of the rights of marriage and parental authority,
+of legal protection, of the right to be, to do, to go, to stay, to
+think, to feel, to work, to rest, to eat, to sleep, to learn, to
+teach, to earn money, and to expend it, to visit, and to be visited,
+to speak, to be silent, to worship according to conscience, in fine,
+their right to be protected by just and equal laws, and to be
+_amenable to such only_. Of _all these rights the slaves are
+plundered_; and this is a _part_ of that "good treatment" of which
+their plunderers boast! What then is the _rest_ of it? The above is
+enough for a sample, at least a specimen-brick from the kiln. Reader,
+we ask you no questions, but merely tell you what _you know_, when we
+say that men and women who can habitually do such things to human
+beings, _can do_ ANY THING _to them_.
+
+The declarations of slaveholders, that they treat their slaves well,
+will put no man in a quandary, who keeps in mind this simple
+principle, that the state of mind towards others, which leads one to
+inflict cruelties on them _blinds the inflicter to the real nature of
+his own acts_. To him, they do not _seem_ to be cruelties;
+consequently, when speaking of such treatment toward such persons, he
+will protest that it is not cruelty; though if inflicted upon himself
+or his friends, he would indignantly stigmatize it as atrocious
+barbarity. The objector equally overlooks another every-day fact of
+human nature, which is this, that cruelties invariably cease to _seem_
+cruelties when the _habit_ is formed though previously the mind
+regarded them as such, and shrunk from them with horror.
+
+The following fact, related by the late lamented THOMAS PRINGLE, whose
+Life and Poems have published in England, is an appropriate
+illustration. Mr. Pringle states it on the authority of Captain W. F.
+Owen, of the Royal Navy.
+
+"When his Majesty's ships, the Leven and the Barracouta, employed in
+surveying the coast of Africa, were at Mozambique, in 1823, the
+officers were introduced to the family of Senor Manuel Pedro
+d'Almeydra, a native of Portugal, who was a considerable merchant
+settled on that coast; and it was an opinion agreed in by all, that
+Donna Sophia d'Almeydra was the most superior woman they had seen
+since they left England, Captain Owen, the leader of the expedition,
+expressing to Senor d'Almeydra his detestation of slavery, the Senor
+replied, 'You will not be long here before you change your sentiments.
+Look at my Sophia there. Before she would marry me, she made me
+promise that I should give up the slave trade. When we first settled
+at Mozambique, she was continually interceding for the slaves, and she
+_constantly wept when I punished them_; and now she is among the
+slaves front morning to night; she regulates the whole of my slave
+establishment; she inquires into every offence committed by them,
+pronounces sentence upon the offender, and _stands by and sees them
+punished_.'
+
+"To this, Mr. Pringle, who was himself for six years a resident of the
+English settlement at the Cape of Good Hope, adds, 'The writer of this
+article has seen, in the course of five or six years, as great a
+change upon English ladies and gentleman of respectability, as that
+described to have taken place in Donna Sophia d'Almeydra; and one of
+the individuals whom he has in his eye, while he writes this passage,
+lately confessed to him this melancholy change, remarking at the same
+time, 'how altered I am in my feelings with regard to slavery. I do
+not appear to myself the same person I was on my arrival in this
+colony, and if I would give the world for the feelings I then had, I
+could not recall them.'"
+
+
+Slaveholders know full well that familiarity with slavery produces
+indifference to its cruelties and reconciles the mind to them. The
+late Judge Tucker, a Virginia slaveholder and professor of law in the
+University of William and Mary, in the appendix to his edition of
+Blackstone's Commentaries, part 2, pp. 56, 57, commenting on the law
+of Virginia previous to 1792, which outlawed fugitive slaves, says:
+
+"Such are the cruelties to which slavery gives rise, such the horrors
+to which the mind becomes _reconciled_ by its adoption."
+
+
+The following facts from the pen of CHARLES STUART, happily illustrate
+the same principle:
+
+"A young lady, the daughter of a Jamaica planter, was sent at an early
+age to school to England, and after completing her education, returned
+to her native country.
+
+"She is now settled with her husband and family in England. I visited
+her near Bath, early last spring, (1834.) Conversing on the above
+subject, the paralyzing effects of slaveholding on the heart, she
+said:
+
+"'While at school in England, I often thought with peculiar tenderness
+of the kindness of a slave who had nursed and carried me about. Upon
+returning to my father's, one of my first inquiries was about him. I
+was deeply afflicted to find that he was on the point of undergoing a
+"law flogging for having run away." I threw myself at my father's feet
+and implored with tears, his pardon; but my father steadily replied,
+that it would ruin the discipline of the plantation, and that the
+punishment must take place. I wept in vain, and retired so grieved and
+disgusted, that for some days after, I could scarcely bear with
+patience, the sight of my own father. But many months had not elapsed
+ere _I was as ready as any body_ to seize the domestic whip, _and flog
+my slaves without hesitation_.'
+
+"This lady is one of the most Christian and noble minds of my
+acquaintance. She and her husband distinguished themselves several
+years ago, in Jamaica, by immediately emancipating their slaves."
+
+"A lady, now in the West Indies, was sent in her infancy, to her
+friends, near Belfast, in Ireland, for education. She remained under
+their charge from five to fifteen years of age, and grew up every
+thing which her friends could wish. At fifteen, she returned to the
+West Indies--was married--and after some years paid her friends near
+Belfast, a second visit. Towards white people, she was the same
+elegant, and interesting woman as before; apparently full of every
+virtuous and tender feeling; but towards the colored people she was
+like a tigress. If Wilberforce's name was mentioned, she would say,
+'Oh, I wish we had the wretch in the West Indies, I would be one of
+the first to help to tear his heart out!'--and then she would tell of
+the manner in which the West Indian ladies used to treat their slaves.
+'I have often,' she said, 'when my women have displeased me, snatched
+their baby from their bosom, and running with it to a well, have tied
+my shawl round its shoulders and pretended to be drowning it: oh, it
+was so funny to hear the mother's screams!'--and then she laughed
+almost convulsively at the recollection."
+
+
+Mr. JOHN M. NELSON, a native of Virginia, whose testimony is on a
+preceding page, furnishes a striking illustration of the principle in
+his own case. He says:
+
+"When I was quite a child, I recollect it grieved me very much to see
+one tied up to be whipped, and I used to intercede _with tears in
+their behalf_, and _mingle my cries with theirs_, and feel almost
+willing to take part of the punishment. Yet such is the hardening
+nature of such scenes, that from this kind of commiseration for the
+suffering slave, I became so blunted that I could not only witness
+their stripes with composure, but _myself_ inflict them, and that
+without remorse. When I was perhaps fourteen or fifteen years of age,
+I undertook to correct a young fellow named Ned, for some supposed
+offence, I think it was leaving a bridle out of its proper place; he
+being larger and stronger than myself took hold of my arms and held
+me, in order to prevent my striking him; this I considered the height
+of insolence, and cried for help, when my father and mother both came
+running to my rescue. My father stripped and tied him, and took him
+into the orchard, where switches were plenty, and directed me to whip
+him; when one switch wore out he supplied me with others. After I had
+whipped him a while, he fell on his knees to implore forgiveness, and
+I kicked him in the face; my father said, 'don't kick him but whip
+him,' this I did until his back was literally covered with _welts_."
+
+
+W.C. GILDERSLEEVE, Esq., a native of Georgia, now elder of the
+Presbyterian church, Wilkes-barre, Penn. after describing the flogging
+of a slave, in which his hands were tied together, and the slave
+hoisted by a rope, so that his feet could not touch the ground; in
+which condition one hundred lashes were inflicted, says:
+
+"I stood by and witnessed the whole without feeling the least
+compassion; so _hardening_ is the influence of slavery that it _very
+much destroys feeling for the slave_."
+
+
+Mrs. CHILD, in her admirable "Appeal," has the following remarks:
+
+"The ladies who remove from the free States into the slaveholding ones
+almost invariably write that the sight of slavery was at first
+exceedingly painful; but that they soon become habituated to it; and
+after a while, they are very apt to vindicate the system, upon the
+ground that it is extremely convenient to have such submissive
+servants. This reason was actually given by a lady of my acquaintance,
+who is considered an unusually fervent Christian. Yet Christianity
+expressly teaches us to love our neighbor as ourselves. This shows how
+dangerous it is, for even the best of us, to become _accustomed_ to
+what is wrong.
+
+"A judicious and benevolent friend lately told me the story of one of
+her relatives, who married a slave owner, and removed to his
+plantation. The lady in question was considered very amiable, and had
+a serene, affectionate expression of countenance. After several years
+residence among her slaves, she visited New England. 'Her history was
+written in her face,' said my friend; 'its expression had changed into
+that of a fiend. She brought but few slaves with her; and those few
+were of course compelled to perform additional labor. One faithful
+negro woman nursed the twins of her mistress, and did all the washing,
+ironing, and scouring. If, after a sleepless night with the restless
+babes, (driven from the bosom of their mother,) she performed her
+toilsome avocations with diminished activity, her mistress, with her
+own lady-like hands, applied the cowskin, and the neighborhood
+resounded with the cries of her victim. The instrument of punishment
+was actually kept hanging in the entry, to the no small disgust of her
+New England visitors. 'For my part,' continued my friend, 'I did not
+try to be polite to her; for I was not hypocrite enough to conceal my
+indignation.'"
+
+The fact that the greatest cruelties may be exercised quite
+unconsciously when cruelty has become a habit, and that at the same
+time, the mind may feel great sympathy and commiseration towards other
+persons and even towards irrational animals, is illustrated in the
+case of Tameriane the Great. In his Life, written by himself, he
+speaks with the greatest sincerity and tenderness of his grief at
+having accidentally crushed an ant; and yet he ordered melted lead to
+be poured down the throats of certain persons who drank wine contrary
+to his commands. He was manifestly sincere in thinking himself humane,
+and when speaking of the most atrocious cruelties perpetrated by
+himself, it does not seem to ruffle in the least the self-complacency
+with which he regards his own humanity and piety. In one place he
+says, "I never undertook anything but I commenced it placing my faith
+on God"--and he adds soon after, "the people of Shiraz took part with
+Shah Mansur, and put my governor to death; I therefore ordered _a
+general massacre of all the inhabitants_."
+
+It is one of the most common caprices of human nature, for the heart
+to become by habit, not only totally insensible to certain forms of
+cruelty, which at first gave it inexpressible pain, but even to find
+its chief amusement in such cruelties, till utterly intoxicated by
+their stimulation; while at the same time the mind seems to be pained
+as keenly as ever, at forms of cruelty to which it has not become
+accustomed, thus retaining _apparently_ the same general
+susceptibilities. Illustrations of this are to be found every where;
+one happens to lie before us. Bourgoing, in his history of modern
+Spain, speaking of the bull fights, the barbarous national amusement
+of the Spaniards, says:
+
+"Young ladies, old men, people of all ages and of all characters are
+present, and yet the habit of attending these bloody festivals does
+not correct their weakness or their timidity, nor injure the sweetness
+of their manners. I have moreover known foreigners, distinguished by
+the gentleness of their manners, who experienced at first seeing a
+bull-fight such very violent emotions as made them turn pale, and they
+became ill; but, notwithstanding, this entertainment became afterwards
+an irresistible attraction, without operating any revolution in their
+characters." Modern State of Spain, by J. F. Bourgoing, Minister
+Plenipotentiary from France to the Court of Madrid, Vol ii., page 342.
+
+It is the _novelty_ of cruelty, rather than the _degree_, which repels
+most minds. Cruelty in a _new_ form, however slight, will often pain a
+mind that is totally unmoved by the most horrible cruelties in a form
+to which it is _accustomed_. When Pompey was at the zenith of his
+popularity in Rome, he ordered some elephants to be tortured in the
+amphitheatre for the amusement of the populace; this was the first
+time they had witnessed the torture of those animals, and though for
+years accustomed to witness in the same place, the torture of lions,
+tigers, leopards, and almost all sorts of wild beasts, as well as that
+of men of all nations, and to shout acclamations over their agonies,
+yet, this _novel form_ of cruelty so shocked the beholders, that the
+most popular man in Rome was execrated as a cruel monster, and came
+near falling a victim to the fury of those who just before were ready
+to adore him.
+
+We will now briefly notice another objection, somewhat akin to the
+preceding, and based mainly upon the same and similar fallacies.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION III.--'SLAVEHOLDERS ARE PROVERBIAL FOR THEIR KINDNESS,
+HOSPITALITY, BENEVOLENCE, AND GENEROSITY.'
+
+Multitudes scout as fictions the cruelties inflicted upon slaves,
+because slaveholders are famed for their courtesy and hospitality.
+They tell us that their generous and kind attentions to their guests,
+and their well-known sympathy for the suffering, sufficiently prove
+the charges of cruelty brought against them to be calumnies, of which
+their uniform character is a triumphant refutation.
+
+Now that slaveholders are proverbially hospitable to their guests, and
+spare neither pains nor expense in ministering to their accommodation
+and pleasure, is freely admitted and easily accounted for. That those
+who make their inferiors work for them, without pay, should be
+courteous and hospitable to those of their equals and superiors whose
+good opinions they desire, is human nature in its every-day dress. The
+objection consists of a fact and an inference: the fact, that
+slaveholders have a special care to the accommodation of their
+_guests;_ the inference, that therefore they must seek the comfort of
+their _slaves_--that as they are bland and obliging to their equals,
+they must be mild and condescending to their inferiors--that as the
+wrongs of their own grade excite their indignation, and their woes
+move their sympathies, they must be touched by those of their
+chattels--that as they are full of pains-taking toward those whose
+good opinions and good offices they seek, they will, of course, show
+special attention to those to whose good opinions they are
+indifferent, and whose good offices they can _compel_--that as they
+honor the literary and scientific, they must treat with high
+consideration those to whom they deny the alphabet--that as they are
+courteous to certain _persons_, they must be so to "property"--eager
+to anticipate the wishes of visitors, they cannot but gratify those of
+their vassals--jealous for the rights of the Texans, quick to feel at
+the disfranchisement of Canadians and of Irishmen, alive to the
+oppressions of the Greeks and the Poles, they must feel keenly for
+their _negroes!_ Such conclusions from such premises do not call for
+serious refutation. Even a half-grown boy, who should argue, that
+because men have certain feelings toward certain persons in certain
+circumstances, they must have the same feelings toward all persons in
+all circumstances, or toward persons in opposite circumstances, of
+totally different grades, habits, and personal peculiarities, might
+fairly be set down as a hopeless simpleton: and yet, men of sense and
+reflection on other subjects, seem bent upon stultifying themselves by
+just such shallow inferences from the fact, that slaveholders are
+hospitable and generous to certain persons in certain grades of
+society belonging to their own caste. On the ground of this reasoning,
+all the crimes ever committed may be disproved, by showing, that their
+perpetrators were hospitable and generous to those who sympathized and
+co-operated with them. To prove that a man does not hate one of his
+neighbors, it is only necessary to show that he loves another; to make
+it appear that he does not treat contemptuously the ignorant, he has
+only to show that he bows respectfully to the learned; to demonstrate
+that he does not disdain his inferiors, lord it over his dependents,
+and grind the faces of the poor, he need only show that he is polite
+to the rich, pays deference to titles and office, and fawns for favor
+upon those above him! The fact that a man always smiles on his
+customers, proves that he never scowls at those who dun him! and since
+he has always a melodious "good morning!" for "gentlemen of property
+and standing," it is certain that he never snarls at beggars. He who
+is quick to make room for a doctor of divinity, will, of course, see
+to it that he never runs against a porter; and he who clears the way
+for a lady, will be sure never to rub against a market woman, or
+jostle an apple-seller's board. If accused of beating down his
+laundress to the lowest fraction, of making his boot-black call a
+dozen times for his pay, of higgling and screwing a fish boy till he
+takes off two cents, or of threatening to discharge his seamstress
+unless she will work for a shilling a day, how easy to brand it all as
+slander, by showing that he pays his minister in advance, is generous
+in Christmas presents, gives a splendid new-year's party, expends
+hundreds on elections, and puts his name with a round sum on the
+subscription paper of the missionary society.
+
+Who can forget the hospitality of King Herod, that model of generosity
+"beyond all ancient fame," who offered half his kingdom to a guest, as
+a compensation for an hour's amusement.--Could such a noble spirit
+have murdered John the Baptist? Incredible! Joab too! how his soft
+heart was pierced at the exile of Absalom! and how his bowels yearned
+to restore him to his home! Of course, it is all fiction about his
+assassinating his nephew, Amasa, and Abner the captain of the host!
+Since David twice spared the life of Saul when he came to murder him,
+wept on the neck of Jonathan, threw himself upon the ground in anguish
+when his child sickened, and bewailed, with a broken heart, the loss
+of Absalom--it proves that he did not coolly plot and deliberately
+consummate the murder of Uriah! As the Government of the United States
+generously gave a township of land to General La Fayette, it proves
+that they have never defrauded the Indians of theirs! So the fact,
+that the slaveholders of the present Congress are, to a man, favorable
+to recognizing the independence of Texas, with her fifty or sixty
+thousand inhabitants, _before she has achieved it_, and before it is
+recognized by any other government, proves that these same
+slaveholders do _not oppose_ the recognition of Hayti, with her
+million of inhabitants, whose independence was achieved nearly half a
+century ago, and which is recognized by the most powerful governments
+on earth!
+
+But, seriously, no man is so slightly versed in human nature as not to
+know that men habitually exercise the most opposite feelings, and
+indulge in the most opposite practices toward different persons or
+different classes of persons around them. No man has ever lived who
+was more celebrated for his scrupulous observance of the most exact
+justice, and for the illustration furnished in his life of the noblest
+natural virtues, than the Roman Cato. His strict adherence to the
+nicest rules of equity--his integrity, honor, and incorruptible
+faith--his jealous watchfulness over the rights of his fellow
+citizens, and his generous devotion to their interest, procured for
+him the sublime appellation of "The Just." Towards _freemen_ his life
+was a model of every thing just and noble: but to his slaves he was a
+monster. At his meals, when the dishes were not done to his liking, or
+when his slaves were careless or inattentive in serving, he would
+seize a thong and violently beat them, in presence of his
+guests.--When they grew old or diseased, and were no longer
+serviceable, however long and faithfully they might have served him,
+he either turned them adrift and left them to perish, or starved them
+to death in his own family. No facts in his history are better
+authenticated than these.
+
+No people were ever more hospitable and munificent than the Romans,
+and none more touched with the sufferings of others. Their public
+theatres often rung with loud weeping, thousands sobbing convulsively
+at once over fictitious woes and imaginary sufferers: and yet these
+same multitudes would shout amidst the groans of a thousand dying
+gladiators, forced by their conquerors to kill each other in the
+amphitheatre for the _amusement_ of the public.[22]
+
+[Footnote 22: Dr. Leland, in his "Necessity of a Divine Revelation,"
+thus describes the prevalence of these shows among the Romans:--"They
+were exhibited at the funerals of great and rich men, and on many
+other occasions, by the Roman consuls, praetors, aediles, senators,
+knights, priests, and almost all that bore great offices in the state,
+as well as by the emperors; and in general, by all that had a mind to
+make an interest with the people, who were extravagantly fond of those
+kinds of shows. Not only the men, but the women, ran eagerly after
+them; who were, by the prevalence of custom, so far divested of that
+compassion and softness which is natural to the sex, that they took a
+pleasure in seeing them kill one another, and only desired that they
+should fall genteelly, and in an agreeable attitude. Such was the
+frequency of those shows, and so great the number of men that were
+killed on those occasions, that Lipsius says, no war caused such
+slaughter of mankind, as did these sports of pleasure, throughout the
+several provinces of the vast Roman empire."--_Leland's Neces. of Div.
+Rev._ vol. ii. p. 51.]
+
+
+Alexander, the tyrant of Phaeres, sobbed like a child over the
+misfortunes of the Trojan queens, when the tragedy of Andromache and
+Hecuba was played before him; yet he used to murder his subjects every
+day for no crime, and without even setting up the pretence of any, but
+merely _to make himself sport_.
+
+
+The fact that slaveholders may be full of benevolence and kindness
+toward their equals and toward whites generally, even so much so as to
+attract the esteem and admiration of all, while they treat with the
+most inhuman neglect their own slaves, is well illustrated by a
+circumstance mentioned by the Rev. Dr. CHANNING, of Boston, (who once
+lived in Virginia,) is his work on slavery, p. 162, 1st edition:--
+
+"I cannot," says the doctor, "forget my feelings on visiting a
+hospital belonging to the plantation of a gentleman _highly esteemed
+for his virtues_, and whose manners and conversation expressed much
+_benevolence_ and _conscientiousness_. When I entered with him the
+hospital, the first object on which my eye fell was a young woman very
+ill, probably approaching death. She was stretched on the floor. Her
+head rested on something like a pillow, but her body and limbs were
+extended on the hard boards. The owner, I doubt not, had, at least, as
+much kindness as myself; but he was so used to see the slaves living
+without common comforts, that the idea of unkindness in the present
+instance did not enter his mind."
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, an elder of a Presbyterian church in Rochester,
+N.Y. who resided some years in Virginia, says:--
+
+"On one occasion I was crossing the plantation and approaching the
+house of a friend, when I met him, _rifle in hand_, in pursuit of one
+of his negroes, declaring he would shoot him in a moment if he got his
+eye upon him. It appeared that the slave had refused to be flogged,
+and ran off to avoid the consequences; _and yet the generous
+hospitality of this man to myself, and white friends generally,
+scarcely knew any bounds._
+
+"There were amongst my slaveholding friends and acquaintances, persons
+who were as _humane_ and _conscientious_ as men can be, and persist in
+the impious claim of _property_ in a fellow being. Still I can
+recollect but _one instance_ of corporal punishment, whether the
+subject were male or female, in which the infliction was not on the
+_bare back_ with the _raw hide_, or a similar instrument, the subject
+being _tied_ during the operation to a post or tree. The _exception_
+was under the following circumstances. I had taken a walk with a
+friend on his plantation, and approaching his gang of slaves, I sat
+down whilst he proceeded to the spot where they were at work; and
+addressing himself somewhat earnestly to a female who was wielding the
+hoe, in a moment caught up what I supposed a _tobacco stick_, (a stick
+some three feet in length on which the tobacco, when out, is suspended
+to dry.) about the size of a _man's wrist_, and laid on a number of
+blows furiously over her head. The woman crouched, and seemed stunned
+with the blows, but presently recommenced the motion of her hoe."
+
+
+Dr. DAVID NELSON, a native of Tennessee, and late president of Marion
+College, Missouri, in a lecture at Northampton, Mass. in January,
+1839, made the following statement:--
+
+"I remember a young lady who played well on the piano, and was very
+ready to weep over any fictitious tale of suffering. I was present
+when one of her slaves lay on the floor in a high fever, and we feared
+she might not recover. I saw that young lady _stamp upon her with her
+feet;_ and the only remark her mother made was, 'I am afraid Evelina
+is too _much_ prejudiced against poor Mary.'"
+
+
+General WILLIAM EATON, for some years U.S. Consul at Tunis, and
+commander of the expedition against Tripoli, in 1895, thus gives vent
+to his feelings at the sight of many hundreds of Sardinians who had
+been enslaved by the Tunisians:
+
+"Many have died of grief, and the others linger out a life less
+tolerable than death. Alas! remorse seizes my whole soul when I
+reflect, that this is indeed but a copy of the very barbarity which
+_my eyes have seen_ in my own native country. _How frequently_, in the
+southern states of my own country, have I seen _weeping mothers_
+leading the guiltless infant to the sales with as _deep anguish_ as if
+they led them to the slaughter; and _yet felt my bosom tranquil_ in
+the view of these aggressions on defenceless humanity. But when I see
+the same enormities practised upon beings whose complexions and blood
+claim kindred with my own, _I curse the perpetrators, and weep over
+the wretched victims of their rapacity._ Indeed, truth and justice
+demand from me the confession, that the Christian slaves among the
+barbarians of Africa are treated with more humanity than the African
+slaves among professing Christians of civilized America; and yet
+_here_ [in Tunis] sensibility _bleeds at every pore_ for the wretches
+whom fate has doomed to slavery."
+
+
+Rev. H. LYMAN, late pastor of the free Presbyterian Church, Buffalo,
+N.Y. who spent the winter of 1832-3 at the south, says:--
+
+"In the interior of Mississippi I was invited to the house of a
+planter, where I was received with great cordiality, and entertained
+with marked hospitality.
+
+"There I saw a master in the midst of his household slaves. The
+evening passed most pleasantly, as indeed it must, where assiduous
+hospitalities are exercised towards the guest.
+
+"Late in the morning, when I had gained the tardy consent of my host
+to go on my way, as a final act of kindness, he called a slave to show
+me across the fields by a nearer route to the main road. 'David,' said
+he, 'go and show this gentleman as far as the post-office. Do you know
+the big bay tree?' 'Yes, sir.' 'Do you know where the cotton mill is?'
+'Yes, sir.' 'Where Squire Malcolm's old field is?' 'Y--e--s, sir,'
+said David, (beginning to be bewildered). 'Do you know where Squire
+Malcolm's cotton field is?' 'No, sir.' 'No, sir,' said the enraged
+master, _levelling his gun at him_. 'What do you stand here, saying,
+Yes, yes, yes, for, when you don't know?' All this was accompanied
+with _threats_ and _imprecations_, and a manner that contrasted
+strangely with the _religious conversation and gentle manners_ of the
+previous evening."
+
+
+The Rev. JAMES H. DICKEY, formerly a slaveholder in South Carolina,
+now pastor of the Presbyterian Church in Hennepin, Ill. in his "Review
+of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities," after asserting that slaveholding
+tends to beget "a spirit of cruelty and tyranny, and to destroy every
+generous and noble feeling," (page 33,) he adds the following as a
+note:--
+
+"It may be that this will be considered censorious, and the proverbial
+generosity and hospitality of the south will be appealed to as a full
+confutation of it. The writer thinks he can appreciate southern
+kindness and hospitality. Having been born in Virginia, raised and
+educated in South Carolina and Kentucky, he is altogether southern in
+his feelings, and habits, and modes of familiar conversation. He can
+say of the south as Cowper said of England, 'With all thy faults I
+love thee still, my country.' And nothing but the abominations of
+slavery could have induced him willingly to forsake a land endeared to
+him by all the associations of childhood and youth.
+
+"Yet it is candid to admit that it is not all gold that glitters.
+There is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. The famous Robin Hood
+was kind and generous--no man more hospitable--he robbed the rich to
+supply the necessities of the poor. Others rob the poor to bestow
+gifts and lavish kindness and hospitality on their rich friends and
+neighbors. It is an easy matter for a man to appear kind and generous,
+when he bestows that which others have earned.
+
+"I said, there is a fictitious kindness and hospitality. I once knew a
+man who left his wife and children three days, without fire-wood,
+without bread-stuff and without shoes, while the ground was covered
+with snow--that he might indulge in his cups. And when I attempted to
+expostulate with him, he took the subject out of my hands, and
+expatiating on the evils of intemperance more eloquently than I could,
+concluded by warning me, _with tears_, to avoid the snares of the
+latter. He had tender feelings, yet a hard heart. I once knew a young
+lady of polished manners and accomplished education, who would weep
+with sympathy over the fictitious woes exhibited in a novel. And
+waking from her reverie of grief, while her eye was yet wet with
+tears, would call her little waiter, and if she did not appear at the
+first call, would rap her head with her thimble till my head ached.
+
+"I knew a man who was famed for kindly sympathies. He once took off
+his shirt and gave it to a poor white man. The same man hired a black
+man, and gave him for his _daily task_, through the winter, to feed
+the beasts, keep fires, and make one hundred rails: and in case of
+failure the lash was applied so freely, that, in the spring, his back
+was _one continued sore, from his shoulders to his waist_. Yet this
+man was a professor of religion, and famous for his tender sympathies
+to white men!"
+
+
+
+
+OBJECTION IV.--'NORTHERN VISITORS AT THE SOUTH TESTIFY THAT THE SLAVES
+ARE NOT CRUELLY TREATED.'
+
+
+ANSWER:--Their knowledge on this point must have been derived, either
+from the slaveholders and overseers themselves, or from the slaves, or
+from their own observation. If from the slaveholders, _their_
+testimony has already been weighed and found wanting; if they derived
+it from the slaves, they can hardly be so simple as to suppose that
+the _guest, associate and friend of the master_, would be likely to
+draw from his _slaves_ any other testimony respecting his treatment of
+them, than such as would please _him_. The great shrewdness and tact
+exhibited by slaves in _keeping themselves out of difficulty_, when
+close questioned by strangers as to their treatment, cannot fail to
+strike every accurate observer. The following remarks of CHIEF JUSTICE
+HENDERSON, a North Carolina slaveholder, in his decision (in 1830,) in
+the case of the State _versus_ Charity, 2 Devereaux's North Carolina
+Reports, 513, illustrate the folly of arguing the good treatment of
+slaves from their own declarations, _while in the power of their
+masters_. In the case above cited, the Chief Justice, in refusing to
+permit a master to give in evidence, declarations made to him by his
+slave, says of masters and slaves generally--
+
+"The master has an almost _absolute control_ over the body and _mind_
+of his slave. The master's _will_ is the slave's _will_. All his acts,
+_all his sayings_, are made with a view to propitiate his master. His
+confessions are made, not from a love of truth, not from a sense of
+duty, not to speak a falsehood, but to _please his master_--and it is
+in vain that his master tells him to speak the truth and conceals from
+him how he wishes the question answered. The slave _will_ ascertain,
+or, which is the same thing, think that he has ascertained _the wishes
+of his master,_ and MOULD HIS ANSWER ACCORDINGLY. We therefore more
+often get the wishes of the master, or the slave's belief of his
+wishes, than the truth."
+
+
+The following extract of a letter from the Hon. SETH M. GATES, member
+elect of the next Congress, furnishes a clue by which to interpret the
+looks, actions, and protestations of slaves, when in the presence of
+their masters' guests, and the pains sometimes taken by slaveholders,
+in teaching their slaves the art of _pretending_ that they are treated
+well, love their masters, are happy, &c. The letter is dated Leroy,
+Jan. 4, 1839.
+
+"I have sent your letter to Rev. Joseph M. Sadd, Castile, Genesee
+county, who resided five years in a slave state, and left, disgusted
+with slavery. I trust he will give you some facts. I remember one
+fact, which his wife witnessed. A relative, where she boarded,
+returning to his plantation after a temporary absence, was not met by
+his servants with such demonstrations of joy as was their wont. He
+ordered his horse put out, took down his whip, ordered his servants to
+the barn, and gave them a most cruel beating, because they did not run
+out to meet him, and pretend great attachment to him. Mrs. Sadd had
+overheard the servants agreeing not to go out, before his return, as
+they said _they did not love him_--and this led her to watch his
+conduct to them. This man was a professor of religion!"
+
+If these northern visitors derived their information that the slaves
+are _not_ cruelly treated from _their own observation_, it amounts to
+this, _they did not see_ cruelties inflicted on the slaves. To which
+we reply, that the preceding pages contain testimony from hundreds of
+witnesses, who testify that they _did see_ the cruelties whereof they
+affirm. Besides this, they contain the solemn declarations of scores
+of slaveholders themselves, in all parts of the slave states, that the
+slaves are cruelly treated. These declarations are moreover fully
+corroborated, by the laws of slave states, by a multitude of
+advertisements in their newspapers, describing runaway slaves, by
+their scars, brands, gashes, maimings, cropped ears, iron collars,
+chains, &c. &c.
+
+Truly, after the foregoing array of facts and testimony, and after the
+objectors' forces have one after another filed off before them, now to
+march up a phalanx of northern _visitors_, is to beat a retreat.
+'Visitors!' What insight do casual visitors get into the tempers and
+daily practices of those whom they visit, or of the treatment that
+their slaves receive at their hands, especially if these visitors are
+strangers, and from a region where there are no slaves, and which
+claims to be opposed to slavery? What opportunity has a stranger, and
+a temporary guest, to learn the every-day habits and caprices of his
+host? Oh, these northern visitors tell us they have visited scores of
+families at the south and never saw a master or mistress whip their
+slaves. Indeed! They have, doubtless, visited hundreds of families at
+the north--did they ever see, on such occasions, the father or mother
+whip their children? If so, they must associate with very ill-bred
+persons. Because well-bred parents do not whip their children in the
+presence, or within the hearing of their guests are we to infer that
+they never do it _out_ of their sight and hearing? But perhaps the
+fact that these visitors do not _remember_ seeing slaveholders strike
+their slaves, merely proves, that they had so little feeling for them,
+that though they might be struck every day in their presence, yet as
+they were only slaves and 'niggers,' it produced no effect upon them;
+consequently they have no impressions to recall. These visitors have
+also doubtless _rode_ with scores of slaveholders. Are they quite
+certain they ever saw them whip their _horses_? and can they recall
+the persons, times, places, and circumstances? But even if these
+visitors regarded the slaves with some kind feelings, when they first
+went to the south, yet being constantly with their oppressors, seeing
+them used as articles of property, accustomed to hear them charged
+with all kinds of misdemeanors, their ears filled with complaints of
+their laziness, carelessness, insolence, obstinacy, stupidity, thefts,
+elopements, &c. and at the same time, receiving themselves the most
+gratifying attentions and caresses from the same persons, who, while
+they make to them these representations of their slaves, are giving
+them airings in their coaches, making parties for them, taking them on
+excursions of pleasure, lavishing upon them their choicest
+hospitalities, and urging them to protract indefinitely their
+stay--what more natural than for the flattered guest to admire such
+hospitable people, catch their spirit, and fully sympathize with their
+feelings toward their slaves, regarding with increased disgust and
+aversion those who can habitually tease and worry such loveliness and
+generosity[23]. After the visitor had been in contact with the
+slave-holding spirit long enough to have imbibed it, (no very tedious
+process,) a cuff, or even a kick administered to a slave, would not be
+likely to give him such a shock that his memory would long retain the
+traces of it. But lest we do these visitors injustice, we will suppose
+that they carried with them to the south humane feelings for the
+slave, and that those feelings remained unblunted; still, what
+opportunity could they have to witness the actual condition of the
+slaves? They come in contact with the house-servants only, and as a
+general thing, with none but the select ones of these, the
+_parlor_-servants; who generally differ as widely in their appearance
+and treatment from the cooks and scullions in the kitchen, as parlor
+furniture does from the kitchen utensils. Certain servants are
+assigned to the parlor, just as certain articles of furniture are
+selected for it, _to be seen_--and it is no less ridiculous to infer
+that the kitchen scullions are clothed and treated like those servants
+who wait at the table, and are in the presence of guests, than to
+infer that the kitchen is set out with sofas, ottomans, piano-fortes,
+and full-length mirrors, because the parlor is. But the house-slaves
+are only a fraction of the whole number. The _field-hands_ constitute
+the great mass of the slaves, and these the visitors rarely get a
+glimpse at. They are away at their work by day-break, and do not
+return to their huts till dark. Their huts are commonly at some
+distance from the master's mansion, and the fields in which they
+labor, generally much farther, and out of sight. If the visitor
+traverses the plantation, care is taken that he does not go alone; if
+he expresses a wish to see it, the horses are saddled, and the master
+or his son gallops the rounds with him; if he expresses a desire to
+see the slaves at work, his conductor will know _where_ to take him,
+and _when_, and _which_ of them to show; the overseer, too, knows
+quite too well the part he has to act on such occasions, to shock the
+uninitiated ears of the visitors with the shrieks of his victims. It
+is manifest that visitors can see only the least repulsive parts of
+slavery, inasmuch as it is wholly at the option of the master, what
+parts to show them; as a matter of necessity, he can see only the
+_outside_--and that, like the outside of doorknobs and andirons is
+furbished up to be _looked at_. So long as it is human nature to wear
+_the best side out_, so long the northern guests of southern
+slaveholders will see next to nothing of the reality of slavery. Those
+visitors may still keep up their autumnal migrations to the slave
+states, and, after a hasty survey of the tinsel hung before the
+curtain of slavery, without a single glance behind it, and at the
+paint and varnish that _cover up_ dead men's bones, and while those
+who have hoaxed them with their smooth stories and white-washed
+specimens of slavery, are tittering at their gullibility, they return
+in the spring on the same fool's-errand with their predecessors,
+retailing their lesson, and mouthing the praises of the masters, and
+the comforts of the slaves. They now become village umpires in all
+disputes about the condition of the slaves, and each thence forward
+ends all controversies with his oracular, "I've _seen_, and sure I
+ought to know."
+
+[Footnote 23: Well saith the Scripture, "A gift blindeth the eyes." The
+slaves understand this, though the guest may not; they know very well
+that they have no sympathy to expect from their master's guests; that
+the good cheer of the "big house," and the attentions shown them, will
+generally commit them in their master's favor, and against themselves.
+Messrs. Thome and Kimball, in their late work, state the following
+fact, in illustration of this feeling among the negro apprentices in
+Jamaica.
+
+"The governor of one of the islands, shortly after his arrival, dined
+with one of the wealthiest proprietors. The next day one of the
+negroes of the estate said to another, "De new gubner been
+_poison'd_." "What dat you say?" inquired the other in astonishment,
+"De gubner been _poison'd_! Dah, now!--How him poisoned?" "_Him eat
+massa's turtle soup last night_," said the shrewd negro. The other
+took his meaning at once; and his sympathy for the governor was
+turned into concern for himself, when he perceived that the
+poison was one from which he was likely to suffer more than his
+excellency."--_Emancipation in the West Indies_, p. 334.]
+
+
+
+But all northern visitors at the south are not thus easily gulled.
+Many of them, as the preceding pages show, have too much sense to be
+caught with chaff.
+
+We may add here, that those classes of visitors whose representations
+of the treatment of slaves are most influential in moulding the
+opinions of the free states, are ministers of the gospel, agents of
+benevolent societies, and teachers who have traveled and temporarily
+resided in the slave states--classes of persons less likely than any
+others to witness cruelties, because slaveholders generally take more
+pains to keep such visitors in ignorance than others, because their
+vocations would furnish them fewer opportunities for witnessing them,
+and because they come in contact with a class of society in which
+fewer atrocities are committed than in any other, and that too, under
+circumstances which make it almost impossible for them to witness
+those which are actually committed.
+
+Of the numerous classes of persons from the north who temporarily
+reside in the slave states, the mechanics who find employment on the
+_plantations_, are the only persons who are in circumstances to look
+"behind the scenes." Merchants, pedlars, venders of patents, drovers,
+speculators, and almost all descriptions of persons who go from the
+free states to the south to make money see little of slavery, except
+_upon the road_, at public inns, and in villages and cities.
+
+Let not the reader infer from what has been said, that the
+_parlor_-slaves, chamber-maids, &c. in the slave states are not
+treated with cruelty--far from it. They often experience terrible
+inflictions; not generally so terrible or so frequent as the
+field-hands, and very rarely in the presence of guests[24]
+House-slaves are for the most part treated far better than
+plantation-slaves, and those under the immediate direction of the
+master and mistress, than those under overseers and drivers. It is
+quite worthy of remark, that of the thousands of northern men who have
+visited the south, and are always lauding the kindness of slaveholders
+and the comfort of the slaves, protesting that they have never seen
+cruelties inflicted on them, &c. each perhaps, without exception, has
+some story to tell which reveals, better perhaps than the most
+barbarous butchery could do, a public sentiment toward slaves, showing
+that the most cruel inflictions must of necessity be the constant
+portion of the slaves.
+
+[Footnote 24: Rev. JOSEPH M. SADD, a Presbyterian clergyman, in
+Castile, Genesee county, N.Y. recently from Missouri, where he has
+preached five years, in the midst of slaveholders, says, in a letter
+just received, speaking of the pains taken by slaveholders to conceal
+from the eyes of strangers and visitors, the cruelties which they
+inflict upon their slaves--
+
+"It is difficult to be an eye-witness of these things; the master and
+mistress, almost invariably punish their slaves only in the presence
+of themselves and other slaves."]
+
+Though facts of this kind lie thick in every corner, the reader will,
+we are sure, tolerate even a needless illustration, if told that it is
+from the pen of N.P. Rogers, Esq. of Concord, N.H. who, whatever he
+writes, though it be, as in this case, a mere hasty letter, always
+finds readers to the end.
+
+"At a court session at Guilford, Stafford county, N.H. in August,
+1837, the Hon. Daniel M. Durell, of Dover, formerly Chief Justice
+of the Common Pleas for that state, and a member of Congress,
+was charging the abolitionists, in presence of several gentlemen
+of the bar, at their boarding house, with exaggerations and
+misrepresentations of slave treatment at the south. 'One instance
+in particular,' he witnessed, he said, where he 'knew they
+misrepresented. It was in the Congregational meeting house at Dover.
+He was passing by, and saw a crowd entering and about the door; and on
+inquiry, found that _abolition was going on in there_. He stood in the
+entry for a moment, and found the Englishman, Thompson, was holding
+forth. The fellow was speaking of the treatment of slaves; and he said
+it was no uncommon thing for masters, when exasperated with the slave,
+to hang him up by the two thumbs, and flog him. I knew the fellow lied
+there,' said the judge, 'for I had traveled through the south, from
+Georgia north, and I never saw a single instance of the kind. The
+fellow said it was a common thing.' 'Did you see any _exasperated
+masters_, Judge,' said I, 'in your journey?' 'No sir,' said he, 'not
+an individual instance.' 'You hardly are able to convict Mr. Thompson
+of falsehood, then, Judge,' said I, 'if I understood you right. He
+spoke, as I understood you, of _exasperated masters_--and you say you
+did not see any. Mr. Thompson did not say it was common for masters in
+good humor to hang up their slaves.' The Judge did not perceive the
+materiality of the distinction. 'Oh, they misrepresent and lie about
+this treatment of the niggers,' he continued. 'In going through all
+the states I visited, I do not now remember a single instance of cruel
+treatment. Indeed, I remember of seeing but one nigger struck, during
+my whole journey. There was one instance. We were riding in the stage,
+pretty early one morning, and we met a black fellow, driving a span of
+horses, and a load (I think he said) of hay. The fellow turned out
+before we got to him, clean down into the ditch, as far as he could
+get. He knew, you see, what to depend on, if he did not give the road.
+Our driver, as we passed the fellow, fetched him a smart crack with
+his whip across the chops. He did not make any noise, though I guess
+it hurt him some--he grinned.--Oh, no! these fellows exaggerate. The
+niggers, as a general thing, are kindly treated. There may be
+exceptions, but I saw nothing of it.' (By the way, the Judge did not
+know there were any abolitionists present.) 'What did you _do_ to the
+driver, Judge,' said I, 'for striking that man?' 'Do,' said he, 'I did
+nothing to him, to be sure.' 'What did you _say_ to him, sir?' said I.
+'Nothing,' he replied: 'I said nothing to him.' 'What did the other
+passengers do?' said I. 'Nothing, sir,' said the Judge. 'The fellow
+turned out the white of his eye, but he did not make any noise.' 'Did
+the driver say any thing, Judge, when he struck the man?' 'Nothing,'
+said the Judge, 'only he _damned him_, and told him he'd learn him to
+keep out of the reach of his whip.' 'Sir,' said I, 'if George Thompson
+had told this story, in the warmth of an anti-slavery speech, I should
+scarcely have credited it. I have attended many anti-slavery meetings,
+and I never heard an instance of such _cold-blooded, wanton,
+insolent_, DIABOLICAL cruelty as this; and, sir, if I live to attend
+another meeting, I shall relate this, and give Judge Durell's name as
+the witness of it.' An infliction of the most insolent character,
+entirely unprovoked, on a perfect stranger, who had showed the utmost
+civility, in giving all the road, and only could not get beyond the
+long reach of the driver's whip--and he a stage driver, a class
+_generous_ next to the sailor, in the sober hour of morning--and
+_borne in silence_--and _told to show that the colored man of the
+south was kindly treated_--all evincing, to an unutterable extent,
+that the temper of the south toward the slave is merciless, even to
+_diabolism_--and that the north regards him with, if possible, a more
+fiendish indifference still!"
+
+
+It seems but an act of simple justice to say, in conclusion, that many
+of the slaveholders from whom our northern visitors derive their
+information of the "good treatment" of the slave, may not design to
+deceive them. Such visitors are often, perhaps generally brought in
+contact with the better class of slaveholders, whose slaves are really
+better fed, clothed, lodged, and housed; more moderately worked; more
+seldom whipped, and with less severity, than the slaves generally.
+Those masters in speaking of the good condition of their slaves, and
+asserting that they are treated _well_, use terms that are not
+_absolute_ but _comparative_: and it may be, and doubtless often is
+true that their stares are treated well _as slaves_, in comparison
+with the treatment received by slaves generally. So the overseers of
+such slaves, and the slaves themselves, may, without lying or
+designing to mislead, honestly give the same testimony. As the great
+body of slaves within their knowledge _fare worse_, it is not strange
+that, when speaking of the treatment on their own plantation, they
+should call it _good_.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION V.--'IT IS FOR THE INTEREST OF THE MASTERS TO TREAT THEIR
+SLAVES WELL.'
+
+So it is for the interest of the drunkard to quit his cups; for the
+glutton to curb his appetite; for the debauchee to bridle his lust;
+for the sluggard to be up betimes; for the spendthrift to be
+economical, and for all sinners to stop sinning. Even if it were for
+the interest of masters to treat their slaves well, he must be a
+novice who thinks _that_ a proof that the slaves _are_ well treated.
+The whole history of man is a record of real interests sacrificed to
+present gratification. If all men's actions were consistent with their
+best interests, folly and sin would be words without meaning.
+
+If the objector means that it is for the pecuniary interests of
+masters to treat their slaves well, and thence infers their good
+treatment, we reply, that though the love of money is strong, yet
+appetite and lust, pride, anger and revenge, the love of power and
+honor, are each an overmatch for it; and when either of them is roused
+by a sudden stimulant, the love of money worsted in the grapple with
+it. Look at the hourly lavish outlays of money to procure a momentary
+gratification for those passions and appetites. As the desire for
+money is, in the main, merely a desire for the means of gratifying
+_other_ desires, or rather for one of the means, it must be the
+_servant_ not the sovereign of those desires, to whose gratification
+its only use is to minister. But even if the love of money were the
+strongest human passion, who is simple enough to believe that it is
+all the time so powerfully excited, that no other passion or appetite
+can get the mastery over it?  Who does not know that gusts of rage,
+revenge, jealousy and lust drive it before them as a tempest tosses a
+feather?
+
+The objector has forgotten his first lessons; they taught him that it
+is human nature to gratify the _uppermost_ passion: and is _prudence_
+the uppermost passion with slaveholders, and self-restraint their
+great characteristic? The strongest feeling of any moment is the
+sovereign of that moment, and rules. Is a propensity to practice
+_economy_ the predominant feeling with slaveholders? Ridiculous!
+Every northerner knows that slaveholders are proverbial for lavish
+expenditures, never higgling about the _price_ of a gratification.
+Human passions have not, like the tides, regular ebbs and flows, with
+their stationary, high and low water marks. They are a dominion
+convulsed with revolutions; coronations and dethronements in ceasless
+succession--each ruler a usurper and a despot. Love of money gets a
+snatch at the sceptre as well as the rest, not by hereditary right,
+but because, in the fluctuations of human feelings, a chance wave
+washes him up to the throne, and the next perhaps washes him off
+without time to nominate his successor. Since, then, as a matter of
+fact, a host of appetites and passions do hourly get the better of
+love of money, what protection does the slave find in his master's
+_interest_, against the sweep of his passions and appetites? Besides,
+a master can inflict upon his slave horrible cruelties without
+perceptibly injuring his health, or taking time from his labor, or
+lessening his value as property. Blows with a small stick give more
+acute pain, than with a large one. A club bruises, and benumbs the
+nerves, while a switch, neither breaking nor bruising the flesh,
+instead of blunting the sense of feeling, wakes up and stings to
+torture all the susceptibilities of pain. By this kind of infliction,
+more actual cruelty can be perpetrated in the giving of pain at the
+instant, than by the most horrible bruisings and lacerations; and
+that, too, with little comparative hazard to the slave's health, or to
+his value as property, and without loss of time from labor. Even
+giving to the objection all the force claimed for it, what protection
+is it to the slave? It _professes_ to shield the slave from such
+treatment alone, as would either lay him aside from labor, or injure
+his health, and thus lessen his value as a working animal, making him
+a _damaged article_ in the market. Now, is nothing _bad treatment_ of
+a human being except that which produces these effects? Does the fact
+that a man's constitution is not actually shattered, and his life
+shortened by his treatment, prove that he is treated well? Is no
+treatment cruel except what sprains muscles, or cuts sinews, or bursts
+blood vessels, or breaks bones, and thus lessens a man's value as a
+working animal?
+
+A slave may get blows and kicks every hour in the day, without having
+his constitution broken, or without suffering sensibly in his health,
+or flesh, or appetite, or power to labor. Therefore, beaten and kicked
+as he is, he must be treated _well_, according to the objector, since
+the master's _interest_ does not suffer thereby.
+
+Finally, the objector virtually maintains that all possible privations
+and inflictions suffered by slaves, that do not actually cripple their
+power to labor, and make them 'damaged merchandize,' are to be set
+down as 'good treatment,' and that nothing is _bad_ treatment except
+what produces these effects.
+
+Thus we see that even if the slave were effectually shielded from all
+those inflictions, which, by lessening his value as property, would
+injure the interests of his master, he would still nave no protection
+against numberless and terrible cruelties. But we go further, and
+maintain that in respect to large classes of slaves, it is for the
+_interest_ of their masters to treat them with barbarous inhumanity.
+
+1. _Old slaves._ It would be for the interest of the masters to
+shorten their days.
+
+2. _Worn out slaves._ Multitudes of slaves by being overworked, have
+their constitutions broken in middle life. It would be _economical_
+for masters to starve or flog such to death.
+
+3. _The incurably diseased and maimed._ In all such cases it would be
+_cheaper_ for masters to buy poison than medicine.
+
+4. _The blind, lunatics, and idiots_. As all such would be a tax on
+him, it would be for his interest to shorten their days.
+
+5. _The deaf and dumb, and persons greatly deformed._ Such might or
+might not be serviceable to him; many of them at least would be a
+burden, and few men carry burdens when they can throw them off.
+
+6. _Feeble infants._ As such would require much nursing, the time,
+trouble and expense necessary to raise them, would generally be more
+than they would be worth as _working animals_. How many such infants
+would be likely to be 'raised,' from _disinterested_ benevolence? To
+this it may be added that in the far south and south west, it is
+notoriously for the interest of the master not to 'raise' slaves at
+all. To buy slaves when nearly grown, from the northern slave states,
+would be _cheaper_ than to raise them. This is shown in the fact, that
+mothers with infants sell for less in those states than those without
+them. And when slave-traders purchase such in the upper country, it is
+notorious that they not unfrequently either sell their infants, or
+give them away. Therefore it would be for the _interest_ of the
+masters, throughout that region, to have all the new-born children
+left to perish. It would also be for their interest to make such
+arrangements as effectually to separate the sexes, or if that were not
+done, so to overwork the females as to prevent childbearing.
+
+7. _Incorrigible slaves_. On most of the large plantations, there are,
+more or less, incorrigible slaves,--that is, slaves who _will not_ be
+profitable to their masters--and from whom torture can extort little
+but defiance.[25] These are frequently slaves of uncommon minds, who
+feel so keenly the wrongs of slavery that their proud spirits spurn
+their chains and defy their tormentors.
+
+[Footnote 25: Advertisements like the following are not unfrequent in
+the southern papers.
+
+_From the Elizabeth (N.C.) Phenix, Jan. 5, 1839._ "The subscriber
+offers for sale his blacksmith NAT, 28 years of age, and _remarkably
+large and likely_. The only cause of my selling him is I CANNOT
+CONTROL HIM. _Hertford, Dec.5, 1838._ J. GORDON."]
+
+
+They have commonly great sway over the other slaves, their example is
+contagious, and their influence subversive of 'plantation discipline.'
+Consequently they must be made a warning to others. It is for the
+_interest_ of the masters (at least they believe it to be) to put upon
+such slaves iron collars and chains, to brand and crop them; to
+disfigure, lacerate, starve and torture them--in a word, to inflict
+upon them such vengeance as shall strike terror into the other slaves.
+To this class may be added the incorrigibly thievish and indolent; it
+would be for the interest of the masters to treat them with such
+severity as would deter others from following their example.
+
+7. _Runaways._ When a slave has once runaway from his master and is
+caught, he is thenceforward treated with severity. It is for the
+interest of the master to make an example of him, by the greatest
+privations and inflictions.
+
+8. _Hired slaves._ It is for the interest of those who hire slaves to
+get as much out of them as they can; the temptation to overwork them
+is powerful. If it be said that the master could, in that case,
+recover damages, the answer is, that damages would not be recoverable
+in law unless actual injury--enough to impair the power of the slave
+to labor, be _proved._ And this ordinarily would be impossible, unless
+the slave has been worked so greatly beyond his strength as to produce
+some fatal derangement of the vital functions. Indeed, as all who are
+familiar with such cases in southern courts well know, the proof of
+actual injury to the slave, so as to lessen his value, is exceedingly
+difficult to make out, and every hirer of slaves can overwork them,
+give them insufficient food, clothing, and shelter, and inflict upon
+them nameless cruelties with entire impunity. We repeat then that it
+is for the _interest_ of the hirer to push his slaves to their utmost
+strength, provided he does not drive them to such an extreme, that
+their constitutions actually give way under it, while in his hands.
+The supreme court of Maryland has decided that, 'There must be _at
+least a diminution of the faculty of the slave for bodily labor_ to
+warrant an action by the master.'--_1 Harris and Johnson's Reports,
+4._
+
+9. _Slaves under overseers whose wages are proportioned to the crop
+which they raise._ This is an arrangement common in the slave states,
+and in its practical operation is equivalent to a bounty on _hard
+driving_--a virtual premium offered to overseers to keep the slaves
+whipped up to the top of their strength. Even where the overseer has a
+fixed salary, irrespective of the value of the crop which he takes
+off, he is strongly tempted to overwork the slaves, as those overseers
+get the highest wages who can draw the largest income from a
+plantation with a given number of slaves; so that we may include in
+this last class of slaves, the majority of all those who are under
+overseers, whatever the terms on which those overseers are employed.
+
+Another class of slaves may be mentioned; we refer to the slaves of
+masters who _bet_ upon their crops. In the cotton and sugar region
+there is a fearful amount of this desperate gambling, in which, though
+money is the ostensible stake and forfeit, human life is the real one.
+The length to which this rivalry is carried at the south and south
+west, the multitude of planters who engage in it, and the recklessness
+of human life exhibited in driving the murderous game to its issue,
+cannot well be imagined by one who has not lived in the midst of it.
+Desire of gain is only one of the motives that stimulates them;--the
+_eclat_ of having made the largest crop with a given number of hands,
+is also a powerful stimulant; the southern newspapers, at the crop
+season, chronicle carefully the "cotton brag," and the "crack cotton
+picking," and "unparalleled driving," &c. Even the editors of
+professedly religious papers, cheer on the melee and sing the triumphs
+of the victor. Among these we recollect the celebrated Rev. J.N.
+Maffit, recently editor of a religious paper at Natchez, Miss. in
+which he took care to assign a prominent place, and capitals to "THE
+COTTON BRAG." The testimony of Mr. Bliss, page 38, details some of the
+particulars of this _betting_ upon crops. All the preceding classes of
+slaves are in circumstances which make it "for the _interest_ of their
+masters," or those who have the management of them, to treat them
+cruelly.
+
+Besides the operation of the causes already specified, which make it
+for the interest of masters and overseers to treat cruelly _certain
+classes_ of their slaves, a variety of others exist, which make it for
+their interest to treat cruelly _the great body_ of their slaves.
+These causes are, the nature of certain kinds of products, the kind of
+labor required in cultivating and preparing them for market, the best
+times for such labor, the state of the market, fluctuations in prices,
+facilities for transportation, the weather, seasons, &c. &c. Some of
+the causes which operate to produce this are--
+
+1. _The early market_. If the planter can get his crop into market
+early, he may save thousands which might be lost if it arrived later.
+
+2. _Changes in the market_. A sudden rise in the market with the
+probability that it will be short, or a gradual fall with a
+probability that it will be long, is a strong temptation to the master
+to push his slaves to the utmost, that he may in the one case make all
+he can, by taking the tide at the flood, and in the other lose as
+little as may be, by taking it as early as possible in the ebb.
+
+3. _High prices_. Whenever the slave-grown staples bring a high price,
+as is now the case with cotton, every slaveholder is tempted to
+overwork his slaves. By forcing them to do double work for a few weeks
+or months, while the price is up, he can _afford_ to lose a number of
+them and to lessen the value of all by over-driving. A cotton planter
+with a hundred vigorous slaves, would have made a profitable
+speculation, if, during the years '34, 5, and 6, when the average
+price of cotton was 17 cents a pound, he had so overworked his slaves
+that half of them died upon his hands in '37, when cotton had fallen
+to six and eight cents. No wonder that the poor slaves pray that cotton
+and sugar may be cheap. The writer has frequently heard it declared by
+planters in the lower country, that, it is more profitable to drive
+the slaves to such over exertion as to _use them up_, in seven or
+eight years, than to give them only ordinary tasks and protract their
+lives to the ordinary period.[26]
+
+[Footnote 26: The reader is referred to a variety of facts and
+testimony on this point on the 39th page of this work.]
+
+
+4. _Untimely seasons_. When the winter encroaches on the spring, and
+makes late seed time, the first favorable weather is a temptation to
+overwork the slaves, too strong to be resisted by those who hold men
+as mere working animals. So when frosts set in early, and a great
+amount of work is to be done in a little time, or great loss suffered.
+So also after a long storm either in seed or crop time, when the
+weather becomes favorable, the same temptation presses, and in all
+these cases the master would _save money_ by overdriving his slaves.
+
+5. _Periodical pressure of certain kinds of labor._ The manufacture of
+sugar is an illustration. In a work entitled "Travels in Louisiana in
+1802," translated from the French, by John Davis, is the following
+testimony under this head:--
+
+"At the rolling of sugars, an interval of from two to three months,
+they (the slaves in Louisiana,) work _both night and day_. Abridged of
+their sleep, they scarcely retire to rest during the whole period" See
+page 81.
+
+In an article on the agriculture of Louisiana, published in the second
+number of the "Western Review," is the following:--"The work is
+admitted to be severe for the hands, (slaves) requiring, when the
+process of making sugar is commenced, TO BE PRESSED NIGHT AND DAY."
+
+It would be for the interest of the sugar planter greatly to overwork
+his slaves, during the annual process of sugar-making.
+
+The severity of this periodical pressure, in preparing for market
+other staples of the slave states besides sugar, may be inferred from
+the following. Mr. Hammond, of South Carolina, in his speech in
+Congress, Feb. 1. 1836, (See National Intelligencer) said, "In the
+heat of the crop, the loss of one or two days, would inevitably ruin
+it."
+
+6. _Times of scarcity_. Drought, long rain, frost, &c. are liable to
+cut off the corn crop, upon which the slaves are fed. If this happens
+when the staple which they raise is at a low price, it is for the
+interest of the master to put the slave on short rations, thus forcing
+him to suffer from hunger.
+
+7. _The raising of crops for exportation_. In all those states where
+cotton and sugar are raised for exportation, it is, for the most part,
+more profitable to buy provisions for the slaves than to raise them.
+Where this is the case the slaveholders believe it to be for their
+interest to give their slaves less food, than their hunger craves, and
+they do generally give them insufficient sustenance.[27]
+
+[Footnote 27: Hear the testimony of a slaveholder, on this subject, a
+member of Congress from Virginia, from 1817 to 1830, Hon. Alexander
+Smyth.
+
+In the debate on the Missouri question in the U.S. Congress, 1819-20,
+the admission of Missouri to the Union, as a slave state, was urged,
+among other grounds, as a measure of humanity to the slaves of the
+south. Mr. Smyth, of Virginia said, "The plan of our opponents seems
+to be to confine the slave population to the southern states, to the
+countries where _sugar, cotton, and tobacco_ are cultivated. But, sir,
+by confining the slaves to a part of the country where crops are
+raised for exportation, and the bread and meat are _purchased, you
+doom them to scarcity and hunger_. Is it not obvious that the way to
+render their situation more comfortable, is to allow them to be taken
+where there is not the same motive to force the slave to INCESSANT
+TOIL, that there is in the country where cotton, sugar, and tobacco,
+are raised for exportation. It is proposed to hem in the blacks _where
+they are_ HARD WORKED and ILL FED, that they may be rendered
+unproductive and the race be prevented from increasing. . . . The
+proposed measure would be EXTREME CRUELTY to the blacks. . . . You
+would . . . doom them to SCARCITY and HARD LABOR."--[Speech of Mr.
+Smyth, Jan. 28, 1820]--See National Intelligencer.
+
+Those states where the crops are raised for exportation, and a large
+part of the provisions purchased, are, Louisiana, Mississippi,
+Alabama, Arkansas, Western Tennessee, Georgia, Florida, and, to a
+considerable extent, South Carolina. That this is the case in
+Louisiana, is shown by the following. "Corn, flour, and bread stuffs,
+generally are obtained from Kentucky, Ohio;" &c. See "Emigrants Guide
+through the Valley of the Mississippi," Page 275. That it is the case
+with Alabama, appears from the testimony of W. Jefferson Jones, Esq. a
+lawyer of high standing in Mobile. In a series of articles published
+by him in the Mobile Morning Chronicle, he says; (See that paper for
+Aug. 26, 1837.)
+
+"The people of Alabama _export_ what they raise, and _import_ nearly
+all they consume." But it seems quite unnecessary to prove, what all
+persons of much intelligence well know, that the states mentioned
+export the larger part of what they raise, and import the larger part
+of what they consume. Now more than _one million of slaves_ are held
+in those states, and parts of states, where provisions are mainly
+imported, and consequently they are "_doomed to scarcity and hunger_."]
+
+
+Now let us make some estimate of the proportion which the slaves,
+included in the foregoing _nine classes_, sustain to the whole number,
+and then of the proportion affected by the operation of the _seven_
+causes just enumerated.
+
+It would be nearly impossible to form an estimate of the proportion of
+the slaves included in a number of these classes, such as the old, the
+worn out, the incurably diseased, maimed and deformed, idiots, feeble
+infants, incorrigible slaves, &c. More or less of this description are
+to be found on all the considerable plantations, and often, many on
+the same plantation; though we have no accurate data for an estimate,
+the proportion cannot be less than one in twenty-five of the whole
+number of slaves, which would give a total of more than _one hundred
+thousand_. Of some of the remaining classes we have data for a pretty
+accurate estimate.
+
+1st. _Lunatics_.--Various estimates have been made, founded upon the
+data procured by actual investigation, prosecuted under the direction
+of the Legislatures of different States; but the returns have been so
+imperfect and erroneous, that little reliance can be placed upon them.
+The Legislature of New Hampshire recently ordered investigations to be
+made in every town in the state, and the number of insane persons to
+be reported. A committee of the legislature, who had the subject in
+charge say, in their report--"From many towns no returns have been
+received, from others the accounts are erroneous, there being cases
+_known to the committee_ which escaped the notice of the 'selectmen.'
+The actual number of insane persons is therefore much larger than
+appears by the documents submitted to the committee." The Medical
+Society of Connecticut appointed a committee of their number, composed
+of some of the most eminent physicians in the state, to ascertain and
+report the whole number of insane persons in that state. The committee
+say, in their report, "The number of towns from which returns have
+been received is seventy, and the cases of insanity which have been
+noticed in them are five hundred and ten." The committee add, "fifty
+more towns remain to be heard from, and if insanity should be found
+equally prevalent in them, the entire number will scarcely fall short
+of _one thousand_ in the state." This investigation was made in 1821,
+when the population of the state was less than two hundred and eighty
+thousand. If the estimate of the Medical Society be correct, the
+proportion of the insane to the whole population would be about one in
+two hundred and eighty. This strikes us as a large estimate, and yet a
+committee of the legislature of that state in 1837, reported seven
+hundred and seven insane persons in the state, who were either wholly
+or in part supported as _town paupers, or by charity_. It can hardly
+be supposed that more than _two-thirds_ of the insane in Connecticut
+belong to families _unable to support them_. On this supposition, the
+whole number would be greater than the estimate of the Medical Society
+sixteen years previous, when the population was perhaps thirty
+thousand less. But to avoid the possibility of an over estimate, let
+us suppose the present number of insane persons in Connecticut to be
+only seven hundred.
+
+The population of the state is now probably about three hundred and
+twenty thousand; according to this estimate, the proportion of the
+insane to the whole population, would be one to about four hundred and
+sixty. Making this the basis of our calculation, and estimating the
+slaves in the United States at two millions, seven hundred thousand,
+their present probable number, and we come to this result, that there
+are about six thousand insane persons among the slaves of the United
+States. We have no adequate data by which to judge whether the
+proportion of lunatics among slaves is greater or less than among the
+whites; some considerations favor the supposition that it is less. But
+the dreadful physical violence to which the slaves are subjected, and
+the constant sunderings of their tenderest ties, might lead us to
+suppose that it would be more. The only data in our possession is the
+official census of Chatham county, Georgia, for 1838, containing the
+number of lunatics among the whites and the slaves.--(See the Savannah
+Georgian, July 24, 1838.) According to this census, the number of
+lunatics among eight thousand three hundred and seventy three whites
+in the country, is only _two,_ whereas, the number among ten thousand
+eight hundred and ninety-one slaves, is _fourteen_.
+
+2d. _The Deaf and Dumb._--The proportion of deaf and dumb persons to
+the other classes of the community, is about one in two thousand. This
+is the testimony of the directors of the 'American Asylum for the Deaf
+and Dumb,' located at Hartford, Connecticut. Making this the basis of
+our estimate, there would be one thousand six hundred deaf and dumb
+persons among the slaves of the United States.
+
+3d. _The Blind._--We have before us the last United States census,
+from which it appears, that in 1830, the number of blind persons in
+New Hampshire was one hundred and seventeen, out of a population of
+two hundred and sixty-nine thousand five hundred and thirty-three.
+Adopting this as our basis, the number of blind slaves in the United
+States would be nearly one thousand three hundred.
+
+4th. _Runaways._--Of the proportion of the slaves that run away, to
+those that do not, and of the proportion of the runaways that are
+_taken_ to those that escape entirely, it would be difficult to make a
+probable estimate. Something, however, can be done towards such an
+estimate. We have before us, in the Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser, for
+August 2, 1838, a list of runaways that were then in the jails of the
+two counties of Adams and Warren, in that State; the names, ages, &c.
+of each one given; and their owners are called upon to take them away.
+The number of runaways thus taken up and committed in these _two_
+counties is FORTY-SIX. The whole number of _counties_ in Mississippi
+is _fifty-six._ Many of them, however, are thinly populated. Now,
+without making this the basis of our estimate for the whole slave
+population in all the state--which would doubtless make the number
+much too large--we are sure no one who has any knowledge of facts as
+they are in the south, will charge upon us an over-statement when we
+say, that of the present generation of slaves, probably _one in
+thirty_ is of that class--i.e., has at some time, perhaps often,
+runaway and been retaken; on that supposition the whole number would
+be not far from NINETY THOUSAND.
+
+5th. _Hired Slaves._--It is impossible to estimate with accuracy the
+proportion which the hired slaves bear to the whole number. That it is
+very large all who have resided at the south, or traveled there, with
+their eyes open, well know. Some of the largest slaveholders in the
+country, instead of purchasing plantations and working their slaves
+themselves, hire them out to others. This practice is very common.
+
+Rev. Horace Moulton, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal church in
+Marlborough, Mass., who lived some years in Georgia, says: "A _large
+proportion_ of the slave are owned by masters who keep them on purpose
+to hire out."
+
+Large numbers of slaves, especially in Mississippi, Louisiana,
+Arkansas, Alabama, and Florida, are owned by _non-residents_;
+thousands of them by northern capitalists, who _hire them out_. These
+capitalists in many cases own large plantations, which are often
+leased for a term of years with a 'stock' of slaves sufficient to work
+them.
+
+Multitudes of slaves 'belonging' to _heirs_, are hired out by their
+guardians till such heirs become of age, or by the executors or
+trustees of persons deceased.
+
+That the reader may form some idea of the large number of slaves that
+are hired out, we insert below a few advertisements, as a specimen of
+hundreds in the newspapers of the slave states.
+
+From the "Pensacola Gazette," May 27.
+
+"NOTICE TO SLAVEHOLDERS. Wanted upon my contract, on the Alabama,
+Florida, and Georgia Rail Road, FOUR HUNDRED BLACK LABORERS, _for
+which_ a liberal price will be paid.
+
+R. LORING, _Contractor_."
+
+
+The same paper has the following, signed by an officer of the United
+States.
+
+"WANTED AT THE NAVY YARD, PENSACOLA, SIXTY LABORERS. The OWNERS to
+subsist and quarter them beyond the limits of the yard. Persons having
+Laborers to hire, will apply to the Commanding Officer.
+
+W.K. LATIMER."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," April 10, 1838.
+
+"LABORERS WANTED.--The James River, and Kenawha Company, are in
+immediate want of SEVERAL HUNDRED good laborers. Gentlemen wishing to
+send negroes from the country, are assured that the very best care
+shall be taken of them.
+
+RICHARD REINS, _Agent of the James River, and Kenawha Co_."
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg (Mis.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+
+"60 NEGROES, males and females, _for hire for the year_ 1839. Apply to
+H. HENDREN."
+
+
+From the "Georgia Messenger," Dec. 27, 1838. "NEGROES To HIRE. On the
+first Tuesday next, Including CARPENTERS, BLACKSMITHS, SHOEMAKERS,
+SEAMSTRESSES, COOKS, &c. &c. For information; Apply to OSSIAN
+GREGORY."
+
+
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette," Dec. 30, 1837.
+
+"THE subscriber wishes to _employ_ by the month or year, ONE HUNDRED
+ABLE BODIED MEN, AND THIRTY BOYS. Persons having servants, will do
+well to give him a call. PHILIP ROACH, near Alexandria."
+
+
+From the "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," May 19, 1838.
+
+"WANTED TO HIRE, twelve or fifteen NEGRO GIRLS, from ten to fourteen
+years of age. They are wanted for the term of two or three years.
+
+E.H. & J. FISHER."
+
+
+"NEGROES WANTED. The Subscriber is desirous of hiring 50 of 60 _first
+rate Negro Men_. WILSON NESBITT."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 21, 1838.
+
+"LABORERS WANTED. One hundred able bodied men are wanted. The hands
+will be required to be delivered in Halifax by the _owners_. Apply to
+SHIELD & WALKE."
+
+
+From the "Lynchburg Virginian," Dec. 13, 1838.
+
+"40 NEGRO MEN. The subscribers wish to hire for the next year 40 NEGRO
+MEN. LANGHORNE, SCRUGGS & COOK."
+
+
+"HIRING of NEGROES. On Saturday, the 29th day of December, 1838, at
+Mrs. Tayloe's tavern, in Amherst county, there will be _hired_ thirty
+or forty valuable Negroes.
+
+In addition to the above, I have for _hire_, 20 men, women, boys, and
+girls--several of them excellent house servants. MAURICE H. GARLAND."
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Feb. 5, 1838.
+
+"WANTED TO HIRE, ONE HUNDRED prime negroes, by the year. J.V.
+REDDEN."
+
+
+From the "North Carolina Standard," Feb. 31, 1838.
+
+"NEGROES WANTED.--W. & A. STITH, will give twelve dollars per month
+for FIFTY strong Negro fellows, to commence work immediately; and for
+FIFTY more on the first day of February, and for FIFTY on the first
+day of March."
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Reporter," Dec. 26, 1838.
+
+"WILL BE HIRED, for one year; on the first day of January, 1839, on
+the farm of the late Mrs. Meredith, a number of valuable NEGROES.
+R.S. TODD, Sheriff of Fayette Co. And Curator for James and Elizabeth
+Breckenridge."
+
+"NEGROES TO HIRE. On Wednesday, the 26th inst. I will hire to the
+highest bidder, the NEGROES belonging to Charles and Robert Innes.
+GEO. W. WILLIAMS. _Guardian_."
+
+The following _nine_ advertisements were published in one column of
+the "Winchester Virginian," Dec. 20, 1838.
+
+
+"NEGRO HIRINGS.
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, at Captain Long's Hotel, a number of
+SLAVES--men, women, boys and girls--belonging to the orphans of George
+Ash, deceased. RICHARD W. BARTON." _Guardian_.
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, at my Hotel, a number of SLAVES, consisting
+of men, women, boys and girls. JOSEPH LONG. _Exr. of Edmund
+Shackleford, dec'd_."
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, for the ensuing year, at Capt. Long's
+Hotel, a number of SLAVES. MOSES R. RICHARDS."
+
+"WILL be offered for hire, the slaves belonging to the estate of James
+Bowen, deceased, consisting of men, and women, boys and girls. GILES
+COOK. _One of the Exrs. of James Bowen dec'd_."
+
+"THE _hiring_ at Millwood will take place on Friday, the 28th day of
+December, 1838. BURWELL."
+
+"N.B. We are desired to say that other valuable NEGROES will also be
+_hired_ at Millwood on the same day, besides those offered by Mr. B."
+
+"The SLAVES of the late John Jolliffe, about twenty in number, and of
+all ages and both sexes, will be offered for hire at Cain's Depot.
+DAVID W. BARTON. _Administrator_."
+
+"I WILL hire at public hiring before the tavern door of Dr. Lacy,
+about 30 NEGROES, consisting of men, and women. JAMES R. RICHARDS."
+
+"WILL be hired, at Carter's Tavern, on 31st of December, a number of
+NEGROES. JOHN J.H. GUNNELL."
+
+"NEGROES FOR HIRE, (PRIVATELY.) About twelve servants, consisting of
+men, women, boys, and girls, for hire privately. Apply to the
+subscriber at Col. Smith's in Battletown. JOHN W. OWEN."
+
+A volume might easily be filled with advertisements like the
+preceding, showing conclusively that _hired_ slaves must be a large
+proportion of the whole number. The actual proportion has been
+variously estimated, at 1/2, 1/3, 1/4, 1/2, &c. if we adopt the last
+as our basis, it will make the number of hired slaves, in the United
+States, FIVE HUNDRED AND FORTY THOUSAND!
+
+6th. _Slaves under overseers whose wages are a part of the
+crop_.--That this is a common usage; appears from the following
+testimony. The late Hon. John Taylor, of Caroline Co. Virginia, one of
+the largest slaveholders in the state, President of the State
+Agricultural Society, and three times elected to the Senate of the
+United States, says, in his "Agricultural Essays," No. 15. P. 57,
+
+"This necessary class of men, (overseers,) are bribed by
+agriculturalists, not to improve, but to impoverish their land, _by a
+share of the crop for one year_.... The _greatest_ annual crop, and
+not the most judicious culture, advances his interest, and establishes
+his character; and the fees of these land-doctors, are much higher for
+killing than for curing.... The most which the land can yield, and
+seldom or never improvement with a view to future profit, is a point
+of common consent, and mutual need between the agriculturist and his
+overseer.... Must the practice of hiring a man for one year, by a
+share of the crop, to lay out all his skill and industry in killing
+land, and as little as possible in improving it, be kept up to
+commemorate the pious leaning of man to his primitive state of
+ignorance and barbarity? _Unless this is abolished_, the attempt to
+fertilize our lands is needless."
+
+
+Philemon Bliss, Esq, of Elyria, Ohio, who lived in Florida, in 1834-5,
+says,
+
+"It is common for owners of plantations and slaves, to hire overseers
+to take charge of them, while they themselves reside at a distance.
+_Their wages depend principally upon the amount of labor which they
+can exact from the slave_. The term "good overseer," signifies one who
+can make the greatest amount of the staple, cotton for instance, from
+a given number of hands, besides raising sufficient provisions for
+their consumption. He has no interest in the life of the slave. Hence
+the fact, so notorious at the south, that negroes are driven harder
+and fare worse under overseers than under their owners."
+
+
+William Ladd, Esq. of Minot, Maine, formerly a slaveholder in Florida,
+speaking, in a recent letter of the system of labor adopted there,
+says; "The compensation of the overseers _was a certain portion of the
+crop_."
+
+
+Rev. Phineas Smith, of Centreville, Allegany Co. N.Y. who has
+recently returned from a four years' residence, in the Southern slave
+states and Texas, says,
+
+"The mode in which _many_ plantations are managed, is calculated and
+_designed_, as an inducement to the slave driver, to lay upon the
+slave the _greatest possible burden, the overseer being entitled by
+contract, to a certain share of the crop_."
+
+We leave the reader to form his own opinion, as to the proportion of
+slaves under overseers, whose wages are in proportion to the crop,
+raised by them. We have little doubt that we shall escape the charge
+of wishing to make out a "strong case" when we put the proportion at
+_one-eighth_ of the whole number of slaves, which would be _three
+hundred and fifty thousand_.
+
+Without drawing out upon the page a sum in addition for the reader to
+"run up," it is easily seen that the slaves in the preceding classes
+amount to more than ELEVEN HUNDRED THOUSAND, exclusive of the deaf and
+dumb, and the blind, some of whom, especially the former, might be
+profitable to their "owners";
+
+Now it is plainly for the interest of the "owners" of these slaves, or
+of those who have the charge of them, to _treat than cruelly_, to
+overwork, under-feed, half-clothe, half-shelter, poison, or kill
+outright, the aged, the broken down, the incurably diseased, idiots,
+feeble infants, most of the blind, some deaf and dumb, &c. It is
+besides a part of the slave-holder's creed, that it is _for his
+interest_ to treat with terrible severity, all runaways and the
+incorrigibly stubborn, thievish, lazy, &c.; also for those who hire
+slaves, to overwork them; also for overseers to overwork the slaves
+under them, when their own wages are increased by it.
+
+We have thus shown that it would be "_for the interest_," of masters
+and overseers to treat with _habitual_ cruelty _more than one million_
+of the slaves in the United States. But this is not all; as we have
+said already, it is for the interest of overseers generally, whether
+their wages are proportioned to the crop or not, to overwork the
+slaves; we need not repeat the reasons.
+
+Neither is it necessary to re-state the arguments, going to show that
+it is for the interest of slaveholders, who cultivate the great
+southern staples, especially cotton, and the sugarcane, to overwork
+periodically _all_ their slaves, and _habitually_ the majority of
+them, when the demand for those staples creates high prices, as has
+been the case with cotton for many years, with little exception.
+Instead of entering into a labored estimate to get at the proportion
+of the slaves, affected by the operation of these and the other causes
+enumerated, we may say, that they operate _directly_ on the "field
+hands," employed in raising the southern staples, and indirectly upon
+all classes of the slaves.
+
+Finally, the conclude this head by turning the objector's negative
+proposition into an affirmative one, and state formally what has been
+already proved.
+
+_It is for the interest of shareholders, upon their own principles,
+and by their own showing, TO TREAT CRUELLY the great body of their
+slaves._
+
+
+
+Objection VI.--THE FACT THAT THE SLAVES MULTIPLY SO RAPIDLY PROVES
+THAT THEY ARE NOT INHUMANELY TREATED, BUT ARE IN A COMFORTABLE
+CONDITION
+
+To this we reply in brief, 1st. It has been already shown under a
+previous head, that, in considerable sections of the slave states,
+especially in the South West, the births among slaves are fewer than
+the deaths, which would exhibit a fearful decrease of the slave
+population in those sections, if the deficiency were not made up by
+the slave trade from the upper country.
+
+2d. The fact that all children born of slave _mothers_, whether their
+fathers are whites or free colored persons, are included in the census
+with the slaves, and further that all children born of white mothers,
+whose fathers are mulattos or blacks, are also included in the census
+with colored persons and almost invariably with _slaves_, shows that
+it is impossible to ascertain with any accuracy, _what is the actual
+increase of the slaves alone._
+
+3d. The fact that thousands of slaves, generally in the prime of life,
+are annually smuggled into the United States from Africa, Cuba, and
+elsewhere, makes it manifest that all inferences drawn from the
+increase of the slave population, which do not make large deductions,
+for constant importations, must be fallacious. Mr. Middleton of South
+Carolina, in a speech in Congress in 1819, declared that "THIRTEEN
+THOUSAND AFRICANS ARE ANNUALLY SMUGGLED INTO THE SOUTHERN STATES." Mr.
+Mercer of Virginia, in a speech in Congress about the same time
+declared that "_Cargoes_," of African slaves were smuggled into the
+South to a deplorable extent.
+
+Mr. Wright, of Maryland, in a speech in Congress, estimated the number
+annually at FIFTEEN THOUSAND. Miss Martineau, in her recent work,
+(Society in America,) informs us that a large slaveholder in
+Louisiana, assured her in 1835, that the annual importation of native
+Africans was from thirteen to fifteen thousand.
+
+The President of the United States, in his message to Congress,
+December, 1837, says, "The large force under Commodore Dallas, (on the
+West India station,) has been most actively and efficiently employed
+in protecting our commerce, IN PREVENTING THE IMPORTATION OF SLAVES,"
+&c. &c.
+
+The New Orleans Courier of 15th February, 1839, has these remarks:
+
+"It is believed that African negroes have been _repeatedly_ introduced
+into the United States. The number and the proximity of the Florida
+ports to the island of Cuba, make it no difficult matter; nor is our
+extended frontier on the Sabine and Red rivers, at all unfavorable to
+the smuggler. Human laws have, in all countries and ages, been
+violated whenever the inducements to do so afforded hopes of great
+profit.
+
+"The United States' law against the importation of Africans, _could it
+be strictly enforced_, might in a few years give the sugar and cotton
+planters of Texas advantage over those of this state; as it would, we
+apprehend, enable the former, under a stable government, to furnish
+cotton and sugar at a lower price than we can do. When giving
+publicity to such reflections as the subject seems to suggest, we
+protest against being considered advocates for any violation of the
+laws of our country. Every good citizen must respect those laws,
+notwithstanding we may deem them likely to be evaded by men less
+scrupulous."
+
+That both the south and north swarm with men 'less scrupulous,' every
+one knows.
+
+The Norfolk (Va.) Beacon, of June 8, 1837, has the following:
+
+"_Slave Trade.--Eight African negroes_ have been taken into custody,
+at Apalachicola, by the U.S. Deputy Marshal, alleged to have been
+imported from Cuba, on board the schooner Emperor, Captain Cox.
+Indictments for piracy, under the acts for the suppression of the
+slave trade, have been found against Captain Cox, and other parties
+implicated. The negroes were bought in Cuba by a Frenchman named
+Malherbe, formerly a resident of Tallahassee, who was drowned soon
+after the arrival of the schooner."
+
+The following testimony of Rev. Horace Moulton, now a minister of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, in Marlborough, Mass., who resided some
+years in Georgia, reveals some of the secrets of the slave-smugglers,
+and the connivance of the Georgia authorities at their doings. It is
+contained in a letter dated February 24, 1839.
+
+"The foreign slave-trade was carried on to some considerable extent
+when I was at the south, notwithstanding a law had been made some ten
+years previous to this, making this traffic piracy on the high seas. I
+was somewhat acquainted with the secrets of this traffic, and, I
+suppose, I might have engaged in it, had I so desired. Were you to
+visit all the plantations in South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, and
+Mississippi, I think you would be convinced that the horrors of the
+traffic in human flesh have not yet ceased. I was _surprised to find
+so many that could not speak English among the slaves,_ until the
+mystery was explained. This was done, when I learned that
+slave-cargoes were landed on the coast of Florida, not a thousand
+miles from St. Augustine. They could, and can still, in my opinion, be
+landed as safely on this coast as in any port of this continent. You
+can imagine for yourself how easy it was to carry on the traffic
+between this place and the West Indies. When landed on the coast of
+Florida, it is an easy matter to distribute them throughout the more
+southern states. The law which makes it piracy to traffic in the
+foreign slave trade is a dead letter; and I doubt not it has been so
+in the more southern states ever since it was enacted. For you can
+perceive at once, that interested men, who believe the colored man is so
+much better off here than he possibly can be in Africa, will not
+hesitate to kidnap the blacks whenever an opportunity presents itself.
+I will notice one fact that came under my own observation, which will
+convince you that the horrors of the foreign slave-trade have not yet
+ceased among our southern gentry. It is as follows. A slave ship,
+which I have reason to believe was employed by southern men, came near
+the port of Savannah with about FIVE HUNDRED SLAVES, from Guinea and
+Congo. It was said that the ship was driven there by contrary winds;
+and the crew, pretending to be short of provisions, run the ship into
+a by place, near the shore, between Tybee Light and Darien, to recruit
+their stores. Well, as Providence would have it, the revenue cutter,
+at that time taking a trip along the coast, fell in with this slave
+ship, took her as a prize, and brought her up into the port of
+Savannah. The cargo of human chattels was unloaded, and the captives
+were placed in an old barracks, in the fort of Savannah, under the
+protection of the city authorities, they pretending that they should
+return them all to their native country again, as soon as a convenient
+opportunity presented itself. The ship's crew of course were arrested,
+and confined in jail. Now for the sequel of this history. About one
+third part of the negroes died in a few weeks after they were landed,
+in seasoning, so called, or in becoming acclimated--or, as I should
+think, a distemper broke out among them, and they died like the
+Israelites when smitten with the plague. Those who did not die in
+seasoning, must be hired out a little while, to be sure, as the city
+authorities could not afford to keep them on expense doing nothing. As
+it happened, the man in whose employ I was when the cargo of human
+beings arrived, hired some twenty or thirty of them, and put them
+under my care. They continued with me until the sickly season drove me
+off to the north. I soon returned, but could not hear a word about the
+crew of pirates. They had something like a mock trial, as I should
+think, for no one, as I ever learned, was condemned, fined, or
+censured. But where were the poor captives, who were going to be
+returned to Africa by the city authorities, as soon as they could make
+it convenient? Oh, forsooth, those of whom I spoke, being under my
+care, were tugging away for the same man; the remainder were scattered
+about among different planters. When I returned to the north again,
+the next year, the city authorities had not, down to that time; made
+it convenient to return these poor victims. The fact is, they belonged
+there; and, in my opinion, they were designed to be landed near by the
+place where the revenue cutter seized them. Probably those very
+planters for whom they were originally designed received them; and
+still there was a pretence kept up that they would be returned to
+Africa. This must have been done, that the consciences of those might
+be quieted, who were looking for justice to be administered to these
+poor captives. It is easy for a company of slaveholders, who desire to
+traffic in human flesh, to fit out a vessel, under Spanish colors, and
+then go prowling about the African coast for the victims of their
+lusts. If all the facts with relation to the African slave-trade, now
+secretly carried on at the south, could be disclosed, the people of
+the free states would be filled with amazement."
+
+It is plain, from the nature of this trade, and the circumstances
+under which it is carried on, that the number of slaves imported would
+be likely to be estimated far _below_ the truth. There can be little
+doubt that the estimate of Mr. Wright, of Maryland, (fifteen thousand
+annually,) is some thousands too small. But even according to his
+estimate, the African slave-trade adds ONE HUNDRED AND FIFTY THOUSAND
+SLAVES TO EACH UNITED STATES' CENSUS. These are in the prime of life,
+and their children would swell the slave population many thousands
+annually--thus making a great addition to each census.
+
+4. It is a notorious fact, that large numbers of free colored persons
+are kidnapped every year in the free states, taken to the south, and
+sold as slaves.
+
+Hon. GEORGE M. STROUD, Judge of the Criminal Court of Philadelphia, in
+his sketch of the slave laws, speaking of the kidnapping of free
+colored persons in the northern states, says--
+
+"Remote as is the city of Philadelphia from those slaveholding states
+in which the introduction of slaves from places within the territory
+of the United States is freely permitted, and where also the market is
+tempting, _it has been ascertained,_ that MORE THAN THIRTY FREE
+COLORED PERSONS, MOSTLY CHILDREN, HAVE BEEN KIDNAPPED HERE, AND
+CARRIED AWAY, WITHIN THE LAST TWO YEARS. Five of these, through the
+kind interposition of several humane gentlemen, have been restored to
+their friends, though not without _great expense and difficulty_; the
+others _are still retained in bondage_, and if rescued at all, it must
+be by sending white witnesses a journey of more than a thousand miles.
+The costs attendant upon lawsuits, under such circumstances, will
+probably fall but little short of the estimated value, as slaves, of
+the individuals kidnapped."
+
+The following is an extract from Mrs. CHILD's Appeal, pp. 64-6.
+
+"I know the names of four colored citizens of Massachusetts, who went
+to Georgia on board a vessel, were seized under the laws of that
+state, and sold as slaves. They have sent the most earnest
+exhortations to their families and friends, to do something for their
+relief; but the attendant expenses require more money than the friends
+of negroes are apt to have, and the poor fellows, as yet, remain
+unassisted.
+
+"A New York paper, of November, 1829, contains the following caution.
+
+_"Beware of Kidnappers!_--It is well understood, that there is at
+present in this city, a gang of kidnappers, busily engaged in their
+vocation, of stealing colored children for the southern market. It is
+believed that three or four have been stolen within as many days.
+There are suspicions of a foul nature connected with some who serve
+the police in subordinate capacities. It is hinted that there may be
+those in some authority, not altogether ignorant of these diabolical
+practices. Let the public be on their guard! It is still fresh in the
+memories of all, that a cargo, or rather drove of negroes, was made up
+from this city and Philadelphia, about the time that the emancipation
+of all the negroes in this state took place, under our present
+constitution, and were taken through Virginia, the Carolinas, and
+Tennessee, and disposed of in the state of Mississippi. Some of those
+who were taken from Philadelphia were persons of intelligence; and
+after they had been driven through the country in chains, and disposed
+of by sale on the Mississippi, wrote back to their friends, and were
+rescued from bondage. The persons who were guilty of this abominable
+transaction are known, and now reside in North Carolina. They may very
+probably be engaged in similar enterprizes at the present time--at
+least there is reason to believe, that the system of kidnapping free
+persons of color from the northern cities, has been carried on more
+extensively than the public arc generally aware of."
+
+GEORGE BRADBURN, Esq. of Nantucket, Mass. a member of the Legislature
+of that state, at its last session, made a report to that body, March
+6, 1839, 'On the deliverance of citizens liable to be sold as slaves.'
+That report contains the following facts and testimony.
+
+"The following facts are a few out of a VAST MULTITUDE, to which the
+attention of the undersigned has been directed.
+
+"On the 27th of February last, the undersigned had an interview with
+the Rev. Samuel Snowden, a respectable and intelligent clergyman of
+the city of Boston. This gentleman stated, and he is now ready to make
+oath, that during the last six years, he has himself, by the aid of
+various benevolent individuals, procured the deliverance from jail of
+six citizens of Massachusetts, who had been, arrested and imprisoned
+as runaway slaves, and who, but for his timely interposition, would
+have been sold into perpetual bondage. The names and the places of
+imprisonment of those persons, as stated by Mr. S. were as follows:
+
+"James Hight, imprisoned at Mobile; William Adams, at Norfolk; William
+Holmes, also at Norfolk; James Oxford, at Wilmington; James Smith, at
+Baton Rouge; John Tidd, at New Orleans.
+
+"In 1836, Mary Smith, a native of this state, returning from New
+Orleans, whither she had been in the capacity of a servant, was cast
+upon the shores of North Carolina. She was there seized and sold as a
+slave. Information of the fact reached her friends at Boston. Those
+friends made an effort to obtain her liberation. They invoked the
+assistance of the Governor of this Commonwealth. A correspondence
+ensued between His Excellency and the Governor of North Carolina:
+copies of which were offered for the inspection of your committee.
+Soon afterwards, by permission of the authorities of North Carolina,
+'Mary Smith' returned to Boston. But it turned out, that this was not
+_the_ Mary Smith, whom our worthy Governor, and other excellent
+individuals of Boston, had taken so unwearied pains to redeem from
+slavery. It was another woman, of the same name, who was also a native
+of Massachusetts, and had been seized in North Carolina as a runaway
+slave. The Mary Smith has not yet been heard of. If alive, she is now,
+in all probability, wearing the chains of slavery.
+
+"About a year and a half since, several citizens of different free
+states were rescued from slavery, at New Orleans, by the direct
+personal efforts of an acquaintance of the undersigned. The benevolent
+individual alluded to is Jacob Barker, Esq. a name not unknown to the
+commercial world. Mr. Barker is a resident of New Orleans. A statement
+of the cases in reference is contained in a letter addressed by him to
+the Hon. Samuel H. Jenks, of Nantucket."
+
+The letter of Mr. Barker, referred to in this report to the
+Legislature of Massachusetts, bears date August 19, 1837. The
+following are extracts from it.
+
+"A free man, belonging to Baltimore, by the name of Ephraim Larkin,
+who came here cook of the William Tell, was arrested and thrown into
+prison a few weeks since, and sent in chains to work on the road. I
+heard of it, and with difficulty found him; and after the most
+diligent and active exertions, got him released--in effecting which, I
+traveled in the heat of the day, thermometer ranging in the shade from
+94 to 100, more than twenty times to and from prison, the place of his
+labor, and the different courts, a distance of near three miles from
+my residence; and after I had established his freedom, had to pay for
+his arrest, maintenance, and the advertising him as a runaway slave,
+$29.89, as per copy of bill herewith--the allowance for work not
+equalling the expenses, the amount augments with every day of
+confinement.
+
+"In pursuing the cook of the William Tell, I found three other free
+men, confined in the same prison; one belonged also to Baltimore, by
+the name of Leaven Dogerty: he was also released, on my paying $28
+expenses; one was a descendant of the Indians who once inhabited
+Nantucket--his name is Eral Lonnon. Lonnon had been six weeks in
+prison; he was released without difficulty, on my paying $20.38
+expenses--and no one seemed to know why he had been confined or
+arrested, as the law does not presume persons of mixed blood to be
+slaves. But for the others, I had great difficulty in procuring what
+was considered competent witnesses to prove them free. No complaint of
+improper conduct had been made against either of them. At one time,
+the Recorder said the witness must be white; at another, that one
+respectable witness was insufficient; at another, that a person who
+had been (improperly) confined and released, was not a competent
+witness, &c. &c. Lonnon has been employed in the South Sea fishery
+from Nantucket and New Bedford, nearly all his life; has sailed on
+those voyages in the ships Eagle, Maryland, Gideon, Triton, and
+Samuel. He was born at Marshpee, Plymouth (Barnstable) county, Mass.
+and prefers to encounter the leviathan of the deep, rather than the
+turnkeys of New Orleans.
+
+"The other was born in St. Johns, Nova Scotia, and bears the name of
+William Smith, a seaman by profession.
+
+"Immediately after these men were released, two others were arrested.
+They attempted to escape, and being pursued, ran for the river, in the
+vain hope of being able to swim across the Mississippi, a distance of
+a mile, with a current of four knots. One soon gave out, and made for
+a boat which had been despatched for their recovery, and was saved;
+the other being a better swimmer, continued on until much exhausted,
+then also made for the boat--it was too late; he sank before the boat
+could reach him, and was drowned. They claimed to be freemen.
+
+"On Sunday last I was called to the prison of the Municipality in
+which I reside, to serve on an inquest on the body of a drowned man.
+There I saw one other free man confined, by the name of Henry Tier, a
+yellow man, born in New York, and formerly in my employ. He had been
+confined as a supposed runaway, near six months, without a particle of
+testimony; although from his color, the laws of Louisiana presume him
+to be free. I applied immediately for his release, which was promptly
+granted. At first, expenses similar to those exacted in the third
+Municipality were required; but on my demonstrating to the recorder
+that the law imposed no such burden on free men, he was released
+without any charge whatever. How free men can obtain satisfaction for
+having been thus wrongfully imprisoned, and made to work in chains on
+the highway, is not for me to decide. I apprehend no satisfaction can
+be had without more active friends, willing to espouse their cause,
+than can be found in this quarter. Therefore I repeat, that no person
+of color should come here without a certificate of freedom from the
+governor of the state to which he belongs.
+
+"Very respectfully, your assured friend, Jacob Barker."
+
+
+"N.B.--Since writing the preceding, I have procured the release of
+another free man from the prison of the third Municipality, on the
+payment of $39.65, as per bill, copy herewith. His name is William
+Lockman--he was born in New Jersey, of free parents, and resides at
+Philadelphia. A greater sum was required which was reduced by the
+allowance of his maintenance (written _labor_,) while at work on the
+road, which the law requires the Municipality to pay; but it had not
+before been so expounded in the third Municipality. I hope to get it
+back in the case of the other three. The allowance for labor, in
+addition to their maintenance, is twenty-five cents per day; but they
+require those illiterate men to advance the whole before they can
+leave the prison, and then to take a certificate for their labor, and
+go for it to another department--to collect which, is ten times more
+trouble than the money when received is worth. While these free men,
+without having committed any fault, were compelled to work in chains,
+on the roads, in the burning sun, for 25 cents per day, and pay in
+advance 18 3-4 cents per day for maintenance, doctor's, and other
+bills, and not able to work half their time, I paid others, working on
+ship-board, in sight, two dollars per day. J.B."
+
+The preceding letter of Mr. Barker, furnishes grounds for the belief,
+that _hundreds_, if not _thousands_ of free colored persons, from the
+different states of this Union, both slave and free from the West
+Indies, South America, Mexico, and the British possessions in North
+America, and from other parts of the world, are reduced to slavery
+_every year_ in our slave states. If a single individual, in the
+course of a few days, _accidentally_ discovered _six_ colored free
+men, working in irons, and soon to be sold as slaves, in a _single_
+southern city, is it not fair to infer, that in all the slave states,
+there must be _multitudes_ of such persons, now in slavery, and that
+this number is rapidly increasing, by ceaseless accessions?
+
+The letter of Mr. Barker is valuable, also, as a graphic delineation
+of the 'public opinion' of the south. The great difficulty with which
+the release of these free men was procured, notwithstanding the
+personal efforts of Mr. Jacob Barker, who is a gentleman of influence,
+and has, we believe, been an alderman of New Orleans, reveals a
+'public opinion,' insensible as adamant to the liberty of colored men.
+
+It would be easy to fill scores of pages with details similar to the
+preceding. We have furnished enough, however, to show, that, in all
+probability, _each_ United States' census of the _slave_ population,
+is increased by the addition to it of _thousands_ of free colored
+persons, kidnapped and sold as slaves.
+
+5th. To argue that the rapid multiplication of any class in the
+community, is proof that such a class is well-clothed, well-housed,
+abundantly fed, and very _comfortable_, is as absurd as to argue that
+those who have _few children_, must of course, be ill-clothed,
+ill-housed, badly lodged, overworked, ill-fed, &c. &c. True,
+privations and inflictions may be carried to such an extent as to
+occasion a fearful diminishment of population. That was the case
+generally with the slave population in the West Indies, and, as has
+been shown, is true of certain portions of the southern states. But
+the fact that such an effect is _not_ produced, does not prove that
+the slaves do not experience great privations and severe inflictions.
+They may suffer much hardship, and great cruelties, without
+experiencing so great a derangement of the vital functions as to
+prevent child-bearing. The Israelites multiplied with astonishing
+rapidity, under the task-masters and burdens of Egypt. Does this
+falsify the declarations of Scripture, that 'they sighed by reason of
+their bondage,' and that the Egyptians 'made them serve _with rigor_,'
+and made 'their lives bitter with _hard bondage_.' 'I have seen,' said
+God, 'their _afflictions_. I have beard their _groanings_,' &c. The
+history of the human race shows, that great _privations and much
+suffering_ may be experienced, without materially checking the rapid
+increase of population.
+
+Besides, if we should give to the objection all it claims, it would
+merely prove, that the female slaves, or rather a portion of them, are
+in a comfortable condition; and that, so far as the absolute
+necessities of life are concerned, the females of _child-bearing_ age,
+in Delaware, Maryland, northern, western, and middle Virginia, the
+upper parts of Kentucky and Missouri, and among the mountains of east
+Tennessee and western North Carolina, are in general tolerably well
+supplied. The same remark, with some qualifications, may be made of
+the slaves generally, in those parts of the country where the people
+are slaveholders, mainly, that they may enjoy the privilege and profit
+of being _slave-breeders_.
+
+
+
+OBJECTION VIII.--'PUBLIC OPINION IS A PROTECTION TO THE SLAVE.'
+
+ANSWER. It was public opinion that _made him a slave_. In a republican
+government the people make the laws, and those laws are merely public
+opinion _in legal forms_. We repeat it,--public opinion made them
+slaves, and keeps them slaves; in other words, it sunk them from men
+to chattels, and now, forsooth, this same public opinion will see to
+it, that these _chattels_ are treated like _men!_
+
+By looking a little into this matter, and finding out how this 'public
+opinion' (law) protects the slaves in some particulars, we can judge
+of the amount of its protection in others. 1. It protects the slaves
+from _robbery_, by declaring that those who robbed their mothers may
+rob them and their children. "All negroes, mulattoes, or mestizoes who
+now are, or shall hereafter be in this province, and all their
+offspring, are hereby declared to be, and shall remain, forever,
+hereafter, absolute slaves, and shall follow the condition of the
+mother."--Law of South Carolina, 2 Brevard's Digest, 229. Others of
+the slave states have similar laws.
+
+2. It protects their _persons_, by giving their master a right to
+flog, wound, and beat them when he pleases. See Devereaux's North
+Carolina Reports, 263.--Case of the State vs. Mann, 1829; in which the
+Supreme Court decided, that a master who _shot_ at a female slave and
+wounded her, because she got loose from him when he was flogging her,
+and started to run from him, had violated _no law_, AND COULD NOT BE
+INDICTED. It has been decided by the highest courts of the slave
+states generally, that assault and battery upon a slave is not
+indictable as a criminal offence.
+
+The following decision on this point was made by the Supreme Court of
+South Carolina in the case of the State vs. Cheetwood, 2 Hill's
+Reports, 459.
+
+_Protection of slaves_.--"The criminal offence of assault and battery
+_cannot, at common law, be committed on the person of a slave_. For,
+notwithstanding for some purposes a slave is regarded in law as a
+person, yet generally he is a mere chattel personal, and his right of
+personal protection belongs to his master, who can maintain an action
+of trespass for the battery of his slave.
+
+"There can be therefore no offence against the state for a mere
+beating of a slave, unaccompanied by any circumstances of cruelty, or
+an attempt to kill and murder. The peace of the state is not thereby
+broken; for a slave is not generally regarded as legally capable of
+being within the peace of the state. He is not a citizen, and _is not
+in that character entitled to her protection_."
+
+This 'public opinion' protects the _persons_ of the slaves by
+depriving them of Jury trial;[28] their _consciences_, by forbidding
+them to assemble for worship, unless their oppressors are present;[29]
+their _characters_, by branding them as liars, in denying them their
+oath in law;[30] their _modesty_, by leaving their master to clothe,
+or let them go naked, as he pleases;[31] and their _health_, by
+leaving him to feed or starve them, to work them, wet or dry, with or
+without sleep, to lodge them, with or without covering, as the whim
+takes him;[32] and their _liberty_, marriage relations, parental
+authority, and filial obligations, by _annihilating_ the whole.[33]
+This is the protection which 'PUBLIC OPINION,' in the form of _law_,
+affords to the slaves; this is the chivalrous knight, always in
+stirrups, with lance in rest, to champion the cause of the slaves.
+
+[Footnote 28: Law of South Carolina. James' Digest, 392-3. Law of
+Louisiana. Martin's Digest, 42. Law of Virginia. Rev. Code, 429.]
+
+
+[Footnote 29: Miss. Rev. Code, 390. Similar laws exist in the slave
+states generally.]
+
+
+[Footnote 30: "A slave cannot be a witness against a white person,
+either in a civil or criminal cause." Stroud's Sketch of the Laws of
+Slavery, 65.]
+
+
+[Footnote 31: Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws, 132.]
+
+
+[Footnote 32: Stroud's Sketch, 26-32.]
+
+
+[Footnote 33: Stroud's Sketch, 22-24.]
+
+
+Public opinion, protection to the slave! Brazen effrontery, hypocrisy,
+and falsehood! We have, in the laws cited and referred to above, the
+formal testimony of the Legislatures of the slave states, that,
+'public opinion' does pertinaciously _refuse_ to protect the slaves;
+not only so, but that it does itself persecute and plunder them all:
+that it originally planned, and now presides over, sanctions, executes
+and perpetuates the whole system of robbery, torture, and outrage
+under which they groan.
+
+In all the slave states, this 'public opinion' has taken away from the
+slave his _liberty_; it has robbed him of his right to his own body,
+of his right to improve his mind, of his right to read the Bible, of
+his right to worship God according to his conscience, of his right to
+receive and enjoy what he earns, of his right to live with his wife
+and children, of his right to better his condition, of his right to
+eat when he is hungry, to rest when he is tired, to sleep when be
+needs it, and to cover his nakedness with clothing: this 'public
+opinion' makes the slave a prisoner for life on the plantation, except
+when his jailor pleases to let him out with a 'pass,' or sells him,
+and transfers him in irons to another jail-yard: this 'public opinion'
+traverses the country, buying up men, women, children--chaining them
+in coffles, and driving them forever from their nearest friends; it
+sets them on the auction table, to be handled, scrutinized, knocked
+off to the highest bidder; it proclaims that they shall not have their
+liberty; and, if their masters give it them, 'public opinion' seizes
+and throws them back into slavery. This same 'public opinion' has
+formally attached the following legal penalties to the following acts
+of slaves.
+
+If more than seven slaves are found together in any road, without a
+white person, _twenty lashes a piece_; for visiting a plantation
+without a written pass, ten lashes; for letting loose a boat from
+where it is made fast, _thirty-nine lashes for the first offence_; and
+for the second, '_shall have cut off from his head one ear_;' for
+keeping or carrying a _club, thirty-nine lashes_; for having any
+article for sale, without a ticket from his master, _ten lashes_; for
+traveling in any other than 'the most usual and accustomed road,' when
+going alone to any place, _forty lashes_; for traveling in the night,
+without a pass, _forty lashes_; for being found in another person's
+negro-quarters, _forty lashes_; for hunting with dogs in the woods,
+_thirty lashes_; for being on _horseback_ without the written
+permission of his master, _twenty-five lashes_; for riding or going
+abroad in the night, or riding horses in the day time, without leave,
+a slave may be whipped, _cropped_, or _branded in the cheek_ with the
+letter R, or otherwise punished, _not extending to life_, or so as to
+render him _unfit for labor_. The laws referred to may be found by
+consulting 2 Brevard's Digest, 228, 213, 216; Haywood's Manual, 78,
+chap. 13, pp. 518, 529; 1 Virginia Revised Code, 722-3; Prince's
+Digest, 454; 2 Missouri Laws, 741; Mississippi Revised Code, 571. Laws
+similar to these exist throughout the southern slave code. Extracts
+enough to fill a volume might be made from these laws, showing that
+the protection which 'public opinion' grants to the slaves, is hunger,
+nakedness, terror, bereavements, robbery, imprisonment, the stocks,
+iron collars, hunting and worrying them with dogs and guns, mutilating
+their bodies, and murdering them.
+
+A few specimens of the laws and the judicial decisions on them, will
+show what is the state of 'public opinion' among slaveholders towards
+their slaves. Let the following suffice.--'Any person may lawfully
+kill a slave, who has been outlawed for running away and lurking in
+swamps, &c.'--Law of North Carolina; Judge Stroud's Sketch of the
+Slave Laws, 103; Haywood's Manual, 524. 'A slave _endeavoring_ to
+entice another slave to runaway, if provisions, &c. be prepared for
+the purpose of aiding in such running away, shall be punished with
+DEATH. And a slave who shall aid the slave so endeavoring to entice
+another slave to run away, shall also suffer DEATH.'--Law of South
+Carolina; Stroud's Sketch of Slave Laws, 103-4; 2 Brevard's Digest,
+233, 244. Another law of South Carolina provides that if a slave
+shall, when absent from the plantation, refuse to be examined by '_any
+white_ person,' (no matter how crazy or drunk,) 'such white person may
+seize and chastise him; and if the slave shall _strike_ such white
+person, such slave may be lawfully killed.'--2 Brevard's Digest, 231.
+
+The following is a law of Georgia.--'If any slave shall presume to
+strike any white person, such slave shall, upon trial and conviction
+before the justice or justices, suffer such punishment for the first
+offence as they shall think fit, not extending to life or limb; and
+for the second offence, DEATH.'--Prince's Digest, 450. The same law
+exists in South Carolina, with this difference, that death is made the
+punishment for the _third_ offence. In both states, the law contains
+this remarkable proviso: 'Provided always, that such striking be not
+done by the command and in the defence of the person or property of
+the owner, or other person having the government of such slave, in
+which case the slave shall be wholly excused!' According to this law,
+if a slave, by the direction of his OVERSEER, strike a white man who
+is beating said overseer's _dog_, 'the slave shall be wholly excused;'
+but if the white man has rushed upon the slave himself, instead of the
+_dog_, and is furiously beating him, if the slave strike back but a
+single blow, the legal penalty is 'ANY _punishment_ not extending to
+life or limb;' and if the tortured slave has a second onset made upon
+him, and, after suffering all but death, again strike back in
+self-defence, the law KILLS him for it. So, if a female slave, in
+obedience to her mistress, and in defence of 'her property,' strike a
+white man who is kicking her mistress' pet kitten, she 'shall be
+wholly excused,' saith the considerate law: but if the unprotected
+girl, when beaten and kicked _herself_, raise her hand against her
+brutal assailant, the law condemns her to 'any punishment, not
+extending to life or limb; and if a wretch assail her again, and
+attempt to violate her chastity, and the trembling girl, in her
+anguish and terror, instinctively raise her hand against him in
+self-defence, she shall, saith the law, 'suffer DEATH.'
+
+Reader, this diabolical law is the 'public opinion' of Georgia and
+South Carolina toward the slaves. This is the vaunted 'protection'
+afforded them by their 'high-souled chivalry.' To show that the
+'public opinion' of the slave states far more effectually protects the
+_property_ of the master than the _person_ of the slave, the reader is
+referred to two laws of Louisiana, passed in 1819. The one attaches a
+penalty 'not exceeding one thousand dollars,' and 'imprisonment not
+exceeding two years,' to the crime of 'cutting or breaking any iron
+chain or collar,' which any master of slaves has used to prevent their
+running away; the other, a penalty 'not exceeding five hundred
+dollars,' to 'wilfully cutting out the tongue, putting out the eye,
+_cruelly_ burning, or depriving any slave of _any limb_.' Look at
+it--the most horrible dismemberment conceivable cannot be punished by
+a fine of _more_ than five hundred dollars. The law expressly fixes
+that, as the utmost limit, and it _may_ not be half that sum; not a
+single moment's imprisonment stays the wretch in his career, and the
+next hour he may cut out another slave's tongue, or burn his hand off.
+But let the same man break a chain put upon a slave, to keep him from
+running away, and, besides paying double the penalty that could be
+exacted from him for cutting off a slave's leg, the law imprisons him
+not exceeding two years!
+
+This law reveals the _heart_ of slaveholders towards their slaves,
+their diabolical indifference to the most excruciating and protracted
+torments inflicted on them by '_any_ person;' it reveals, too, the
+_relative_ protection afforded by 'public opinion' to the _person_ of
+the slave, in appalling contrast with the vastly surer protection
+which it affords to the master's _property_ in the slave. The wretch
+who cuts out the tongue, tears out the eyes, shoots off the arms, or
+burns off the feet of a slave, over a slow fire, _cannot_ legally be
+fined more than five hundred dollars; but if he should in pity loose a
+chain from his galled neck, placed there by the master to keep him
+from escaping, and thus put his property in some jeopardy, he may be
+fined _one thousand dollars_, and thrust into a dungeon for two years!
+and this, be it remembered, not for _stealing_ the slave from the
+master, nor for _enticing_, or even advising him to run away, or
+giving him any information how he can effect his escape; but merely,
+because, touched with sympathy for the bleeding victim, as he sees the
+rough iron chafe the torn flesh at every turn, he removes it;--and, as
+escape without this incumbrance would be easier than with it, the
+master's property in the slave is put at some risk. For having caused
+this slight risk, the law provides a punishment--fine not exceeding
+one thousand dollars, and imprisonment not exceeding _two years_. We
+say 'slight risk,' because the slave may not be disposed to encounter
+the dangers, and hunger, and other sufferings of the woods, and the
+certainty of terrible inflictions if caught; and if he should attempt
+it, the risk of losing him is small. An advertisement of five lines
+will set the whole community howling on his track; and the trembling
+and famished fugitive is soon scented out in his retreat, and dragged
+back and delivered over to his tormentors.
+
+The preceding law is another illustration of the 'protection' afforded
+to the limbs and members of slaves, by 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+
+Here follow two other illustrations of the brutal indifference of
+'public opinion' to the _torments_ of the slave, while it is full of
+zeal to compensate the master, if any one disables his slave so as to
+lessen his market value. The first is a law of South Carolina. It
+provides, that if a slave, engaged in his owner's service, be attacked
+by a person 'not having sufficient cause for so doing,' and if the
+slave shall be '_maimed or disabled_' by him, so that the owner
+suffers a loss from his inability to labor, the person maiming him
+shall pay for his 'lost time,' and 'also the charges for the cure of
+the slave!' This Vandal law does not deign to take the least notice of
+the anguish of the '_maimed' slave_, made, perhaps, a groaning cripple
+for life; the horrible wrong and injury done to _him_, is passed over
+in utter silence. It is thus declared to be _not a criminal act_. But
+the pecuniary interests of the master are not to be thus neglected by
+'public opinion'. Oh no! its tender bowels run over with sympathy at
+the master's injury in the 'lost _time_' of his slave, and it
+carefully provides that he shall have pay for the whole of it.--See 2
+_Brevard's Digest_, 231, 2.
+
+A law similar to the above has been passed in Louisiana, which
+contains an additional provision for the benefit of the
+_master_--ordaining, that 'if the slave' (thus _maimed and disabled_,)
+'be forever rendered unable to work,' the person maiming, shall pay
+the master the appraised value of the slave before the injury, and
+shall, in addition, _take_ the slave, and maintain him during life.'
+Thus 'public opinion' transfers the helpless cripple from the hand of
+his master, who, as he has always had the benefit of his services,
+might possibly feel some tenderness for him, and puts him in the sole
+power of the wretch who has disabled him for life--protecting the
+victim from the fury of his tormentor, by putting him into his hands!
+What but butchery by piecemeal can, under such circumstances, be
+expected from a man brutal enough at first to 'maim' and 'disable'
+him, and now exasperated by being obliged to pay his full value to the
+master, and to have, in addition, the daily care and expense of his
+maintenance. Since writing the above, we have seen the following
+judicial decision, in the case of Jourdan, vs. Patton--5 Martin's
+Louisiana Reports, 615. A slave of the plaintiff had been deprived of
+his _only eye_, and thus rendered _useless_, on which account the
+court adjudged that the defendant should pay the plaintiff his full
+value. The case went up, by appeal, to the Supreme court. Judge
+Mathews, in his decision said, that 'when the defendant had paid the
+sum decreed, the slave ought to be placed in his possession,'--adding,
+that 'the judgment making full compensation to the owner _operates a
+change of property_. He adds, 'The principle of humanity which would
+lead us to suppose, that the mistress whom he had long served, would
+treat her miserable blind slave with more kindness than the defendant
+to whom the judgment ought to transfer him, CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO
+CONSIDERATION!' The full compensation of the mistress for the loss of
+the services of the slave, is worthy of all 'consideration,' even to
+the uttermost farthing; 'public opinion' is omnipotent for _her_
+protection; but when the food, clothing, shelter, fire and lodging,
+medicine and nursing, comfort and entire condition and treatment of
+her poor blind slave throughout his dreary pilgrimage, is the
+question--ah! that, says the mouthpiece of the law, and the
+representative of 'public opinion,' 'CANNOT BE TAKEN INTO
+CONSIDERATION.' Protection of slaves by 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders!!
+
+The foregoing illustrations of southern 'public opinion,' from the
+laws made by it and embodying it, are sufficient to show, that, so far
+from being an efficient protection to the slaves, it is their
+deadliest foe, persecutor and tormentor.
+
+But here we shall probably be met by the legal lore of some 'Justice
+Shallow,' instructing us that the life of the slave is fully protected
+by law, however unprotected he may be in other respects. This
+assertion we meet with a point blank denial. The law does not, in
+reality, protect the life of the slave. But even if the letter of the
+law would fully protect the life of the slave, 'public opinion' in the
+slave states would make it a dead letter. The letter of the law would
+have been all-sufficient for the protection of the lives of the
+miserable gamblers in Vicksburg, and other places in Mississippi, from
+the rage of those whose money they had won; but 'gentlemen of property
+and standing 'laughed the law to scorn, rushed to the gamblers' house,
+put ropes round their necks, dragged them through the streets, hanged
+them in the public square, and thus saved the sum they had not yet
+paid. Thousands witnessed this wholesale murder, yet of the scores of
+legal officers present, not a soul raised a finger to prevent it, the
+whole city consented to it, and thus aided and abetted it. How many
+hundreds of them helped to commit the murders, _with their own hands_,
+does not appear, but not one of them has been indicted for it, and no
+one made the least effort to bring them to trial. Thus, up to the
+present hour, the blood of those murdered men rests on that whole
+city, and it will continue to be a CITY OF MURDERERS, so long as its
+citizens, agree together to shield those felons from punishment; and
+they do thus agree together so long as they encourage each other in
+refusing to bring them to justice. Now, the _laws_ of Mississippi were
+not in fault that those men were murdered; nor are they now in fault,
+that their murderers are not punished; the laws demand it, but the
+people of Mississippi, the legal officers, the grand juries and
+legislature of the state, with one consent agree, that the law _shall
+be a dead letter_, and thus the whole state assumes the guilt of those
+murders, and in bravado, flourishes her reeking hands in the face of
+the world.[34]
+
+[Footnote 34: We have just learned from Mississippi papers, that the
+citizens of Vicksburg are erecting a public monument in honor of Dr.
+H.S. Bodley, who was the ring-leader of the Lynchers in their attack
+upon the miserable victims. To give the crime the cold encouragement
+of impunity alone, or such slight tokens of favor as a home and a
+sanctuary, is beneath the chivalry and hospitality of Mississippians;
+so they tender it incense, an altar, and a crown of glory. Let the
+marble rise till it be seen from afar, a beacon marking the spot where
+law lies lifeless by the hand of felons; and murderers, with chaplets
+on their heads, dance and shout upon its grave, while 'all the people
+say, amen.']
+
+
+The letter of the law on the statute book is one thing, the practice
+of the community under that law often a totally different thing. Each
+of the slave states has laws providing that the life of no _white_ man
+shall be taken without his having first been indicted by a grand jury,
+allowed an impartial trial by a petit jury, with the right of counsel,
+cross-examination of witnesses, &c.; but who does not know that if
+ARTHUR TAPPAN were pointed out in the streets of New Orleans, Mobile,
+Savannah, Charleston, Natchez, or St. Louis, he would be torn in
+pieces by the citizens with one accord, and that if any one should
+attempt to bring his murderers to punishment, he would be torn in
+pieces also. The editors of southern newspapers openly vaunt, that
+every abolitionist who sets foot in their soil, shall, if he be
+discovered, be hung at once, without judge or jury. What mockery to
+quote the _letter of the law_ in those states, to show that
+abolitionists would have secured to them the legal protection of an
+impartial trial!
+
+Before the objector can make out his case, that the life of the slave
+is protected by the law, he must not only show that the _words of the
+law_ grant him such protection, but that such a state of public
+sentiment exists as will carry out the provisions of the law in their
+true spirit. Any thing short of this will be set down as mere prating
+by every man of common sense. It has been already abundantly shown in
+the preceding pages, that the public sentiment of the slaveholding
+states toward the slaves is diabolical. Now, if there were laws in
+those states, the _words_ of which granted to the life of the slave
+the same protection granted to that of the master, what would they
+avail? ACTS constitute protection; and is that public sentiment which
+makes the slave 'property,' and perpetrates hourly robbery and
+batteries upon him, so penetrated with a sense of the sacredness of
+his right to life, that it will protect it at all hazards, and drag to
+the gallows his OWNER, if he take the life of his own _property_? If
+it be asked, why the penalty for killing a slave is not a mere _fine_
+then, if his life is not really regarded as sacred by public
+sentiment--we answer, that formerly in most, if not in all the slave
+states, the murder of a slave _was_ punished by a mere fine. This was
+the case in South Carolina till a few years since. Yes, as late as
+1821, in the state of South Carolina, which boasts of its chivalry and
+honor, at least as loudly as any state in the Union, a slaveholder
+might butcher his slave in the most deliberate manner--with the most
+barbarous and protracted torments, and yet not be subjected to a
+single hour's imprisonment--pay his fine, stride out of the court and
+kill another--pay his fine again and butcher another, and so long as
+he paid to the state, cash down, its own assessment of damages,
+without putting it to the trouble of prosecuting for it, he might
+strut 'a gentleman.'--See 2 _Brevard's Digest_, 241.
+
+The reason assigned by the legislature for enacting a law which
+punished the wilful murder of a human being by a _fine_, was that
+'CRUELTY _is_ HIGHLY UNBECOMING,' and 'ODIOUS.' It was doubtless the
+same reason that induced the legislature in 1821, to make a show of
+giving _more_ protection to the life of the slave. Their fathers, when
+they gave _some_ protection, did it because the time had come when,
+not to do it would make them 'ODIOUS,' So the legislature of 1821 made
+a show of giving still greater protection, because, not to do it would
+make them '_odious_.' Fitly did they wear the mantles of their
+ascending fathers! In giving to the life of a slave the miserable
+protection of a fine, their fathers did not even pretend to do it out
+of any regard to the sacredness of his life as a human being, but
+merely because cruelty is 'unbecoming' and 'odious.' The legislature
+of 1821 _nominally_ increased this protection; not that they cared
+more for the slave's rights, or for the inviolabity of his life as a
+human being, but the civilized world had advanced since the date of
+the first law. The slave-trade which was then honorable merchandise,
+and plied by lords, governors, judges, and doctors of divinity,
+raising them to immense wealth, had grown 'unbecoming,' and only
+raised its votaries by a rope to the yard arm; besides this, the
+barbarity of the slave codes throughout the world was fast becoming
+'odious' to civilized nations, and slaveholders found that the only
+conditions on which they could prevent themselves from being thrust
+out of the pale of civilization, was to meliorate the iron rigor of
+their slave code, and thus _seem_ to secure to their slaves some
+protection. Further, the northern states had passed laws for the
+abolition of slavery--all the South American states were acting in the
+matter; and Colombia and Chili passed acts of abolition that very
+year. In addition to all this the Missouri question had been for two
+years previous under discussion in Congress, in State legislatures,
+and in every village and stage coach; and this law of South Carolina
+had been held up to execration by northern members of Congress, and in
+newspapers throughout the free states--in a word, the legislature of
+South Carolina found that they were becoming 'odious;' and while in
+their sense of justice and humanity they did not surpass their
+fathers, they winced with equal sensitiveness under the sting of the
+world's scorn, and with equal promptitude sued for a truce by
+modifying the law.
+
+The legislature of South Carolina modified another law at the same
+session. Previously, the killing of a slave 'on a sudden heat or
+passion, or by undue correction,' was punished by a fine of three
+hundred and fifty pounds. In 1821 an act was passed diminishing the
+fine to five hundred dollars, but authorizing an imprisonment 'not
+exceeding six months.' Just before the American Revolution, the
+Legislature of North Carolina passed a law making _imprisonment_ the
+penalty for the wilful and malicious murder of a slave. About twenty
+years after the revolution, the state found itself becoming 'odious,'
+as the spirit of abolition was pervading the nations. The legislature,
+perceiving that Christendom would before long rank them with
+barbarians if they so cheapened human life, repealed the law, candidly
+assigning in the preamble of the new one the reason for repealing the
+old--that it was 'DISGRACEFUL' and 'DEGRADING! As this preamble
+expressly recognizes the slave as 'a human creature,' and as it is
+couched in a phraseology which indicates some sense of justice, we
+would gladly give the legislature credit for sincerity, and believe
+them really touched with humane movings towards the slave, were it not
+for a proviso in the law clearly revealing that the show of humanity
+and regard for their rights, indicated by the words, is nothing more
+than a hollow pretence--hypocritical flourish to produce an impression
+favorable to their justice and magnanimity. After declaring that he
+who is 'guilty of wilfully and maliciously killing a slave, shall
+suffer the same punishment as if he had killed a freeman;' the act
+concludes thus: 'Provided, always, this act shall not extend to the
+person killing a slave outlawed by virtue of any act of Assembly of
+this state; or to any slave in the act of resistance to his lawful
+overseer, or master, or to any slave dying under _moderate
+correction_.' Reader, look at this proviso. 1. It gives free license
+to all persons to kill _outlawed slaves_. Well, what is an outlawed
+slave? A slave who runs away, lurks in swamps, &c., and kills a _hog_
+or any other domestic animal to keep himself from starving, is subject
+to a proclamation of _outlawry_; (Haywood's Manual, 521,) and then
+whoever finds him may shoot him, tear him in pieces with dogs, burn
+him to death over a slow fire, or kill him by any other tortures. 2.
+The proviso grants full license to a master to kill his slave, if the
+slave _resist_ him. The North Carolina Bench has decided that this law
+contemplates not only actual resistance to punishment, &c., but also
+_offering_ to resist. (Stroud's Sketch, 37.) If, for example, a slave
+undergoing the process of branding should resist by pushing aside the
+burning stamp; or if wrought up to frenzy by the torture of the lash,
+he should catch and hold it fast; or if he break loose from his master
+and run, refusing to stop at his command; or if he _refuse_ to be
+flogged; or struggle to keep his clothes on while his master is trying
+to strip him; if, in these, or any one of a hundred other ways he
+_resist_, or offer, or _threaten_ to resist the infliction; or, if the
+master attempt the violation of the slave's wife, and the husband
+resist his attempts without the least effort to injure him, but merely
+to shield his wife from his assaults, this law does not merely permit,
+but it _authorizes_ the master to murder the slave on the spot.
+
+The brutality of these two provisos brands its authors as barbarians.
+But the third cause of exemption could not be outdone by the
+legislation of fiends. 'DYING under MODERATE _correction_!' MODERATE
+_correction_ and DEATH--cause and effect! 'Provided ALWAYS,' says the
+law, 'this act shall not extend to any slave dying under _moderate
+correction_!' Here is a formal proclamation of impunity to murder--an
+express pledge of _acquittal_ to all slaveholders who wish to murder
+their slaves, a legal absolution--an indulgence granted before the
+commission of the crime! Look at the phraseology. Nothing is said of
+maimings, dismemberments, skull fractures, of severe bruisings, or
+lacerations, or even of floggings; but a word is used the
+common-parlance import of which is, _slight chastisement_; it is not
+even _whipping_, but '_correction_' And as if hypocrisy and malignity
+were on the rack to outwit each other, even that weak word must be
+still farther diluted; so '_moderate_' is added: and, to crown the
+climax, compounded of absurdity, hypocrisy, and cold-blooded murder,
+the _legal definition_ of 'moderate correction' is covertly given;
+which is, _any punishment_ that KILLS the victim. All inflictions are
+either _moderate_ or _immoderate_; and the design of this law was
+manifestly to shield the murderer from conviction, _by carrying on its
+face the rule for its own interpretation_; thus advertising,
+beforehand, courts and juries, that the fact of any infliction
+_producing death_, was no evidence that it was _immoderate_, and that
+beating a man to death came within the legal meaning of 'moderate
+correction!' The _design_ of the legislature of North Carolina in
+framing this law is manifest; it was to produce the impression upon
+the world, that they had so high a sense of justice as voluntarily to
+grant adequate protection to the lives of their slaves. This is
+ostentatiously set forth in the preamble, and in the body of the law.
+That this was the most despicable hypocrisy, and that they had
+predetermined to grant no such protection, notwithstanding the pains
+taken to get the _credit_ of it, is fully revealed by the _proviso_,
+which was framed in such a way as to nullify the law, for the express
+accommodation of slaveholding gentlemen murdering their slaves. All
+such find in this proviso a convenient accomplice before the fact, and
+a packed jury, with a ready-made verdict of 'not guilty,' both
+gratuitously furnished by the government! The preceding law and
+proviso are to be found in Haywood's Manual, 530; also in Laws of
+Tennessee, Act of October 23, 1791; and in Stroud's Sketch, 37.
+
+Enough has been said already to show, that though the laws of the
+slave states profess to grant adequate protection to the life of the
+slave, such professions are mere empty pretence, no such protection
+being in reality afforded by them. But there is still another fact,
+showing that all laws which profess to protect the slaves from injury
+by the whites are a mockery. It is this--that the testimony, neither
+of a slave nor of a free colored person, is _legal_ testimony against
+a white. To this rule there is _no exception_ in any of the slave
+states: and this, were there no other evidence, would be sufficient to
+stamp, as hypocritical, all the provisions of the codes which
+_profess_ to protect the slaves. Professing to grant _protection_,
+while, at the same time, it strips them of the only _means_ by which
+they can make that protection available! Injuries must be legally
+_proved_ before they can be legally _redressed_: to deprive men of the
+power of _proving_ their injuries, is itself the greatest of all
+injuries; for it not only exposes to all, but invites them, by a
+virtual guarantee of impunity, and is thus the _author_ of all
+injuries. It matters not what other laws exist, professing to throw
+safeguards round the slave--_this_ makes them blank paper. How can a
+slave prove outrages perpetrated upon him by his master or overseer,
+when his own testimony and that of all his fellow-slaves, his kindred,
+associates, and acquaintances, is ruled out of court? and when he is
+entirely in the _power_ of those who injure him, and when the only
+care necessary, on their part, is, to see that no _white_ witness is
+looking on. Ordinarily, but _one_ white man, the overseer, is with the
+slaves while they are at labor; indeed, on most plantations, to commit
+an outrage in the _presence_ of a white witness would be more
+difficult than in their absence. He who wished to commit an illegal
+act upon a slave, instead of being obliged to _take pains_ and watch
+for an opportunity to do it unobserved by a white, would find it
+difficult to do it in the presence of a white if he wished to do so.
+The supreme court of Louisiana, in their decision, in the case of
+Crawford vs. Cherry,(15, _Martin's La. Rep._ 112; also "_Law of
+Slavery,_" 249,) where the defendant was sued for the value of a slave
+whom he had shot and killed, say, "The act charged here, is one
+_rarely_ committed in the presence of _witnesses_," (whites). So in
+the case of the State vs. Mann, (_Devereux, N.C. Rep._ 263; and _"Law
+of Slavery," _247;) in which the defendant was charged with shooting a
+slave girl 'belonging' to the plaintiff; the Supreme Court of North
+Carolina, in their decision, speaking of the provocations of the
+master by the slave, and 'the consequent wrath of the master'
+prompting him to _bloody vengeance_, add, _'a vengeance generally
+practised with impunity, by reason of its privacy.'_
+
+Laws excluding the testimony of slaves and free colored persons, where
+a white is concerned, do not exist in all the slave states. One or two
+of them have no legal enactment on the subject; but, in those,
+_'public opinion'_ acts with the force of law, and the courts
+_invariably reject it_. This brings us back to the potency of that
+oft-quoted 'public opinion,' so ready, according to our objector, to
+do battle for the _protection_ of the slave!
+
+Another proof that 'public opinion,' in the slave states, plunders,
+tortures, and murders the slaves, instead of _protecting_ them, is
+found in the fact, that the laws of slave states inflict _capital_
+punishment on slaves for a variety of crimes, for which, if their
+masters commit them, the legal penalty is merely _imprisonment_. Judge
+Stroud in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, says, that by the laws of
+Virginia, there are 'seventy-one crimes for which slaves are capitally
+punished though in none of these are whites punished in manner more
+severe than by imprisonment in the penitentiary.' (P. 107, where the
+reader will find all the crimes enumerated.) It should be added,
+however, that though the penalty for each of these seventy-one crimes
+is 'death,' yet a majority of them are, in the words of the law,
+'death within clergy;' and in Virginia, _clergyable_ offences, though
+_technically_ capital, are not so in fact. In Mississippi, slaves are
+punished capitally for more than _thirty_ crimes, for which whites are
+punished only by fine or imprisonment, or both. Eight of these are not
+_recognized as crimes_, either by common law or by statute, when
+committed by whites. In South Carolina slaves are punished capitally
+for _nine_ more crimes than the whites--in Georgia, for _six_--and in
+Kentucky, for _seven_ more than whites, &c. We surely need not detain
+the reader by comments on this monstrous inequality with which the
+penal codes of slave states treat slaves and their masters. When we
+consider that guilt is in proportion to intelligence, and that these
+masters have by law doomed their slaves to ignorance, and then, as
+they darkle and grope along their blind way, inflict penalties upon
+them for a variety of acts regarded as praise worthy in whites;
+killing them for crimes, when whites are only fined or imprisoned--to
+call such a 'public opinion' inhuman, savage, murderous, diabolical,
+would be to use tame words, if the English vocabulary could supply
+others of more horrible import.
+
+But slaveholding brutality does not stop here. While punishing the
+slaves for crimes with vastly greater severity than it does their
+masters for the same crimes, and making a variety of acts _crimes_ in
+law, which are right, and often _duties_, it persists in refusing to
+make known to the slaves that complicated and barbarous penal code
+which loads them with such fearful liabilities. The slave is left to
+get a knowledge of these laws as he can, and cases must be of constant
+occurrence at the south, in which slaves get their first knowledge of
+the existence of a law by suffering its penalty. Indeed, this is
+probably the way in which they commonly learn what the laws are; for
+how else can the slave get a knowledge of the laws? He cannot
+_read_--he cannot _learn_ to read; if he try to master the alphabet,
+so that he may spell out the words of the law, and thus avoid its
+penalties, the law shakes its terrors at him; while, at the same time,
+those who made the laws refuse to make them known to those for whom
+they are designed. The memory of Caligula will blacken with execration
+while time lasts, because be hung up his laws so high that people
+could not read them, and then punished them because they did not keep
+them. Our slaveholders aspire to blacker infamy. Caligula was content
+with hanging up his laws where his subjects could _see_ them; and if
+they could not read them, they knew where they were, and might get at
+them, if, in their zeal to learn his will, they had used the same
+means to get up to them that those did who hung them there. Even
+Caligula, wretch as he was, would have shuddered at cutting their legs
+off, to prevent their climbing to them; or, if they had got there, at
+boring their eyes out, to prevent their reading them. Our slaveholders
+virtually do both; for they prohibit their slaves acquiring that
+knowledge of letters which would enable them to read the laws; and if,
+by stealth, they get it in spite of them, they prohibit them books and
+papers, and flog them if they are caught at them. Further--Caligula
+merely hung his laws so high that they could not be _read_--our
+slaveholders have hung theirs so high above the slave that they cannot
+be _seen_--they are utterly out of sight, and he finds out that they
+are there only by the falling of the penalties on his head.[35] Thus
+the "public opinion" of slave states protects the defenceless slave by
+arming a host of legal penalties and setting them in ambush at every
+thicket along his path, to spring upon him unawares.
+
+[Footnote 35: The following extract from the Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette
+is all illustration. "CRIMINALS CONDEMNED.--On Monday last the Court
+of the borough of Norfolk, Va. sat on the trial of four negro boys
+arraigned for burglary. The first indictment charged them with
+breaking into the hardware store of Mr. E.P. Tabb, upon which two of
+them were found guilty by the Court, and condemned to suffer the
+penalty of the law, which, in the case of a slave, is death. The
+second Friday in April is appointed for the execution of their awful
+sentence. _Their ages do not exceed sixteen_. The first, a fine active
+boy, belongs to a widow lady in Alexandria; the latter, a house
+servant, is owned by a gentleman in the borough. The value of one was
+fixed at $1000, and the other at $800; which sums are to be
+re-imbursed to their respective owners out of the state treasury." In
+all probability these poor boys, who are to be hung for stealing,
+never dreamed that death was the legal penalty of the crime.
+
+Here is another, from the "New Orleans Bee" of ---- 14, 1837--"The
+slave who STRUCK some citizens in Canal street, some weeks since, has
+been tried and found guilty, and is sentenced to be HUNG on the 24th."]
+
+
+Stroud, in his Sketch of the Laws of Slavery, page 100, thus comments
+on this monstrous barbarity.
+
+"The hardened convict moves their sympathy, and is to be taught the
+laws before he is expected to obey them;[36] yet the guiltless slave
+is subjected to an extensive system of cruel enactments, of no part of
+which, probably, has he ever heard."
+
+[Footnote 36: "It shall be the duty of the keeper [of the penitentiary]
+on the receipt of each prisoner, to _read_ to him or her such parts of
+the penal laws of this state as impose penalties for escape, and to
+make all the prisoners in the penitentiary acquainted with the same.
+It shall also be his duty, on the discharge of such prisoner, to read
+to him or her such parts of the laws as impose additional punishments
+for the repetition of offences."--_Rule 12th_, for the internal
+government of the Penitentiary of Georgia. Sec. 26 of the Penitentiary
+Act of 1816.--Prince's Digest, 386.]
+
+
+Having already drawn so largely on the reader's patience, in
+illustrating southern 'public opinion' by the slave laws, instead of
+additional illustrations of the same point from another class of those
+laws, as was our design, we will group together a few particulars,
+which the reader can take in at a glance, showing that the "public
+opinion" of slaveholders towards their slaves, which exists at the
+south, in the form of law, tramples on all those fundamental
+principles of right, justice, and equity, which are recognized as
+sacred by all civilized nations, and receive the homage even of
+barbarians.
+
+1. One of these principles is, that the _benefits_ of law to the
+subject should overbalance its burdens--its protection more than
+compensate for its restraints and exactions--and its blessings
+altogether outweigh its inconveniences and evils--the former being
+numerous, positive, and permanent, the latter few, negative, and
+incidental. Totally the reverse of all this is true in the case of the
+slave. Law is to him all exaction and no protection: instead of
+lightening his _natural_ burdens, it crushes him under a multitude of
+artificial ones; instead of a friend to succor him, it is his
+deadliest foe, transfixing him at every step from the cradle to the
+grave. Law has been beautifully defined to be "benevolence acting by
+rule;" to the American slave it is malevolence torturing by system. It
+is an old truth, that _responsibility_ increases with _capacity_; but
+those same laws which make the slave a "_chattel_," require of him
+_more_ than of _men_. The same law which makes him a _thing_ incapable
+of obligation, loads him with obligations superhuman--while sinking
+him below the level of a brute in dispensing its _benefits_, he lays
+upon him burdens which would break down an angel.
+
+2. _Innocence is entitled to the protection of law._ Slaveholders make
+innocence free plunder; this is their daily employment; their laws
+assail it, make it their victim, inflict upon it all, and, in some
+respects, more than all the penalties of the greatest guilt. To other
+innocent persons, law is a blessing, to the slave it is a curse, only
+a curse and that continually.
+
+3. _Deprivation of liberty is one of the highest punishments of
+crime_; and in proportion to its justice when inflicted on the guilty,
+is its injustice when inflicted on the innocent; this terrible penalty
+is inflicted on two million seven hundred thousand, innocent persons
+in the Southern states.
+
+4. _Self-preservation and self-defence_, are universally regarded as
+the most sacred of human rights, yet the laws of slave states punish
+the slave with _death_ for exercising these rights in that way, which
+in others is pronounced worthy of the highest praise.
+
+5. _The safeguards of law are most needed where natural safe-guards
+are weakest._ Every principle of justice and equity requires, that,
+those who are totally unprotected by birth, station, wealth, friends,
+influence, and popular favor, and especially those who are the
+innocent objects of public contempt and prejudice, should be more
+vigilantly protected by law, than those who are so fortified by
+defence, that they have far less need of _legal_ protection; yet the
+poor slave who is fortified by _none_ of these _personal_ bulwarks, is
+denied the protection of law, while the master, surrounded by them
+all, is panoplied in the mail of legal protection, even to the hair of
+his head; yea, his very shoe-tie and coat-button are legal protegees.
+
+6. The grand object of law is to _protect men's natural rights_, but
+instead of protecting the natural rights of the slaves, it gives
+slaveholders license to wrest them from the weak by violence, protects
+them in holding their plunder, and _kills_ the rightful owner if he
+attempt to recover it.
+
+This is the _protection_ thrown around the rights of American slaves
+by the 'public opinion,' of slaveholders; these the restraints that
+hold back their masters, overseers, and drivers, from inflicting
+injuries upon them!
+
+In a Republican government, _law_ is the pulse of its _heart_--as the
+heart beats the pulse beats, except that it often beats _weaker_ than
+the heart, never stronger--or to drop the figure, laws are never
+_worse_ than those who make them, very often better. If human history
+proves anything, cruelty of practice will always go beyond cruelty of
+law.
+
+Law-making is a formal, deliberate act, performed by persons of mature
+age, embodying the intelligence, wisdom, justice and humanity, of the
+community; performed, too, at leisure, after full opportunity had for
+a comprehensive survey of all the relations to be affected, after
+careful investigation and protracted discussion. Consequently laws
+must, in the main, be a true index of the permanent feelings, the
+settled _frame of mind_, cherished by the community upon those
+subjects, and towards those persons and classes whose condition the
+laws are designed to establish. If the laws are in a high degree cruel
+and inhuman, towards any class of persons, it proves that the feelings
+habitually exercised towards that class of persons, by those who make
+and perpetuate those laws, are at least _equally_ cruel and inhuman.
+We say _at least equally_ so; for if the _habitual_ state of feeling
+towards that class be unmerciful, it must be unspeakably cruel,
+relentless and malignant when _provoked_; if its _ordinary_ action is
+inhuman, its contortions and spasms must be tragedies; if the waves
+run high when there has been no wind, where will they not break when
+the tempest heaves them!
+
+Further, when cruelty is the _spirit_ of the law towards a proscribed
+class, when it _legalizes great outrages_ upon them, it connives at,
+and abets _greater_ outrages, and is virtually an accomplice of all
+who perpetrate them. Hence, in such cases, though the _degree_ of the
+outrage is illegal, the perpetrator will rarely be convicted, and,
+even if convicted, will be almost sure to escape punishment. This is
+not _theory_ but _history_. Every judge and lawyer in the slave states
+_knows_, that the legal conviction and _punishment_ of masters and
+mistresses, for illegal outrages upon their slaves, is an event which
+has rarely, if ever, occurred in the slave states; they know, also,
+that although _hundreds_ of slaves have been _murdered_ by their
+masters and mistresses in the slave states, within the last
+twenty-five years, and though the fact of their having committed those
+murders has been established beyond a _doubt_ in the minds of the
+surrounding community, yet that the murderers have not, in a single
+instance, suffered the penalty of the law.
+
+Finally, since slaveholders have deliberately legalized the
+perpetration of the most cold-blooded atrocities upon their slaves,
+and do pertinaciously refuse to make these atrocities _illegal_, and
+to punish those who perpetrate them, they stand convicted before the
+world, upon their own testimony, of the most barbarous, brutal, and
+habitual inhumanity. If this be slander and falsehood, their own lips
+have uttered it, their own fingers have written it, their own acts
+have proclaimed it; and however it may be with their _morality_, they
+have too much human nature to perjure themselves for the sake of
+publishing their own infamy.
+
+Having dwelt at such length on the legal code of the slave states,
+that unerring index of the public opinion of slaveholders towards
+their slaves; and having shown that it does not protect the slaves
+from cruelty, and that even in the few instances in which the letter
+of the law, if _executed_, would afford some protection, it is
+virtually nullified by the connivance of courts and juries, or by
+popular clamor; we might safely rest the case here, assured that every
+honest reader would spurn the absurd falsehood, that the 'public
+opinion' of the slave states protects the slaves and restrains the
+master. But, as the assertion is made so often by slaveholders, and
+with so much confidence, notwithstanding its absurdity is fully
+revealed by their own legal code, we propose to show its falsehood by
+applying other tests.
+
+We lay it down as a truth that can be made no plainer by reasoning,
+that the same 'public opinion,' which restrains men from _committing_
+outrages, will restrain them from _publishing_ such outrages, if they
+do commit them;--in other words, if a man is restrained from certain
+acts through fear of losing his character, should they become known,
+he will not voluntarily destroy his character by _making them known_,
+should he be guilty of them. Let us look at this. It is assumed by
+slaveholders, that 'public opinion' at the south so frowns on cruelty
+to the slaves, that _fear of disgrace_ would restrain from the
+infliction of it, were there no other consideration.
+
+Now, that this is sheer fiction is shown by the fact, that the
+newspapers in the slaveholding states, teem with advertisements for
+runaway slaves, in which the masters and _mistresses_ describe their
+men and women, as having been 'branded with a hot iron,' on their
+'cheeks,' 'jaws,' 'breasts,' 'arms,' 'legs,' and 'thighs;' also as
+'scarred,' 'very much scarred,' 'cut up,' 'marked,' &c. 'with the
+whip,' also with 'iron collars on,' 'chains,' 'bars of iron,'
+'fetters,' 'bells,' 'horns,' 'shackles,' &c. They, also, describe them
+as having been wounded by 'buck-shot,' 'rifle-balls,' &c. fired at
+them by their 'owners,' and others when in pursuit; also, as having
+'notches,' cut in their ears, the tops or bottoms of their ears 'cut
+off,' or 'slit,' or 'one ear cut off' or 'both ears cut off' &c. &c.
+The masters and mistresses who thus advertise their runaway slaves,
+coolly sign their names to their advertisements, giving the street and
+number of their residences, if in cities, their post office address,
+&c. if in the country; thus making public proclamation as widely as
+possible that _they_ 'brand,' 'scar,' 'gash,' 'cut up,' &c. the flesh
+of their slaves; load them with irons, cut off their ears, &c.; they
+speak of these things with the utmost _sang froid_, not seeming to
+think it possible, that any one will esteem them at all the less
+because of these outrages upon their slaves; further, these
+advertisements swarm in many of the largest and most widely circulated
+political and commercial papers that are published in the slave
+states. The editors of those papers constitute the main body of the
+literati of the slave states; they move in the highest circle of
+society, are among the 'popular' men in the community, and _as a
+class_, are more influential than any other; yet these editors publish
+these advertisements with iron indifference. So far from proclaiming
+to such felons, homicides, and murderers, that they will not be their
+blood-hounds, to hunt down the innocent and mutilated victims who have
+escaped from their torture, they freely furnish them with every
+facility, become their accomplices and share their spoils; and instead
+of outraging 'public opinion,' by doing it, they are the men after its
+own heart, its organs, its representatives, its _self_.
+
+To show that the 'public opinion' of the slave states, towards the
+slaves, is absolutely _diabolical_, we will insert a few, out of a
+multitude, of similar advertisements from a variety of southern papers
+now before us.
+
+The North Carolina Standard, of July 18, 1838, contains the
+following:--
+
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman and
+two children; the woman is tall and black, and _a few days before she
+went off_, I BURNT HER WITH A HOT IRON ON THE LEFT SIDE OF HER FACE; I
+TRIED TO MAKE THE LETTER M, _and she kept a cloth over her head and
+face, and a fly bonnet on her head so as to cover the burn;_ her
+children are both boys, the oldest is in his seventh year; he is a
+_mulatto_ and has blue eyes; the youngest is black and is in his fifth
+year. The woman's name is Betty, commonly called Bet."
+
+MICAJAH RICKS.
+
+_Nash County, July 7_, 1838.
+
+Hear the wretch tell his story, with as much indifference as if he
+were describing the cutting of his initials in the bark of a tree.
+
+_"I burnt her with a hot iron on the left side of her face,"--"I tried
+to make the letter M_," and this he says in a newspaper, and puts his
+name to it, and the editor of the paper who is, also, its proprietor,
+publishes it for him and pockets his fee. Perhaps the reader will say,
+'Oh, it must have been published in an insignificant sheet printed in
+some obscure corner of the state; perhaps by a gang of 'squatters,' in
+the Dismal Swamp, universally regarded as a pest, and edited by some
+scape-gallows, who is detested by the whole community.' To this I reply
+that the "North Carolina Standard," the paper which contains it, is a
+large six columned weekly paper, handsomely printed and ably edited;
+it is the leading Democratic paper in that state, and is published at
+Raleigh, the Capital of the state, Thomas Loring, Esq. Editor and
+Proprietor. The motto in capitals under the head of the paper is, "THE
+CONSTITUTION AND THE UNION OF THE STATES--THEY MUST BE PRESERVED." The
+same Editor and Proprietor, who exhibits such brutality of feeling
+towards the slaves, by giving the preceding advertisement a
+conspicuous place in his columns, and taking his pay for it, has
+apparently a keen sense of the proprieties of life, where _whites_ are
+concerned, and a high regard for the rights, character and feelings of
+those whose skin is colored like his own. As proof of this, we copy
+from the number of the paper containing the foregoing advertisement,
+the following _Editorial_ on the pending political canvass.
+
+"We cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the Gubernatorial
+canvass will be conducted with a _due regard to the character_, and
+_feelings_ of the distinguished individuals who are candidates for
+that office; and that the press of North Carolina will _set an
+example_ in this respect, worthy of _imitation and of praise_."
+
+What is this but chivalrous and honorable feeling? The good name of
+North Carolina is dear to him--on the comfort, 'character and
+feelings,' of her _white_ citizens he sets a high value; he feels too,
+most deeply for the _character of the Press_ of North Carolina, sees
+that it is a city set on a hill, and implores his brethren of the
+editorial corps to 'set an example' of courtesy and magnanimity worthy
+of imitation and praise. Now, reader, put all these things together
+and con them over, and then read again the preceding advertisement
+contained in the same number of the paper, and you have the true
+"North Carolina STANDARD," by which to measure the protection extended
+to slaves by the 'public opinion' of that state.
+
+J.P. Ashford advertises as follows in the "Natchez Courier," August
+24, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro girl called Mary, has a small scar over her eye, a
+_good many teeth missing_, the letter A. _is branded on her cheek and
+forehead_."
+
+A.B. Metcalf thus advertises a woman in the same paper, June 15,
+1838.
+
+"Ranaway, Mary, a black woman, has a _scar_ on her back and right arm
+near the shoulder, _caused by a rifle ball_."
+
+John Henderson, in the "Grand Gulf Advertiser," August 29, 1838,
+advertises Betsey.
+
+"Ranaway, a black woman Betsey, has an _iron bar on her right leg_."
+
+Robert Nicoll, whose residence is in Mobile, in Dauphin street,
+between Emmanuel and Conception streets, thus advertises a woman in
+the "Mobile Commercial Advertiser."
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD will be given for my negro woman Liby. The said
+Liby is about 30 years old and VERY MUCH SCARRED ABOUT THE NECK AND
+EARS, occasioned by whipping, had on a handkerchief tied round her
+ears, as she COMMONLY wears it to HIDE THE SCARS."
+
+To show that slaveholding brutality now is the same that it was the
+eighth of a century ago, we publish the following advertisement from
+the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," of 1825.
+
+"TWENTY DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, on the 14th
+instant, a negro girl named Molly.
+
+"The said girl was sold by Messrs. Wm. Payne & Sons, as the property
+of an estate of a Mr. Gearrall, and purchased by a Mr. Moses, and sold
+by him to a Thomas Prisley, of Edgefield District, of whom I bought
+her on the 17th of April, 1819. She is 16 or 17 years of age, slim
+made, LATELY BRANDED ON THE LEFT CHEEK, THUS, R, AND A PIECE TAKEN OFF
+OF HER EAR ON THE SAME SIDE; THE SAME LETTER ON THE INSIDE OF BOTH HER
+LEGS.
+
+"ABNER ROSS, Fairfield District."
+
+But instead of filling pages with similar advertisements, illustrating
+the horrible brutality of slaveholders towards their slaves, the
+reader is referred to the preceding pages of this work, to the scores
+of advertisements written by slaveholders, printed by slaveholders,
+published by slaveholders, in newspapers edited by slaveholders and
+patronized by slaveholders; advertisement describing not only men and
+boys, but women aged and middle-aged, matrons and girls of tender
+years, their necks chafed with iron collars with prongs, their limbs
+galled with iron rings and chains, and bars of iron, iron hobbles and
+shackles, all parts of their persons scarred with the lash, and
+branded with hot irons, and torn with rifle bullets, pistol balls and
+buck shot, and gashed with knives, their eyes out, their ears cut off,
+their teeth drawn out, and their bones broken. He is referred also to
+the cool and shocking indifference with which these slaveholders,
+'gentlemen' and 'ladies,' Reverends, and Honorables, and Excellencies,
+write and print, and publish and pay, and take money for, and read and
+circulate, and sanction, such infernal barbarity. Let the reader
+ponder all this, and then lay it to heart, that this is that 'public
+opinion' of the slaveholders which protects their slaves from all
+injury, and is an effectual guarantee of personal security.
+
+However far gone a community may be in brutality, something of
+protection may yet be hoped for from its 'public opinion,' if _respect
+for woman_ survive the general wreck; that gone, protection perishes;
+public opinion becomes universal rapine; outrages, once occasional,
+become habitual; the torture, which was before inflicted only by
+passion, becomes the constant product of a _system_, and, instead of
+being the index of sudden and fierce impulses, is coolly plied as the
+permanent means to an end. When _women_ are branded with hot irons on
+their faces; when iron collars, with prongs, are riveted about their
+necks; when iron rings are fastened upon their limbs, and they are
+forced to drag after them chains and fetters; when their flesh is torn
+with whips, and mangled with bullets and shot, and lacerated with
+knives; and when those who do such things, are regarded in the
+community, and associated with as 'gentlemen' and 'ladies;' to say
+that the 'public opinion' of _such_ a community is a protection to its
+victims, is to blaspheme God, whose creatures they are, cast in his
+own sacred image, and dear to him as the apple of his eye.
+
+But we are not yet quite ready to dismiss this protector, 'Public
+Opinion.' To illustrate the hardened brutality with which slaveholders
+regard their slaves, the shameless and apparently unconscious
+indecency with which they speak of their female slaves, examine their
+persons, and describe them, under their own signatures, in newspapers,
+hand-bills, &c. just as they would describe the marks of cattle and
+swine, on all parts of their bodies; we will make a few extracts from
+southern papers. Reader, as we proceed to these extracts, remember our
+motto--'True humanity consists _not_ in a squeamish ear.'
+
+Mr. P. ABDIE, of New Orleans, advertises in the New Orleans Bee, of
+January 29, 1838, for one of his female slaves, as follows;
+
+"Ranaway, the negro wench named Betsey, aged about 22 years,
+handsome-faced, and good countenance; having the marks of the whip
+behind her neck, and SEVERAL OTHERS ON HER RUMP. The above reward,
+($10,) will be given to whoever will bring that wench to P. ABDIE."
+
+The New Orleans Bee, in which the advertisement of this Vandal
+appears, is the 'Official Gazette of the State--of the General
+Council--and of the first and third Municipalities of New Orleans.' It
+is the largest, and the most influential paper in the south-western
+states, and perhaps the most ably edited--and has undoubtedly a larger
+circulation than any other. It is a daily paper, of $12 a year, and
+its circulation being mainly among the larger merchants, planters, and
+professional men, it is a fair index of the 'public opinion' of
+Louisiana, so far as represented by those classes of persons.
+Advertisements equally gross, indecent, and abominable, or nearly so,
+can be found in almost every number of that paper.
+
+Mr. WILLIAM ROBINSON, Georgetown, District of Columbia, advertised for
+his slave in the National Intelligencer, of Washington City, Oct. 2,
+1837, as follows:
+
+"Eloped from my residence a young negress, 22 years old, of a
+chestnut, or brown color. She has a very singular mark--this mark, to
+the best of my RECOLLECTION, covers a part of her _breasts_, _body_,
+and _limbs_; and when her neck and arms are uncovered, is very
+perceptible; she has been frequently seen east and south of the
+Capitol Square, and is harbored by ill-disposed persons, of every
+complexion, for her services."
+
+Mr. JOHN C. BEASLEY, near Huntsville, Alabama, thus advertises a young
+girl of eighteen, in the Huntsville Democrat, of August 1st, 1837.
+"Ranaway Maria, about 18 years old, _very far advanced with child._"
+He then offers a reward to any one who will commit this young girl, in
+this condition, _to jail_.
+
+Mr. JAMES T. DE JARNETT, Vernon, Autauga co. Alabama, thus advertises
+a woman in the Pensacola Gazette, July 14, 1838. "Celia is a _bright_
+copper-colored negress, _fine figure_ and _very smart_. On EXAMINING
+HER BACK, you will find marks caused by the whip." He closes the
+advertisement, by offering a reward of _five hundred dollars_ to any
+person who will lodge her in _jail_, so that he can get her.
+
+A person who lives at 124 Chartres street, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bee,' of May 31, for "the negress Patience, about 28 years old,
+has _large hips_, and is _bow-legged_." A Mr. T. CUGGY, in the same
+paper, thus describes "the negress Caroline." "_She has awkward feet,
+clumsy ankles, turns out her toes greatly in walking, and has a sore
+on her left shin_."
+
+In another, of June 22, Mr. P. BAHI advertises "Maria, with a clear
+white complexion, and _double nipple on her right breast_."
+
+Mr. CHARLES CRAIGE, of Federal Point, New Hanover co. North Carolina,
+in the Wilmington Advertiser, August 11, 1837, offers a reward for his
+slave Jane, and says "_she is far advanced in pregnancy_."
+
+The New Orleans Bulletin, August 18, 1838, advertises "the negress
+Mary, aged nineteen, has a scar on her face, walks parrot-toed, and is
+_pregnant_."
+
+Mr. J.G. MUIR, of Grand Gulf, Mississippi, thus advertises a woman in
+the Vicksburg Register, December 5, 1838. "Ranaway a negro girl--has a
+number of _black lumps on her breasts, and is in a state of
+pregnancy_."
+
+Mr. JACOB BESSON, Donaldsonville, Louisiana, advertises in the New
+Orleans Bee, August 7, 1838, "the negro woman Victorine--she is
+_advanced in pregnancy_."
+
+Mr. J.H. LEVERICH & Co. No. 10, Old Levee, New Orleans, advertises in
+the 'Bulletin,' January 22, 1839, as follows.
+
+"$50 REWARD.--Ranaway a negro girl named Caroline about 18 years of
+age, is _far advanced in child-bearing_. The above reward will be paid
+for her delivery at either of the _jails_ of the city."
+
+Mr. JOHN DUGGAN, thus advertises a woman in the New Orleans Bee, of
+Sept. 7.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber a mulatto woman, named Esther, about
+thirty years of age, _large stomach_, wants her upper front teeth, and
+walks pigeon-toed--supposed to be about the lower fauxbourg."
+
+Mr. FRANCIS FOSTER, of Troop co. Georgia, advertises in the Columbus
+(Ga.) Enquirer of June 22, 1837--"My negro woman Patsey, has a stoop
+in her walking, occasioned by a _severe burn on her abdomen_."
+
+The above are a few specimens of the gross details, in describing the
+persons of females, of all ages, and the marks upon all parts of their
+bodies; proving incontestably, that slaveholders are in the habit not
+only of stripping their female slaves of their clothing, and
+inflicting punishment upon their 'shrinking flesh,' but of subjecting
+their naked persons to the most minute and revolting inspection, and
+then of publishing to the world the results of their examination, as
+well as the scars left by their own inflictions upon them, their
+length, size, and exact position on the body; and all this without
+impairing in the least, the standing in the community of the shameless
+wretches who thus proclaim their own abominations. That such things
+should not at all affect the standing of such persons in society, is
+certainly no marvel: how could they affect it, when the same
+communities enact laws _requiring_ their own legal officers to inspect
+minutely the persons and bodily marks of all slaves taken up as
+runaways, and to publish in the newspapers a particular description of
+all such marks and peculiarities of their persons, their size,
+appearance position on the body, &c. Yea, verily, when the 'public
+opinion' of the community, in the solemn form of law, commands
+jailors, sheriffs, captains of police, &c. to divest of their clothing
+aged matrons and young girls, minutely examine their naked persons,
+and publish the results of their examination--who can marvel, that the
+same 'public opinion' should tolerate the slaveholders themselves, in
+doing the same things to their own property, which they have appointed
+legal officers to do as their proxies.[37]
+
+[Footnote 37: 'As a sample of these laws, we give the following extract
+from one of the laws of Maryland, where slaveholding 'public opinion'
+exists in its mildest form.'
+
+"It shall be the duty of the sheriffs of the several counties of this
+state, upon any runaway servant or slave being committed to his
+custody, to cause the same to be advertised, &c. and to make
+particular and minute descriptions of _the person and bodily marks_,
+of such runaway."--_Laws of Maryland of 1802_, Chap. 96, Sec. 1 and 2.
+
+That the sheriffs, jailors, &c. do not neglect this part of their
+official 'duty,' is plain from the minute description which they give
+in the advertisements of marks upon all parts of the persons of
+females, as well as males; and also from the occasional declaration,
+'no scars discoverable on any part,' or 'no marks discoverable _about_
+her;' which last is taken from an advertisement in the Milledgeville
+(Geo.) Journal, June 26, 1838, signed 'T.S. Denster, Jailor.']
+
+
+The zeal with which slaveholding '_public opinion_' protects the lives
+of the slaves, may be illustrated by the following advertisements,
+taken from a multitude of similar ones in southern papers. To show
+that slaveholding 'public opinion' is the same _now_, that it was half
+a century ago, we will insert, in the first place, an advertisement
+published in a North Carolina newspaper, Oct. 29, 1785, by W. SKINNER,
+the Clerk of the County of Perquimons, North Carolina.
+
+"Ten silver dollars reward will be paid for apprehending and
+delivering to me my man Moses, who ran away this morning; or I will
+give five times the sum to any person who will make due proof of his
+_being killed_, and never ask a question to know by whom it was done."
+
+W. SKINNER.
+
+_Perquimons County, N.C. Oct. 29, 1785._
+
+
+The late JOHN PARRISH, of Philadelphia, an eminent minister of the
+religious society of Friends, who traveled through the slave states
+about _thirty-five years_ since, on a religious mission, published on
+his return a pamphlet of forty pages, entitled 'Remarks on the Slavery
+of the Black People.' From this work we extract the following
+illustrations of 'public opinion' in North and South Carolina and
+Virginia at that period.
+
+"When I was traveling through North Carolina, a black man, who was
+outlawed, being shot by one of his pursuers, and left wounded in the
+woods, they came to an ordinary where I had stopped to feed my horse,
+in order to procure a cart to bring the poor wretched object in.
+Another, I was credibly informed, was shot, his head cut off, and
+carried in a bag by the perpetrators of the murder, who received the
+reward, which was said to be $200, continental currency, and that his
+head was stuck on a coal house at an iron works in Virginia--and this
+for going to visit his wife at a distance. Crawford gives an account
+of a man being gibbetted alive in South Carolina, and the buzzards
+came and picked out his eyes. Another was burnt to death at a stake in
+Charleston, surrounded by a multitude of spectators, some of whom were
+people of the _first rank_; ... the poor object was heard to cry, as
+long as he could breathe, 'not guilty--not guilty.'"
+
+The following is an illustration of the 'public opinion' of South
+Carolina about fifty years ago. It is taken from Judge Stroud's Sketch
+of the Slave Laws, page 39.
+
+"I find in the case of 'the State vs. M'Gee,' I Bay's Reports, 164, it
+is said incidentally by Messrs. Pinckney and Ford, counsel for the
+state (of S.C.), 'that the _frequency_ of the offence (_wilful_ murder
+of a slave) was owing to the _nature of the punishment_', &c.... This
+remark was made in 1791, when the above trial took place. It was made
+in a public place--a courthouse--and by men of great personal
+respectability. There can be, therefore, no question as to its
+_truth_, and as little of its _notoriety_."
+
+In 1791 the Grand Jury for the district of Cheraw, S.C. made a
+_presentment_, from which the following is an extract.
+
+"We, the Grand Jurors of and for the district of Cheraw, do present
+the INEFFICACY of the present punishment for killing negroes, as a
+great defect in the legal system of this state: and we do earnestly
+recommend to the attention of the legislature, that clause of the
+negro act, which confines the penalty for killing slaves to fine and
+imprisonment only: in full confidence, that they will provide some
+other _more effectual_ measures to prevent the FREQUENCY of crimes of
+this nature."--_Matthew Carey's American Museum, for Feb.
+1791_.--Appendix, p. 10.
+
+The following is a specimen of the 'public opinion' of Georgia twelve
+years since. We give it in the strong words of COLONEL STONE, Editor
+of the New York Commercial Advertiser. We take it from that paper of
+June 8, 1827.
+
+"HUNTING MEN WITH DOGS.-A negro who had absconded from his master, and
+for whom a reward of $100 was offered, has been apprehended and
+committed to prison in Savannah. The editor, who states the fact,
+adds, with as much coolness as though there were no barbarity in the
+matter, that he did not surrender till _he was considerably_ MAIMED BY
+THE DOGS that had been set on him--desperately fighting them--one of
+which he badly cut with a sword."
+
+Twelve days after the publication of the preceding fact, the following
+horrible transaction took place in Perry county, Alabama. We extract
+it from the African Observer, a monthly periodical, published in
+Philadelphia, by the society of Friends. See No. for August, 1827.
+
+"Tuscaloosa, Ala. June 20, 1827.
+
+"Some time during the last week a Mr. M'Neilly having lost some
+clothing, or other property of no great value, the slave of a
+neighboring planter was charged with the theft. M'Neilly, in company
+with his brother, found the negro driving his master's wagon; they
+seized him, and either did, or were about to chastise him, when the
+negro stabbed M'Neilly, so that he died in an hour afterwards. The
+negro was taken before a justice of the peace, who _waved his
+authority_, perhaps through fear, as a crowd of persons had collected
+to the number of seventy or eighty, near Mr. People's (the justice)
+house. _He acted as president of the mob,_ and put the vote, when it
+was decided he should be immediately executed by _being burnt to
+death_. The sable culprit was led to a tree, and tied to it, and a
+large quantity of pine knots collected and placed around him, and the
+fatal torch applied to the pile, even against the remonstrances of
+several gentlemen who were present; and the miserable being was in a
+short time burned to ashes.
+
+"This is the SECOND negro who has been THUS put to death, without
+judge or jury, in this county."
+
+
+The following advertisements, testimony, &c. will show that the
+slaveholders of _to-day_ are the _children_ of those who shot, and
+hunted with bloodhounds, and burned over slow fires, the slaves of
+half a century ago; the worthy inheritors of their civilization,
+chivalry, and tender mercies.
+
+The "Wilmington (North Carolina) Advertiser" of July 13, 1838,
+contains the following advertisement.
+
+"$100 will be paid to any person who may apprehend and safely confine
+in any jail in this state, a certain negro man, named ALFRED. And the
+same reward will be paid, if satisfactory evidence is given of _having
+been_ KILLED. He has one or more scars on one of his hands, caused by
+his having been shot.
+
+"THE CITIZENS OF ONSLOW.
+
+"Richlands, Onslow co. May 16th, 1838."
+
+
+In the same column with the above and directly under it is the
+following:--
+
+"RANAWAY my negro man RICHARD. A reward of $25 will be paid for his
+apprehension DEAD or ALIVE. Satisfactory proof will only be required
+of his being KILLED. He has with him, in all probability, his wife
+ELIZA, who ran away from Col. Thompson, now a resident of Alabama,
+about the time he commenced his journey to that state. DURANT H.
+RHODES."
+
+
+In the "Mason (Georgia) Telegraph," May 28, is the following:
+
+"About the 1st of March last the negro man RANSOM left me without the
+least provocation whatever; I will give a reward of twenty dollars for
+said negro, if taken DEAD OR ALIVE,--and if killed in any attempt, an
+advance of five dollars will be paid. BRYANT JOHNSON.
+
+"_Crawford co. Georgia_"
+
+
+See the "Newbern (N.C.) Spectator," Jan. 5, 1838, for the
+following:--
+
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber, a negro man named SAMPSON. Fifty
+dollars reward will be given for the delivery of him to me, or his
+confinement in any jail so that I get him, and should he resist in
+being taken, so that violence is necessary to arrest him, I will not
+hold any person liable for damages should the slave be KILLED. ENOCH
+FOY.
+
+"Jones County, N.C."
+
+
+From the "Macon (Ga.) Messenger," June 14, 1838.
+
+"TO THE OWNERS OF RUNAWAY NEGROES. A large mulatto Negro man, between
+thirty-five and forty years old, about six feet in height, having a
+high forehead, and hair slightly grey, was KILLED, near my plantation,
+on the 9th inst. _He would not surrender_ but assaulted Mr. Bowen, who
+killed him in self-defence. If the owner desires further information
+relative to the death of his negro, he can obtain it by letter, or by
+calling on the subscriber ten miles south of Perry, Houston county.
+EDM'D. JAS. McGEHEE."
+
+From the 'Charleston (S.C.) Courier,' Feb. 20, 1836.
+
+"$300 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, in November last, his two
+negro men, named Billy and Pompey.
+
+"Billy is 25 years old, and is known as the patroon of my boat for
+many years; in all probability he may resist; in that event 50 dollars
+will be paid for his HEAD."
+
+From the 'Newbern (N.C.) Spectator,' Dec 2. 1836.
+
+"$200 REWARD. Ranaway from the subscriber, about three years ago, a
+certain negro man named Ben, commonly known by the name of Ben Fox. He
+had but one eye. Also, one other negro, by the name of Rigdon, who
+ranaway on the 8th of this month.
+
+"I will give the reward of one hundred dollars for each of the above
+negroes, to be delivered to me or confined in the jail of Lenoir or
+Jones county, or FOR THE KILLING OF THEM, SO THAT I CAN SEE THEM. W.D.
+COBB."
+
+In the same number of the Spectator two Justices of the Peace
+advertise the same runaways, and give notice that if they do not
+immediately return to W.D. Cobb, their master, they will be considered
+as outlaws, and any body may kill them. The following is an extract
+from the proclamation of the JUSTICES.
+
+"And we do hereby, by virtue of an act of the assembly of this state,
+concerning servants and slaves, intimate and declare, if the said
+slaves do not surrender themselves and return home to their master
+immediately after the publication of these presents, _that any person
+may kill and destroy said slaves by such means as he or they think
+fit, without accusation or impeachment of any crime or offence for so
+doing, or without incurring any penalty or forfeiture thereby._
+
+"Given under our hands and seals, this 12th November, 1836.
+
+"B. COLEMAN, J.P. [Seal.]
+
+"JAS. JONES, J.P. [Seal.]"
+
+On the 28th, of April 1836, in the city of St Louis, Missouri, a black
+man, named McIntosh who had stabbed an officer, that had arrested him,
+was seized by the multitude, fastened to a tree _in the midst of the
+city_, wood piled around him, and in open day and in the presence of
+an immense throng of citizens, he was burned to death. The Alton
+(Ill.) Telegraph, in its account of the scene says;
+
+"All was silent as death while the executioners were piling wood
+around their victim. He said not a word, until feeling that the flames
+had seized upon him. He then uttered an awful howl, attempting to sing
+and pray, then hung his head, and suffered in silence, except in the
+following instance:--After the flames had surrounded their prey, his
+eyes burnt out of his head, and his mouth seemingly parched to a
+cinder, some one in the crowd, more compassionate than the rest,
+proposed to put an end to his misery by shooting him, when it was
+replied, 'that would be of no use, since he was already out of pain.'
+'No, no,' said the wretch, 'I am not, I am suffering as much as ever;
+shoot me, shoot me.' 'No, no,' said one of the fiends who was standing
+about the sacrifice they were roasting, 'he shall not be shot. _I
+would sooner slacken the fire, if that would increase his misery_;'
+and the man who said this was, as we understand, an OFFICER OF
+JUSTICE!"
+
+
+The St. Louis correspondent of a New York paper adds,
+
+"The shrieks and groans of the victim were loud and piercing, and to
+observe one limb after another drop into the fire was awful indeed. He
+was about fifteen minutes in dying. I visited the place this morning,
+and saw his body, or the remains of it, at the place of execution. He
+was burnt to a crump. His legs and arms were gone, and only a part of
+his head and body were left."
+
+Lest this demonstration of 'public opinion' should be regarded as a
+sudden impulse merely, not an index of the settled tone of feeling in
+that community, it is important to add, that the Hon. Luke E. Lawless,
+Judge of the Circuit Court of Missouri, at a session of that Court in
+the city of St. Louis, some months after the burning of this man,
+decided officially that since the burning of McIntosh was the act,
+either directly or by countenance of a _majority_ of the citizens, it
+is 'a case which transcends the jurisdiction,' of the Grand Jury! Thus
+the state of Missouri has proclaimed to the world, that the wretches
+who perpetrated that unspeakably diabolical murder, and the thousands
+that stood by consenting to it, were _her representatives_, and the
+Bench sanctifies it with the solemnity of a judicial decision.
+
+The 'New Orleans Post,' of June 7, 1836, publishes the following;
+
+"We understand, that a negro man was lately condemned, by the mob, to
+be BURNED OVER A SLOW FIRE, which was put into execution at Grand
+Gulf, Mississippi, for murdering a black woman, and her master."
+
+Mr. HENRY BRADLEY, of Pennyan, N.Y., has furnished us with an extract
+of a letter written by a gentleman in Mississippi to his brother in
+that village, detailing the particulars of the preceding transaction.
+The letter is dated Grand Gulf, Miss. August 15, 1836. The extract is
+as follows:
+
+"I left Vicksburg and came to Grand Gulf. This is a fine place
+immediately on the banks of the Mississippi, of something like fifteen
+hundred inhabitants in the winter, and at this time, I suppose, there
+are not over two hundred white inhabitants, but in the town and its
+vicinity there are negroes by thousands. The day I arrived at this
+place there was a man by the name of G---- murdered by a negro man
+that belonged to him. G---- was born and brought up in A----, state of
+New York. His father and mother now live south of A----. He has left a
+property here, it is supposed, of forty thousand dollars, and no
+family.
+
+"They took the negro, mounted him on a horse, led the horse under a
+tree, put a rope around his neck, raised him up by throwing the rope
+over a limb; they then got into a quarrel among themselves; some swore
+that he should be burnt alive; the rope was cut and the negro dropped
+to the ground. He immediately jumped to his feet; they then made him
+walk a short distance to a tree; he was then tied fast and a fire
+kindled, when another quarrel took place; the fire was pulled away
+from him when about half dead, and a committee of twelve appointed to
+say in what manner he should be disposed of. They brought in that he
+should then be cut down, his head cut off, his body burned, and his
+head stuck on a pole at the corner of the road in the edge of the
+town. That was done and all parties satisfied!
+
+"G---- _owned the negro's wife, and was in the habit of sleeping with
+her!_ The negro said he had killed him, and he believed he should be
+rewarded in heaven for it.
+
+"This is but one instance among many of a similar nature.
+
+S.S."
+
+We have received a more detailed account of this transaction from Mr.
+William Armstrong, of Putnam, Ohio, through Maj. Horace Nye, of that
+place. Mr. A. who has been for some years employed as captain and
+supercargo of boats descending the river, was at Grand Gulf at the
+time of the tragedy, and _witnessed_ it. It was on the Sabbath.
+From Mr. Armstrong's statement, it appears that the slave was
+a man of uncommon intelligence; had the over-sight of a large
+business--superintended the purchase of supplies for his master,
+&c.--that exasperated by the intercourse of his master with his wife,
+he was upbraiding her one evening, when his master overhearing him,
+went out to quell him, was attacked by the infuriated man and killed
+on the spot. The name of the master was Green; he was a native of
+Auburn, New York, and had been at the south but a few years.
+
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, of Cornwall, Conn., a gentleman well known and
+highly respected in Litchfield county, who resided a number of years
+in South Carolina, gives the following testimony:--
+
+"A man by the name of Waters was killed by his slaves, in Newberry
+District. Three of them were tried before the court, and ordered to be
+burnt. I was but a few miles distant at the time, and conversed with
+those who saw the execution. The slaves were tied to a stake, and
+pitch pine wood piled around them, to which the fire was communicated.
+Thousands were collected to witness this barbarous transaction. _Other
+executions of this kind took place in various parts of the state,
+during my residence in it, from 1818 to 1824_. About three or four
+years ago, a young negro was burnt in Abbeville District, for an
+attempt at rape."
+
+In the fall of 1837, there was a rumor of a projected insurrection on
+the Red River, in Louisiana. The citizens forthwith seized and hanged
+NINE SLAVES, AND THREE FREE COLORED MEN, WITHOUT TRIAL. A few months
+previous to that transaction, a slave was seized in a similar manner
+and publicly burned to death, in Arkansas. In July, 1835, the citizens
+of Madison county, Mississippi, were alarmed by rumors of an
+insurrection arrested five slaves and publicly executed them without
+trial.
+
+The Missouri Republican, April 30, 1838, gives the particulars of the
+deliberate murder of a negro man named Tom, a cook on board the
+steamboat Pawnee, on her passage up from New Orleans to St. Louis.
+Some of the facts stated by the Republican are the following:
+
+"On Friday night, about 10 o'clock, a deaf and dumb German girl was
+found in the storeroom with Tom. The door was locked, and at first Tom
+denied she was there. The girl's father came. Tom unlocked the door,
+and the girl was found secreted in the room behind a barrel. The next
+morning some four or five of the deck passengers spoke to the captain
+about it. This was about breakfast time. Immediately after he left the
+deck, a number of the deck passengers rushed upon the negro, bound his
+arms behind his back and carried him forward to the bow of the boat. A
+voice cried out 'throw him overboard,' and was responded to from every
+quarter of the deck--and in an instant he was plunged into the river.
+The whole scene of tying him and throwing him overboard scarcely
+occupied _ten minutes_, and was so precipitate that the officers were
+unable to interfere in time to save him.
+
+"There were between two hundred and fifty and three hundred passengers
+on board."
+
+The whole process of seizing Tom, dragging him upon deck, binding his
+arms behind his back, forcing him to the bow of the boat, and throwing
+him overboard, occupied, the editor informs us, about TEN MINUTES, and
+of the two hundred and fifty or three hundred deck passengers, with
+perhaps as many cabin passengers, it does not appear that _a single
+individual raised a finger to prevent this deliberate murder_; and the
+cry "throw him overboard," was it seems, "responded to from every
+quarter of the deck!"
+
+Rev. JAMES A. THOME, of Augusta, Ky., son of Arthur Thome, Esq., till
+recently a slaveholder, published five years since the following
+description of a scene witnessed by him in New Orleans:
+
+"In December of 1833, I landed at New Orleans, in the steamer W----.
+It was after night, dark and rainy. The passengers were called out of
+the cabin, from the enjoyment of a fire, which the cold, damp
+atmosphere rendered very comfortable, by a sudden shout of, 'catch
+him--catch him--catch the negro.' The cry was answered by a hundred
+voices--'Catch him--_kill_ him,' and a rush from every direction
+toward our boat, indicated that the object of pursuit was near. The
+next moment we heard a man plunge into the river, a few paces above
+us. A crowd gathered upon the shore, with lamps and stones, and clubs,
+still crying, 'catch him--kill him--catch him--shoot him.'
+
+"I soon discovered the poor man. He had taken refuge under the prow of
+another boat, and was standing in the water up to his waist. The
+angry vociferation of his pursuers, did not intimidate him. He defied
+them all. 'Don't you _dare_ to come near me, or I will sink you in the
+river.' He was armed with despair. For a moment the mob was palsied by
+the energy of his threatenings. They were afraid to go to him with a
+skiff, but a number of them went on to the boat and tried to seize
+him. They threw a noose rope down repeatedly, _that they might pull
+him up by the neck_! but he planted his hand firmly against the boat
+and dashed the rope away with his arms. One of them took a long bar of
+wood, and leaning over the prow, endeavored to strike him on the head,
+The blow must have shattered the skull, but it did not reach low
+enough. The monster raised up the heavy club again and said, 'Come out
+now, you old rascal, or die.' 'Strike,' said the negro;
+'strike--shiver my brains _now_; I want to die;' and down went the
+club again, without striking. This was repeated several times. The
+mob, seeing their efforts fruitless, became more enraged and
+threatened to stone him, if he did not surrender himself into their
+hands. He again defied them, and declared that he would drown himself
+in the river, before they should have him. They then resorted to
+persuasion, and promised they would not hurt him. 'I'll die first;'
+was his only reply. Even the furious mob was awed, and for a while
+stood dumb.
+
+"After standing in the cold water for an hour, the miserable being
+began to fail. We observed him gradually sinking--his voice grew weak
+and tremulous--yet he continued to _curse_! In the midst of his oaths
+he uttered broken sentences--'I did'nt steal the meat--I did'nt
+steal--my master lives--master--master lives up the river--(his voice
+began to gurgle in his throat, and he was so chilled that his teeth
+chattered audibly)--I did'nt--steal--I did'nt steal--my--my
+master--my--I want to see my master--I didn't--no--my mas--you
+want--you want to kill me--I didn't steal the'--His last words could
+just be heard as be sunk under the water.
+
+"During this indescribable scene, _not one of the hundred that stood
+around made any effort to save the man until he was apparently
+drowned_. He was then dragged out and stretched on the bow of the
+boat, and soon sufficient means were used for his recovery. The brutal
+captain ordered him to be taken off his boat--declaring, with an oath,
+that he would throw him into the river again, if he was not
+immediately removed. I withdrew, sick and horrified with this
+appalling exhibition of wickedness.
+
+"Upon inquiry, I learned that the colored man lived some fifty miles
+up the Mississippi; that he had been charged with stealing some
+article from the wharf; was fired upon with a pistol, and pursued by
+the mob.
+
+"In reflecting upon this unmingled cruelty--this insensibility to
+suffering and disregard of life--I exclaimed,
+
+
+'Is there no flesh in man's obdurate heart?'
+
+
+"One poor man, chased like a wolf by a hundred blood hounds, yelling,
+howling, and gnashing their teeth upon him--plunges into the cold
+river to seek protection! A crowd of spectators witness the scene,
+with all the composure with which a Roman populace would look upon a
+gladiatorial show. Not a voice heard in the sufferer's behalf. At
+length the powers of nature give way; the blood flows back to the
+heart--the teeth chatter--the voice trembles and dies, while the
+victim drops down into his grave.
+
+"What an atrocious system is that which leaves two millions of souls,
+friendless and powerless--hunted and chased--afflicted and tortured
+and driven to death, without the means of redress.--Yet such is the
+system of slavery."
+
+The 'public opinion' of slaveholders is illustrated by scores of
+announcements in southern papers, like the following, from the
+Raleigh, (N.C.) Register, August 20, 1838. Joseph Gale and Son,
+editors and proprietors--the father and brother of the editor of the
+National Intelligence, Washington city, D.C.
+
+"On Saturday night, Mr. George Holmes, of this county, and some of his
+friends, were in pursuit of a runaway slave (the property of Mr.
+Holmes) and fell in with him in attempting to make his escape. Mr. H.
+discharged a gun at his legs, for the purpose of disabling him; but
+unfortunately, the slave stumbled, and the shot struck him near the
+small of the back, of which wound he died in a short time. The slave
+continued to run some distance after he was shot, until overtaken by
+one of the party. We are satisfied, from all that we can learn, that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound."
+
+Oh! the _gentleman_, it seems, only shot at his legs, merely to
+'disable'--and it must be expected that every _gentleman_ will amuse
+himself in shooting at his own property whenever the notion takes him,
+and if he should happen to hit a little higher and go through the
+small of the back instead of the legs, why every body says it is
+'unfortunate,' and the whole of the editorial corps, instead of
+branding him as a barbarous wretch for shooting at his slave, whatever
+part be aimed at, join with the oldest editor in North Carolina, in
+complacently exonerating Mr. Holmes by saying, "We are satisfied that
+Mr. H. had no intention of inflicting a mortal wound." And so 'public
+opinion' wraps it up!
+
+The Franklin (La.) Republican, August 19, 1837, has the following:
+
+"NEGROES TAKEN.--Four gentlemen of this vicinity, went out yesterday
+for the purpose of finding the camp of some noted runaways, supposed
+to be near this place; the camp was discovered about 11 o'clock, the
+negroes four in number, three men and one woman, finding they were
+discovered, tried to make their escape through the cane; two of them
+were fired on, one of which made his escape; the other one fell after
+running a short distance, his wounds are not supposed to be dangerous;
+the other man was taken without any hurt; the woman also made her
+escape."
+
+Thus terminated the mornings amusement of the '_four gentlemen_,'
+whose exploits are so complacently chronicled by the editor of the
+Franklin Republican. The three men and one woman were all fired upon,
+it seems, though only one of them was shot down. The half famished
+runaways made not the least resistance, they merely rushed in panic
+among the canes, at the sight of their pursuers, and the bullets
+whistled after them and brought to the ground one poor fellow, who was
+carried back by his captors as a trophy of the 'public opinion' among
+slaveholders.
+
+In the Macon (Ga.) Telegraph, Nov. 27, 1838, we find the following
+account of a runaway's den, and of the good luck of a 'Mr. Adams,' in
+running down one of them 'with his excellent dogs:'
+
+"A runaway's den was discovered on Sunday near the Washington Spring,
+in a little patch of woods, where it had been for several months, so
+artfully concealed under ground, that it was detected only by
+accident, though in sight of two or three houses, and near the road
+and fields where there has been constant daily passing. The entrance
+was concealed by a pile of pine straw, representing a hog bed--which
+being removed, discovered a trap door and steps that led to a room
+about six feet square, comfortably ceiled with plank, containing a
+small fire-place the flue of which was ingeniously conducted above
+ground and concealed by the straw. The inmates took the alarm and made
+their escape; but Mr. Adams and his excellent dogs being put upon the
+trail, soon run down and secured one of them, which proved to be a
+negro fellow who had been out about a year. He stated that the other
+occupant was a woman, who had been a runaway a still longer time. In
+the den was found a quantity of meal, bacon, corn, potatoes, &c., and
+various cooking utensils and wearing apparel."
+
+Yes, Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS' did the work! They were well trained,
+swift, fresh, keen-scented, 'excellent' men-hunters, and though the
+poor fugitive in his frenzied rush for liberty, strained every muscle,
+yet they gained upon him, and after dashing through fens, brier-beds,
+and the tangled undergrowth till faint and torn, he sinks, and the
+blood-hounds are upon him. What blood-vessels the poor struggler burst
+in his desperate push for life--how much he was bruised and lacerated
+in his plunge through the forest, or how much the dogs tore him, the
+Macon editor has not chronicled--they are matters of no moment--but
+his heart is touched with the merits of Mr. Adams' 'EXCELLENT DOGS,'
+that 'soon _run down_ and _secured_' a guiltless and trembling human
+creature!
+
+The Georgia Constitutionalist, of Jan. 1837, contains the following
+letter from the coroner of Barnwell District, South Carolina, dated
+Aiken, S.C. Dec. 20, 1836.
+
+"_To the Editor of the Constitutionalist:_
+
+"I have just returned from an inquest I held over the body of a negro
+man, a runaway, that was shot near the South Edisto, in this District,
+(Barnwell,) on Saturday last. He came to his death by his own
+recklessness. He refused to be taken alive--and said that other
+attempts to take him had been made, and he was determined that he
+would not be taken. He was at first, (when those in pursuit of him
+found it absolutely necessary,) shot at with small shot, with the
+intention of merely crippling him. He was shot at several times, and
+at last he was so disabled as to be compelled to surrender. He kept in
+the run of a creek in a very dense swamp all the time that the
+neighbors were in pursuit of him. As soon as the negro was taken, the
+best medical aid was procured, but he died on the same evening. One of
+the witnesses at the Inquisition, stated that the negro boy said he
+was from Mississippi, and belonged to so many persons, that he did not
+know who his master was, but again he said his master's name was
+Brown. He said his name was Sam, and when asked by another witness,
+who his master was, he muttered something like Augusta or Augustine.
+The boy was apparently above thirty-five or forty years of age, about
+six feet high, slightly yellow in the face, very long beard or
+whiskers, and very stout built, and a stern countenance; and appeared
+to have been a runaway for a long time.
+
+WILLIAM H. PRITCHARD,
+_Coroner (Ex-officio,) Barnwell Dist. S.C._"
+
+
+The Norfolk (Va.) Herald, of Feb. 1837, has the following:
+
+"Three negroes in a ship's yawl, came on shore yesterday evening, near
+New Point Comfort, and were soon after apprehended and lodged in jail.
+Their story is, that they belonged to a brig from New York bound to
+Havana, which was cast away to the southward of Cape Henry, some day
+last week; that the brig was called the Maria, Captain Whittemore. I
+have no doubt they are deserters from some vessel in the bay, as their
+statements are very confused and inconsistent. One of these fellows is
+a mulatto, and calls himself Isaac Turner; the other two are quite
+black, the one passing by the name of James Jones and the other John
+Murray. They have all their clothing with them, and are dressed in
+sea-faring apparel. They attempted to make their escape, and _it was
+not till a musket was fired at them, and one of them slightly
+wounded_, that they surrendered. They will be kept in jail till
+something further is discovered respecting them."
+
+The 'St. Francisville (La.) Chronicle,' of Feb. 1, 1839. Gives the
+following account of a 'negro hunt,' in that Parish.
+
+"Two or three days since a gentleman of this parish, in _hunting
+runaway negroes_, came upon a camp of them in the swamp on Cat Island.
+He succeeded in arresting two of them, but the third made fight; and
+upon _being shot in the shoulder_, fled to a sluice, where the _dogs
+succeeded_ in drowning him before assistance could arrive."
+
+"'The dogs _succeeded_ in drowning him'! Poor fellow! He tried hard for
+his life, plunged into the sluice, and, with a bullet in his shoulder,
+and the blood hounds unfleshing his bones, he bore up for a moment
+with feeble stroke as best he might, but 'public opinion,'
+'_succeeded_ in drowning him,' and the same 'public opinion,' calls
+the man who fired and crippled him, and cheered on the dogs, 'a
+gentleman,' and the editor who celebrates the exploit is a 'gentleman'
+also!"
+
+A large number of extracts similar to the above, might here be
+inserted from Southern newspapers in our possession, but the foregoing
+are more than sufficient for our purpose, and we bring to a close the
+testimony on this point, with the following. Extract of a letter, from
+the Rev. Samuel J. May, of South Scituate, Mass. dated Dec. 20, 1838.
+
+"You doubtless recollect the narrative given in the Oasis, of a slave
+in Georgia, who having ranaway from his master, (accounted a very
+hospitable and even humane gentleman,) was hunted by his master and
+his retainers with horses, dogs, and rifles, and having been driven
+into a tree by the hounds, was shot down by his more cruel pursuers.
+All the facts there given, and some others equally shocking, connected
+with the same case, were first communicated to me in 1833, by Mr. W.
+Russell, a highly respectable teacher of youth in Boston. He is
+doubtless ready to vouch for them. The same gentleman informed me that
+he was keeping school on or near the plantation of the monster who
+perpetrated the above outrage upon humanity, that he was even invited
+by him to join in the hunt, and when he expressed abhorrence at the
+thought, the planter holding up the rifle which he had in his hand
+said with an oath, 'damn that rascal, this is the third time he has
+runaway, and he shall never run again. I'd rather put a ball into his
+side, than into the best buck in the land.'"
+
+Mr. Russell, in the account given by him of this tragedy in the
+'Oasis,' page 267, thus describes the slaveholder who made the above
+expression, and was the leader of the 'hunt,' and in whose family he
+resided at the time as an instructor he says of him--he was "an
+opulent planter, in whose family the evils of slaveholding were
+palliated by every expedient that a humane and generous disposition
+could suggest. He was a man of noble and elevated character, and
+distinguished for his generosity, and kindness of heart."
+
+In a letter to Mr. May, dated Feb. 3, 1839, Mr. Russell, speaking of
+the hunting of runaways with dogs and guns, says: "Occurrences of a
+nature similar to the one related in the 'Oasis,' were not unfrequent
+in the interior of Georgia and South Carolina twenty years ago.
+_Several_ such fell under my notice within the space of fifteen
+months. In two such 'hunts,' I was solicited to join."
+
+The following was written by a sister-in-law of Gerrit Smith, Esq.,
+Peterboro. She is married to the son of a North Carolinian.
+
+"In North Carolina, some years ago, several slaves were arrested for
+committing serious crimes and depredations, in the neighborhood of
+Wilmington, among other things, burning houses, and, in one or more
+instances, murder.
+
+"It happened that the wife of one of these slaves resided in one of
+the most respectable families in W. in the capacity of nurse. Mr. J.
+_the first lawyer in the place_, came into the room, where the lady of
+the house, was sitting, with the nurse, who held a child in her arms,
+and, addressing the nurse, said, Hannah! would you know your husband
+if you should see him?--Oh, yes, sir, she replied--When HE DREW FROM
+BENEATH HIS CLOAK THE HEAD OF THE SLAVE, at the sight of which the
+poor woman immediately fainted. The heads of the others were placed
+upon poles, in some part of the town, afterwards known as 'Negro Head
+Point.'"
+
+We have just received the above testimony, enclosed in a letter from
+Mr. Smith, in which he says, "that the fact stated by my
+sister-in-law, actually occurred, there can be no doubt."
+
+The following extract from the Diary of the Rev. ELIAS CORNELIUS, we
+insert here, having neglected to do it under a preceding head, to
+which it more appropriately belongs.
+
+"New Orleans, Sabbath, February 15, 1818. Early this morning
+accompanied A.H. Esq. to the _hospital_, with the view of making
+arrangements to preach to such of the sick as could understand
+English. The first room we entered presented a scene of human misery,
+such as I had never before witnessed. A poor negro man was lying upon
+a couch, apparently in great distress; a more miserable object can
+hardly be conceived. His face was much _disfigured_, an IRON COLLAR,
+TWO INCHES WIDE AND HALF AN INCH THICK, WAS CLASPED ABOUT HIS NECK,
+while one of his feet and part of the leg were in a state of
+putrefaction. We inquired the cause of his being in this distressing
+condition, and he answered us in a faltering voice, that he was
+willing to tell us all the truth.
+
+"He belonged to Mr. ---- a Frenchman, ran-away, was caught, and
+punished with one hundred lashes! This happened about Christmas; and
+during the cold weather at that time, he was confined in the
+_Cane-house, with a scanty portion of clothing, and without fire_. In
+this situation his foot had frozen, and mortified, and having been
+removed from place to place, he was yesterday brought here by order of
+his new master, who was an American. I had no time to protract my
+conversation with him then, but resolved to return in a few hours and
+pray with him.
+
+"Having returned home, I again visited the hospital at half past
+eleven o'clock, and concluded first of all [he was to preach at 12,]
+to pray with the poor lacerated negro. I entered the apartment in
+which he lay, and observed an old man sitting upon a couch; but,
+without saying anything went up to the bed-side of the negro, who
+appeared to be asleep. I spoke to him, but he gave no answer. I spoke
+again, and moved his head, still he said nothing. My apprehensions
+were immediately excited, and I felt for his pulse, but it was gone.
+Said I to the old man, 'surely this negro is dead.' 'No,' he answered,
+'he has fallen asleep, for he had a very restless season last night.'
+I again examined and called the old gentleman to the bed, and alas, it
+was found true, that he was dead. Not an eye had witnessed his last
+struggle, and I was the first, as it should happen, to discover the
+fact. I called several men into the room, and without ceremony they
+wrapped him in a sheet, and carried him to the _dead-house_ as it is
+called."--Edwards' Life of Rev. Elias Cornelius, pp. 101, 2, 3.
+
+
+THE PROTECTION EXTENDED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO THE HEALTH[38] OF THE
+SLAVES.
+
+This may be judged of from the fact that it is perfectly notorious
+among slaveholders, both North and South, that of the tens of
+thousands of slaves sold annually in the northern slave states to be
+transported to the south, large numbers of them die under the severe,
+process of acclimation, _all_ suffer more or less, and multitudes
+_much_, in their health and strength, during their first years in the
+far south and south west. That such is the case is sufficiently proved
+by the care taken by all who advertise for sale or hire in Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, Arkansas, &c. to inform the reader, that their
+slaves are 'Creoles,' 'southern born,' 'country born,' &c. or if they
+are from the north, that they are 'acclimated,' and the importance
+attached to their _acclimation_, is shown in the fact, that it is
+generally distinguished from the rest of the advertisements either by
+_italics_ or CAPITALS. Almost every newspaper published in the states
+far south contains advertisements like the following.
+
+[Footnote 38: See pp. 37-39.]
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg (Mi.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838.
+
+"I OFFER my plantation for sale. Also seventy-five _acclimated
+Negroes_. O.B. COBB."
+
+From the "Southerner," June 7, 1837.
+
+"I WILL sell my Old-River plantation near Columbia in Arkansas;--also
+ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY ACCLIMATED SLAVES.
+
+BENJ. HUGHES."
+_Port Gibson, Jan. 14, 1837._
+
+
+From the "Planters' (La.) Intelligencer," March 22.
+
+"Probate sale--Will be offered for sale at Public Auction, to the
+highest bidder, ONE HUNDRED AND THIRTY _acclimated_ slaves."
+
+G.W. KEETON.
+Judge of the Parish of Concordia"
+
+
+From the "Arkansas Advocate," May 22, 1837.
+
+"By virtue of a Deed of Trust, executed to me, I will sell at public
+auction at Fisher's Prairie, Arkansas, sixty LIKELY NEGROES,
+consisting of Men, Women, Boys and Girls, the most of whom are WELL
+ACCLIMATED.
+
+GRANDISON D. ROYSTON, _Trustee_."
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Feb. 9, 1838.
+
+"VALUABLE ACCLIMATED NEGROES"
+
+"Will be sold on Saturday, 10th inst. at 12 o'clock, at the city
+exchange, St. Louis street."
+
+Then follows a description of the slaves, closing with the same
+assertion, which forms the caption of the advertisement "ALL
+ACCLIMATED."
+
+General Felix Houston, of Natchez, advertises in the "Natchez
+Courier," April 6, 1838, "Thirty five very fine _acclimated_ Negroes."
+
+Without inserting more advertisements, suffice it to say, that when
+slaves are advertised for sale or hire, in the lower southern country,
+if they are _natives_, or have lived in that region long enough to
+become acclimated, it is _invariably_ stated.
+
+But we are not left to _conjecture_ the amount of suffering
+experienced by slaves from the north in undergoing the severe process
+of 'seasoning' to the climate, or '_acclimation_' A writer in the New
+Orleans Argus, September, 1830, in an article on the culture of the
+sugar cane, says; 'The loss by _death_ in bringing slaves from a
+northern climate, which our planters are under the necessity of doing,
+is not less than TWENTY-FIVE PER CENT.'
+
+Nothwithstanding the immense amount of suffering endured in the
+process of acclimation, and the fearful waste of life, and the
+_notoriety_ of this fact, still the 'public opinion' of Virginia,
+Maryland, Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, &c. annually DRIVES to the far
+south, thousands of their slaves to undergo these sufferings, and the
+'public opinion,' of the far south buys them, and forces the helpless
+victims to endure them.
+
+
+THE 'PROTECTION' VOUCHSAFED BY 'PUBLIC OPINION,' TO LIBERTY.
+
+This is shown by hundreds of advertisements in southern papers, like
+the following:
+
+From the "Mobile Register," July 21. 1837. "WILL BE SOLD CHEAP FOR
+CASH, in front of the Court House of Mobile County, on the 22d day of
+July next, one mulatto man named HENRY HALL, WHO SAYS HE IS FREE; his
+owner or owners, _if any_, having failed to demand him, he is to be
+sold according to the statute in such cases made and provided, _to pay
+Jail fees._
+
+WM. MAGEE, Sh'ff M.C."
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," Dec. 7, 1838.
+
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Chickasaw Co. Edmund, Martha, John and
+Louisa; the man 50, the woman 35, John 3 years old, and Louisa 14
+months. They say they are FREE and were decoyed to this state."
+
+
+The "Southern Argus," of July 25, 1837, contains the following.
+
+"RANAWAY from my plantation, a negro boy named William. Said boy was
+taken up by Thomas Walton, and says _he was free_, and that his
+parents live near Shawneetown, Illinois, and that he was _taken_ from
+that place in July 1836; says his father's name is William, and his
+mother's Sally Brown, and that they moved from Fredericksburg,
+Virginia. I will give twenty dollars to any person who will deliver
+said boy to me or Col. Byrn, Columbus. SAMUEL H. BYRN"
+
+
+The first of the following advertisements was a standing one, in the
+"Vicksburg Register," from Dec. 1835 till Aug. 1836. The second
+advertises the same FREE man for sale.
+
+"SHERIFF'S SALE" "COMMITTED, to the jail of Warren county, as a
+Runaway, on the 23d inst. a Negro man, who calls himself John J.
+Robinson; _says that he is free_, says that he kept a baker's shop in
+Columbus, Miss. and that he peddled through the Chickasaw nation to
+Pontotoc, and came to Memphis, where he sold his horse, took water,
+and came to this place. The owner of said boy is requested to come
+forward, prove property, pay charges, and take him away, or he will be
+dealt with as the law directs.
+
+WM. EVERETT, Jailer.
+Dec. 24, 1835"
+
+"NOTICE is hereby given, that the above described boy, who calls
+himself John J. Robinson, having been confined in the Jail of Warren
+county as a Runaway, for six months--and having been regularly
+advertised during this period, I shall proceed to sell said Negro boy
+at public auction, to the highest bidder for cash, at the door of the
+Court House in Vicksburg, on Monday, 1st day of August, 1836, in
+pursuance of the statute in such cases made and provided.
+
+E. W. MORRIS, Sheriff.
+_Vicksburg, July 2, 1836._"
+
+
+
+See "Newborn (N.C.) Spectator," of Jan. 5, 1838, for the following
+advertisement.
+
+"RANAWAY, from the subscriber a negro man known as Frank Pilot. He is
+five feet eight inches high, dark complexion, and about 50 years old,
+_HAS BEEN FREE SINCE_ 1829--is now my property, as heir at law of his
+last owner, _Samuel Ralston_, dec. I will give the above reward if he
+is taken and confined in any jail so that I can get him.
+
+SAMUEL RALSTON. Pactolus, Pitt County."
+
+From the Tuscaloosa (Ala.) "Flag of the Union," June 7.
+
+"COMMITTED to the jail of Tuscaloosa county, a negro man, who says his
+name is Robert Winfield, and _says he is free_.
+
+R.W. BARBER, _Jailer_."
+
+That "public opinion," in the slave states affords no protection to
+the liberty of colored persons, even after those persons become
+legally free, by the operation of their own laws, is declared by
+Governor Comegys, of Delaware, in his recent address to the
+Legislature of that state, Jan. 1839. The Governor, commenting upon
+the law of the state which provides that persons convicted of certain
+crimes shall be sold as servants for a limited time, says,
+
+"_The case is widely different with the negro(!)_ Although ordered to
+be disposed of as a servant for a term of years, _perpetual slavery in
+the south is his inevitable doom_; unless, peradventure, age or
+disease may have rendered him worthless, or some resident of the
+State, from motives of _benevolence_, will pay for him three or four
+times his intrinsic _value_. It matters not for how short a time he is
+ordered to be sold, so that he can be carried from the State. Once
+beyond its limits, _all chance of restored freedom is gone_--for he is
+removed far from the reach of any testimony to aid him in an effort to
+be released from bondage, when his _legal_ term of servitude has
+expired. _Of the many colored convicts sold out of the State, it is
+believed none ever return_. Of course they are purchased _with the
+express view to their transportation for life_, and bring such
+enormous prices as to prevent all _competition_ on the part of those
+of our citizens who _require_ their services, and _would keep them in
+the State_."
+
+From the "Memphis (Ten.) Enquirer," Dec. 28, 1838.
+
+"$50 REWARD. Ranaway, from the subscriber, on Thursday last, a negro
+man named Isaac, 22 years old, about 5 feet 10 or 11 inches high, dark
+complexion, well made, full face, speaks quick, and very correctly for
+a negro. _He was originally from New-York_, and no doubt will attempt
+to pass himself as free. I will give the above reward for his
+apprehension and delivery, or confinement, so that I obtain him, if
+taken out of the state, or $30 if taken within the state.
+
+JNO. SIMPSON. _Memphis, Dec. 28._"
+
+Mark, with what shameless hardihood this JNO. SIMPSON, tells the
+public that _he knew_ Isaac Wright was a free man! 'HE WAS ORIGINALLY
+FROM NEW YORK,' he tells us. And yet he adds with brazen effrontery,
+'_he will attempt to pass himself as free._' This Isaac Wright, was
+shipped by a man named Lewis, of New Bedford, Massachusetts, and sold
+as a slave in New Orleans. After passing through several hands, and
+being flogged nearly to death, he made his escape, and five days ago,
+(March 5,) returned to his friends in Philadelphia.
+
+From the "Baltimore Sun," Dec. 23, 1838.
+
+"FREE NEGROES--Merry Ewall, a FREE NEGRO, from Virginia, was committed
+to jail, at Snow Hill, Md. last week, for remaining in the State
+longer than is allowed by the law of 1831. The fine in his case
+amounts to $225. Capril Purnell, a negro from Delaware, is now in jail
+in the same place, for a violation of the same act. His fine amounts
+to FOUR THOUSAND DOLLARS, and he WILL BE SOLD IN A SHORT TIME."
+
+The following is the decision of the Supreme Court, of Louisiana, in
+the case of Gomez _vs_. Bonneval, Martin's La. Reports, 656, and
+Wheeler's "Law of Slavery," p. 380-1.
+
+_Marginal remark of the Compiler.--"A slave does not become free on
+his being illegally imported into the state."_
+
+"_Per Cur. Derbigny_, J. The petitioner is a negro in actual state of
+slavery; he claims his freedom, and is bound to prove it. In his
+attempt, however, to show that he was free before he was introduced
+into this country, he has failed, so that his claim rests entirely on
+the laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves in the United States.
+That the plaintiff was imported since that prohibition does exist is a
+fact sufficiently established by the evidence. What right he has
+acquired under the laws forbidding such importation is the only
+question which we have to examine. Formerly, while the act dividing
+Louisiana into two territories was in force in this country, slaves
+introduced here in contravention to it, were freed by operation of
+law; but that act was merged in the legislative provisions which were
+subsequently enacted on the subject of importation of slaves into the
+United States generally. Under the now existing laws, the individuals
+thus imported acquire _no personal right_, they are mere passive
+beings, who are disposed of _according to the will_ of the different
+state legislatures. In this country they are to _remain slaves_, and
+TO BE SOLD FOR THE BENEFIT OF THE STATE. The plaintiff, therefore, has
+nothing to claim as a freeman; and as to a mere change of master,
+should such be his wish, _he cannot be listened to in a court of
+justice_."
+
+Extract from a speech of Mr. Thomson of Penn. in Congress, March 1,
+1826, on the prisons in the District of Columbia.
+
+"I visited the prisons twice that I might myself ascertain the truth.
+* * In one of these cells (but eight feet square,) were confined at
+that time, seven persons, three women and four children. The children
+were confined under a strange system of law in this District, by which
+a colored person who _alleges_ HE IS FREE, and appeals to the
+tribunals of the country, to have the matter tried, is COMMITTED TO
+PRISON, till the decision takes place. They were almost naked--one of
+them was sick, lying on the damp brick floor, _without bed, pillow, or
+covering_. In this abominable cell, seven human beings were confined
+day by day, and night after night, without a bed, chair, or stool, or
+any other of the most common necessaries of life."--_Gales'
+Congressional Debates_, v.2, p. 1480.
+
+The following facts serve to show, that the present generation of
+slaveholders do but follow in the footsteps of their fathers, in their
+zeal for LIBERTY.
+
+Extract from a document submitted by the Committee of the yearly
+meeting of Friends in Philadelphia, to the Committee of Congress, to
+whom was referred the memorial of the people called Quakers, in 1797.
+
+"In the latter part of the year 1776, several of the people called
+Quakers, residing in the counties of Perquimans and Pasquotank, in the
+state of North Carolina, liberated their negroes, as it was then clear
+there was no existing law to prevent their so doing; for the law of
+1741 could not at that time be carried into effect; and they were
+suffered to remain free, until a law passed, in the spring of 1777,
+under which they were taken up and sold, contrary to the Bill of
+Rights, recognized in the constitution of that state, as a part
+thereof, and to which it was annexed.
+
+"In the spring of 1777, when the General Assembly met for the first
+time, a law was enacted to prevent slaves from being emancipated,
+except for meritorious services, &c. to be judged of by the county
+courts or the general assembly; and ordering, that if any should be
+manumitted in any other way, they be taken up, and the county courts
+within whose jurisdictions they are apprehended should order them to
+be sold. Under this law the county courts of Perquimans and
+Pasquotank, in the year 1777, ordered A LARGE NUMBER OF PERSONS TO BE
+SOLD, WHO WERE FREE AT THE TIME THE LAW WAS MADE. In the year 1778
+several of those cases were, by certiorari, brought before the
+superior court for the district of Edentorn, where the decisions of
+the county courts were reversed, the superior court declaring, that
+said county courts, in such their proceedings, have exceeded their
+jurisdiction, violated the rights of the subject, and acted in direct
+opposition to the Bill of Rights of this state, considered justly as
+part of the constitution thereof; by giving to a law, not intended to
+affect this case, a retrospective operation, thereby to deprive free
+men of this state of their liberty, contrary to the laws of the land.
+In consequence of this decree several of the negroes were again set at
+liberty; but the next General Assembly, early in 1779, passed a law,
+wherein they mention, that doubts have arisen, whether the purchasers
+of such slaves have a good and legal title thereto, and CONFIRM the
+same; under which they were again taken up by the purchasers and
+reduced to slavery."
+
+[The number of persons thus re-enslaved was 134.]
+
+The following are the decrees of the Courts, ordering the sale of
+those freemen:--
+
+"Perquimans County, July term, at Hartford, A.D. 1777.
+
+"These may certify, that it was then and there ordered, that the
+sheriff of the county, to-morrow morning, at ten o'clock, expose to
+sale, to the highest bidder, for ready money, at the court-house door,
+the several negroes taken up as free, and in his custody, agreeable to
+law.
+
+"Test. WM. SKINNER, Clerk. "A true copy, 25th August, 1791. "Test. J.
+HARVEY, Clerk."
+
+"Pasquotank County, September Court, &c. &c. 1777.
+
+"Present, the Worshipful Thomas Boyd, Timothy Hickson, John Paelin,
+Edmund Clancey, Joseph Reading, and Thomas Rees, Esqrs. Justices.
+
+"It was then and there ordered, that Thomas Reading, Esq. take the
+FREE negroes taken up under an act to prevent domestic insurrections
+and other purposes, and expose the same to _the best bidder_, at
+public vendue, for ready money, and be accountable for the same,
+agreeable to the aforesaid act; and make return to this or the next
+succeeding court of his proceedings.
+
+"A copy. ENOCH REESE, C.C."
+
+
+THE PROTECTION OF "PUBLIC OPINION" TO DOMESTICS TIES.
+
+The barbarous indifference with which slaveholders regard the forcible
+sundering of husbands and wives, parents and children, brothers and
+sisters, and the unfeeling brutality indicated by the language in
+which they describe the efforts made by the slaves, in their yearnings
+after those from whom they have been torn away, reveals a 'public
+opinion' towards them as dead to their agony as if they were cattle.
+It is well nigh impossible to open a southern paper without finding
+evidence of this. Though the truth of this assertion can hardly be
+called in question, we subjoin a few illustrations, and could easily
+give hundreds.
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," Jan. 17, 1839. "$100 reward will be
+given for my two fellows, Abram and Frank. Abram has a _wife_ at
+Colonel Stewart's, in Liberty county, and a _sister_ in Savannah, at
+Capt. Grovenstine's. Frank has a _wife_ at Mr. Le Cont's, Liberty
+county; a _mother_ at Thunderbolt, and a _sister_ in Savannah.
+
+WM. ROBARTS. Wallhourville, 5th Jan. 1839"
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Intelligencer." July 7, 1838.
+
+"$160 Reward.--Ranaway from the subscribers living in this city, on
+Saturday 16th inst. a negro man, named Dick, about 37 years of age. It
+is highly probable said boy will make for New Orleans as _he has a
+wife_ living in that city, and he has been heard to say frequently
+that _he was determined to go to New Orleans_.
+
+"DRAKE C. THOMPSON. "Lexington, June 17, 1838"
+
+
+From the "Southern Argus," Oct. 31, 1837.
+
+"Runaway--my negro man, Frederick, about 20 years of age. He is no
+doubt near the plantation of G.W. Corprew, Esq of Noxubbee County,
+Mississippi, as _his wife belongs to that gentleman, and he followed
+her from my residence_. The above reward will be paid to any one who
+will confine him in jail and inform me of it at Athens, Ala. "Athens,
+Alabama. KERKMAN LEWIS."
+
+
+From the "Savannah Georgian," July 8, 1837.
+
+"Ran away from the subscriber, his man Joe. He visits the city
+occasionally, where he has been harbored by his _mother_ and _sister_.
+I will give one hundred dollars for proof sufficient to _convict his
+harborers_. R.P.T. MONGIN."
+
+
+The "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Nov. 23, 1837, has the following:--
+
+"$25 Reward.--Ran away, a negro man, named Cain. He was brought from
+Florida, and _has a wife near Mariana_, and probably will attempt to
+make his way there. H.L. COOK."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," July 25, 1837.
+
+"Absconded from the subscriber, a negro man, by the name of Wilson. He
+was born in the county of New Kent, and raised by a gentleman named
+Ratliffe, and by him sold to a gentleman named Taylor, on whose farm
+he had a _wife_ and _several children_. Mr. Taylor sold him to a Mr.
+Slater, who, in consequence of removing to Alabama, Wilson left; and
+when retaken was sold, and afterwards purchased, by his present owner,
+from T. McCargo and Co. of Richmond."
+
+
+From the "Savannah (Ga. ) Republican," Sept. 3, 1838.
+
+"$20 Reward for my negro man Jim.--Jim is about 50 or 55 years of age.
+It is probable he will aim for Savannah, as he said _he had children_
+in that vicinity.
+
+J.G. OWENS.
+Barnwell District, S.C."
+
+
+From the "Staunton (Va.) Spectator," Jan. 3, 1839.
+
+"Runaway, Jesse.--He has a _wife_, who belongs to Mr. John Ruff, of
+Lexington, Rockbridge county, and he may probably be lurking in that
+neighborhood. MOSES McCUE."
+
+
+From the "Augusta (Georgia) Chronicle," July 10, 1837.
+
+"$120 Reward for my negro Charlotte. She is about 20 years old. She
+was purchased some months past from Mr. Thomas. J. Walton, of Augusta,
+by Thomas W. Oliver; and, as her _mother_ and acquaintances live in
+that city, it is very likely she is _harbored_ by some of them. MARTHA
+OLIVER."
+
+
+From the "Raleigh (N.C.) Register," July 18, 1837.
+
+Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Jim, the property of
+Mrs. Elizabeth Whitfield. He _has a wife_ at the late Hardy Jones',
+and may probably be lurking in that neighborhood. JOHN O'RORKE."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Compiler," Sept. 8, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, Ben. He ran off without any known cause,
+and _I suppose he is aiming to go to his wife, who was carried from
+the neighborhood last winter_. JOHN HUNT."
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury," Aug. 1, 1837.
+
+"Absconded from Mr. E.D. Bailey, on Wadmalaw, his negro man, named
+Saby. Said fellow was purchased in January, from Francis Dickinson, of
+St. Paul's parish, and is probably now in that neighborhood, _where he
+has a wife_. THOMAS N. GADSDEN."
+
+
+From the "Portsmouth (Va.) Times," August 3, 1838.
+
+"$50 dollars Reward will be given for the apprehension of my negro man
+Isaac. He _has a wife_ at James M. Riddick's, of Gates county, N.C.
+where he may probably be lurking. C. MILLER."
+
+
+From the "Savannah (Georgia) Republican." May 24, 1838.
+
+"$40 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber in Savannah, his negro girl
+Patsey. She was purchased among the gang of negroes, known as the
+Hargreave's estate. She is no doubt lurking about Liberty county, at
+which place _she has relatives_. EDWARD HOUSTOUN, of Florida"
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," June 29, 1837.
+
+"$20 Reward will be paid for the apprehension and delivery, at the
+workhouse in Charleston, of a mulatto woman, named Ida. It is probable
+she may have made her way into Georgia, where she has _connections_.
+MATTHEW MUGGRIDGE."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," March 31, 1838.
+
+"The subscriber will give $20 for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Maria, who ran away about twelve months since. She is known to be
+lurking in or about Chuckatuch, in the county of Nansemond, where _she
+has a husband_, and _formerly belonged_. PETER ONEILL."
+
+
+From the "Macon (Georgia) Messenger," Jan. 16, 1839.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, two negroes, Davis, a man about 45 years
+old; also Peggy, his wife, near the same age. Said negroes will
+probably make their way to Columbia county, as _they have children_
+living in that county. I will liberally reward any person who may
+deliver them to me. NEHEMIAH KING."
+
+
+From the "Petersburg (Va.) Constellation," June 27, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, a negro man, named Peter. _He has a wife_ at the plantation
+of Mr. C. Haws, near Suffolk, where it is supposed he is still
+lurking. JOHN L. DUNN."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," Dec. 7, 1739.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man, named John Lewis. It is
+supposed that he is lurking about in New Kent county, where he
+professes to have a _wife_. HILL JONES, Agent for R.F. & P. Railroad Co."
+
+
+From the "Red River (La.) Whig," June 2d, 1838.
+
+"Ran away from the subscriber, a mulatto woman, named Maria. It is
+probable she may be found in the neighborhood of Mr. Jesse Bynum's
+plantation, where _she has relations_, &c. THOMAS J. WELLS."
+
+
+From the "Lexington (Ky.) Observer and Reporter," Sept. 28, 1838.
+
+"$50 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, a negro girl, named Maria.
+She is of a copper color, between 13 and 14 years of age--_bare
+headed_ and _bare footed_. She is small of her age--very sprightly and
+very likely. She stated she was _going to see her mother_ at
+Maysville. SANFORD THOMSON."
+
+
+From the "Jackson (Tenn.) Telegraph," Sept. 14, 1838.
+
+"Committed to the jail of Madison county, a negro woman, who calls her
+name Fanny, and says she belongs to William Miller, of Mobile. She
+formerly belonged to John Givins, of this county, who now owns
+_several of her children_. DAVID SHROPSHIRE, Jailor."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk (Va.) Beacon," July 3d, 1838.
+
+"Runaway from my plantation below Edenton, my negro man, Nelson. _He
+has a mother living_ at Mr. James Goodwin's, in Ballahack, Perquimans
+county; and _two brothers_, one belonging to Job Parker, and the other
+to Josiah Coffield. WM. D. RASCOE."
+
+
+From the "Charleston (S.C.) Courier," Jan. 12, 1838.
+
+"$100 Reward.--Run away from the subscriber, his negro fellow, John.
+He is well known about the city as one of my bread carriers: _has a
+wife_ living at Mrs. Weston's, on Hempstead. John formerly belonged to
+Mrs. Moor, near St. Paul's church, where his _mother_ still lives, and
+_has been harbored by her_ before.
+
+JOHN T. MARSHALL.
+60, Tradd street."
+
+
+From the "Newbern (N.C.) Sentinel," March 17, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, Moses, a black fellow, about 40 years of age--has a _wife_
+in Washington.
+
+THOMAS BRAGG, Sen.
+Warrenton, N.C."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Whig," June 30, 1837.
+
+"Ranaway, my man Peter.--He has a _sister_ and _mother_ in New Kent,
+and a _wife_ about fifteen or eighteen miles above Richmond, at or
+about Taylorsville. THEO. A. LACY."
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," Feb. 7, 1838.
+
+"Ranaway, my negro Philip, aged about 40 years.--He may have gone to
+St. Louis, as _he has a wife there_. W.G. CLARK, 70 New Levee."
+
+
+From the "Georgian," Jan. 29, 1838.
+
+"A Reward of $5 will be paid for the apprehension of his negro woman,
+Diana. Diana is from 45 to 50 age. She formerly belonged to Mr. Nath.
+Law, of Liberty county, _where her husband still lives_. She will
+endeavor to go there perhaps. D. O'BYRNE."
+
+
+From the "Richmond (Va.) Enquirer," Feb. 20, 1838.
+
+"$10 Reward for a negro woman, named Sally, 40 years old. We have just
+reason to believe the said negro to be now lurking on the James River
+Canal, or in the Green Spring neighborhood, where, we are informed,
+_her husband resides_. The above reward will be given to any person
+_securing_ her.
+
+POLLY C. SHIELDS.
+Mount Elba, Feb. 19, 1838."
+
+
+"$50 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, his negro man Pauladore,
+commonly called Paul. I understand GEN. R.Y. HAYNE _has purchased his
+wife and children_ from H.L. PINCKNEY, Esq. and has them now on his
+plantation at Goosecreek, where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently
+_lurking_. T. DAVIS."
+
+
+"$25 Reward.--Ran away from the subscriber, a negro woman, named
+Matilda. It is thought she may be somewhere up James River, as she was
+claimed as _a wife_ by some boatman in Goochland. J. ALVIS."
+
+
+"Stop the Runaway!!!--$25 Reward. Ranaway from the Eagle Tavern, a
+negro fellow, named Nat. He is no doubt attempting to _follow his
+wife, who was lately sold to a speculator_ named Redmond. The above
+reward will be paid by Mrs. Lucy M. Downman, of Sussex county, Va."
+
+
+Multitudes of advertisements like the above appear annually in the
+southern papers. Reader, look at the preceding list--mark the
+unfeeling barbarity with which their masters and _mistresses_ describe
+the struggles and perils of sundered husbands and wives, parents and
+children, in their weary midnight travels through forests and rivers,
+with torn limbs and breaking hearts, seeking the embraces of each
+other's love. In one instance, a mother torn from all her children and
+taken to a remote part of another state, presses her way back through
+the wilderness, hundreds of miles, to clasp once more her children to
+her heart: but, when she has arrived within a few miles of them, in
+the same county, is discovered, seized, dragged to jail, and her
+purchaser told, through an advertisement, that she awaits his order.
+But we need not trace out the harrowing details already before the
+reader.
+
+Rev. C.S. RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who resided some time in
+Kentucky, says;--
+
+"I was told the following fact by a young lady, daughter of a
+slaveholder in Boone county, Kentucky, who lived within half a mile of
+Mr. Hughes' farm. Hughes and Neil traded in slaves down the river:
+they had bought up a part of their stock in the upper counties of
+Kentucky, and brought them down to Louisville, where the remainder of
+their drove was in jail, waiting their arrival. Just before the
+steamboat put off for the lower country, two negro women were offered
+for sale, each of them having a young child at the breast. The traders
+bought them, took their babes from their arms, and offered them to the
+highest bidder; and they were sold for one dollar apiece, whilst the
+stricken parents were driven on board the boat; and in an hour were on
+their way to the New Orleans market. You are aware that a young babe
+_decreases_ the value of a field hand in the lower country, whilst it
+increases her value in the 'breeding states.'"
+
+The following is an extract from an address, published by the
+Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky, to the churches under their care, in
+1835:--
+
+"Brothers and sisters, parents and children, husbands and wives, are
+_torn asunder_, and permitted to see each other no more. These acts
+are DAILY occurring in the midst of us. The _shrieks_ and the _agony,
+often_ witnessed on such occasions, proclaim, with a trumpet tongue,
+the iniquity of our system. _There is not a neighborhood_ where these
+heart-rending scenes are not displayed. _There is not a village or
+road_ that does not behold the sad procession of manacled outcasts,
+whose mournful countenances tell that they are exiled by _force_ from
+ALL THAT THEIR HEARTS HOLD DEAR."--_Address_, p. 12.
+
+Professor ANDREWS, late of the University of North Carolina, in his
+recent work on Slavery and the Slave Trade, page 147, in relating a
+conversation with a slave-trader, whom he met near Washington City,
+says, he inquired,
+
+"'Do you _often_ buy the wife without the husband?' 'Yes, VERY OFTEN;
+and FREQUENTLY, too, they _sell me the mother while they keep her
+children. I have often known them take away the infant from its
+mother's breast, and keep it, while they sold her_.'"
+
+The following sale is advertised in the "Georgia Journal," Jan, 2,
+1838.
+
+"Will be sold, the following PROPERTY, to wit: One ---- CHILD, by the
+name of James, _about eight months old_, levied on as the property of
+Gabriel Gunn."
+
+The following is a standing advertisement in the Charleston (S.C.)
+papers:--
+
+"120 Negroes for Sale--The subscriber has _just arrived from
+Petersburg, Virginia_, with one hundred and twenty _likely young_
+negroes of both sexes and every description, which he offers for sale
+on the most reasonable terms.
+
+"The lot now on hand consists of plough boys several likely and
+well-qualified house servants of both sexes, several _women with
+children, small girls_ suitable for nurses, and several SMALL BOYS
+WITHOUT THEIR MOTHERS. Planters and traders are earnestly requested to
+give the subscriber a call previously to making purchases elsewhere,
+as he is enabled and will sell as cheap, or cheaper, than can be sold
+by any other person in the trade. BENJAMIN DAVIS. Hamburg, S.C. Sept.
+28, 1838."
+
+Extract Of a letter to a member of Congress from a friend in
+Mississippi, published in the "Washington Globe," June, 1837.
+
+"The times are truly alarming here. Many plantations _are entirely
+stripped of negroes_ (protection!) and horses, by the marshal or
+sheriff.--Suits are multiplying--two thousand five hundred in the
+United States Circuit Court, and three thousand in Hinds County
+Court."
+
+Testimony of MR. SILAS STONE, of Hudson, New York. Mr. Stone is a
+member of the Episcopal Church, has several times been elected an
+Assessor of the city of Hudson, and for three years has filled the
+office of Treasurer of the County. In the fall of 1807, Mr. Stone
+witnessed a sale of slaves, in Charleston, South Carolina, which he
+thus describes in a communication recently received from him.
+
+"I saw droves of the poor fellows driven to the slave markets kept in
+different parts of the city, one of which I visited. The arrangements
+of this place appeared something like our northern horse-markets,
+having sheds, or barns, in the rear of a public house, where alcohol
+was a handy ingredient to stimulate the spirit of jockeying. As the
+traders appeared, lots of negroes were brought from the stables into
+the bar room, and by a flourish of the whip were made to assume an
+active appearance. 'What will you give for these fellows?' 'How old
+are they? 'Are they healthy?' 'Are they quick?' &c. at the same time
+the owner would give them a cut with a cowhide, and tell them to dance
+and jump, cursing and swearing at them if they did not move quick. In
+fact all the transactions in buying and selling slaves, partakes of
+jockey-ship, as much as buying and selling horses. There was as little
+regard paid to the feelings of the former as we witness in the latter.
+
+"From these scenes I turn to another, which took place in front of the
+noble 'Exchange Buildings,' in the heart of the city. On the left side
+of the steps, as you leave the main hall, immediately under the
+windows of that proud building, was a stage built, on which a mother
+with eight children were placed, and sold at auction. I watched their
+emotions closely, and saw their feelings were in accordance to human
+nature. The sale began with the eldest child, who, being struck off to
+the highest bidder, was taken from the stage or platform by the
+purchaser, and led to his wagon and stowed away, to be carried into
+the country; the second, and third were also sold, and so until seven
+of the children were torn from their mother, while her discernment
+told her they were to be separated probably forever, causing in that
+mother the most agonizing sobs and cries, in which the children seemed
+to share. The scene beggars description; suffice it to say, it was
+sufficient to cause tears from one at least 'whose skin was not
+colored like their own,' and I was not ashamed to give vent to them."
+
+
+THE "PROTECTION" AFFORDED BY "PUBLIC OPINION"
+TO CHILDHOOD AND OLD AGE.
+
+In the "New Orleans Bee," May 31, 1837, MR. P. BAHI, gives notice that
+he has _committed to_ JAIL as a runaway 'a _little_ negro AGED ABOUT
+SEVEN YEARS.'
+
+In the "Mobile Advertiser," Sept. 13, 1838, WILLIAM MAGEE, Sheriff,
+gives notice that George Walton, Esq. Mayor of the city has
+_committed_ to JAIL as a runaway slave, Jordan, ABOUT TWELVE YEARS
+OLD, and the Sheriff proceeds to give notice that if no one claims him
+the boy will be _sold as a slave_ to pay jail fees.
+
+In the "Memphis (Tenn.) Gazette," May 2, 1837, W.H. MONTGOMERY
+advertises that he will sell at auction a BOY AGED 14, ANOTHER AGED
+12, AND A GIRL 10, to pay the debts of their deceased master.
+
+B.F. CHAPMAN, Sheriff, Natchitoches (La.) advertises in the
+'Herald,' of May 17, 1837, that he has "_committed to_ JAIL, as a
+runaway a negro boy BETWEEN 11 AND 12 YEARS OF AGE."
+
+In the "Augusta (Ga.) Chronicle," Feb. 13, 1838. R.H. JONES, jailor,
+says, "Brought to _jail_ a negro _woman_ Sarah, she is about 60 or 65
+_years old_."
+
+In the "Winchester Virginian," August 8, 1837, Mr. R.H. MENIFEE,
+offers ten dollars reward to any one who will catch and lodge in jail,
+Abram and Nelly, _about_ 60 _years old_, so that he can get them
+again.
+
+J. SNOWDEN, Jailor, Columbia, S.C. gives notice in the "Telescope,"
+Nov, 18, 1837, that he has committed to jail as a runaway slave,
+"_Caroline fifty years of age_."
+
+Y.S. PICKARD, Jailor, Savannah, Georgia, gives notice in the
+"Georgian," June 22, 1837, that he has taken up for a runaway and
+lodged in jail Charles, 60 _years of age_.
+
+In the Savannah "Georgian," April 12, 1837, Mr. J. CUYLER, says he
+will give five dollars, to anyone who will catch and bring back to him
+"Saman, _an old negro man, and grey, and has only one eye_."
+
+In the "Macon (Ga.) Telegraph," Jan. 15, 1839, MESSRS. T. AND L.
+NAPIER, advertise for sale Nancy, a woman 65 _years of age_, and
+Peggy, a woman 65 _years of age_.
+
+The following is from the "Columbian (Ga.) Enquirer," March 8, 1838.
+
+"$25 REWARD.--Ranaway, a Negro Woman named MATILDA, aged about 30 or
+35 years. Also, on the same night, a Negro Fellow of small size, VERY
+AGED, _stoop-shouldered_, who walks VERY DECREPIDLY, is supposed to
+have gone off. His name is DAVE, and he has claimed Matilda for wife.
+It may be they have gone off together.
+
+"I will give twenty-five dollars for the woman, delivered to me in
+Muscogee county, or confined in any jail so that I can get her. MOSES
+BUTT."
+
+J.B. RANDALL, Jailor, Cobb (Co.) Georgia, advertises an old negro man,
+in the "Milledgeville Recorder," Nov. 6, 1838.
+
+"A NEGRO MAN, has been lodged in the common jail of this county, who
+says his name is JUPITER. He _has lost all his front teeth above and
+below--speaks very indistinctly, is very lame, so that he can hardly
+walk_."
+
+Rev. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, who spent some time
+in slave states, speaking of his residence in Kentucky, says:--
+
+"One Sabbath morning, whilst riding to meeting near Burlington, Boone
+Co. Kentucky, in company with Mr. Willis, a teacher of sacred music
+and a member of the Presbyterian Church, I was startled at mingled
+shouts and screams, proceeding from an old log house, some distance
+from the road side. As we passed it, some five or six boys from 12 to
+15 years of age, came out, some of them cracking whips, followed by
+two colored boys crying. I asked Mr. W. what the scene meant. 'Oh,' he
+replied, 'those boys have been whipping the niggers; that is the way
+we bring slaves into subjection in Kentucky--we let the children beat
+them.' The boys returned again into the house, and again their
+shouting and stamping was heard, but ever and anon a scream of agony
+that would not be drowned, rose above the uproar; thus they continued
+till the sounds were lost in the distance."
+
+Well did Jefferson say, that the children of slaveholders are 'NURSED,
+EDUCATED, AND DAILY EXERCISED IN TYRANNY.'
+
+The 'protection' thrown around a mother's yearnings, and the
+helplessness of childhood by the 'public opinion' of slaveholders, is
+shown by _thousands_ of advertisements of which the following are
+samples.
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bulletin," June 2.
+
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.--A negro woman 21 years of age, and has two
+children, one eight and the other three years. Said negroes will be
+sold SEPARATELY or together _as desired_. The woman is a good
+seamstress. She will be sold low for cash, or _exchanged_ for
+GROCERIES. For terms apply to MAYHEW BLISS, & CO. 1 Front Levee."
+
+
+From the "Georgia Journal," Nov. 7.
+
+"TO BE SOLD--One negro girl about 18 _months old_, belonging to the
+estate of William Chambers, dec'd. Sold for the purpose of
+_distribution!!_ JETHRO DEAN, SAMUEL BEALL, Ex'ors."
+
+
+From the "Natchez Courier," April 2, 1838.
+
+"NOTICE--Is hereby given that the undersigned pursuant to a certain
+Deed of Trust will on Thursday the 12th day of April next, expose to
+sale at the Court House, to the highest bidder for cash, the following
+Negro slaves, to wit; Fanny, aged about 28 years; Mary, aged about 7
+years; Amanda, aged about 3 months; Wilson, aged about 9 months.
+
+Said slaves, to be sold for the satisfaction of the debt secured in
+said Deed of Trust. W.J. MINOR."
+
+
+From the "Milledgeville Journal," Dec. 26, 1837.
+
+"EXECUTOR'S SALE.
+
+"Agreeable to an order of the court of Wilkinson county, will be sold
+on the first Tuesday in April next, before the Court-house door in the
+town of Irwington, ONE NEGRO GIRL _about two years old_, named Rachel,
+belonging to the estate of William Chambers dec'd. Sold _for the
+benefit_ of the heirs and creditors of said estate.
+
+SAMUEL BELL, JESSE PEACOCK, Ex'ors."
+
+
+From the "Alexandria (D.C.) Gazette" Dec. 19.
+
+"I will give the highest cash price for likely negroes, _from 10 to 25
+years of age_.
+
+GEO. KEPHART."
+
+
+From the "Southern Whig," March 2, 1838.--
+
+"WILL be sold in La Grange, Troup county, one negro girl, by the name
+of Charity, aged about 10 or 12 years; as the property of Littleton L.
+Burk, to satisfy a mortgage fi. fa. from Troup Inferior Court, in
+favor of Daniel S. Robertson vs. said Burk."
+
+
+From the "Petersburgh (Va.) Constellation," March 18, 1837.
+
+"50 _Negroes wanted immediately_.--The subscriber will give a good
+market price for fifty likely negroes, _from 10 to 30 years of age_.
+
+HENRY DAVIS."
+
+
+The following is an extract of a letter from a gentleman, a native and
+still a resident of one of the slave states, and _still a
+slaveholder_. He is an elder in the Presbyterian Church, his letter is
+now before us, and his name is with the Executive Committee of the Am.
+Anti-slavery Society.
+
+"Permit me to say, that around this very place where I reside, slaves
+are brought almost constantly, and sold to Miss. and Orleans; that _it
+is usual_ to part families forever by such sales--the parents from the
+children and the children from the parents, of every size and age. A
+mother was taken not long since, in this town, from a _sucking child_,
+and sold to the lower country. Three young men I saw some time ago
+taken from this place in chains--while the mother of one of them, old
+and decrepid, _followed with tears and prayers her son, 18 or 20
+miles, and bid him a final farewell_! O, thou Great Eternal, is this
+justice! is this equity!!--Equal Rights!!"
+
+We subjoin a few miscellaneous facts illustrating the INHUMANITY of
+slaveholding 'public opinion.'
+
+The shocking indifference manifested at the death of slaves as _human
+beings_, contrasted with the grief at their loss _as property_, is a
+true index to the public opinion of slaveholders.
+
+Colonel Oliver of Louisville, lost a valuable race-horse by the
+explosion of the steamer Oronoko, a few months since on the
+Mississippi river. Eight human beings whom he held as slaves were also
+killed by the explosion. They were the riders and grooms of his
+race-horses. A Louisville paper thus speaks of the occurrence:
+
+"Colonel Oliver suffered severely by the explosion of the Oronoko. He
+lost _eight_ of his rubbers and riders, and his horse, Joe Kearney,
+which he had sold the night before for $3,000."
+
+Mr. King, of the New York American, makes the following just comment
+on the barbarity of the above paragraph:
+
+"Would any one, in reading this paragraph from an evening paper,
+conjecture that these '_eight_ rubbers and riders,' that together with
+a horse, are merely mentioned as a 'loss' to their owner, were human
+beings--immortal as the writer who thus brutalizes them, and perhaps
+cherishing life as much? In this view, perhaps, the 'eight' lost as
+much as Colonel Oliver."
+
+
+The following is from the "Charleston (S.C.) Patriot," Oct. 18.
+
+"_Loss of Property_!--Since I have been here, (Rice Hope, N. Santee,)
+I have seen much misery, and much of human suffering. The loss of
+PROPERTY has been immense, not only on South Santee, but also on this
+river. Mr. Shoolbred has lost, (according to the statement of the
+physician,) forty-six negroes--the majority lost being the _primest
+hands_ he had--bricklayers, carpenters, blacksmiths and Coopers. Mr.
+Wm. Mazyck has lost 35 negroes. Col. Thomas Pinkney, in the
+neighborhood of 40, and many other planters, 10 to 20 on each
+plantation. Mrs. Elias Harry, adjoining the plantation of Mr. Lucas,
+has lost up to date, 32 negroes--the _best part of her primest_
+negroes on her plantation."
+
+
+From the "Natchez (Miss.) Daily Free Trader," Feb. 12, 1838.
+
+"_Found_.--A NEGRO'S HEAD WAS PICKED UP ON THE RAIL-ROAD YESTERDAY,
+WHICH THE OWNER CAN HAVE BY CALLING AT THIS OFFICE AND PAYING FOR THE
+ADVERTISEMENT."
+
+
+The way in which slaveholding 'public opinion' protects a poor female
+lunatic is illustrated in the following advertisement in the
+"Fayetteville (N.C.) Observer," June 27, 1838:
+
+"Taken and committed to jail, a negro girl named Nancy, who is
+supposed to belong to Spencer P. Wright, of the State of Georgia. She
+is about 30 years of age, and is a LUNATIC. The owner is requested to
+come forward, prove property, pay charges, and take her away, or SHE
+WILL BE SOLD TO PAY HER JAIL FEES.
+
+FRED'K HOME, Jailor."
+
+A late PROSPECTUS Of the South Carolina Medical College, located in
+Charleston, contains the following passage:--
+
+"Some advantages of a _peculiar_ character are connected with this
+Institution, which it may be proper to point out. No place in the
+United States offers as great opportunities for the acquisition of
+anatomical knowledge, SUBJECTS BEING OBTAINED FROM AMONG THE COLORED
+POPULATION IN SUFFICIENT NUMBER FOR EVERY PURPOSE, AND PROPER
+DISSECTIONS CARRIED ON WITHOUT OFFENDING ANY INDIVIDUALS IN THE
+COMMUNITY!!"
+
+_Without offending any individuals in the community_! More than half
+the population of Charleston, we believe, is 'colored;' _their_ graves
+may be ravaged, their dead may be dug up, dragged into the dissecting
+room, exposed to the gaze, heartless gibes, and experimenting knives,
+of a crowd of inexperienced operators, who are given to understand in
+the prospectus, that, if they do not acquire manual dexterity in
+dissection, it will be wholly their own fault, in neglecting to
+improve the unrivalled advantages afforded by the institution--since
+each can have as many human bodies as he pleases to experiment
+upon--and as to the fathers, mothers, husbands, wives, brothers, and
+sisters, of those whom they cut to pieces from day to day, why, they
+are not 'individuals in the community,' but 'property,' and however
+_their_ feelings may be tortured, the 'public opinion' of slaveholders
+is entirely too 'chivalrous' to degrade itself by caring for them!
+
+The following which has been for some time a standing advertisement of
+the South Carolina Medical College, in the Charleston papers, is
+another index of the same 'public opinion' toward slaves. We give an
+extract:--
+
+"_Surgery of the Medical College of South Carolina, Queen st_.--The
+Faculty inform their professional brethren, and the public that they
+have established a _Surgery_, at the Old College, Queen street, FOR
+THE TREATMENT OF NEGROES, which will continue in operation, during the
+session of the College, say from first November, to the fifteenth of
+March ensuing.
+
+"The _object_ of the Faculty, in opening this Surgery, is to collect
+as _many interesting cases_, as possible, for the _benefit_ and
+_instruction_ of their pupils--at the same time, they indulge the
+hope, that it may not only prove an _accommodation_, but also a matter
+of economy to the public. They would respectfully call the attention
+of planters, living in the vicinity of the city, to this subject;
+particularly such as may have servants laboring under Surgical
+diseases. Such _persons of color_ as may not be able to pay for
+Medical advice, will be attended to gratis, at stated hours, as often
+as may be necessary.
+
+"The Faculty take this opportunity of soliciting the co-operation of
+such of their professional brethren, as are favorable to their
+objects."
+
+"The first thing that strikes the reader of the advertisement is, that
+this _Surgery_ is established exclusively 'for the treatment of
+_negroes_; and, if he knows little of the hearts of slaveholders
+towards their slaves, he charitably supposes, that they 'feel the dint
+of pity,' for the poor sufferers and have founded this institution as
+a special charity for their relief. But the delusion vanishes as he
+reads on; the professors take special care that no such derogatory
+inference shall be drawn from their advertisement. They give us the
+three reasons which have induced them to open this 'Surgery for the
+treatment of negroes.' The first and main one is, 'to collect as many
+_interesting cases_ as possible for the benefit and instruction of
+their _pupils_--another is, 'the hope that it may prove an
+_accommodation_,'--and the third, that it may be 'a matter of economy
+to the _public_' Another reason, doubtless, and controlling one,
+though the professors are silent about it, is that a large collection
+of 'interesting surgical cases,' always on hand, would prove a
+powerful attraction to students, and greatly increase the popularity
+of the institution. In brief, then, the motives of its founders, the
+professors, were these, the accommodation of their _students_--the
+accommodation of the _public_ (which means, _the whites_)--and the
+accommodation of slaveholders who have on their hands disabled slaves,
+that would make 'interesting cases,' for surgical operation in the
+presence of the pupils--to these reasons we may add the accommodation
+of the Medical Institution and the accommodation of _themselves_! Not
+a syllable about the _accommodation_ of the hopeless sufferers,
+writhing with the agony of those gun shot wounds, fractured sculls,
+broken limbs and ulcerated backs which constitute the 'interesting
+cases' for the professors to 'show off' before their pupils, and, as
+practice makes perfect, for the students themselves to try their hands
+at by way of experiment.
+
+Why, we ask, was this surgery established 'for the treatment of
+_negroes'_ alone? Why were these 'interesting cases' selected from
+that class exclusively? No man who knows the feeling of slave holders
+towards slaves will be at a loss for the reason. 'Public opinion'
+would tolerate surgical experiments, operations, processes, performed
+upon them, which it would execrate if performed upon their master or
+other whites. As the great object in collecting the disabled negroes
+is to have 'interesting cases' for the students, the professors who
+perform the operations will of course endeavor to make them as
+'interesting' as possible. The _instruction of the student_ is the
+immediate object, and if the professors can accomplish it best by
+_protracting_ the operation, pausing to explain the different
+processes, &c. the subject is only a negro, and what is his protracted
+agony, that it should restrain the professor from making the case as
+'interesting' as possible to the students by so using his knife as
+will give them the best knowledge of the parts, and the process,
+however it may protract or augment the pain of the subject. The _end_
+to be accomplished is the _instruction_ of the student, operations
+upon the negroes are the _means_ to the end; _that_ tells the whole
+story--and he who knows the hearts of slaveholders and has common
+sense, however short the allowance, can find the way to his
+conclusions without a lantern.
+
+By an advertisement of the same Medical Institution, dated November
+12, 1838, and published in the Charleston papers, it appears that an
+'infirmary has been opened in connection with the college.' The
+professors manifest a great desire that the masters of servants should
+send in their disabled slaves, and as an inducement to the furnishing
+of such _interesting cases_ say, all medical and surgical aid will be
+offered _without making them liable to any professional charges_.
+Disinterested bounty, pity, sympathy, philanthropy. However difficult
+or numerous the surgical cases of slaves thus put into their hands by
+the masters, they charge not a cent for their _professional services_.
+Their yearnings over human distress are so intense, that they beg the
+privilege of performing all operations, and furnishing all the medical
+attention needed, _gratis_, feeling that the relief of misery is its
+own reward!!! But we have put down our exclamation points too
+soon--upon reading the whole of the advertisement we find the
+professors conclude it with the following paragraph:--
+
+"The SOLE OBJECT Of the faculty in the establishment of such an
+institution being to promote the interest of Medical Education within
+their native State and City."
+
+In the "Charleston (South Carolina) Mercury" of October 12, 1838, we
+find an advertisement of half a column, by a Dr. T. Stillman, setting
+forth the merits of another 'Medical Infirmary,' under his own special
+supervision, at No. 110 Church street, Charleston. The doctor, after
+inveighing loudly against 'men totally ignorant of medical science,'
+who flood the country with quack nostrums backed up by 'fabricated
+proofs of miraculous cures,' proceeds to enumerate the diseases to
+which his 'Infirmary' is open, and to which his practice will be
+mainly confined. Appreciating the importance of 'interesting cases,'
+as a stock in trade, on which to commence his experiments, he copies
+the example of the medical professors, and advertises for them. But,
+either from a keener sense of justice, or more generosity, or greater
+confidence in his skill, or for some other reason, he proposes to _buy
+up_ an assortment of _damaged_ negroes, given over, as incurable, by
+others, and to make such his 'interesting cases,' instead of
+experimenting on those who are the 'property' of others.
+
+Dr. Stillman closes his advertisement with the following notice:--
+
+"To PLANTERS AND OTHERS.--Wanted _fifty negroes_. Any person having
+sick negroes, considered incurable by their respective physicians, and
+wishing to dispose of them, Dr. S. will pay cash for negroes affected
+with scrofula or king's evil, confirmed hypocondriasm, apoplexy,
+diseases of the liver, kidneys, spleen, stomach and intestines,
+bladder and its appendages, diarrhea, dysentery, &c. The highest cash
+price will be paid on application as above."
+
+The absolute barbarism of a 'public opinion' which not only tolerates,
+but _produces_ such advertisements as this, was outdone by nothing in
+the dark ages. If the reader has a heart of flesh, he can feel it
+without help, and if he has not, comment will not create it. The total
+indifference of slaveholders to such a cold blooded proposition, their
+utter unconsciousness of the paralysis of heart, and death of
+sympathy, and every feeling of common humanity for the slave, which it
+reveals, is enough, of itself to show that the tendency of the spirit
+of slaveholding is, to kill in the soul whatever it touches. It has no
+eyes to see, nor ears to hear, nor mind to understand, nor heart to
+feel for its victims as _human beings_. To show that the above
+indication of the savage state is not an index of individual feeling,
+but of 'public opinion,' it is sufficient to say, that it appears to
+be a standing advertisement in the Charleston Mercury, the leading
+political paper of South Carolina, the organ of the Honorables John C.
+Calhoun, Robert Barnwell Rhett, Hugh S. Legare, and others regarded as
+the elite of her statesmen and literati. Besides, candidates for
+popular favor, like the doctor who advertises for the fifty
+'incurables,' take special care to conciliate, rather than outrage,
+'public opinion.' Is the doctor so ignorant of 'public opinion' in his
+own city, that he has unwittingly committed violence upon it in his
+advertisement? We trow not. The same 'public opinion' which gave birth
+to the advertisement of doctor Stillman, and to those of the
+professors in both the medical institutions, founded the Charleston
+'Work House'--a soft name for a Moloch temple dedicated to torture,
+and reeking with blood, in the midst of the city; to which masters and
+mistresses send their slaves of both sexes to be stripped, tied up,
+and cut with the lash till the blood and mangled flesh flow to their
+feet, or to be beaten and bruised with the terrible paddle, or forced
+to climb the tread-mill till nature sinks, or to experience other
+nameless torments.
+
+The "Vicksburg (Miss.) Register," Dec. 27, 1838, contains the
+following item of information: "ARDOR IN BETTING.--Two gentlemen, at a
+tavern, having summoned the waiter, the poor fellow had scarcely
+entered, when he fell down in a fit of apoplexy. 'He's dead!'
+exclaimed one. 'He'll come to!' replied the other. 'Dead, for five
+hundred!' 'Done!' retorted the second. The noise of the fall, and the
+confusion which followed, brought up the landlord, who called out to
+fetch a doctor. 'No! no! we must have no interference--there's a bet
+depending!' 'But, sir, I shall lose a valuable servant!' 'Never mind!
+you can put him down in the bill!'"
+
+About the time the Vicksburg paper containing the above came to hand,
+we received a letter from N.P. ROGERS, Esq. of Concord, N.H. the
+editor of the 'Herald of Freedom,' from which the following is an
+extract:
+
+"Some thirty years ago, I think it was, Col. Thatcher, of Maine, a
+lawyer, was in Virginia, on business, and was there invited to dine at
+a public house, with a company of the gentry of the south. _The place_
+I forget--the fact was told me by George Kimball, Esq. now of Alton,
+Illinois who had the story from Col. Thatcher himself. Among the
+servants waiting was a young negro man, whose beautiful person,
+obliging and assiduous temper, and his activity and grace in serving,
+made him a favorite with the company. The dinner lasted into the
+evening, and the wine passed freely about the table. At length, one of
+the gentlemen, who was pretty highly excited with wine, became
+unfortunately incensed, either at some trip of the young slave, in
+waiting, or at some other cause happening when the slave was within
+his reach. He seized the long-necked wine bottle, and struck the young
+man suddenly in the temple, and felled him dead upon the floor. The
+fall arrested, for a moment, the festivities of the table. 'Devilish
+unlucky,' exclaimed one. 'The gentleman is very unfortunate,' cried
+another. 'Really a loss,' said a third, &c, &c. The body was dragged
+from the dining hall, and the feast went on; and at the close, one of
+the gentlemen, and the very one, I believe, whose hand had done the
+homicide, shouted, in bacchanalian bravery, and _southern generosity_,
+amid the broken glasses and fragments of chairs, 'LANDLORD! PUT THE
+NIGGER INTO THE BILL!' This was that murdered young man's _requiem and
+funeral service_."
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, a merchant in Rochester, New York, and an elder
+in the Fourth Presbyterian Church in that city, who resided four years
+in Virginia, gives the following testimony:
+
+"I knew a young man who had been out hunting, and returning with some
+of his friends, seeing a negro man in the road, at a little distance,
+deliberately drew up his rifle, and shot him dead. This was done
+without the slightest provocation, or a word passing. This young man
+passed through the _form_ of a trial, and, although it was not even
+_pretended_ by his counsel that he was not guilty of the act,
+deliberately and wantonly perpetrated, _he was acquitted_. It was
+urged by his counsel, that he was a _young_ man, (about 20 years of
+age,) had no _malicious_ intention, his mother was a widow, &c, &c"
+
+Mr. BENJAMIN CLENDENON, of Colerain, Lancaster county, Pennsylvania, a
+member of the Society of Friends, gives the following testimony:
+
+"Three years ago the coming month, I took a journey of about
+seventy-five miles from home, through the eastern shore of Maryland,
+and a small part of Delaware. Calling one day, near noon, at
+Georgetown Cross-Roads, I found myself surrounded in the tavern by
+slaveholders. Among other subjects of conversation, their human cattle
+came in for a share. One of the company, a middle-aged man, then
+living with a second wife, acknowledged, that after the death of his
+first wife, he lived in a state of concubinage with a female slave;
+but when the time drew near for the taking of a second wife, he found
+it expedient to remove the slave from the premises. The same person
+gave an account of a female slave he formerly held, who had a
+propensity for some one pursuit, I think the attendance of religious
+meetings. On a certain occasion, she presented her petition to him,
+asking for this indulgence; he refused--she importuned--and he, with
+sovereign indignation, seized a chair, and with a blow upon the head,
+knocked her senseless upon the floor. The same person, for some act of
+disobedience, on the part, I think, of the same slave, when employed
+in stacking straw, felled her to the earth with the handle of a pitch
+fork. All these transactions were related with the _utmost composure_,
+in a bar-room within thirty miles of the Pennsylvania line."
+
+The two following advertisements are illustrations of the regard paid
+to the marriage relations by slaveholding judges, governors, senators
+in Congress, and mayors of cities.
+
+From the "Montgomery, (Ala.) Advertiser," Sept. 29, 1837.
+
+"$20 REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses. He
+is of common size, about 28 years old. He formerly belonged to Judge
+Benson, of Montgomery, and it is said, has a wife in that county. John
+Gayle"
+
+The John Gayle who signs this advertisement, is an Ex-Governor of
+Alabama.
+
+From the "Charleston Courier," Nov. 28.
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, about twelve months since, his negro man
+Paulladore. His complexion is dark--about 50 years old. I understand
+Gen. R.Y. Hayne has purchased his wife and children from H.L.
+Pinckney, Esq. and has them now on his plantation, at Goose Creek,
+where, no doubt, the fellow is frequently lurking. Thomas Davis."
+
+It is hardly necessary to say, that the GENERAL R.Y. HAYNE, and H.L.
+PINCKNEY, Esq. named in the advertisement, are Ex-Governor Hayne,
+formerly U.S. Senator from South Carolina, and Hon. Henry L.
+Pinckney, late member of Congress from Charleston District, and now
+Intendant (mayor) of that city.
+
+It is no difficult matter to get at the 'public opinion' of a
+community, when _ladies_ 'of property and standing' publish, under
+their own names, such advertisements as the following.
+
+Mrs. ELIZABETH L. CARTER, of Groveton, Prince William county,
+Virginia, thus advertises her negro man Moses:
+
+"Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro man named Moses, aged about 40
+years, about six feet high, well made, and possessing a good address,
+and HAS LOST A PART ON ONE OF HIS EARS."
+
+Mrs. B. NEWMAN, of the same place, and in the same paper, advertises--
+
+"Penny, the wife of Moses, aged about 30 years, brown complexion, tall
+and likely, _no particular marks of person recollected._"
+
+Both of the above advertisements appear in the National Intelligencer,
+(Washington city,) June 10, 1837.
+
+In the Mobile Mercantile Advertiser, of Feb. 13, 1838, is an
+advertisement Signed SARAH WALSH, of which the following is an
+extract:
+
+"Twenty-five dollars reward will be paid to any one who may apprehend
+and deliver to me, or confine in any jail, so that, I can get him, my
+man Isaac, who ranaway sometime in September last. He is 26 years of
+age, 5 feet 10 inches high, has a _scar on his forehead, caused by a
+blow_, and one on his back, MADE BY A SHOT FROM A PISTOL."
+
+In the "New Orleans Bee," Dec. 21, 1838, Mrs. BURVANT, whose residence
+is at the corner of Chartres and Toulouse streets, advertises a woman
+as follows:
+
+"Ranaway, a negro woman named Rachel--_has lost all her toes except
+the large one_."
+
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat," June 16, 1838:
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a negro woman named
+Sally, about 21 years of age, taking along her two children--one three
+years, and the other seven months old. These negroes were PURCHASED BY
+ME at the sale of George Mason's negroes, on the first Monday in May,
+and left _a few days_ thereafter. Any person delivering them to the
+jailor in Huntsville, or to me, at my plantation, five miles above
+Triana, on the Tennessee river, shall receive the above reward.
+CHARITY COOPER"
+
+From the "Mississippian," May 13, 1838:
+
+"TEN DOLLARS REWARD.--Ranaway from the subscriber, a man named Aaron,
+yellow complexion, blue eyes, &c. I have no doubt he is lurking about
+Jackson and its vicinity, probably harbored by some of the negroes
+sold as the property of _my late husband_, Harry Long, deceased. Some
+of them are about Richland, in Madison co. I will give the above
+reward when brought to me, about six miles north-west of Jackson, or
+put IN JAIL, _so that I can get him_. LUCY LONG."
+
+If the reader, after perusing the preceding facts, testimony, and
+arguments, still insists that the 'public opinion' of the slave states
+protects the slave from outrages, and alleges, as proof of it, that
+_cruel_ masters are frowned upon and shunned by the community
+generally, and regarded as monsters, we reply by presenting the
+following facts and testimony.
+
+"Col. MEANS, of Manchester, Ohio, says, that when he resided in South
+Carolina, _his neighbor_, a physician, became enraged with his slave,
+and sentenced him to receive two hundred lashes. After having received
+one hundred and forty, he fainted. After inflicting the full number of
+lashes, the cords with which he was bound were loosed. When he
+revived, he staggered to the house, and sat down in the sun. Being
+faint and thirsty, he _begged_ for some water to drink. The master
+went to the well, and procured some water but instead of giving him to
+drink, he threw the whole bucket-full in his face. Nature could not
+stand the shock--he sunk to rise no more. For this crime, the
+physician was bound over to Court, and tried, and _acquitted_--and THE
+NEXT YEAR HE WAS ELECTED TO THE LEGISLATURE!"
+
+Testimony of Hon. JOHN RANDOLPH, of Virginia
+
+"In one of his Congressional speeches, Mr. R. says: Avarice alone can
+drive, as it does drive, this _infernal_ traffic, and the wretched
+victims of it, like so many post horses, _whipped to death_ in a mail
+coach. Ambition has its cover-sluts in the pride, pomp, and
+circumstance of glorious war; but where are the trophies of avarice?
+The hand cuff, the manacle, the blood-stained cowhide! WHAT MAN IS
+WORSE RECEIVED IN SOCIETY FOR BEING A HARD MASTER? WHO DENIES THE HAND
+OF A SISTER OR DAUGHTER TO SUCH MONSTERS?"
+
+Mr. GEORGE A. AVERY, of Rochester, New York, who resided four years in
+Virginia, testifies as follows:
+
+"I know a local Methodist minister, a man of talents, and popular as a
+preacher, who took his negro girl into his barn, in order to whip
+her--and _she was brought out a corpse_! His friends seemed to think
+this of _so little importance to his ministerial standing_, that
+although I lived near him about three years, I do not recollect to
+have heard them apologize for the deed, though I recollect having
+heard ONE of his neighbors allege this fact as a reason why he did not
+wish to hear him preach."
+
+Notwithstanding the mass of testimony which has been presented
+establishing the fact that in the 'public opinion' of the South the
+slaves find no protection, some may still claim that the 'public
+opinion' exhibited by the preceding facts is not that of the _highest
+class of society at the South_, and in proof of this assertion, refer
+to the fact, that 'Negro Brokers,' Negro Speculators, Negro
+Auctioneers, and Negro Breeders, &c., are by that class universally
+despised and avoided, as are all who treat their slaves with cruelty.
+
+To this we reply, that, if all claimed by the objector were true, it
+could avail him nothing for 'public opinion' is neither made nor
+unmade by 'the first class of society.' That class produces in it, at
+most, but slight modifications; those who belong to it have generally
+a 'public opinion,' within their own circle which has rarely more,
+either of morality or mercy than the public opinion of the mass, and
+is, at least, equally heartless and more intolerant. As to the
+estimation in which 'speculators,' 'soul drivers,' &c. are held, we
+remark, that, they are not despised because they _trade in slaves_ but
+because they are _working_ men, all such are despised by slaveholders.
+White drovers who go with droves of swine and cattle from the free
+states to the slave states, and Yankee pedlars, who traverse the
+south, and white day-laborers are, in the main, equally despised, or,
+if negro-traders excite more contempt than drovers, pedlars, and
+day-laborers, it is because, they are, as a class more ignorant and
+vulgar, men from low families and boors in their manners. Ridiculous
+to suppose, that a people, who have, _by law_, made men articles of
+trade equally with swine, should despise men-drovers and traders, more
+than hog-drovers and traders. That they are not despised because it is
+their business to trade in _human beings_ and bring them to market, is
+plain from the fact that when some 'gentleman of property and
+standing' and of a 'good family' embarks in a negro speculation, and
+employs a dozen 'soul drivers' to traverse the upper country, and
+drive to the south coffles of slaves, expending hundreds of thousands
+in his wholesale purchases, he does not lose caste. It is known in
+Alabama, that Mr. Erwin, son-in-law of the Hon. Henry Clay, and
+brother of J.P. Erwin, formerly postmaster, and late mayor of the
+city of Nashville, laid the foundation of a princely fortune in the
+slave-trade, carried on from the Northern Slave States to the Planting
+South; that the Hon. H. Hitchcock, brother-in-law of Mr. E., and since
+one of the judges of the Supreme Court of Alabama, was interested with
+him in the traffic; and that a late member of the Kentucky Senate
+(Col. Wall) not only carried on the same business, a few years ago,
+but accompanied his droves in person down the Mississippi. Not as the
+_driver_, for that would be vulgar drudgery, beneath a gentleman, but
+as a nabob in state, ordering his understrappers.
+
+It is also well known that President Jackson was a 'soul driver,' and
+that even so late as the year before the commencement of the last war,
+he bought up a coffle of slaves and drove them down to Louisiana for
+sale.
+
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the principal slave auctioneer in Charleston,
+S.C. is of one of the first families in the state, and moves in the
+very highest class of society there. He is a descendant of the
+distinguished General Gadsden of revolutionary memory, the most
+prominent southern member in the Continental Congress of 1765, and
+afterwards elected lieutenant governor and then governor of the state.
+The Rev. Dr. Gadsden, rector of St. Phillip's Church, Charleston, and
+the Rev. Phillip Gadsden, both prominent Episcopal clergymen in South
+Carolina, and Colonel James Gadsden of the United States army, after
+whom a county in Florida was recently named, are all brothers of this
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. the largest slave auctioneer in the state,
+under whose hammer, men, women and children go off by thousands; its
+stroke probably sunders _daily_, husbands and wives, parents and
+children, brothers and sisters, perhaps to see each other's faces no
+more. Now who supply the auction table of this Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq.
+with its loads of human merchandize? These same detested 'soul
+drivers' forsooth! They prowl through the country, buy, catch, and
+fetter them, and drive their chained coffles up to his stand, where
+Thomas N. Gadsden, Esq. knocks them off to the highest bidder, to
+Ex-Governor Butler perhaps, or to Ex-Governor Hayne, or to Hon. Robert
+Barnwell Rhett, or to his own reverend brother, Dr. Gadsden. Now this
+high born, wholesale _soul-seller_ doubtless despises the retail
+'soul-drivers' who give him their custom, and so does the wholesale
+grocer, the drizzling tapster who sneaks up to his counter for a keg
+of whiskey to dole out under a shanty in two cent glasses; and both
+for the same reason.
+
+The plea that the 'public opinion' among the highest classes of
+society at the south is mild and considerate towards the slaves, that
+_they_ do not overwork, underfeed, neglect when old and sick, scantily
+clothe, badly lodge, and half shelter their slaves; that _they_ do not
+barbarously flog, load with irons, imprison in the stocks, brand and
+maim them; hunt them when runaway with dogs and guns, and sunder by
+force and forever the nearest kindred--is shown, by almost every page
+of this work, to be an assumption, not only utterly groundless, but
+directly opposed to masses of irrefragable evidence. If the reader
+will be at the pains to review the testimony recorded on the foregoing
+pages he will find that a very large proportion of the atrocities
+detailed were committed, not by the most ignorant and lowest classes
+of society, but by persons 'of property and standing,' by masters and
+mistresses belonging to the 'upper classes,' by persons in the learned
+professions, by civil, judicial, and military officers, by the
+_literati_, by the fashionable elite and persons of more than ordinary
+'respectability' and external morality--large numbers of whom are
+professors of religion.
+
+It will be recollected that the testimony of Sarah M. Grimke, and
+Angelina G. Weld, was confined exclusively to the details of slavery
+as exhibited in the _highest classes of society_, mainly in
+Charleston, S.C. See their testimony pp. 22-24 and 52-57. The former
+has furnished us with the following testimony in addition to that
+already given.
+
+"Nathaniel Heyward of Combahee, S.C., one of the wealthiest planters
+in the state, stated, in conversation with some other planters who
+were complaining of the idle and lazy habits of their slaves, and the
+difficulty of ascertaining whether their sickness was real or
+pretended, and the loss they suffered from their frequent absence on
+this account from their work, said, 'I never lose a day's work: it is
+an _established_ rule on my plantations that the tasks of all the sick
+negroes _shall be done by those who are well in addition to their
+own_. By this means a vigilant supervision is kept up by the slaves
+over each other, and they take care that nothing but real sickness
+keeps any one out of the field.' I spent several winters in the
+neighborhood of Nathaniel Heyward's plantations, and well remember his
+character as a severe task master. _I was present when the above
+statement was made_."
+
+The cool barbarity of such a regulation is hardly surpassed by the
+worst edicts of the Roman Caligula--especially when we consider that
+the plantations of this man were in the neighborhood of the Combahee
+river, one of the most unhealthy districts in the low country of South
+Carolina; further, that large numbers of his slaves worked in the
+_rice marshes_, or 'swamps' as they are called in that state--and that
+during six months of the year, so fatal to health is the malaria of
+the swamps in that region that the planters and their families
+invariably abandon their plantations, regarding it as downright
+presumption to spend a single day upon them 'between the frosts' of
+the early spring and the last of November.
+
+The reader may infer the high standing of Mr. Heyward in South
+Carolina, from the fact that he was selected with four other
+freeholders to constitute a Court for the trial of the conspirators in
+the insurrection plot at Charleston, in 1822. Another of the
+individuals chosen to constitute that court was Colonel Henry Deas,
+now president of the Board of Trustees of Charleston College, and a
+few years since a member of the Senate of South Carolina. From a late
+correspondence in the "Greenvile (S.C.) Mountaineer," between Rev.
+William M. Wightman, a professor in Randolph, Macon, College, and a
+number of the citizens of Lodi, South Carolina, it appears that the
+cruelty of this Colonel Deas to his slaves, is proverbial in South
+Carolina, so much that Professor Wightman, in the sermon which
+occasioned the correspondence, spoke of the Colonel's inhumanity to
+his slaves as a matter of perfect notoriety.
+
+Another South Carolina slaveholder, Hon. Whitmarsh B. Seabrook,
+recently, we believe, Lieut. Governor of the state, gives the
+following testimony to his own inhumanity, and his certificate of the
+'public opinion' among South Carolina slaveholders 'of high degree.'
+
+In an essay on the management of slaves, read before the Agricultural
+Society of St. Johns, S.C. and published by the Society, Charleston,
+1834, Mr. S. remarks:
+
+"I consider _imprisonment in the stocks at night_, with or without
+hard labor in the day, as a powerful auxiliary in the cause of _good_
+government. To the correctness of this opinion _many_ can bear
+testimony. EXPERIENCE has convinced ME that there is no punishment to
+which the slave looks with more _horror_."
+
+The advertisements of the Professors in the Medical Colleges of South
+Carolina, published with comments--on pp. 169, 170, are additional
+illustrations of the 'public opinion' of the _literati_.
+
+That the 'public opinion' of _the highest class of society_ in South
+Carolina, regards slaves a mere _cattle_, is shown by the following
+advertisement, which we copy from the "Charleston (S.C.) Mercury" of
+May 16:
+
+"NEGROES FOR SALE.--A girl about twenty years of age, (raised in
+Virginia,) and her two female children, one four and the other two
+year old--is remarkably strong and healthy--never having had a day's
+sickness, with the exception of the small pox, in her life. The
+children are fine and healthy. She is VERY PROLIFIC IN HER GENERATING
+QUALITIES, _and affords a rare opportunity to any person who wishes to
+raise a family of strong and healthy servants for their own use._
+
+"Any person wishing to purchase will please leave their address at the
+Mercury office."
+
+The Charleston Mercury, in which this advertisement appears, _is the
+leading political paper in South Carolina_, and is well known to be
+the political organ of Messrs. Calhoun, Rhett, Pickens, and others of
+the most prominent politicians in the state. Its editor, John Stewart,
+Esq., is a lawyer of Charleston, and of a highly respectable family.
+He is a brother-in-law of Hon. Robert Barnwell Rhett, the late
+Attorney-General, now a Member of Congress, and Hon. James Rhett, a
+leading member of the Senate of South Carolina; his wife is a niece of
+the late Governor Smith, of North Carolina, and of the late Hon. Peter
+Smith, Intendant (Mayor) of the city of Charleston; and a cousin of
+the late Hon. Thomas S. Grimke.
+
+The circulation of the 'Mercury' among the wealthy, the literary, and
+the fashionable, is probably much larger than that of any other paper
+in the state.
+
+These facts in connection with the preceding advertisement, are a
+sufficient exposition of the 'public opinion' towards slaves,
+prevalent in these classes of society.
+
+The following scrap of 'public opinion' in Florida, is instructive. We
+take it from the Florida Herald, June 23, 1838:
+
+Ranaway from my plantation, on Monday night, the 13th instant, a negro
+fellow named Ben; eighteen years of age, polite when spoken to, and
+speaks very good English for a negro. As I have traced him out in
+several places in town, I am certain he is harbored. This notice is
+given that I am determined, that whenever he is taken, _to punish him
+till he informs me_ who has given him food and protection, and _I
+shall apply the law of Judge Lynch to my own satisfaction_, on those
+concerned in his concealment.
+
+A. WATSON.
+June 16, 1838."
+
+
+Now, who is this A. Watson, who proclaims through a newspaper, his
+determination to _put to the torture_ this youth of eighteen, and to
+Lynch to his 'satisfaction' whoever has given a cup of cold water to
+the panting fugitive. Is he some low miscreant beneath public
+contempt? Nay, verily, he is a 'gentleman of property and standing,'
+one of the wealthiest planters and largest slaveholders in Florida. He
+resides in the vicinity of St. Augustine, and married the daughter of
+the late Thomas C. Morton, Esq. one of the first merchants in New
+York.
+
+We may mention in this connection the well known fact, that many
+wealthy planters make it a _rule never to employ a physician among
+their slaves_. Hon. William Smith, Senator in Congress, from South
+Carolina, from 1816 to 1823, and afterwards from 1826 to 1831, is one
+of this number. He owns a number of large plantations in the south
+western states. One of these, borders upon the village of Huntsville,
+Alabama. The people of that village can testify that it is a part of
+Judge Smith's _system_ never to employ a physician _even in the most
+extreme cases_. If the medical skill of the overseer, or of the slaves
+themselves, can contend successfully with the disease, they live, if
+not, _they die_. At all events, a physician is _not to be called_.
+Judge Smith was appointed a judge of the Supreme Court of the United
+States three years since.
+
+The reader will recall a similar fact in the testimony of Rev. W.T.
+Allan, son of Rev. Dr. Allan, of Huntsville, (see p. 47,) who says
+that Colonel Robert H. Watkins, a wealthy planter, in Alabama, and a
+PRESIDENTIAL ELECTOR in 1836, who works on his plantations three
+hundred slaves, 'After employing a physician for some time among his
+negroes, he ceased to do so, alledging as the reason, that it was
+_cheaper to lose a few negroes every year than to pay a physician_.'
+
+It is a fact perfectly notorious, that the late General Wade Hampton,
+of South Carolina, who was the largest slaveholder in the United
+States, and probably the wealthiest man south of the Potomac, was
+_excessively cruel_ in the treatment of his slaves. The anecdote of
+him related by a clergyman, on page 29, is perfectly characteristic.
+
+For instances of barbarous inhumanity of various kinds, and manifested
+by persons BELONGING TO THE MOST RESPECTABLE CIRCLES OF SOCIETY, the
+reader can consult the following references:--Testimony of Rev. John
+Graham, p. 25, near the bottom; of Mr. Poe, p. 26, middle; of Rev. J.
+O. Choules, p. 39, middle; of Rev. Dr. Channing, p. 41, top; of Mr.
+George A. Avery, p. 44, bottom; of Rev. W.T. Allan, p. 47; of Mr. John
+M. Nelson, p. 51, bottom; of Dr. J.C. Finley, p. 61, top; of Mr.
+Dustin, p. 66, bottom; of Mr. John Clarke, p. 87; of Mr. Nathan Cole,
+p. 89, middle; Rev. William Dickey, p. 93; Rev. Francis Hawley, p. 97;
+of Mr. Powell, p. 100, middle; of Rev. P. Smith p. 102.
+
+The preceding are but a few of a large number of similar cases
+contained in the foregoing testimonies. The slaveholder mentioned by
+Mr. Ladd, p. 86, who knocked down a slave and afterwards piled brush
+upon his body, and consumed it, held the hand of a female slave in the
+fire till it was burned so as to be useless for life, and confessed to
+Mr. Ladd, that he had killed _four_ slaves, had been a _member of the
+Senate of Georgia_ and a _clergyman_. The slaveholder who whipped a
+female slave to death in St. Louis, in 1837, as stated by Mr. Cole,
+p. 69, was a _Major in the United States Army_. One of the physicians
+who was an abettor of the tragedy on the Brassos, in which a slave was
+tortured to death, and another so that he barely lived, (see Rev. Mr.
+Smith's testimony, p. 102.) was Dr. Anson Jones, a native of
+Connecticut, who was soon after appointed minister plenipotentiary
+from Texas to this government, and now resides at Washington city. The
+slave mistress at Lexington, Ky., who, as her husband testifies, has
+killed six of his slaves, (see testimony of Mr. Clarke, p. 87,) is the
+wife of Hon. Fielding S. Turner, late judge of the criminal court of
+New Orleans, and one of the wealthiest slaveholders in Kentucky.
+Lilburn Lewis, who deliberately chopped in pieces his slave George,
+with a broad-axe, (see testimony of Rev. Mr. Dickey, p. 93) was a
+wealthy slaveholder, and a nephew of President Jefferson. Rev. Francis
+Hawley, who was a general agent of the Baptist State Convention of
+North Carolina, confesses (see p. 47,) that while residing in that
+state he once went out with his hounds and rifle, to hunt fugitive
+slaves. But instead of making further reference to testimony already
+before the reader, we will furnish additional instances of the
+barbarous cruelty which is tolerated and sanctioned by the 'upper
+classes' of society at the south; we begin with clergymen, and other
+officers and members of churches.
+
+That the reader may judge of the degree of 'protection' which slaves
+receive from 'public opinion,' and among the members and ministers of
+professed christian churches, we insert the following illustrations.
+
+Extract from an editorial article in the "Lowell (Mass.) Observer" a
+religious paper edited at the time (1833) by the Rev. DANIEL S.
+SOUTHMAYD, who recently died in Texas.
+
+"We have been among the slaves at the south. We took pains to make
+discoveries in respect to the evils of slavery. We formed our
+sentiments on the subject of the cruelties exercised towards the
+slaves from having witnessed them. We now affirm that we never saw a
+man, who had never been at the south, who thought as much of the
+cruelties practiced on the slaves, as we _know_ to be a fact.
+
+"A slave whom I loved for his kindness and the amiableness of his
+disposition, and who belonged to the family where I resided, happened
+to stay out _fifteen minutes longer_ than he had permission to stay.
+It was a mistake--it was _unintentional_. But what was the penalty? He
+was sent to the house of correction with the order that he should have
+_thirty lashes upon his naked body with a knotted rope!!!_ He was
+brought home and laid down in the stoop, in the back of the house, in
+_the sun, upon the floor_. And there he lay, with more the appearance
+of a rotten carcass than a living man, for four days before he could
+do more than move. And who was this inhuman being calling God's
+property his own, and ruing it as he would not have dared to use a
+beast? You may say he was a tiger--one of the more wicked sort, and
+that we must not judge others by him. _He was a professor of that
+religion which will pour upon the willing slaveholder the retribution
+due to his sin_.
+
+"We wish to mention another fact, which our own eyes saw and our own
+ears heard. We were called to evening prayers. The family assembled
+around the altar of their accustomed devotions. There was one female
+_slave_ present, who belonged to another master, but who had been
+hired for the day and tarried to attend family worship. The precious
+Bible was opened, and nearly half a chapter had been read, when the
+eye of the master, who was reading, observed that the new female
+servant, instead of being seated like his own slaves, _flat upon the
+floor_, was standing in a stooping posture upon her feet. He told her
+to sit down on the floor. She said it was not her custom at home. He
+ordered her again to do it. She replied that her master did not
+require it. Irritated by this answer, he repeatedly _struck her upon
+the head with the very Bible he held in his hand_. And not content
+with this, he seized his cane and _caned her down stairs most
+unmercifully_. He then returned to resume his profane work, but we
+need not say that _all_ the family were not there. Do you ask again,
+who was this wicked man? _He was a professor of religion!!_"
+
+
+Rev. HUNTINGTON LYMAN, late pastor of the Free Church in Buffalo, New
+York, says:--
+
+"Walking one day in New Orleans with a professional gentleman, who was
+educated in Connecticut, we were met by a black man; the gentleman was
+greatly incensed with the black man for passing so _near_ him, and
+turning upon him _he pushed him with violence off walk into the
+street_. This man was a professor of religion."
+
+(And _we_ add, a member, and if we mistake not an officer of the
+Presbyterian Church which was established there by Rev. Joel Parker,
+and which was then under his teachings-ED.)
+
+
+Mr. EZEKIEL BIRDSEYE, a gentleman of known probity, in Cornwall,
+Litchfield county, Conn. gives the testimony which follows:--
+
+"A BAPTIST CLERGYMAN in Laurens District, S.C. WHIPPED HIS SLAVE TO
+DEATH, whom he _suspected_ of having stolen about sixty dollars. The
+slave was in the prime of life and was purchased a few weeks before
+for $800 of a slave trader from Virginia or Maryland. The coroner, Wm.
+Irby, at whose house I was then boarding, _told me_, that on reviewing
+the dead body, he found it _beat to a jelly from head to foot_. The
+master's wife discovered the money a day or two after the death of the
+slave. She had herself removed it from where it was placed, not
+knowing what it was, as it was tied up in a thick envelope. I happened
+to be present when the trial of this man took place, at Laurens Court
+House. His daughter testified that her father untied the slave, when
+he appeared to be failing, and gave him cold water to drink, of which
+he took freely. His counsel pleaded that his death _might_ have been
+caused by drinking cold water in a state of excitement. The Judge
+charged the jury, that it would be their duty to find the defendant
+guilty, if they believed the death was caused by the whipping; but if
+they were of opinion that drinking cold water caused the death, they
+would find him not guilty! The jury found him--NOT GUILTY!"
+
+
+Dr. JEREMIAH S. WAUGH, a physician in Somerville, Butler county, Ohio,
+testifies as follows:--
+
+"In the year 1825, I boarded with the Rev. John Mushat, a Seceder
+minister, and principal of an academy in Iredel county, N.C. He had
+slaves, and was in the habit of restricting them on the Sabbath. One
+of his slaves, however, ventured to disobey his injunctions. The
+offence was he went away on Sabbath evening, and did not return till
+Monday morning. About the time we were called to breakfast, the Rev.
+gentleman was engaged in chastising him for _breaking the Sabbath_. He
+determined not to submit--attempted to escape by flight. The master
+immediately took down his gun and pursued him--levelled his instrument
+of death, and told him, if he did not stop instantly _he would blow
+him through_. The poor slave returned to the house and submitted
+himself to the lash; and the good master, while YET PALE WITH RAGE,
+_sat down to the table, and with a trembling voice_ ASKED GOD'S
+BLESSING!"
+
+
+The following letter was sent by Capt. JACOB DUNHAM, of New York city,
+to a slaveholder in Georgetown, D.C. more than twenty years since:
+
+"Georgetown, June 13, 1815.
+
+"Dear sir--Passing your house yesterday, I beheld a scene of cruelty
+seldom witnessed--that was the brutal chastisement of your negro girl,
+_lashed to a ladder and beaten in an inhuman manner, too bad to
+describe_. My blood chills while I contemplate the subject. This has
+led me to investigate your character from your neighbors; who inform
+me that you have _caused the death_ of one negro man, whom you struck
+with a sledge for some trivial fault--that you have beaten another
+black girl with such severity that the _splinters_ remained in her
+back for some weeks after you sold her--and many other acts of
+barbarity, too lengthy to enumerate. And to my great surprise, I find
+you are a _professor of the Christian religion!_
+
+"You will naturally inquire, why I meddle with your family affairs. My
+answer is, the cause of humanity and a sense of my duty requires
+it.--these hasty remarks I leave you to reflect on the subject; but
+wish you to remember, that there is an all-seeing eye who knows all
+our faults and will reward us according to our deeds.
+
+I remain, sir, yours, &c
+
+JACOB DUNHAM.
+Master of the brig Cyrus, of N.Y."
+
+
+Rev. SYLVESTER COWLES, pastor of the Presbyterian church in Fredonia,
+N.Y. says:--
+
+"A young man, a member of the church in Conewango, went to Alabama
+last year, to reside as a clerk in an uncle's store. When he had been
+there about nine months, he wrote his father that he must return home.
+To see members of the same church sit at the communion table of our
+Lord one day, and the next to see one seize any weapon and knock the
+other down, _as he had seen_, he _could not_ live there. His good
+father forthwith gave him permission to return home."
+
+The following is a specimen of the shameless hardihood with which a
+professed minister of the Gospel, and editor of a religious paper,
+assumes the right to hold God's image as a chattel. It is from the
+Southern Christian Herald:--
+
+"It is stated in the Georgetown Union, that a negro, supposed to have
+died of cholera, when that disease prevailed in Charleston, was
+carried to the public burying ground to be interred; but before
+interment signs of life appeared, and, by the use of proper means, he
+was restored to health. And now the man who first perceived the signs
+of life in the slave, and that led to his preservation, claims the
+property as his own, and is about bringing suit for its recovery. As
+well might a man who rescued his neighbor's slave, or his _horse_,
+from drowning, or who extinguished the flames that would otherwise
+soon have burnt down his neighbor's house, claim the _property_ as his
+own."
+
+Rev. GEORGE BOURNE, of New York city, late Editor of the "Protestant
+Vindicator," who was a preacher seven years in Virginia, gives the
+following testimony.[39]
+
+"Benjamin Lewis, who was an elder in the Presbyterian church, engaged
+a carpenter to repair and enlarge his house. After some time had
+elapsed, Kyle, the builder, was awakened very early in the morning by
+a most piteous moaning and shrieking. He arose, and following the
+sound, discovered a colored woman nearly naked, tied to a fence, while
+Lewis was lacerating her. Kyle instantly commanded the slave driver to
+desist. Lewis maintained his jurisdiction over his slaves, and
+threatened Kyle that he would punish him for his interference.
+Finally Kyle obtained the release of the victim.
+
+"A second and a third scene of the same kind occurred, and on the
+third occasion the altercation almost produced a battle between the
+elder and the carpenter.
+
+"Kyle immediately arranged his affairs, packed up his tools and
+prepared to depart. 'Where are you going?' demanded Lewis. 'I am
+going home;' said Kyle. 'Then I will pay you nothing for what you
+have done,' retorted the slave driver, 'unless you complete your
+contract.'  The carpenter went away with this edifying declaration, 'I
+will not stay here a day longer; for I expect the fire of God will
+come down and burn you up altogether, and I do not choose to go to
+hell with you.'  Through hush-money and promises not to whip the women
+any more, I believe Kyle returned and completed his engagement.
+
+"James Kyle of Harrisonburg, Virginia, frequently narrated that
+circumstance, and his son, the carpenter, confirmed it with all the
+minute particulars combined with his temporary residence on the
+Shenandoah river.
+
+"John M'Cue of Augusta county, Virginia, a _Presbyterian preacher_,
+frequently on the Lord's day morning, tied up his slaves and whipped
+them; and left them bound, while he went to the meeting house and
+preached--and after his return home repeated his scourging. That
+fact, with others more heinous, was known to all persons in his
+congregation and around the vicinity; and so far from being censured
+for it, he and his brethren justified it as essential to preserve
+their 'domestic institutions.'
+
+"Mrs. Pence, of Rockingham county, Virginia, used to boast,--'I am the
+best hand to whip a _wench_ in the whole county.'  She used to pinion
+the girls to a post in the yard on the Lord's day morning, scourge
+them, put on the '_negro plaster_,' salt, pepper, and vinegar, leave
+them tied, and walk away to church as demure as a nun, and after
+service repeat her flaying, if she felt the whim. I once expostulated
+with her upon her cruelly. 'Mrs. Pence, how can you whip your girls
+so publicly and disturb your neighbors so on the Lord's day morning.'
+Her answer was memorable. 'If I were to whip them on any other day I
+should lose a day's work; but by whipping them on Sunday, their backs
+get well enough by Monday morning.'  That woman, if alive, is
+doubtless a member of the church now, as then.
+
+"Rev. Dr. Staughton, formerly of Philadelphia, often stated, that when
+he lived at Georgetown, S.C. he could tell the doings of one of the
+slaveholders of the Baptist church there by his prayers at the prayer
+meeting. 'If,' said he, 'that man was upon good terms with his
+slaves, his words were cold and heartless as frost; if he had been
+whipping a man, he would pray with life; but if he had left a woman
+whom he had been flogging, tied to a post in his cellar, with a
+determination to go back and torture her again, O! how he would pray!'
+ The Rev. Cyrus P. Grosvenor of Massachusetts can confirm the above
+statement by Dr. Staughton.
+
+"William Wilson, a Presbyterian preacher of Augusta county, Virginia,
+had a young colored girl who was constitutionally unhealthy. As no
+means to amend her were availing, he sold her to a member of his
+congregation, and in the usual style of human flesh dealers, warranted
+her 'sound,' &c. The fraud was instantly discovered; but he would not
+refund the amount. A suit was commenced, and was long continued, and
+finally the plaintiff recovered the money out of which he had been
+swindled by slave-trading with his own preacher. No Presbytery
+censured him, although Judge Brown, the chancellor, severely condemned
+the imposition.
+
+"In the year 1811, Johab Graham, a preacher, lived with Alexander
+Nelson a Presbyterian elder, near Stanton, Virginia, and he informed
+me that a man had appeared before Nelson, who was a magistrate, and
+swore falsely against his slave,--that the elder ordered him
+thirty-nine lashes. All that wickedness was done as an excuse for his
+dissipated owner to obtain money. A negro trader had offered him a
+considerable sum for the 'boy,' and under the pretence of saving him
+from the punishment of the law, he was trafficked away from his woman
+and children to another state. The magistrate was aware of the
+perjury, and the whole abomination, but all the truth uttered by every
+colored person in the southern states would not be of any avail
+against the notorious false swearing of the greatest white villain who
+ever cursed the world. 'How,' said Johab Graham, can I preach
+to-morrow?' I replied, 'Very well; go and thunder the doctrine of
+retribution in their ears, Obadiah 15, till by the divine blessing you
+kill or cure them. My friends, John M. Nelson of Hillsborough, Ohio,
+Samuel Linn, and Robert Herron, and others of the same vicinity, could
+'make both the ears of every one who heareth them tingle' with the
+accounts which they can give of slave-driving by professors of
+religion in the Shenandoah Valley, Virginia.
+
+"In 1815, near Frederick, in Maryland, a most barbarous planter was
+killed in a fit of desperation, by four of his slaves _in
+self-defence_. It was declared by those slaves while in prison that,
+besides his atrocities among their female associates, he had
+deliberately butchered a number of his slaves. The four men were
+murdered by law, to appease the popular clamor. I saw them executed on
+the twenty-eighth day of Jan'y, 1816. The facts I received from the
+Rev. Patrick Davidson of Frederick, who constantly visited them during
+their imprisonment--and who became an abolitionist in consequence of
+the disclosures which he heard from those men in the jail. The name of
+the planter is not distinctly recollected, but it can be known by a
+inspection of the record of the trial in the clerk's office,
+Frederick.
+
+"A minister of Virginia, still living, and whose name must not be
+mentioned for fear of Nero Preston and his confederate-hanging
+myrmidons, informed me of this fact in 1815, in his own house. 'A
+member of my church, said he, lately whipped a colored youth to death.
+What shall I do?' I answered, 'I hope you do not mean to continue him
+in your church.' That minister replied, 'How can we help it'
+We dare not call him to an account. We have no legal testimony.'
+Their communion season was then approaching. I addressed his
+wife,--'Mrs. ---- do you mean to sit at the Lord's table with that
+murderer?'--,'Not I,' she answered: 'I would as soon commune with the
+devil himself.' The slave killer was equally unnoticed by the civil
+and ecclesiastical authority.
+
+"John Baxter, a Presbyterian elder, the brother of that slaveholding
+doctor in divinity, George A. Baxter, held as a slave the wife of a
+Baptist colored preacher, familiarly called 'Uncle Jack.' In a late
+period of pregnancy he scourged her so that the lives of herself and
+her unborn child were considered in jeopardy. Uncle Jack was advised
+to obtain the liberation of his wife. Baxter finally agreed, I think,
+to sell the woman and her children, three of them, I believe for six
+hundred dollars, and an additional hundred if the unborn child
+survived a certain period after its birth. Uncle Jack was to pay one
+hundred dollars per annum for his wife and children for seven years,
+and Baxter held a sort of mortgage upon them for the payment. Uncle
+Jack showed me his back in furrows like a ploughed field. His master
+used to whip up the flesh, then beat it downwards, and then apply the
+'negro plaster,' salt, pepper, mustard, and vinegar, until all Jack's
+back was almost as hard and unimpressible as the bones. There is
+slaveholding religion! A Presbyterian elder receiving from a Baptist
+preacher seven hundred dollars for his wife and children. James Kyle
+and uncle Jack used to tell that story with great Christian
+sensibility; and uncle Jack would weep tears of anguish over his
+wife's piteous tale, and tears of ecstasy at the same moment that he
+was free, and that soon, by the grace of God, his wife and children,
+as he said, 'would be all free together.'"
+
+Rev. JAMES NOURSE, a Presbyterian clergyman of Mifflia co. Penn.,
+whose father is, we believe, a slaveholder in Washington City, says,--
+
+"The Rev. Mr. M----, now of the Huntingdon Presbytery, after an absence
+of many months, was about visiting his old friends on what is commonly
+called the 'Eastern Shore.' Late in the afternoon, on his journey, he
+called at the house of Rev. A.C. of P----town, Md. With this brother
+he had been long acquainted. Just at that juncture Mr. C. was about
+proceeding to whip a colored female, who was his slave. She was firmly
+tied to a post in FRONT of his dwelling-house. The arrival of a
+clerical visitor at such a time, occasioned a temporary delay in the
+execution of Mr. C's purpose. But the delay was only temporary; for
+not even the presence of such a guest could destroy the bloody design.
+The guest interceded with all the mildness yet earnestness of a
+brother and new visitor. But all in vain, 'the woman had been saucy
+and must be punished.' The cowhide was accordingly produced, and the
+_Rev. Mr. C_., a large and very stout man, applied it 'manfully' on
+'woman's' bare and 'shrinking flesh.' I say bare, because you know
+that the slave women generally have but three or four inches of the
+arm near the shoulder covered, and the neck is left entirely exposed.
+As the cowhide moved back and forward, striking right and left, on the
+head, neck and arms, at every few strokes the sympathizing guest would
+exclaim, 'O, brother C. desist' But brother C. pursued his brutal
+work, till, after inflicting about sixty lashes, the woman was found
+to be suffused with blood on the hinder part of her neck, and under
+her frock between the shoulders. Yet this Rev. gentleman is well
+esteemed in the church--was, three or four years since, moderator of
+the synod of Philadelphia, and yet walks abroad, feeling himself
+unrebuked by law or gospel. Ah, sir does not this narration give
+fearful force to the query--_What has the church to do with slavery_?'
+Comment on the facts is unnecessary, yet allow me to conclude by
+saying, that it is my opinion such occurrences _are not rare in the
+south_.
+
+J.N."
+
+
+REV. CHARLES STEWART RENSHAW, of Quincy, Illinois, in a recent letter,
+speaking of his residence, for a period, in Kentucky, says--
+
+"In a conversation with Mr. Robert Willis, he told me that his negro
+girl had run away from him some time previous. He was convinced that
+she was lurking round, and he watched for her. He soon found the place
+of her concealment, drew her from it, got a rope, and tied her hands
+across each other, then threw the rope over a beam in the kitchen, and
+hoisted her up by the wrists; 'and,' said he, 'I whipped her there
+till I made the lint fly, I tell you.' I asked him the meaning of
+making 'the lint fly,' and he replied, '_till the blood flew_.' I spoke
+of the iniquity and cruelty of slavery, and of its immediate
+abandonment. He confessed it an evil, but said, 'I am a
+_colonizationist_--I believe in that scheme.' Mr. Willis is a teacher
+of sacred music, and a member of the Presbyterian Church in Lexington,
+Kentucky."
+
+Mr. R. speaking of the PRESBYTERIAN MINISTER and church where he
+resided, says:
+
+"The minister and all the church members held slaves. Some were
+treated kindly, others harshly. _There was not a shade of difference_
+between their slaves and those of their _infidel_ neighbors, either in
+their physical, intellectual, or moral state: in some cases they would
+_suffer_ in the comparison.
+
+"In the kitchen of the minister of the church, a slave man was living
+in open adultery with a slave woman, who was a member of the church,
+with an 'assured hope' of heaven--whilst the man's wife was on the
+minister's farm in Fayette county. The minister had to bring a cook
+down from his farm to the place in which he was preaching. The choice
+was between the wife of the man and this church member. He _left the
+wife_, and brought the church member to the adulterer's bed.
+
+"A METHODIST PREACHER last fall took a load of produce down the river.
+Amongst other _things_ he took down five slaves. He sold them at New
+Orleans--he came up to Natchez--bought seven there--and took them down
+and sold them also. Last March he came up to preach the Gospel again.
+A number of persons on board the steamboat (the Tuscarora.) who had
+seen him in the slave-shambles in Natchez and New Orleans, and now,
+for the first time, found him to be a preacher, had much sport at the
+expense of 'the fine old preacher who dealt in slaves.'
+
+A non-professor of religion, in Campbell county, Ky. sold a female and
+two children to a Methodist professor, with the proviso that they
+should not leave that region of country. The slave-driver came, and
+offered $5 more for the woman than he had given, and he sold her. She
+is now in the lower country, and _her orphan babes are in Kentucky_.
+
+"I was much shocked once, to see a Presbyterian elder's wife call a
+little slave to her to kiss her feet. At first the boy hesitated--but
+the command being repeated in tones not to be misunderstood, be
+approached timidly, knelt, and kissed her foot."
+
+Rev. W.T. ALLAN, of Chatham, Illinois, gives the following in a letter
+dated Feb. 4, 1839:
+
+"Mr. Peter Vanarsdale, an elder of the Presbyterian church in
+Carrollton, formerly from Kentucky, told me, the other day, that a
+Mrs. Burford, in the neighborhood of Harrodsburg, Kentucky, had
+_separated a woman and her children_ from their husband and father,
+taking them into another state. Mrs. B. was a member of the
+_Presbyterian Church_. The bereaved husband and father was also a
+professor of religion.
+
+"Mr. V. told me of a slave woman who had lost her son, separated from
+her by public sale. In the anguish of her soul, she gave vent to her
+indignation freely, and perhaps harshly. Sometime after, she wished to
+become a member of the church. Before they received her, she had to
+make humble confession for speaking as she had done. _Some of the
+elders that received her, and required the confession, were engaged is
+selling the son from his mother_."
+
+
+The following communication from the Rev. WILLIAM BARDWELL, of
+Sandwich, Massachusetts, has just been published in Zion's Watchman,
+New York city:
+
+_Mr. Editor_:--The following fact was given me last evening, from the
+pen of a shipmaster, who has traded in several of the principal ports
+in the south. He is a man of unblemished character, a member of the
+M.E. Church in this place, and familiarly known in this town. The
+facts were communicated to me last fall in a letter to his wife, with
+a request that she would cause them to be published. I give verbatim,
+as they were written from the letter by brother Perry's own hand while
+I was in his house.
+
+"A Methodist preacher, Wm. Whitby by name, who married in Bucksville,
+S.C., and by marriage came into possession of some slaves, in July,
+1838, was about moving to another station to preach, and wished, also,
+to move his family and slaves to Tennessee, much against the will of
+the slaves, one of which, to get clear from him, ran into the woods
+after swimming a brook. The parson took after him with his gun, which,
+however, got wet and missed fire, when he ran to a neighbor for
+another gun, with the intention, as he said, of killing him: he did
+not, however, catch or kill him; he chained another for fear of his
+running away also. The above particulars were related to me by William
+Whitby himself. THOMAS C. PERRY. March 3, 1839."
+
+"I find by examining the minutes of the S.C. Conference, that there is
+such a preacher in the Conference, and brother Perry further stated to
+me that he was well acquainted with him, and if this statement was
+published, and if it could be known where he was since the last
+Conference, he wished a paper to be sent him containing the whole
+affair. He also stated to me, verbally, that the young man he
+attempted to shoot was about nineteen years of age, and had been shut
+up in a corn-house, and in the attempt of Mr. Whitby to chain him, he
+broke down the door and made his escape as above mentioned, and that
+Mr. W. was under the necessity of hiring him out for one year, with
+the risk of his employer's getting him. Brother Perry conversed with
+one of the slaves, who was so old that he thought it not profitable to
+remove so far, and had been sold; _he_ informed him of all the above
+circumstances, and said, with tears, that he thought he had been so
+faithful as to be entitled to liberty, but instead of making him free,
+he had sold him to another master, besides parting one husband and
+wife from those ties rendered a thousand times dearer by an infant
+child which was torn for ever from the husband.
+
+WILLIAM BARDWELL.
+_Sandwich, Mass._, March 4, 1839."
+
+
+Mr. WILLIAM POE, till recently a slaveholder in Virginia, now an elder
+in the Presbyterian Church at Delhi, Ohio, gives the following
+testimony:--
+
+"An elder in the Presbyterian Church in Lynchburg had a most faithful
+servant, whom he flogged severely and sent him to prison, and had him
+confined as a felon a number of days, for being _saucy_. Another elder
+of the same church, an auctioneer, habitually sold slaves at his
+stand--very frequently _parted families_--would often go into the
+country to sell slaves on execution and otherwise; when remonstrated
+with, he justified himself, saying, 'it was his business;' the church
+also justified him on the same ground.
+
+"A Doctor Duval, of Lynchburg, Va. got offended with a very faithful,
+worthy servant, and immediately sold him to a negro trader, to be
+taken to New Orleans; Duval still keeping the wife of the man as his
+slave. This Duval was a professor of religion."
+
+Mr. SAMUEL HALL, a teacher in Marietta College, Ohio, says, in a
+recent letter:--
+
+"A student in Marietta College, from Mississippi, a professor of
+religion, and in every way worthy of entire confidence, made to me the
+following statement. [If his name were published it would probably
+cost him his life.]
+
+"When I was in the family of the Rev. James Martin, of Louisville,
+Winston county, Mississippi, in the spring of 1838, Mrs. Martin became
+offended at a female slave, because she did not move faster. She
+commanded her to do so; the girl quickened her pace; again she was
+ordered to move faster, or, Mrs. M. declared, she would break the
+broomstick over her head. Again the slave quickened her pace; but not
+coming up to the _maximum_ desired by Mrs. M. the latter declared she
+would _see_ whether she (the slave) could move or not: and, going into
+another apartment, she brought in a raw hide, awaiting the return of
+her husband for its application. In this instance I know not what was
+the final result, but I have heard the sound of the raw-hide in at
+least _two_ other instances, applied by this same reverend gentleman
+to the back of his _female_ servant."
+
+Mr. Hall adds--"The name of my informant must be suppressed, as" he
+says, "there are those who would cut my throat in a moment, if the
+information I give were to be coupled with my name." Suffice it to say
+that he is a professor of religion, a native of Virginia, and a
+student of Marietta College, whose character will bear the strictest
+scrutiny. He says:--
+
+"In 1838, at Charlestown, Va. I conversed with several members of the
+church under the care of the Rev. Mr. Brown, of the same place. Taking
+occasion to speak of slavery, and of the sin of slaveholding, to one
+of them who was a lady, she replied, "I am a slaveholder, and I
+_glory_ in it." I had a conversation, a few days after, with the
+pastor himself, concerning the state of religion in his church, and
+who were the most exemplary members in it. The pastor mentioned
+several of those who were of that description; the _first_ of whom,
+however, was the identical lady who _gloried_ in being a slaveholder!
+That church numbers nearly two hundred members.
+
+"Another lady, who was considered as devoted a Christian as any in the
+same church, but who was in poor health, was accustomed to flog some
+of her female domestics with a raw-hide till she was exhausted, and
+then go and lie down till her strength was recruited, rising again and
+resuming the flagellation. This she considered as not at all
+derogatory to her Christian character."
+
+Mr. JOEL S. BINGHAM, of Cornwall, Vermont, lately a student in
+Middlebury College, and a member of the Congregational Church, spent a
+few weeks in Kentucky, in the summer of 1838. He relates the following
+occurrence which took place in the neighborhood where he resided, and
+was a matter of perfect notoriety in the vicinity.
+
+"Rev. Mr. Lewis, a Baptist minister in the vicinity of Frankfort, Ky.
+had a slave that ran away, but was retaken and brought back to his
+master, who threatened him with punishment for making an attempt to
+escape. Though terrified the slave immediately attempted to run away
+again. Mr. L. commanded him to stop, but he did not obey. _Mr. L. then
+took a gun, loaded with small shot and fired at the slave, who fell_;
+but was not killed, and afterward recovered. Mr. L. did not probably
+intend to kill the slave, as it was his legs which were aimed at and
+received the contents of the gun. The master asserted that he was
+driven to this necessity to maintain his authority. This took place
+about the first of July, 1838."
+
+The following is given upon the authority of Rev. ORANGE SCOTT, of
+Lowell, Mass. for many years a presiding elder in the Methodist
+Episcopal Church.
+
+"Rev. Joseph Hough, a Baptist minister, formerly of Springfield, Mass.
+now of Plainfield, N.H. while traveling in the south, a few years ago,
+put up one night with a Methodist family, and spent the Sabbath with
+them. While there, one of the female slaves did something which
+displeased her mistress. She took a chisel and mallet, and very
+deliberately cut off one of her toes!"
+
+
+SLAVE BREEDING AN INDEX OF PUBLIC 'OPINION' AMONG THE 'HIGHEST CLASS
+OF SOCIETY' IN VIRGINIA AND OTHER NORTHERN SLAVE STATES.
+
+But we shall be told, that 'slave-breeders' are regarded with
+contempt, and the business of slave breeding is looked upon as
+despicable; and the hot disclaimer of Mr. Stevenson, our Minister
+Plenipotentiary at the Court of St. James, in reply to Mr. O'Connell,
+who had intimated that he might be a 'slave breeder,' will doubtless
+be quoted.[40] In reply, we need not say what every body knows, that
+if Mr. Stevenson is not a 'slave breeder,' he is a solitary exception
+among the large slaveholders of Virginia. What! Virginia slaveholders
+not 'slave-breeders?' the pretence is ridiculous and contemptible; it
+is meanness, hypocrisy, and falsehood, as is abundantly proved by the
+testimony which follows:--
+
+Mr. GHOLSON, of Virginia, in his speech in the Legislature of that
+state, Jan. 18, 1832, (see Richmond Whig,) says:--
+
+"It has always (perhaps erroneously) been considered by steady and
+old-fashioned people, that the owner of land had a reasonable right to
+its annual profits; the owner of orchards, to their annual fruits; the
+owner of _brood mares_, to their product; and the owner of _female
+slaves, to their increase_. We have not the fine-spun intelligence,
+nor legal acumen, to discover the technical distinctions drawn by
+gentlemen. The legal maxim of '_Partus sequitur ventrem_' is coeval
+with the existence of the rights of property itself, and is founded in
+wisdom and justice. It is on the justice and inviolability of this
+maxim that the master foregoes the service of the female slave; has
+her nursed and attended during the period of her gestation, and raises
+the helpless and infant offspring. The value of the property justifies
+the expense; and I do not hesitate to say, that in its _increase
+consists much of our wealth_."
+
+Hon. THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH, of Virginia. formerly Governor of that
+state, in his speech before the legislature in 1832, while speaking of
+the number of slaves annually sold from Virginia to the more southern
+slave states, said:--
+
+"The exportation has _averaged_ EIGHT THOUSAND FIVE HUNDRED for the
+last twenty years. Forty years ago, the whites exceeded the colored
+25,000, the colored now exceed the whites 81,000; and these results
+too during an exportation of near 260,000 slaves since the year 1790,
+now perhaps the fruitful progenitors of half a million in other
+states. It is a practice and an increasing practice, in parts of
+Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How can an honorable mind, a
+patriot and a lover of his country, bear to see this ancient dominion
+converted into one grand menagerie, where men are to be reared for
+market, like oxen for the shambles."
+
+Professor DEW, now President of the University of William and Mary,
+Virginia, in his Review of the Debate in the Virginia Legislature,
+1831-2, says, p 49.
+
+"From all the information we can obtain, we have no hesitation in
+saying that upwards of six thousand [slaves] are yearly exported [from
+Virginia] to other states.' Again, p. 61: 'The 6000 slaves which
+Virginia annually sends off to the south, are a source of wealth to
+Virginia'--Again, p. 120: 'A full equivalent being thus left in the
+place of the slave, this emigration becomes an advantage to the state,
+and does not check the black population as much as, at first view, we
+might imagine--because it furnishes every inducement to the master to
+attend to the negroes, to ENCOURAGE BREEDING, and to cause the
+_greatest number possible to be raised._ &c."
+
+_"Virginia is, in fact, a negro-raising state for other states."_
+
+Extract from the speech of MR. FAULKNER, in the Va. House of
+Delegates, 1832. [See Richmond Whig.]
+
+"But he [Mr. Gholson,] has labored to show that the Abolition of
+Slavery, were it practicable, would be _impolitic_, because as the
+drift of this portion of his argument runs, your slaves constitute the
+entire wealth of the state, all the _productive capacity_ Virginia
+possesses. And, sir, as things are, _I believe he is correct_. He
+says, and in this he is sustained by the gentleman from Halifax, Mr.
+Bruce, that the slaves constitute the entire available wealth at
+present, of Eastern Virginia. Is it true that for 200 years the only
+increase in the wealth and resources of Virginia, has been a remnant
+of the natural _increase_ of this miserable race?--Can it be, that on
+this _increase_, she places her solo dependence? I had always
+understood that indolence and extravagance were the necessary
+concomitants of slavery; but, until I heard these declarations, I had
+not fully conceived the horrible extent of this evil. These gentlemen
+state the fact, which the history and _present aspect of the
+Commowealth but too well sustain_. The gentlemen's facts and argument
+in support of his plea of impolicy, to me, seem rather unhappy. To me,
+such a state of things would itself be conclusive at least, that
+something, even as a measure of policy, should be done. What, sir,
+have you lived for two hundred years, without personal effort or
+productive industry, in extravagance and indolence, sustained alone
+_by the return from sales of the increase of slaves_, and retaining
+merely such a number as your now impoverished lands can sustain, AS
+STOCK, _depending, too, upon a most uncertain market_? When that
+market is closed, as in the nature of things it must be, what then
+will become of this gentleman's hundred millions worth of slaves, AND
+THE ANNUAL PRODUCT?"
+
+In the debates in the Virginia Convention, in 1829, Judge Upsher
+said--"The value of slaves as an article of property [and it is in
+that view only that they are legitimate subjects of taxation] _depends
+much on the state of the market abroad_. In this view, it is the value
+of land _abroad_, and not of land here, which furnishes the ratio. It
+is well known to us all, that nothing is more fluctuating than the
+value of slaves. A late law of Louisiana reduced their value 25 per
+cent, in two hours after its passage was known. IF IT SHOULD BE OUR
+LOT, AS I TRUST IT WILL BE, TO ACQUIRE THE COUNTRY OF TEXAS, THEIR
+PRICE WILL RISE AGAIN."--p. 77.
+
+Mr. Goode, Of Virginia, in his speech before the Virginia Legislature,
+in Jan. 1832, [See Richmond Whig, of that date,] said:--
+
+"The superior usefulness of the slaves in the south, will constitute
+an _effectual demand_, which will remove them from our limits. We
+shall send them from our state, because _it will be our interest to do
+so_. Our planters are already becoming farmers. Many who grew tobacco
+as their only staple, have already introduced, and commingled the
+wheat crop. They are already semi-farmers; and in the natural course
+of events, they must become more and more so.--As the greater quantity
+of rich western lands are appropriated to the production of the staple
+of our planters, that staple will become less profitable.--We shall
+gradually divert our lands from its production, until we shall become
+actual farmers.--Then will the necessity for slave labor diminish;
+then will the effectual demand diminish, and then will the quantity of
+slaves diminish, until they shall be adapted to the effectual demand.
+
+"But gentlemen are alarmed _lest the markets of other states be closed
+against the introduction of our slaves_. Sir, the demand for slave
+labor MUST INCREASE through the South and West. It has been heretofore
+limited by the want of capital; but when emigrants shall be relieved
+from their embarrassments, contracted by the purchase of their lands,
+the annual profits of their estates, will constitute an accumulating
+capital, which they will _seek to invest in labor_. That the demand
+for labor must increase in proportion to the increase of capital, is
+one of the demonstrations of political economists; and I confess, that
+for the removal of slavery from Virginia, I look to the efficacy of
+that principle; together with the circumstance that our southern
+brethren are constrained to continue planters, by their position, soil
+and climate."
+
+The following is from Niles' Weekly Register, published at Baltimore,
+Md. vol. 35, p. 4.
+
+_"Dealing in slaves has become a large business_; establishments are
+made in several places in Maryland and Virginia, at which they are
+sold like cattle; these places of deposit are strongly built, and well
+supplied with thumb-screws and gags, and ornamented with cow-skins and
+other whips oftentimes bloody."
+
+
+R.S. FINLEY, Esq., late General Agent of the American Colonization
+Society, at a meeting in New York, 27th Feb. 1833, said:
+
+"In Virginia and other grain-growing slave states, the blacks do not
+support themselves, and the only profit their masters derive from them
+is, repulsive as the idea may justly seem, in breeding them, like
+other live stock for the more southern states."
+
+
+Rev. Dr. GRAHAM, of Fayetteville, N.C. at a Colonization Meeting,
+held in that place in the fall of 1837 said:
+
+"He had resided for 15 years in one of the largest slaveholding
+counties in the state, had long and anxiously considered the subject,
+and still it was dark. There were nearly 7000 slaves offered in New
+Orleans market last winter. From Virginia alone 6000 were annually
+sent to the south; and from Virginia and N.C. there had gone, in the
+same direction, in the last twenty years, 300,000 slaves. While not
+4000 had gone to Africa. What it portended, he could not predict, but
+he felt deeply, that _we must awake in these states and consider the
+subject_."
+
+
+Hon. PHILIP DODDRIDGE, of Virginia, in his speech in the Virginia
+Convention, in 1829, [Debates p. 89.] said:--
+
+"The acquisition of Texas will greatly _enhance the value of the
+property_, in question, [Virginia slaves.]"
+
+
+Hon C.F. MERCER, in a speech before the same Convention, in 1829,
+says:
+
+"The tables of the natural growth of the slave population demonstrate,
+when compared with the increase of its numbers in the commonwealth for
+twenty years past, that an annual revenue of not less than a million
+and a half of dollars is derived from the exportation of a part of
+this population." (Debates, p. 199.)
+
+
+Hon. HENRY CLAY, of Ky., in his speech before the Colonization
+Society, in 1829, says:
+
+"It is believed that nowhere in the farming portion of the United
+States, would slave labor be generally employed, if the proprietor
+were not tempted to RAISE SLAVES BY THE HIGH PRICE OF THE SOUTHERN
+MARKET WHICH KEEPS IT UP IN HIS OWN."
+
+The New Orleans Courier, Feb. 15, 1839, speaking of the prohibition of
+the African Slave-trade, while the internal slave-trade is plied,
+says:
+
+"The United States law may, and probably does, put MILLIONS _into the
+pockets of the people living between the Roanoke, and Mason and
+Dixon's line_; still we think it would require some casuistry to show
+that _the present slave-trade from that quarter_ is a whit better than
+the one from Africa. One thing is certain--that its results are more
+menacing to the tranquillity of the people in this quarter, as there
+can be no comparison between the ability and inclination to do
+mischief, possessed by the Virginia negro, and that of the rude and
+ignorant African."
+
+That the New Orleans Editor does not exaggerate in saying that the
+internal slave-trade puts 'millions' into the pockets of the
+slaveholders in Maryland and Virginia, is very clear from the
+following statement, made by the editor of the Virginia Times, an
+influential political paper, published at Wheeling, Virginia. Of the
+exact date of the paper we are not quite certain, it was, however,
+sometime in 1836, probably near the middle of the year--the file will
+show. The editor says:--
+
+"We have heard intelligent men estimate the number of slaves exported
+from Virginia within the last twelve months, at 120,000--each slave
+averaging at least $600, making an aggregate at $72,000,000. Of the
+number of slaves exported, not more than _one-third_ have been sold,
+(the others having been carried by their owners, who have removed,)
+_which would leave in the state the_ SUM OF $24,000,000 ARISING FROM
+THE SALE OF SLAVES."
+
+According to this estimate about FORTY THOUSAND SLAVES WERE SOLD OUT
+OF THE STATE OF VIRGINIA IN A SINGLE YEAR, and the 'slave-breeders'
+who hold them, put into their pockets TWENTY-FOUR MILLION OF DOLLARS,
+the price of the 'souls of men.'
+
+The New York Journal of Commerce of Oct. 12, 1835, contained a letter
+from a Virginian, whom the editor calls 'a very good and sensible
+man,' asserting that TWENTY THOUSAND SLAVES had been driven to the
+south from Virginia _during that year_, nearly one-fourth of which was
+then remaining.
+
+The Maryville (Tenn.) Intelligencer, some time in the early part of
+1836, (we have not the date,) says, in an article reviewing a
+communication of Rev. J.W. Douglass, of Fayetteville, North Carolina:
+"Sixty thousand slaves passed through a little western town for the
+southern market, during the year 1835."
+
+The Natchez (Miss.) Courier, says "that the states of Louisiana,
+Mississippi, Alabama, and Arkansas, imported TWO HUNDRED AND FIFTY
+THOUSAND SLAVES from the more northern slave states in the year 1836."
+
+The Baltimore American gives the following from a Mississippi paper,
+of 1837:
+
+"The report made by the committee of the citizens Of Mobile, appointed
+at their meeting held on the 1st instant, on the subject of the
+existing pecuniary pressure, states, among other things: that so large
+has been the return of slave labor, that purchases by Alabama of that
+species of property from other states since 1833, have amounted to
+about TEN MILLION DOLLARS ANNUALLY."
+
+FURTHER the _inhumanity_ of a slaveholding 'public opinion' toward
+slaves, follows legitimately from the downright ruffianism of the
+slaveholding _spirit_ in the 'highest class of society,' When roused,
+it tramples upon all the proprieties and courtesies, and even common
+decencies of life, and is held in check by none of those
+considerations of time, and place, and relations of station,
+character, law, and national honor, which are usually sufficient, even
+in the absence of conscientious principles, to restrain other men from
+outrages. Our National Legislature is a fit illustration of this.
+Slaveholders have converted the Congress of the United States into a
+very bear garden. Within the last three years some of the most
+prominent slaveholding members of the House, and among them the late
+speaker, have struck and kicked, and throttled, and seized each other
+by the hair, and with their fists pummelled each other's faces, on the
+floor of Congress. We need not publish an account of what every body
+knows, that during the session of the last Congress, Mr. Wise of
+Virginia and Mr. Bynum of North Carolina, after having called each
+other "liars, villains" and "damned rascals" sprung from their seats
+"both sufficiently armed for any desperate purpose," cursing each
+other as they rushed together, and would doubtless have butchered each
+other on the floor of Congress, if both had not been seized and held
+by their friends.
+
+The New York Gazette relates the following which occurred at the close
+of the session of 1838.
+
+"The House could not adjourn without another brutal and bloody row. It
+occurred on Sunday morning immediately at the moment of adjournment,
+between Messrs. Campbell and Maury, both of Tennessee. He took offence
+at some remarks made to him by his colleague, Mr. Campbell, and the
+fight followed."
+
+The Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat of June 16, 1838, gives the particulars
+which follow:
+
+"Mr. Maury is said to be badly hurt. He was near losing his life by
+being knocked through the window; but his adversary, it is said, saved
+him by clutching the hair of his head with his left hand, while he
+struck him with his right."
+
+The same number of the Huntsville Democrat, contains the particulars
+of a fist-fight on the floor of the House of Representatives, between
+Mr. Bell, the late Speaker, and his colleague Mr. Turney of Tennessee.
+The following is an extract:
+
+"Mr. Turney concluded his remarks in reply to Mr. Bell, in the course
+of which he commented upon that gentleman's course at different
+periods of his political career with great severity.
+
+"He did not think his colleague [Mr. Turney,] was actuated by private
+malice, but was the willing voluntary instrument of others, the tool
+of tools.
+
+Mr. Turney. It is false! it is false!
+
+Mr. Stanley called Mr. TURNEY to order.
+
+At the same moment both gentlemen were perceived in personal conflict,
+and blows with the fist were aimed by each at the other. Several
+members interfered, and suppressed the personal violence; others
+called order, order, and some called for the interference of the
+Speaker.
+
+The Speaker hastily took the chair, and insisted upon order; but both
+gentlemen continued struggling, and endeavoring, notwithstanding the
+constraint of their friends, to strike each other."
+
+The correspondent of the New York Gazette gives the following, which
+took place about the time of the preceding affrays:
+
+"The House was much agitated last night, by the passage between Mr.
+Biddle, of Pittsburgh, and Mr. Downing, of Florida. Mr. D. exclaimed
+"do you impute falsehood to me!" at the same time catching up some
+missile and making a demonstration to advance upon Mr. Biddle. Mr.
+Biddle repeated his accusation, and meanwhile, Mr. Downing was
+arrested by many members."
+
+The last three fights all occurred, if we mistake not, in the short
+space of one month. The fisticuffs between Messrs. Bynum and Wise
+occurred at the previous session of Congress. At the same session
+Messrs. Peyton of Tenn. and Wise of Virginia, went armed with pistols
+and dirks to the meeting of a committee of Congress, and threatened to
+shoot a witness while giving his testimony.
+
+We begin with the first on the list. Who are Messrs. Wise and Bynum?
+Both slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Campbell and Maury? Both
+slaveholders. Who are Messrs. Bell and Turney? Both slaveholders. Who
+is Mr. Downing, who seized a weapon and rushed upon Mr. Biddle? A
+slaveholder. Who is Mr. Peyton who drew his pistol on a witness before
+a committee of Congress? A slaveholder of course. All these bullies
+were slaveholders, and they magnified their office, and slaveholding
+was justified of her children. We might fill a volume with similar
+chronicles of slaveholding brutality. But time would fail us. Suffice
+it to say, that since the organization of the government, a majority
+of the most distinguished men in the slaveholding states have gloried
+in strutting over the stage in the character of murderers. Look at the
+men whom the people delight to honor. President Jackson, Senator
+Benton, the late Gen. Coffee,--it is but a few years since these
+slaveholders shot at, and stabbed, and stamped upon each other in a
+tavern broil. General Jackson had previously killed Mr. Dickenson.
+Senator Clay of Kentucky has immortalized himself by shooting at a
+near relative of Chief Justice Marshall, and being wounded by him; and
+not long after by shooting at John Randolph of Virginia. Governor
+M'Duffie of South Carolina has signalized himself also, both by
+shooting and being shot,--so has Governor Poindexter, and Governor
+Rowan, and Judge M'Kinley of the U.S. Supreme Court, late senator in
+Congress from Alabama,--but we desist; a full catalogue would fill
+pages. We will only add, that a few months since, in the city of
+London, Governor Hamilton, of South Carolina, went armed with pistols,
+to the lodgings of Daniel O'Connell, 'to stop his wind' in the
+bullying slang of his own published boast. During the last session of
+Congress Messrs. Dromgoole and Wise[41] of Virginia, W. Cost Johnson
+and Jenifer of Maryland, Pickens and Campbell of South Carolina, and
+we know not how many more slaveholding members of Congress have been
+engaged, either as principals or seconds, in that species of murder
+dignified with the name of duelling. But enough; we are heart-sick.
+What meaneth all this? Are slaveholders worse than other men? No! but
+arbitrary power has wrought in them its mystery of iniquity, and
+poisoned their better nature with its infuriating sorcery.
+
+Their savage ferocity toward each other when their passions are up, is
+the natural result of their habit of daily plundering and oppressing
+the slave.
+
+The North Carolina Standard of August 30, 1837, contains the following
+illustration of this ferocity exhibited by two southern lawyers in
+settling the preliminaries of a duel.
+
+"The following conditions were proposed by Alexander K. McClung, of
+Raymond, in the State of Mississippi, to H.C. Stewart, as the laws to
+govern a duel they were to fight near Vicksburg:
+
+"Article 1st. The parties shall meet opposite Vicksburg, in the State
+of Louisiana, on Thursday the 29th inst. precisely at 4 o'clock, P.M.
+Agreed to.
+
+"2d. The weapons to be used by each shall weigh one pound two and a
+half ounces, measuring sixteen inches and a half in length, including
+the handle, and one inch and three-eighths in breadth. Agreed to.
+
+"3d. Both knives shall be sharp on one edge, and on the back shall be
+sharp only one inch at the point. Agreed to.
+
+"4th. Each party shall stand at the distance of eight feet from the
+other, until the word is given. Agreed to.
+
+"5th. The second of each party shall throw up, with a silver dollar, on
+the ground, for the word, and two best out of three shall win the
+word. Agreed to.
+
+"6th. After the word is given, either party may take what advantage he
+can with his knife, but on throwing his knife at the other, shall be
+shot down by the second of his opponent. Agreed to.
+
+"7th. Each party shall be stripped entirely naked, except one pair of
+linen pantaloons; one pair of socks, and boots or pumps as the party
+please. Acceded to.
+
+"8th. The wrist of the left arm of each party shall be tied tight to
+his left thigh, and a strong cord shall be fastened around his left
+arm at the elbow, and then around his body. Rejected.
+
+"9th. After the word is given, each party shall be allowed to advance
+or recede as he pleases, over the space of twenty acres of ground,
+until death ensues to one of the parties. Agreed to--the parties to be
+placed in the centre of the space.
+
+"10th. The word shall be given by the winner of the same, in the
+following manner, viz: "Gentlemen are you ready?" Each party shall
+then answer, "I am!" The second giving the word shall then distinctly
+command--_strike_. Agreed to.
+
+"If either party shall violate these rules, upon being notified by the
+second of either party, he may be liable to be shot down instantly. As
+established usage points out the duty of both parties, therefore
+notification is considered unnecessary."
+
+The FAVORITE AMUSEMENTS of slaveholders, like the gladiatorial shows
+of Rome and the Bull Fights of Spain, reveal a public feeling
+insensible to suffering, and a depth of brutality in the highest
+degree revolting to every truly noble mind. One of their most common
+amusements is cock fighting. Mains of cocks, with twenty, thirty, and
+fifty cocks on each side, are fought for hundreds of dollars aside.
+The fowls are armed with steel spurs or '_gafts_,' about two inches
+long. These 'gafts' are fastened upon the legs by sawing off the
+_natural_ 'spur,' leaving only enough of it to answer the purpose of a
+_stock_ for the tube of the "gafts," which are so sharp that at a
+stroke the fowls thrust them through each other's necks and heads, and
+tear each other's bodies till one or both dies, then two others are
+brought forward for the amusement of the multitude assembled, and this
+barbarous pastime is often kept up for days in succession, hundreds
+and thousands gathering from a distance to witness it. The following
+advertisements from the Raleigh Register, June 18, 1838, edited by
+Messrs. Gales and Son, the father and brother of Mr. Gales, editor of
+the National Intelligencer, and late Mayor of Washington City, reveal
+the public sentiment of North Carolina.
+
+"CHATHAM AGAINST NASH, or any other county in the State. I am
+authorized to take a bet of any amount that may be offered, to FIGHT A
+MAIN OF COCKS, at any place that may be agreed upon by the parties--to
+be fought the ensuing spring. GIDEON ALSTON. Chatham county, June 7,
+1838."
+
+Two weeks after, this challenge was answered as follows:
+
+"TO MR. GIDEON ALSTON, of Chatham county, N.C.
+
+"SIR: In looking over the North Carolina Standard of the 20th inst. I
+discover a challenge over your signature, headed 'Chatham against
+Nash,' in which you state: that you are 'authorized to take a bet of
+any amount that may be offered, to fight a main of cocks, at any place
+that may be agreed upon by the parties, to be fought the ensuing
+spring' which challenge I ACCEPT: and do propose to meet you at
+Rolesville, in Wake county, N.C. on the last Wednesday in May next,
+the parties to show thirty-one cocks each--fight four days, and be
+governed by the rules as laid down in Turner's Cock Laws--which, if
+you think proper to accede to, you will signify through this or any
+other medium you may select, and then I will name the sum for which we
+shall fight, as that privilege was surrendered by you in your
+challenge.
+
+"I am, sir, very respectfully, &c. NICHOLAS W. ARRINGTON, near
+Hilliardston, Nash co. North Carolina June 22nd, 1838"
+
+The following advertisement in the Richmond Whig, of July 12, 1837,
+exhibits the public sentiment of Virginia.
+
+"MAIN OF COCKS.--A large 'MAIN OF COCKS,' 21 a side, for $25 'the
+fight', and $500 'the odd,' will be fought between the County of
+Dinwiddie on one part, and the Counties of Hanover and Henrico on the
+other.
+
+"The 'regular' fighting will be continued _three days_, and from the
+large number of 'game uns' on both sides and in the adjacent country,
+will be prolonged no doubt a _fourth_. To prevent confusion and
+promote 'sport,' the Pit will be enclosed and furnished with _seats_;
+so that those having a curiosity to witness a species of diversion
+originating in a better day (for they had no rag money then,) can have
+_that_ very _natural_ feeling gratified.
+
+"The Petersburg Constellation is requested to copy."
+
+_Horse-racing_ too, as every body knows, is a favorite amusement of
+slaveholders. Every slave state has its race course, and in the older
+states almost every county has one on a small scale. There is hardly a
+day in the year, the weather permitting, in which crowds do not
+assemble at the south to witness this barbarous sport. Horrible
+cruelty is absolutely inseparable from it. Hardly a race occurs of any
+celebrity in which some one of the coursers is not lamed, 'broken
+down,' or in some way seriously injured, often for life, and not
+unfrequently they are killed by the rupture of some vital part in the
+struggle. When the heats are closely contested, the blood of the
+tortured animal drips from the lash and flies at every leap from the
+stroke of the rowel. From the breaking of girths and other accidents,
+their riders (mostly slaves) are often thrown and maimed or killed.
+Yet these amusements are attended by thousands in every part of the
+slave states. The wealth and fashion, the gentlemen and _ladies_ of
+the 'highest circles' at the south, throng the race course.
+
+That those who can fasten steel spurs upon the legs of dunghill fowls,
+and goad the poor birds to worry and tear each other to death--and
+those who can crowd by thousands to _witness_ such barbarity--that
+those who can throng the race-course and with keen relish witness the
+hot pantings of the life-struggle, the lacerations and fitful spasms
+of the muscles, swelling through the crimsoned foam, as the tortured
+steeds rush in blood-welterings to the goal--that such, should look
+upon the sufferings of their slaves with, indifference is certainly
+small wonder.
+
+Perhaps we shall be told that there are thronged race-courses at the
+North. True, there are a few, and they are thronged chiefly by
+_Southerners_, and 'Northern men with _Southern_ principles,' and
+supported mainly by the patronage of slaveholders who summer at the
+North. Cock-fighting and horse-racing are "_Southern_ institutions."
+The idleness, contempt of labor, dissipation, sensuality, brutality,
+cruelty, and meanness, engendered by the habit of making men and women
+work without pay, and flogging them if they demur at it, constitutes a
+congenial soil out of which cock-fighting and horse-racing are the
+spontaneous growth.
+
+Again,--The kind treatment of the slaves is often argued from the
+liberal education and enlarged views of slaveholders. The facts and
+reasonings of the preceding pages have shown, that 'liberal
+education,' despotic habits and ungoverned passions work together with
+slight friction. And every day's observation shows that the former is
+often a stimulant to the latter.
+
+But the notion so common at the north that the majority of the
+slaveholders are persons of education, is entirely erroneous. A _very
+few_ slaveholders in each of the slave states have been men of _ripe_
+education, to whom our national literature is much indebted. A larger
+number may be called _well_ educated--these reside mostly in the
+cities and large villages, but a majority of the slaveholders are
+ignorant men, thousands of them notoriously so, _mere boors_ unable to
+write their names or to read the alphabet.
+
+No one of the slave states has probably so much general education as
+Virginia. It is the oldest of them--has furnished one half of the
+presidents of the United States--has expended more upon her university
+than any state in the Union has done during the same time upon its
+colleges--sent to Europe nearly twenty years since for her most
+learned professors, and in fine, has far surpassed every other slave
+state in her efforts to disseminate education among her citizens, and
+yet, the Governor of Virginia in his message to the legislature (Jan.
+7, 1839) says, that of four thousand six hundred and fourteen adult
+males in that state, who applied to the county clerks for marriage
+licenses in the year 1837, 'ONE THOUSAND AND FORTY SEVEN _were unable
+to write their names_.' The governor adds, 'These statements, it will
+be remembered, are confined to one sex: the education of females it is
+to be feared, is in a condition of _much greater neglect_.'
+
+The Editor of the Virginia Times, published at Wheeling, in his paper
+of Jan. 23, 1839, says,--
+
+"We have every reason to suppose that one-fourth of the people of the
+state cannot write their names, and they have not, of course, any
+other species of education."
+
+Kentucky is the child of Virginia; her first settlers were some of the
+most distinguished citizens of the mother state; in the general
+diffusion of intelligence amongst her citizens Kentucky is probably in
+advance of all the slave states except Virginia and South Carolina;
+and yet Governor Clark, in his last message to the Kentucky
+Legislature, (Dec 5, 1838) makes the following declaration: "From the
+computation of those most familiar with the subject, it appears that
+AT LEAST ONE THIRD OF THE ADULT POPULATION OF THE STATE ARE UNABLE TO
+WRITE THEIR NAMES."
+
+The following advertisement in the "Milledgeville (Geo.) Journal,"
+Dec. 26, 1837, is another specimen from one of the 'old thirteen.'
+
+"NOTICE.--I, Pleasant Webb, of the State of Georgia, Oglethorpe
+county, being an _illiterate man, and not able to write my own name_,
+and whereas it hath been represented to me that there is a certain
+promissory note or notes out against me that I know nothing of, and
+further that some man in this State holds a bill of sale for _a
+certain negro woman named Ailsey and her increase, a part of which is
+now in my possession_, which I also know nothing of. Now do hereby
+certify and declare, that I have no knowledge whatsoever of any such
+papers existing in my name as above stated and I hereby require all or
+any person or persons whatsoever holding or pretending to hold any
+such papers, to produce them to me within thirty days from the date
+hereof, shewing their authority for holding the same, or they will be
+considered fictitious and fraudulently obtained or raised, by some
+person or persons for base purposes after my death.
+
+"Given under my hand this 2nd day of December, 1837. PLEASANT WEBB.
+his mark X."
+
+FINALLY, THAT SLAVES MUST HABITUALLY SUFFER GREAT CRUELTIES, FOLLOWS
+INEVITABLY FROM THE BRUTAL OUTRAGES WHICH THEIR MASTERS INFLICT ON
+EACH OTHER.
+
+Slaveholders, exercising from childhood irresponsible power over human
+beings, and in the language of President Jefferson, "giving loose to
+the worst of passions" in the treatment of their slaves, become in a
+great measure unfitted for self control in their intercourse with each
+other. Tempers accustomed to riot with loose reins, spurn restraints,
+and passions inflamed by indulgence, take fire on the least friction.
+We repeat it, the state of society in the slave states, the duels, and
+daily deadly affrays of slaveholders with each other--the fact that
+the most deliberate and cold-blooded murders are committed at noon
+day, in the presence of thousands, and the perpetrators eulogized by
+the community as "honorable men," reveals such a prostration of law,
+as gives impunity to crime--a state of society, an omnipresent public
+sentiment reckless of human life, taking bloody vengeance on the spot
+for every imaginary affront, glorying in such assassinations as the
+only true honor and chivalry, successfully defying the civil arm, and
+laughing its impotency to scorn.
+
+When such things are done in the green tree, what will be done in the
+dry? When slaveholders are in the habit of caning, stabbing, and
+shooting _each other_ at every supposed insult, the unspeakable
+enormities perpetrated by such men, with such passions, upon their
+defenceless slaves, _must_ be beyond computation. To furnish the
+reader with an illustration of slaveholding civilization and morality,
+as exhibited in the unbridled fury, rage, malignant hate, jealousy,
+diabolical revenge, and all those infernal passions that shoot up rank
+in the hot-bed of arbitrary power, we will insert here a mass of
+testimony, detailing a large number of affrays, lynchings,
+assassinations, &c., &c., which have taken place in various parts of
+the slave states within a brief period--and to leave no room for cavil
+on the subject, these extracts will be made exclusively from
+newspapers published in the slave states, and generally in the
+immediate vicinity of the tragedies described. They will not be made
+second hand from _northern_ papers, but from the original _southern_
+papers, which now lie on our table.
+
+Before proceeding to furnish details of certain classes of crimes in
+the slave states, we advertise the reader--1st. That _we shall not_
+include in the list those crimes which are ordinarily committed in the
+free, as well as in the slave states. 2d. We shall not include any of
+the crimes perpetrated by whites upon slaves and free colored persons,
+who constitute a majority of the population in Mississippi and
+Louisiana, a large majority in South Carolina, and, on an average,
+two-fifths in the other slave states. 3d. Fist fights, canings,
+beatings, biting off noses and ears, gougings, knockings down, &c.,
+unless they result in _death_, will not be included in the list, nor
+will _ordinary_ murders, unless connected with circumstances that
+serve as a special index of public sentiment. 4th. Neither will
+_ordinary, formal duels_ be included, except in such cases as just
+specified. 5th. The only crimes which, as the general rule, will be
+specified, will be deadly affrays with bowie knives, dirks, pistols.
+rifles, guns, or other death weapons, and _lynchings_. 6th. The crimes
+enumerated will, for the most part, be only those perpetrated
+_openly_, without _attempt at concealment_. 7th. We shall not attempt
+to give a full list of the affrays, &c., that took place in the
+respective states during the period selected, as the only files of
+southern papers to which we have access are very imperfect.
+
+The reader will perceive, from these preliminaries, that only a
+_small_ proportion of the crimes actually perpetrated in the
+respective slave states during the period selected, will be entered
+upon this list. He will also perceive, that the crimes which will be
+presented are of a class rarely perpetrated in the free states; and if
+perpetrated there at all, they are, with scarcely an exception,
+committed either by slaveholders, temporarily resident in them, or by
+persons whose passions have been inflamed by the poison of a southern
+contact--whose habits and characters have become perverted by living
+among slaveholders, and adopting the code of slaveholding morality.
+
+We now proceed to the details, commencing with the new state of
+Arkansas.
+
+
+
+ARKANSAS.
+
+At the last session of the legislature of that state, Col. John
+Wilson, President of the Bank at Little Rock, the capital of the
+state, was elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. He had
+been elected to that office for a number of years successively, and
+was one of the most influential citizens of the state. While presiding
+over the deliberations of the House, he took umbrage at words spoken
+in debate by Major Anthony, a conspicuous member, came down from the
+Speaker's chair, drew a large bowie knife from his bosom, and attacked
+Major A., who defended himself for some time, but was at last stabbed
+through the heart, and fell dead on the floor. Wilson deliberately
+wiped the blood from his knife, and returned to his seat. The
+following statement of the circumstances of the murder, and the trial
+of the murderer, is abridged from the account published in the
+Arkansas Gazette, a few months since--it is here taken from the
+Knoxville (Tennessee) Register, July 4, 1838.
+
+"On the 14th of December last, Maj. Joseph J. Anthony, a member of the
+Legislature of Arkansas, was murdered, while performing his duty as a
+member of the House of Representatives, by John Wilson, Speaker of
+that House.
+
+"The facts were these: A bill came from the Senate, commonly called the
+_Wolf Bill_. Among the amendments proposed, was one by Maj. Anthony,
+that the signature of the President of the Real Estate Bank should be
+attached to the certificate of the wolf scalp. Col. Wilson, the
+Speaker, asked Maj. Anthony whether he intended the remark as
+personal. Maj. Anthony promptly said, "_No, I do not_." And at that
+instant of time, a message was delivered from the Senate, which
+suspended the proceedings of the House for a few minutes. Immediately
+after the messenger from the Senate had retired, Maj. Anthony rose
+from his seat, and said he wished to explain, that he did not intend
+to insult the Speaker or the House; when Wilson, interrupting,
+peremptorily ordered him to take his seat. Maj. Anthony said, as a
+member, he had a right to the floor, to explain himself. Wilson said,
+in an angry tone, 'Sit down, or you had better;' and thrust his hand
+into his bosom, and drew out a large bowie knife, 10 or 11 inches in
+length, and descended from the Speaker's chair to the floor, with the
+knife drawn in a menacing manner. Maj. Anthony, seeing the danger he
+was placed in, by Wilson's advance on him with a drawn knife, rose
+from his chair, set it out of his way, stepped back a pace or two, and
+drew his knife. Wilson caught up a chair, and struck Anthony with it.
+Anthony, recovering from the blow, caught the chair in his left hand,
+and a fight ensued over the chair. Wilson received two wounds, one on
+each arm, and Anthony lost his knife, either by throwing it at Wilson,
+or it escaped by accident. After Anthony had lost his knife, Wilson
+advanced on Anthony, who was then retreating, looking over his
+shoulder. Seeing Wilson pursuing him, he threw a chair. Wilson still
+pursued, and Anthony raised another chair as high as his breast, with
+a view, it is supposed, of keeping Wilson off. Wilson then caught hold
+of the chair with his left hand, raised it up, and with his right hand
+deliberately thrust the knife, up to the hilt, into Anthony's heart,
+and as deliberately drew it out, and wiping off the blood with his
+thumb and finger, retired near to the Speaker's chair.
+
+"As the knife was withdrawn from Anthony's heart, he fell a lifeless
+corpse on the floor, without uttering a word, or scarcely making a
+struggle; so true did the knife, as deliberately directed, pierce his
+heart.
+
+"Three days elapsed before the constituted authorities took any notice
+of this horrible deed; and not then, until a relation of the murdered
+Anthony had demanded a warrant for the apprehension of Wilson. Several
+days then elapsed before he was brought before an examining court. He
+then, in a carriage and four, came to the place appointed for his
+trial. Four or five days were employed in the examination of
+witnesses, and never was a clearer case of murder proved than on that
+occasion. Notwithstanding, the court (Justice Brown dissenting)
+admitted Wilson to bail, and positively refused that the prosecuting
+attorney for the state should introduce the law, to show that it was
+not a bailable case, or even to hear an argument from him.
+
+"At the time appointed for the session of the Circuit Court, Wilson
+appeared agreeably to his recognizance. A motion was made by Wilson's
+counsel for _change of venue_, founded on the affidavits of Wilson,
+and two other men. The court thereupon removed the case to Saline
+county, and ordered the Sheriff to take Wilson into custody, and
+deliver him over to the Sheriff of Saline county.
+
+"The Sheriff of Pulaski never confined Wilson one minute, but
+permitted him to go where he pleased, without a guard, or any
+restraint imposed on him whatever. On his way to Saline, he
+entertained him freely at his own house, and the next day delivered
+him over to the Sheriff of that county, who conducted the prisoner to
+the debtor's room in the jail, and gave him the key, so that he and
+every body else had free egress and ingress at all times. Wilson
+invited every body to call on him, as he wished to see his friends,
+and his room was crowded with visitors, who called to drink grog, and
+laugh and talk with him. But this theatre was not sufficiently large
+for his purpose. He afterwards visited the dram-shops, where he freely
+treated all that would partake with him, and went fishing and hunting
+with others at pleasure, and entirely with out restraint. He also ate
+at the same table with the Judge, while on trial.
+
+"When the court met at Saline, Wilson was put on his trial. Several
+days were occupied in examining the witnesses in the case. After the
+examination was closed, while Col. Taylor was engaged in a very able,
+lucid, and argumentative speech, on the part of the prosecution, some
+man collected a parcel of the rabble, and came within a few yards of
+the court-house door, and bawled in a loud voice, 'part them--part
+them!' Every body supposed there was an affray, and ran to the doors
+and windows to see; behold, there was nothing more than the man, and
+the rabble he had collected around him, for the purpose of annoying
+Col. Taylor while speaking. A few minutes afterwards, this same person
+brought a horse near the court-house door, and commenced crying the
+horse, as though he was for sale, and continued for ten or fifteen
+minutes to ride before the court-house door, crying the horse, in a
+loud and boisterous tone of voice. The Judge sat as a silent listener
+to the indignity thus offered the court and counsel by this man,
+without interposing his authority.
+
+"To show the depravity of the times, and the people, after the verdict
+had been delivered by the jury, and the court informed Wilson that he
+was discharged, there was a rush toward him: some seized him by the
+hand, some by the arm, and there was great and loud rejoicing and
+exultation, directly in the presence of the court: and Wilson told the
+Sheriff to take the jury to a grocery, that he might treat them, and
+invited every body that chose to go. The house was soon filled to
+overflowing. The rejoicing was kept up till near supper time: but to
+cap the climax, soon after supper was over, a majority of the jury,
+together with many others, went to the rooms that had been occupied
+several days by the friend and relation of the murdered Anthony, and
+commenced a scene of the most ridiculous dancing, (as it is believed,)
+in triumph for Wilson, and as a triumph over the feelings of the
+relations of the departed Anthony. The scene did not close here. The
+party retired to a dram-shop, and continued their rejoicing until
+about half after 10 o'clock. They then collected a parcel of horns,
+trumpets, &c., and marched through the streets, blowing them, till
+near day, when one of the company rode his horse in the porch
+adjoining the room which was occupied by the relations of the
+deceased."
+
+This case is given to the reader at length, in order fully to show,
+that in a community where the law sanctions the commission of every
+species of outrage upon one class of citizens, it fosters passions
+which will paralyze its power to protect the other classes. Look at
+the facts developed in this case, as exhibiting the state of society
+among slaveholders. 1st. That the members of the legislature are _in
+the habit_ of wearing bowie knives. Wilson's knife was 10 or 11 inches
+long.[42] 2d. The murderer, Wilson, was a man of wealth, president of
+the bank at the capital of the state, a high military officer, and
+had, for many years, been Speaker of the House of Representatives, as
+appears from a previous statement in the Arkansas Gazette. 3d. The
+murder was committed in open day, before all the members of the House,
+and many spectators, not one of whom seems to have made the least
+attempt to intercept Wilson, as he advanced upon Anthony with his
+knife drawn, but "made way for him," as is stated in another account.
+4th. Though the murder was committed in the state-house, at the
+capital of the state, days passed before the civil authorities moved
+in the matter; and they did not finally do it, until the relations of
+the murdered man demanded a warrant for the apprehension of the
+murderer. Even then, several days elapsed before he was brought before
+an examining court. When his trial came on, he drove to it in state,
+drew up before the door with "his coach and four," alighted, and
+strided into court like a lord among his vassals; and there, though a
+clearer case of deliberate murder never reeked in the face of the sun,
+yet he was admitted to bail, the court absolutely refusing to hear an
+argument from the prosecuting attorney, showing that it was not a
+bailable case. 5th. The sheriff of Pulaski county, who had Wilson in
+custody, "never confined him a moment, but permitted him to go at
+large wholly unrestrained." When transferred to Saline co. for trial,
+the sheriff of that county gave Wilson the same liberty, and he spent
+his time in parties of pleasure, fishing, hunting, and at houses of
+entertainment. 6th. Finally, to demonstrate to the world, that justice
+among slaveholders is consistent with itself; that authorizing
+man-stealing and patronising robbery, it will, of course, be the
+patron and associate of murder also, the judge who sat upon the case,
+and the murderer who was on trial for his life before him, were
+boon-companions together, eating and drinking at the same table
+throughout the trial. Then came the conclusion of the farce--the
+uproar round the court-house during the trial, drowning the voice of
+the prosecutor while pleading, without the least attempt by the court
+to put it down--then the charge of the judge to the jury, and their
+unanimous verdict of acquittal--then the rush from all quarters around
+the murderer with congratulations--the whole crowd in the court room
+shouting and cheering--then Wilson leading the way to a tavern,
+inviting the sheriff, and jury, and all present to "a treat"--then the
+bacchanalian revelry kept up all night, a majority of the jurors
+participating--the dancing, the triumphal procession through the
+streets with the blowing of horns and trumpets, and the prancing of
+horses through the porch of the house occupied by the relations of the
+murdered Anthony, adding insult and mockery to their agony.
+
+A few months before this murder on the floor of the legislature,
+George Scott, Esq., formerly marshall of the state was shot in an
+affray at Van Buren, Crawford co., Arkansas, by a man named Walker;
+and Robert Carothers, in an affray in St. Francis co., shot William
+Rachel, just as Rachel was shooting at Carothers' father. (_National
+Intelligencer, May 8, 1837, and Little Rock Gazette, August 30,
+1837._)
+
+While Wilson's trial was in progress, Mr. Gabriel Sibley was stabbed
+to the heart at a public dinner, in St. Francis co., Arkansas, by
+James W. Grant. (_Arkansas Gazette, May 30, 1838._)
+
+Hardly a week before this, the following occurred:
+
+"On the 16th ult., an encounter took place at Little Rock, Ark.,
+between David F. Douglass, a young man of 18 or 19, and Dr. Wm. C.
+Howell. A shot was exchanged between them at the distance of 8 or 10
+feet with double-barrelled guns. The load of Douglass entered the left
+hip of Dr. Howell, and a buckshot from the gun of the latter struck a
+negro girl, 13 or 14 years of age, just below the pit of the stomach.
+Douglass then fired a second time and hit Howell in the left groin,
+penetrating the abdomen and bladder, and causing his death in four
+hours. The negro girl, at the last dates, was not dead, but no hopes
+were entertained of her recovery. Douglass was committed to await his
+trial at the April term of the Circuit Court."--_Louisville Journal_.
+
+The Little Rock Gazette of Oct. 24, says, "We are again called upon
+to record the cold blooded murder of a valuable citizen. On the 10th
+instant, Col. John Lasater, of Franklin co., was murdered by John W.
+Whitson, who deliberately shot him with a shot gun, loaded with a
+handful of rifle balls, six of which entered his body. He lived twelve
+hours after he was shot.
+
+"Whitson is the son of William Whitson, who was unfortunately killed,
+about a year since, in a rencontre with Col. Lasater, (who was fully
+exonerated from all blame by a jury,) and, in revenge of his father's
+death, committed this bloody deed."
+
+These atrocities were all perpetrated within a few months of the time
+of the deliberate assassination, on the floor of the legislature by
+the speaker, already described, and are probably but a small portion
+of the outrages committed in that state during the same period. The
+state of Arkansas contains about forty-five thousand white
+inhabitants, which is, if we mistake not, the present population of
+Litchfield county, Connecticut. And we venture the assertion, that a
+public affray, with deadly weapons, has not taken place in that county
+for fifty years, if indeed ever since its settlement a century and a
+half ago.
+
+
+MISSOURI.
+
+Missouri became one of the United States in 1821. Its present white
+population is about two hundred and fifty thousand. The following are
+a few of the affrays that have occurred there during the years 1837
+and '38.
+
+The "Salt River Journal" March 8, 1838, has the following.
+
+"_Fatal Affray_.--An affray took place during last week, in the town
+of New London, between Dr. Peake and Dr. Bosley, both of that village,
+growing out of some trivial matter at a card party. After some words,
+Bosley threw a glass at Peake, which was followed up by other acts of
+violence, and in the quarrel Peake stabbed Bosley, several times with
+a dirk, in consequence of which, Bosley died the following morning.
+The court of inquiry considered Peake justifiable, and discharged him
+from arrest."
+
+From the "St. Louis Republican," of September 29, 1837.
+
+"We learn that a fight occurred at Bowling-Green, in this state, a few
+days since, between Dr. Michael Reynolds and Henry Lalor. Lalor
+procured a gun, and Mr. Dickerson wrested the gun from him; this
+produced a fight between Lalor and Dickerson, in which the former
+stabbed the latter in the abdomen. Mr. Dickerson died of the wound."
+
+The following was in the same paper about a month previous, August 21,
+1837.
+
+"_A Horse Thief Shot_.--A thief was caught in the act of stealing a
+horse on Friday last, on the opposite side of the river, by a company
+of persons out sporting. Mr. Kremer, who was in the company, levelled
+his rifle and ordered him to stop; which he refused; he then fired and
+lodged the contents in the thief's body, of which he died soon
+afterwards. Mr. K. went before a magistrate, who after hearing the
+case, REFUSED TO HOLD HIM FOR FURTHER TRIAL!"
+
+On the 5th of July, 1838, Alpha P. Buckley murdered William Yaochum in
+an affray in Jackson county, Missouri. (Missouri Republican, July 24,
+1838.)
+
+General Atkinson of the United States Army was waylaid on the 4th of
+September, 1838, by a number of persons, and attacked in his carriage
+near St. Louis, on the road to Jefferson Barracks, but escaped after
+shooting one of the assailants. The New Orleans True American of
+October 29, '38, speaking of this says: "It will be recollected that a
+few weeks ago, Judge Dougherty, one of the most respectable citizens
+of St. Louis, was murdered upon the same road."
+
+The same paper contains the following letter from the murderer of
+Judge Dougherty.
+
+"_Murder of Judge Dougherty_.--The St. Louis Republican received the
+following mysterious letter, unsealed, regarding this brutal
+murder:"--
+
+"NATCHEZ, Miss., Sept. 24.
+
+"Messrs. Editors:--Revenge is sweet. On the night of the 11th, 12th,
+and 13th, I made preparations, and did, on the 14th July kill a
+rascal, and only regret that I have not the privilege of telling the
+circumstance. I have so placed it that I can never be identified; and
+further, I have no compunctions of conscience for the death of Thomas
+M. Dougherty."
+
+But instead of presenting individual affrays and single atrocities,
+however numerous, (and the Missouri papers abound with them,) in order
+to exhibit the true state of society there, we refer to the fact now
+universally notorious, that for months during the last fall and
+winter, some hundreds of inoffensive Mormons, occupying a considerable
+tract of land; and a flourishing village in the interior of the state,
+have suffered every species of inhuman outrage from the inhabitants of
+the surrounding counties--that for weeks together, mobs consisting of
+hundreds and thousands, kept them in a state of constant siege, laying
+waste their lands, destroying their cattle and provisions, tearing
+down their houses, ravishing the females, seizing and dragging off and
+killing the men. Not one of the thousands engaged in these horrible
+outrages and butcheries has, so far as we can learn, been indicted.
+The following extract of a letter from a military officer of one of
+the brigades ordered out by the Governor of Missouri, to terminate the
+matter, is taken from the North Alabamian of December 22, 1838.
+
+Correspondence of the Nashville Whig.
+
+
+THE MORMON WAR.
+
+"MILLERSBURG, Mo. November 8.
+
+"Dear Sir--A lawless mob had organized themselves for the express
+purpose of driving the Mormons from the country, or exterminating
+them, for no other reason, that I can perceive, than that these poor
+deluded creatures owned a large and fertile body of land in their
+neighborhood, and would not let them (the Mobocrats) have it for their
+own price. I have just returned from the seat of difficulty, and am
+perfectly conversant with all the facts in relation to it. The mob
+meeting with resistance altogether unanticipated, called loudly upon
+the kindred spirits of adjacent counties for help. The Mormons
+determined to die in defence of their rights, set about fortifying
+their town "Far West," with a resolution and energy that kept the mob
+(who all the time were extending their cries of help to all parts of
+Missouri) at bay. The Governor, from exaggerated accounts of the
+Mormon depredations, issued orders for the raising of several thousand
+mounted riflemen, of which this division raised five hundred, and the
+writer of this was _honored_ with the appointment of ---- to the
+Brigade.
+
+"On the first day of this month, we marched for the "seat of war," but
+General Clark, Commander-in-chief, having reached Far West on the day
+previous with a large force, the difficulty was settled when we
+arrived, so we escaped the infamy and disgrace of a bloody victory.
+Before General Clark's arrival, the mob had increased to about four
+thousand, and determined to attack the town. The Mormons upon the
+approach of the mob, sent out a white flag, which being fired on by
+the mob, Jo Smith and Rigdon, and a few other Mormons of less
+influence, gave themselves up to the mob, with a view of so far
+appeasing their wrath as to save their women and children from
+violence. Vain hope! The prisoners being secured, the mob entered the
+town and perpetrated every conceivable act of brutality and
+outrage--forcing fifteen or twenty Mormon girls to yield to their
+brutal passions!!! Of these things I was assured by many persons while
+I was at Far West, in whose veracity I have the utmost confidence. I
+conversed with many of the prisoners, who numbered about eight
+hundred, among whom there were many young and interesting girls, and I
+assure you, a more distracted set of creatures I never saw. I assure
+you, my dear sir, it was peculiarly heart-rending to see old gray
+headed fathers and mothers, young ladies and innocent babes, forced at
+this inclement season, with the thermometer at 8 degrees below zero,
+to abandon their warm houses, and many of them the luxuries and
+elegances of a high degree of civilization and intelligence and take
+up their march for the uncultivated wilds of the Missouri frontier.
+
+"The better informed here have but one opinion of the result of this
+Mormon persecution, and that is, it is a most fearful extension of
+Judge Lynch's jurisdiction."
+
+The present white population of Missouri is but thirty thousand less
+than that of New Hampshire, and yet the insecurity of human life in
+the former state to that in the latter, is probably at least twenty to
+one.
+
+
+
+ALABAMA.
+
+This state was admitted to the Union in 1819. Its present white
+population is not far from three hundred thousand. The security of
+human life to Alabama, may be inferred from the facts and testimony
+which follow:
+
+The Mobile Register of Nov. 15, 1837, contains the annual message of
+Mr. McVay, the acting Governor of the state, at the opening of the
+Legislature. The message has the following on the frequency of
+homicides:
+
+"We hear of homicides in different parts of the state _continually_,
+and yet how few convictions for murder, and still fewer executions?
+How is this to be accounted for? In regard to 'assault and battery
+with intent to commit murder,' why is it that this offence continues
+so common--why do we hear of stabbings and shootings _almost daily_ in
+some part or other of our state?"
+
+The "Montgomery (Alabama) Advertiser" of April 22, 1837, has the
+following from the Mobile Register:
+
+"Within a few days a man was shot in an affray in the upper part of
+the town, and has since died. The perpetrator of the violence is at
+large. We need hardly speak of another scene which occurred in Royal
+street, when a fray occurred between two individuals, a third standing
+by with a cocked pistol to prevent interference. On Saturday night a
+still more exciting scene of outrage took place in the theatre.
+
+"An altercation commenced at the porquett entrance between the
+check-taker and a young man, which ended in the first being
+desperately wounded by a stab with a knife. The other also drew a
+pistol. If some strange manifestations of public opinion, do not
+coerce a spirit of deference to law, and the abandonment of the habit
+of carrying secret arms, we shall deserve every reproach we may
+receive, and have our punishment in the unchecked growth of a spirit
+of lawlessness, reckless deeds, and exasperated feeling, which will
+destroy our social comfort at home, and respectability abroad."
+
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," of Nov. 7, 1837.
+
+"A trifling dispute arose between Silas Randal and Pharaoh Massingale,
+both of Marshall county. They exchanged but a few words, when the
+former drew a Bowie knife and stabbed the latter in the abdomen
+fronting the left hip to the depth of several inches; also inflicted
+several other dangerous wounds, of which Massengale died
+immediately.--Randal is yet at large, not having been apprehended."
+
+From the "Free Press" of August 16, 1838.
+
+"The streets of Gainesville, Alabama, have recently been the scene of
+a most tragic affair. Some five weeks since, at a meeting of the
+citizens, Col. Christopher Scott, a lawyer of good standing, and one
+of the most influential citizens of the place, made a violent attack
+on the Tombeckbee Rail Road Company. A Mr. Smith, agent for the T.R.R.
+Company, took Col. C's remarks as a personal insult, and demanded an
+explanation. A day or two after, as Mr. Smith was passing Colonel
+Scott's door, he was shot down by him, and after lingering a few hours
+expired.
+
+"It appears also from an Alabama paper, that Col. Scott's brother,
+L.S. Scott Esq., and L.J. Smith Esq., were accomplices of the Colonel
+in the murder."
+
+The following is from the "Natchez Free Trader," June 14, 1838.
+
+"An affray, attended with fatal consequences, occurred in the town of
+Moulton, Alabama, on the 12th May. It appears that three young men
+from the country, of the name of J. Walton, Geo. Bowling, and
+Alexander Bowling, rode into Moulton on that day for the purpose of
+chastising the bar-keeper at McCord's tavern, whose name is Cowan, for
+an alleged insult offered by him to the father of young Walton. They
+made a furious attack on Cowan, and drove him into the bar room of the
+tavern. Some time after, a second attack was made upon Cowan in the
+street by one of the Bowlings and Walton, when pistols were resorted
+to by both parties. Three rounds were fired, and the third shot, which
+was said to have been discharged by Walton, struck a young man by the
+name of Neil, who happened to be passing in the street at the time,
+and killed him instantly. The combatants were taken into custody, and
+after an examination before two magistrates, were bailed."
+
+The following exploits of the "Alabama Volunteers," are recorded in
+the Florida Herald, Jan. 1, 1838.
+
+"SAVE US FROM OUR FRIENDS.--On Monday last, a large body of men,
+calling themselves Alabama Volunteers, arrived in the vicinity of this
+city. It is reported that their conduct during their march from
+Tallahassee to this city has been a series of excesses of every
+description. They have committed almost every crime except murder, and
+have even threatened life.
+
+"Large numbers of them paraded our streets, grossly insulted our
+females, and were otherwise extremely riotous in their conduct. One of
+the squads, forty or fifty in number, on reaching the bridge, where
+there was a small guard of three or four men stationed, assaulted the
+guard, overturned the sentry-box into the river, and bodily seized two
+of the guard, and threw them into the river, where the water was deep,
+and they were forced to swim for their lives. At one of the men while
+in the water, they pointed a musket, threatening to kill him; and
+pelted with every missile which came to hand."
+
+
+The following Alabama tragedy is published by the "Columbia (S.C.)
+Telescope," Sept. **, 1837, from the Wetumpka Sentinel.
+
+"Our highly respectable townsman, Mr. Hugh Ware, a merchant of
+Wetumpka, was standing in the door of his counting room, between the
+hours of 8 and 9 o'clock at night, in company with a friend, when an
+assassin lurked within a few paces of his position, and discharged his
+musket, loaded with ten or fifteen buckshot. Mr. Ware instantly fell,
+and expired without a struggle or a groan. A coroner's inquest decided
+that the deceased came to his death by violence, and that Abner J.
+Cody, and his servant John, were the perpetrators. John frankly
+confessed, that his master, Cody, compelled him to assist, threatening
+his life if he dared to disobey; that he carried the musket to the
+place at which it was discharged; that his master then received it
+from him, rested it on the fence, fired and killed Mr. Ware."
+
+
+From the "Southern (Miss.) Mechanic," April 17, 1838.
+
+"HORRID BUTCHERY.--A desperate fight occurred in Montgomery, Alabama,
+on the 28th ult. We learn from the Advocate of that city, that the
+persons engaged were Wm. S. Mooney and Kenyon Mooney, his son, Edward
+Bell, and Bushrod Bell, Jr. The first received a wound in the abdomen,
+made by that fatal instrument, the Bowie knife, which caused his death
+in about fifteen hours. The second was shot in the side, and would
+doubtless have been killed, had not the ball partly lost its force by
+first striking his arm. The third received a shot in the neck, and now
+lies without hope of recovery. The fourth escaped unhurt, and, we
+understand has fled. This is a brief statement of one of the bloodiest
+fights that we ever heard of."
+
+
+From the "Virginia Statesman," May 6, 1837.
+
+"Several affrays, wherein pistols, dirks and knives were used, lately
+occurred at Mobile. One took place on the 8th inst., at the theatre,
+in which a Mr. Bellum was so badly stabbed that his life is despaired
+of. On the Wednesday preceding, a man named Johnson shot another named
+Snow dead. No notice was taken of the affair."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville Advocate," June 20, 1837.
+
+"DESPERATE AFFRAY.--On Sunday the 11th inst., an affray of desparate
+and fatal character occurred near Jeater's Landing, Marshall county,
+Alabama. The dispute which led to it arose out of a contested right to
+_possession_ of a piece of land. A Mr. Steele was the occupant, and
+Mr. James McFarlane and some others, claimants. Mr. F. and his friends
+went to Mr. Steele's house with a view to take possession, whether
+peaceably or by violence, we do not certainly know. As they entered
+the house a quarrel ensued between the opposite parties, and some
+blows perhaps followed; in a short time, several guns were discharged
+from the house at Mr. McFarlane and friends. Mr. M. was killed, a Mr.
+Freamster dangerously wounded, and it is thought will not recover; two
+others were also wounded, though not so as to endanger life. Mr.
+Steele's brother was wounded by the discharge of a pistol from one of
+Mr. M's friends. We have heard some other particulars about the
+affray, but we abstain from giving them, as incidental versions are
+often erroneous, and as the whole matter will be submitted to legal
+investigation. Four of Steele's party, his brother, and three whose
+names are Lenten, Collins and Wills, have been arrested, and are now
+confined in the gaol in this place."
+
+
+From the "Norfolk Beacon," July 14, 1838.
+
+"A few days since at Claysville, Marshal co., Alabama, Messrs.
+Nathaniel and Graves W. Steele, while riding in a carriage, were shot
+dead, and Alex. Steele and Wm. Collins, also in the carriage, were
+severely wounded, (the former supposed mortally,) by Messrs. Jesse
+Allen, Alexander and Arthur McFarlane, and Daniel Dickerson. The
+Steeles, it appears, last year killed James McFarlane and another
+person in a similar manner, which led to this dreadful retaliation."
+
+
+From the Montgomery (Ala.) Advocate--Washington, Autauga Co., Dec. 28,
+1838.
+
+"FATAL RENCONTRE.--On Friday last, the 28th ult., a fatal rencontre
+took place in the town of Washington, Autauga county, between John
+Tittle and Thomas J. Tarleton, which resulted in the death of the
+former. After a patient investigation of the matter, Mr. Tarleton was
+released by the investigating tribunal, on the ground that the
+homicide was clearly justifiable."
+
+
+The "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel" July 6, 1837, quotes the following from
+the Mobile (Ala.) Examiner.
+
+"A man by the name of Peter Church was killed on one of the wharves
+night before last. The person by whom it was done delivered himself to
+the proper authorities yesterday morning. The deceased and destroyer
+were friends and the act occurred in consequence of an immaterial
+quarrel."
+
+
+The "Milledgeville Federal Union" of July 11, 1837, has the following
+
+"In Selma, Alabama resided lately messrs. Philips and Dickerson,
+physicians. Mr. P. is brother to the wife of V. Bleevin Esq., a rich
+cotton planter in that neighborhood; the latter has a very lovely
+daughter, to whom Dr. D. paid his addresses. A short time since a
+gentleman from Mobile married her. Soon after this, a schoolmaster in
+Selma set a cry afloat to the effect, that he had heard Dr. D. say
+things about the lady's conduct before marriage which ought not to be
+said about any lady. Dr. D. denied having said such things, and the
+other denied having spread the story; but neither denials sufficed to
+pacify the enraged parent. He met Dr. D. fired at him two pistols, and
+wounded him. Dr. D. was unarmed, and advanced to Mr. Bleevin, holding
+up his hands imploringly, when Mr. B. drew a Bowie knife, and stabbed
+him to the heart. The doctor dropped dead on the spot: and Mr. Bleevin
+has been held to bail."
+
+
+The following is taken from the "Alabama, Intelligencer," Sept. 17,
+1838.
+
+"On the 5th instant, a deadly rencounter took place in the streets of
+Russelville, (our county town,) between John A. Chambers, Esq., of the
+city of Mobile, and Thomas L. Jones, of this county. In the
+rencounter, Jones was wounded by several balls which took effect in
+his chin, mouth, neck, arm, and shoulder, believed to be mortal; he
+did not fire his gun.
+
+"Mr. Chambers forthwith surrendered himself to the Sheriff of the
+county, and was on the 6th, tried and fully acquitted, by a court of
+inquiry."
+
+
+The "Maysville (Ky.) Advocate" of August 14, 1838, gives the following
+affray, which took place in Girard, Alabama, July 10th.
+
+"Two brothers named Thomas and Hal Lucas, who had been much in the
+habit of quarrelling, came together under strong excitement, and Tom,
+as was his frequent custom, being about to flog Hal with a stick of
+some sort, the latter drew a pistol and shot the former, his own
+brother, through the heart, who almost instantly expired!"
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of Oct. 5, 1838, relates an affray in Mobile,
+Alabama, between Benjamin Alexander, an aged man of ninety, with
+Thomas Hamilton, his grandson, on the 24th of September, in which the
+former killed the latter with a dirk.
+
+The "Red River Whig" of July 7, 1838, gives the particulars of a
+tragedy in Western Alabama, in which a planter near Lakeville, left
+home for some days, but suspecting his wife's fidelity, returned home
+late at night, and finding his suspicions verified, set fire to his
+house and waited with his rifle before the door, till his wife and her
+paramour attempted to rush out, when he shot them both dead.
+
+
+From the "Morgan (Ala.) Observer," Dec. 1838.
+
+"We are informed from private sources, that on last Saturday, a poor
+man who was moving westward with his wife and three little children
+and driving a small drove of sheep, and perhaps a cow or two, which
+was driven by his family, on arriving in Florence, and while passing
+through, met with a citizen of that place, who rode into his flock and
+caused him some trouble to keep it together, when the mover informed
+the individual that he must not do so again or he would throw a rock
+at him, upon which some words ensued, and the individual again
+disturbed the flock, when the mover, as near as we can learn, threw at
+him upon this the troublesome man got off his horse, went into a
+grocery, got a gun, and came out and deliberately shot the poor
+stranger in the presence of his wife and little children. The wounded
+man then made an effort to get into some house, when his murderous
+assailant overtook and stabbed him to the heart with a _Bowie knife_.
+This revolting scene, we are informed, occurred in the presence of
+many citizens, who, report says, never even lifted their voices in
+defence of the murdered man."
+
+A late number of the "Flag of the Union," published at Tuscalosa, the
+seat of the government of Alabama, states that "since the commencement
+of the late session of the legislature of that state, no less than
+THIRTEEN FIGHTS had been had within sight of the capitol." _Pistols
+and Bowie knives were used in every case_.
+
+The present white population of Alabama is about the same with that of
+New Jersey, yet for the last twenty years there has not been so many
+public deadly affrays, and of such a horrible character, in New
+Jersey, as have taken place in Alabama within the last eight months.
+
+
+
+MISSISSIPPI.
+
+Mississippi became one of the United States in 1817. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and sixty thousand.
+
+The following extracts will serve to show that those who combine
+together to beat, rob, and manacle innocent men, women and children,
+will stick at nothing when their passions are up.
+
+The following murderous affray at Canton, Mississippi, is from the
+"Alabama Beacon," Sept, 13, 1838.
+
+"A terrible tragedy recently occurred at Canton, Miss., growing out of
+the late duel between Messrs. Dickins and Drane of that place. A
+Kentuckian happening to be in Canton, spoke of the duel, and charged
+Mr. Mitchell Calhoun, the second of Drane, with cowardice and
+unfairness. Mr. Calhoun called on the Kentuckian for an explanation,
+and the offensive charge was repeated. _A challenge and fight with
+Bowie knives, toe to toe_, were the consequences. Both parties were
+dreadfully and dangerously wounded, though neither was dead at the
+last advices. Mr. Calhoun is a brother to the Hon. John Calhoun,
+member of Congress."
+
+Here follows the account of the duel referred to above, between
+Messrs. Dickins and Drane.
+
+"Intelligence has been received in this town of a fatal duel that took
+place in Canton, Miss., on the 28th ult., between Rufus K. Dickins,
+and a Mr. Westley Drane. They fought with double barrelled guns,
+loaded with buckshot--both were mortally wounded."
+
+
+The "Louisville Journal" publishes the following, Nov. 23.
+
+"On the 7th instant, a fatal affray took place at Gallatin,
+Mississippi. The principal parties concerned were, Messrs. John W.
+Scott, James G. Scott, and Edmund B. Hatch. The latter was shot down
+and then stabbed twice through the body, by J.G. Scott."
+
+
+The "Alabama Beacon" of Sept. 13, 1838, says:
+
+"An attempt was made in Vicksburg lately, by a gang of Lynchers, to
+inflict summary punishment on three men of the name of Fleckenstein.
+The assault was made upon the house, about 11 o'clock at night.
+Meeting with some resistance from the three Fleckensteins, a leader of
+the gang, by the name of Helt, discharged his pistol, and wounded one
+of the brothers severely in the neck and jaws. A volley of four or
+five shots was almost instantly returned, when Helt fell dead, a piece
+of the top of the skull being torn off, and almost the whole of his
+brains dashed out. His comrades seeing him fall, suddenly took to
+their heels. There were, it is supposed, some _ten or fifteen_
+concerned in the transaction."
+
+
+The "Manchester (Miss.) Gazette," August 11, 1838, says:
+
+"It appears that Mr. Asa Hazeltine, who kept a public or boarding
+house in Jackson, during the past winter, and Mr. Benjamin Tanner,
+came here about five or six weeks since, with the intention of opening
+a public house. Foiled in the design, in the settlement of their
+affairs some difficulty arose as to a question of veracity between the
+parties. Mr. Tanner, deeply excited, procured a pistol and loaded it
+with the charge of death, sought and found the object of his hatred in
+the afternoon, in the yard of Messrs. Kezer & Maynard, and in the
+presence of several persons, after repeated and ineffectual attempts
+on the part of Capt. Jackson to baffle his fell spirit, shot the
+unfortunate victim, of which wound Mr. Hazeltine died in a short time.
+
+"We understand that Mr. Hazeltine was a native of Boston."
+
+
+The "Columbia (S.C.) Telescope," Sept. 16, 1837, gives the details
+below:
+
+"By a letter from Mississippi, we have an account of a rencontre which
+took place in Rodney, on the 27th July, between Messrs. Thos. J.
+Johnston and G.H. Wilcox, both formerly of this city. In consequence
+of certain publications made by these gentlemen against each other,
+Johnston challenged Wilcox. The latter declining to accept the
+challenge, Johnston informed his friends at Rodney, that he would be
+there at the term of the court then not distant, when he would make an
+attack upon him. He repaired thither on the 26th, and on the next
+morning the following communication was read aloud in the presence of
+Wilcox and a large crowd:
+
+"Rodney, July 27, 1837.
+
+"Mr. Johnston informs Mr. Wilcox, that at or about 1 o'clock of this
+day, he will be on the common, opposite the Presbyterian Church of
+this town, waiting and expecting Mr. Wilcox to meet him there.
+
+"I pledge my honor that Mr. Johnston will not fire at Mr. Wilcox,
+until he arrives at a distance of one hundred yards from him, and I
+desire Mr. Wilcox or any of his friends, to see that distance
+accurately measured.
+
+"Mr. Johnston will wait there thirty minutes.
+
+"J. M. DUFFIELD.
+
+"Mr. Wilcox declined being a party to any such arrangement, and Mr. D.
+told him to be prepared for an attack. Accordingly, about an hour
+after this, Johnston proceeded towards Wilcox's office, armed with a
+double-barrelled gun, (one of the barrels rifled,) and three pistols
+in his belt. He halted about fifty yards from W's door and leveled his
+gun. W. withdrew before Johnston could fire, and seized a musket,
+returned to the door and flashed. Johnston fired both barrels without
+effect. Wilcox then seized a double barrel gun, and Johnston a musket,
+and both again fired. Wilcox sent twenty-three buck shot over
+Johnston's head, one of them passing through his hat, and Wilcox was
+slightly wounded on both hands, his thigh and leg."
+
+
+From the "Alabama Beacon," May 27, 1838.
+
+"An affray of the most barbarous nature was expected to take place in
+Arkansas opposite Princeton, on Thursday last. The two original
+parties have been endeavoring for several weeks, to settle their
+differences at Natchez. One of the individuals concerned stood
+pledged, our informant states, to fight three different antagonists in
+one day. The fights, we understand, were to be with pistols; but a
+variety of other weapons were taken along--among others, the deadly
+Bowie knife. These latter instruments, we are told, were whetted and
+dressed up at Grand Gulf, as the parties passed up, avowedly with the
+intention of being used in the field."
+
+
+From the "Southern (Miss) Argus," Nov. 21, 1837.
+
+"We learn that, at a wood yard above Natchez, on Sunday evening last,
+a difficulty arose between Captain Crosly, of the steamboat Galenian,
+and one of his deck passengers. Capt. C. drew a Bowie knife, and made
+a pass at the throat of the passenger, which failed to do any harm,
+and the captain then ordered him to leave his boat. The man went on
+board to get his baggage, and the captain immediately sought the cabin
+for a pistol. As the passenger was about leaving the boat, the captain
+presented a pistol to his breast, which snapped. Instantly the enraged
+and wronged individual seized Capt. Crosly by the throat, and brought
+him to the ground, when he drew a dirk and stabbed him eight or nine
+times in the breast, each blow driving the weapon into his body up to
+the hilt. The passenger was arrested, carried to Natchez, tried and
+acquitted."
+
+The "Planter's Intelligencer" publishes the following from the
+Vicksburg Sentinel of June 19, 1838.
+
+"About 1 o'clock, we observed two men 'pummeling' one another in the
+street, to the infinite amusement of a crowd. Presently a third hero
+made his appearance in the arena, with Bowie knife in hand, and he
+cried out, "Let me come at him!" Upon hearing this threat, one of the
+pugilists 'took himself off,' our hero following at full speed.
+Finding his pursuit was vain, our hero returned, when an attack was
+commenced upon another individual. He was most cruelly beat, and cut
+through the skull with a knife; it is feared the wounds will prove
+mortal. The sufferer, we learn, is an inoffensive German."
+
+
+From the "Mississippian," Nov. 9, 1838.
+
+"On Tuesday evening last, 23d, an affray occurred at the town of
+Tallahasse, in this county, between Hugh Roark and Captain Flack,
+which resulted in the death of Roark. Roark went to bed, and Flack,
+who was in the barroom below, observed to some persons there, that he
+believed they had set up Roark to whip him; Roark, upon hearing his
+name mentioned, got out of bed and came downstairs. Flack met and
+stabbed him in the lower part of his abdomen with a knife, letting out
+his bowels. Roark ran to the door, and received another stab in the
+back. He lived until Thursday night, when he expired in great agony.
+Flack was tried before a justice of the peace, and we understand was
+only held to bail to appear at court in the event Roark should die."
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf Advertiser" Nov. 7, 1838.
+
+"_Attempt at Riot at Natchez_.--The _Courier_ says, that in
+consequence of the discharge of certain individuals who had been
+arraigned for the murder of a man named _Medill_, a mob of about 200
+persons assembled on the night of the 1st instant, with the avowed
+purpose of _lynching_ them. But fortunately, the objects of their
+vengeance had escaped from town. Foiled in their purpose, the rioters
+repaired to the shantee where the murder was committed, and
+precipitated it over the bluff. The military of the city were ordered
+out to keep order."
+
+
+From the "Natchez Free Trader."
+
+"A violent attack was lately made on Captain Barrett, of the steamboat
+Southerner, by three persons from Wilkinson co., Miss., whose names
+are Carey, and one of the name of J.S. Towles. The only reason for the
+outrage was, that Captain B. had the assurance to require of the
+gentlemen, who were quarreling on board his boat, to keep order for
+the peace and comfort of the other passengers. _Towles_ drew a Bowie
+knife upon the Captain; which the latter wrested from him. A pistol,
+drawn by one of the Careys was also taken, and the assailant was
+knocked overboard. Fortunately for him he was rescued from drowning.
+The brave band then landed. On her return up the river, the Southerner
+stopped at Fort Adams, and on her leaving that place, an armed party,
+among whom were the Careys and Towles, fired into the boat, but
+happily the shot missed a crowd of passengers on the hurricane deck."
+
+
+From the "Mississippian," Dec. 18, 1838.
+
+"Greet Spikes, a citizen of this county, was killed a few days ago,
+between this place and Raymond, by a man named Pegram. It seems that
+Pegram and Spikes had been carrying weapons for each other for some
+time past. Pegram had threatened to take Spikes' life on first sight,
+for the base treatment he had received at his hands.
+
+"We have heard something of the particulars, but not enough to give
+them at this time. Pegram had not been seen since."
+
+
+The "Lynchburg Virginian," July 23, 1638, says:
+
+"A fatal affray occurred a few days ago in Clinton, Mississippi. The
+actors in it were a Mr. Parham, Mr. Shackleford, and a Mr. Henry.
+Shackleford was killed on the spot, and Henry was slightly wounded by
+a shot gun with which Parham was armed."
+
+
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," Nov. 22, 1838.
+
+"_Butchery_.--A Bowie knife slaughter took place a few days since in
+Honesville, Miss. A Mr. Hobbs was the victim; Strother the butcher."
+
+
+The "Vicksburg Sentinel," Sept. 28, 1837, says:
+
+"It is only a few weeks since humanity was shocked by a most atrocious
+outrage, inflicted by the Lynchers, on the person of a Mr. Saunderson
+of Madison, co. in this state. They dragged this respectable planter
+from the bosom of his family, and mutilated him in the most brutal
+manner--maiming him most inhumanly, besides cutting off his nose and
+ears and scarifying his body to the very ribs! We believe the subject
+of this foul outrage still drags out a miserable existence--an object
+of horror and of pity. Last week a club of Lynchers, amounting to four
+or five individuals, as we have been credibly informed, broke into the
+house of Mr. Scott of Wilkinson co., a respectable member of the bar,
+forced him out, and hung him dead on the next tree. We have heard of
+numerous minor outrages committed against the peace of society, and
+the welfare and happiness of the country; but we mention these as the
+most enormous that we have heard for some months.
+
+"It now becomes our painful duty, to notice a most disgraceful outrage
+committed by the Lynchers of Vicksburg, on last Sunday. The victim was
+a Mr. Grace, formerly of the neighborhood of Warrenton, Va., but for
+two years a resident of this city. He was detected in giving free
+passes to slaves and brought to trial before Squire Maxey.
+Unfortunately for the wretch, either through the want of law or
+evidence, he could not be punished, and he was set at liberty by the
+magistrate. The city marshal seeing that a few in the crowd were
+disposed to lay violent hands on the prisoner in the event of his
+escaping punishment by law, resolved to accompany him to his house.
+The Lynch mob still followed, and the marshal finding the prisoner
+could only be protected by hurrying him to jail, endeavored to effect
+that object. The Lynchers, however, pursued the officer of the law,
+dragged him from his horse, bruised him, and conveyed the prisoner to
+the most convenient point of the city for carrying their blood-thirsty
+designs into execution. We blush while we record the atrocious deed;
+in this city, containing nearly 5,000 souls, in the broad light of
+day, this aged wretch was stripped and flogged, we believe within
+hearing of the lamentations and the shrieks of his afflicted wife and
+children."
+
+
+In an affray at Montgomery, Mississippi, July 1, 1838, Mr. A.L.
+Herbert was killed by Dr. J.B. Harrington. See Grand Gulf Advertiser,
+August 1, 1838.
+
+
+The "Maryland Republican" of January 30, 1838, has the following:
+
+"A street rencounter lately took place in Jackson, Miss., between Mr.
+Robert McDonald and Mr. W.H. Lockhart, in which McDonald was shot with
+a pistol and immediately expired. Lockhart was committed to prison."
+
+
+The "Nashville Banner," June 22, 1838, has the following:
+
+"On the 8th inst. Col. James M. Hulet was shot with a rifle without
+any apparent provocation in Gallatin, Miss., by one Richard M. Jones."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville Democrat," Dec. 8, 1838.
+
+"The Aberdeen (Miss.) Advocate, of Saturday last, states that on the
+morning of the day previous, (the 9th) a dispute arose between Mr.
+Robert Smith and Mr. Alexander Eanes, both of Aberdeen, which resulted
+in the death of Mr. Smith, who kept a boarding house, and was an
+amiable man and a good citizen. In the course of the contradictory
+words of the disputants, the lie was given by Eanes, upon which Smith
+gathered up a piece of iron and threw it at Eanes, but which missed
+him and lodged in the walls of the house. At this Eanes drew a large
+dirk knife, and stabbed Smith in the abdomen, the knife penetrating
+the vitals, and thus causing immediate death. Smith breathed only a
+few seconds after the fatal thrust.
+
+"Eanes immediately mounted his horse and rode off, but was pursued by
+Mr. Hanes, who arrested and took him back, when he was put under guard
+to await a trial before the proper authorities."
+
+
+From the "Vicksburg Register," Nov. 17, 1838.
+
+"On the 2d inst. an affray occurred between one Stephen Scarbrough and
+A.W. Higbee of Grand Gulf, in which Scarbrough was stabbed with a
+knife, which occasioned his death in a few hours. Higbee has been
+arrested and committed for trial."
+
+
+From the "Huntsville (Ala.) Democrat" Nov. 10, 1838.
+
+"_Life in the Southwest_.--A friend in Louisiana writes, under date of
+the 31st ult., that a fight took place a few days ago in Madison
+parish, 60 miles below Lake Providence, between a Mr. Nevils and a Mr.
+Harper, which terminated fatally. The police jury had ordered a road
+on the right bank of the Mississippi, and the neighboring planters
+were out with their forces to open it. For some offence, Nevils, the
+superintendent of the operations, flogged two of Harper's negroes. The
+next day the parties met on horseback, when Harper dismounted, and
+proceeded to cowskin Nevils for the chastisement inflicted on the
+negroes. Nevils immediately drew a pistol and shot his assailant dead
+on the spot. Both were gentlemen of the highest respectability.
+
+"An affray also came off recently, as the same correspondent writes
+us, in Raymond, Hinds co., Miss., which for a serious one, was rather
+amusing. The sheriff had a process to serve on a man of the name of
+Bright, and, in consequence of some difficulty and intemperate
+language, thought proper to commence the service by the application of
+his cowskin to the defendant. Bright thereupon floored his adversary,
+and, wresting his cowhide from him, applied it to its owner to the
+extent of at least five hundred lashes, meanwhile threatening to shoot
+the first bystander who attempted to interfere. The sheriff was
+carried home in a state of insensibility, and his life has been
+despaired of. The mayor of the place, however, issued his warrant, and
+started three of the sheriff's deputies in pursuit of the delinquent,
+but the latter, after keeping them at bay till they found it
+impossible to arrest him, surrendered himself to the magistrate, by
+whom he was bound over to the next Circuit Court. From the mayor's
+office, his honor and the parties litigant proceeded to the tavern to
+take a drink by way of ending hostilities. But the civil functionary
+refused to sign articles of peace by touching glasses with Bright,
+whereupon the latter made a furious assault upon him, and then turned
+and flogged 'mine host' within an inch of his life because he
+interfered. Satisfied with his day's work, Bright retired. Can we show
+any such specimens of chivalry and refinement in Kentucky!"
+
+
+From the "Grand Gulf (Miss.) Advertiser," June 27, 1837.
+
+"DEATH BY VIOLENCE.--The moral atmosphere in our state appears to be
+in a deleterious and sanguinary condition. _Almost every exchange
+paper which reaches us contains some inhuman and revolting case of
+murder or death by violence. Not less than fifteen deaths by violence
+have occurred, to our certain knowledge, within the past three
+months._ Such a state of things, in a country professing to be moral
+and christian, is a disgrace to human nature and is well calculated,
+to induce those abroad unacquainted with our general habits and
+feelings, to regard the morals of our people in no very enviable
+light; and does more to injure and weaken our political institutions
+than years of pecuniary distress. The frequency of such events is a
+burning disgrace to the morality, civilization, and refinement of
+feeling to which we lay claim and so often boast in comparison with
+the older states. And unless we set about and put an immediate and
+effectual termination to such revolting scenes, we shall be compelled
+to part with what all genuine southerners have ever regarded as their
+richest inheritance, the proud appellation of the '_brave, high-minded
+and chivalrous sons of the south_.'
+
+"This done, we should soon discover a change for the better--peace and
+good order would prevail, and the ends of justice be effectually and
+speedily attained, and then the people of this wealthy state would be
+in a condition to bid defiance to the disgraceful reproaches which are
+now daily heaped upon them by the religious and moral of other
+states."
+
+"The present white population of Mississippi is but little more than
+half as great as that of Vermont, and yet more horrible crimes are
+perpetrated by them EVERY MONTH, than have ever been perpetrated in
+Vermont since it has been a state, now about half a century. Whoever
+doubts it, let him get data and make his estimate, and he will find
+that this is no random guess."
+
+
+
+LOUISIANA.
+
+Louisiana became one of the United States in 1811. Its present white
+population is about one hundred and fifteen thousand.
+
+The extracts which follow furnish another illustration of the horrors
+produced by passions blown up to fury in the furnace of arbitrary
+power. We have just been looking over a broken file of Louisiana
+papers, including the last six months of 1837, and the whole of 1838,
+and find ourselves obliged to abandon our design of publishing even an
+abstract of the scores and _hundreds_ of affrays, murders,
+assassinations, duels, lynchings, assaults, &c. which took place in
+that state during that period. Those which have taken place in New
+Orleans alone, during the last eighteen months, would, in detail, fill
+a volume. Instead of inserting the details of the principal atrocities
+in Louisiana, as in the states already noticed, we will furnish the
+reader with the testimony of various editors of newspapers, and
+others, residents of the state, which will perhaps as truly set forth
+the actual state of society there, as could be done by a publication
+of the outrages themselves.
+
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," of May 23, 1838.
+
+"_Contempt of human life._--In view of the crimes which are _daily_
+committed, we are led to inquire whether it is owing to the
+inefficiency of our laws, or to the manner in which those laws are
+administered, that this _frightful deluge of human blood fowl through
+our streets and our places of public resort_.
+
+"Whither will such contempt for the life of man lead us? The
+unhealthiness of the climate mows down annually a part of our
+population; the murderous steel despatches its proportion; and if
+crime increases as it has, the latter will soon become _the most
+powerful agent in destroying life_.
+
+"We cannot but doubt the perfection of our criminal code, when we see
+that _almost every criminal eludes the law_, either by boldly avowing
+the crime, or by the tardiness with which legal prosecutions are
+carried on, or, lastly, by the convenient application of _bail_ in
+criminal cases."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Picayune" of July 30, 1837, says:
+
+"It is with the most painful feelings that we _daily_ hear of some
+_fatal_ duel. Yesterday we were told of the unhappy end of one of our
+most influential and highly respectable merchants, who fell yesterday
+morning at sunrise in a duel. As usual, the circumstances which led to
+the meeting were trivial."
+
+
+The New Orleans correspondent of the New York Express, in his letter
+dated New Orleans, July 30, 1837, says:
+
+"THIRTEEN DUELS have been fought in and near the city during the week;
+_five more were to take place this morning_."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Merchant" of March 20, 1838, says:
+
+"Murder has been rife within the two or three weeks last past; and
+what is worse, the authorities of those places where they occur are
+_perfectly regardless of the fact_."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of September 8, 1838, says:
+
+"Not two months since, the miserable BARBA became a victim to one of
+the most cold-blooded schemes of assassination that ever disgraced a
+civilized community. Last Sunday evening an individual, Gonzales by
+name, was seen in perfect health, in conversation with his friends. On
+Monday morning his dead body was withdrawn from the Mississippi, near
+the ferry of the first municipality, in a state of terrible
+mutilation. To cap the climax of horror, on Friday morning, about half
+past six o'clock, the coroner was called to hold an inquest over the
+body of an individual, between Magazine and Tchoupitoulas streets. The
+head was entirely severed from the body; the lower extremities had
+likewise suffered amputation; the right foot was completely
+dismembered from the leg, and the left knee nearly severed from the
+thigh. Several stabs, wounds and bruises, were discovered on various
+parts of the body, which of themselves were sufficient to produce
+death."
+
+
+The "Georgetown (South Carolina) Union" of May 20, 1837, has the
+following extract from a New Orleans paper.
+
+"A short time since, two men shot one another down in one of our bar
+rooms, one of whom died instantly. A day or two after, one or two
+infants were found murdered, there was every reason to believe, by
+their own mothers. Last week we had to chronicle a brutal and bloody
+murder, committed in the heart of our city: the very next day a
+murder-trial was commenced in our criminal court: the day ensuing
+this, we published the particulars of Hart's murder. The day after
+that, Tibbetts was hung for attempting to commit a murder; the next
+day again we had to publish a murder committed by two Spaniards at the
+Lake--this was on Friday last. On Sunday we published the account of
+another murder committed by the Italian, Gregorio. On Monday, another
+murder was committed, and the murderer lodged in jail. On Tuesday
+morning another man was stabbed and robbed, and is not likely to
+recover, but the assassin escaped. The same day Reynolds, who killed
+Barre, shot himself in prison. On Wednesday, another person, Mr.
+Nicolet, blew out his brains. Yesterday, the unfortunate George
+Clement destroyed himself in his cell; and in addition to this
+dreadful catalogue we have to add that of the death of two, brothers,
+who destroyed themselves through grief at the death of their mother;
+and truly may we say that 'we know not what to-morrow will bring
+forth.'"
+
+
+The "Louisiana Advertiser," as quoted by the Salt River (Mo.) Journal
+of May 25, 1837, says:
+
+"Within the last ten or twelve days, three suicides, four murders, and
+two executions, have occurred in the city!"
+
+The "New Orleans Bee" of October 25, 1837, says:
+
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides that are
+_daily_ committed in New Orleans."
+
+The "Planter's Banner" of September 30. 1838, published at Franklin,
+Louisiana, after giving an account of an affray between a number of
+planters, in which three were killed and a fourth mortally wounded,
+says that "Davis (one of the murderers) was arrested by the
+by-standers, but a _justice of the peace_ came up and told them, he
+did not think it right to keep a man 'tied in that manner,' and
+'thought it best to turn him loose.' _It was accordingly so done_."
+
+This occurred in the parish of Harrisonburg. The Banner closes the
+account by saying:
+
+"Our informant states that _five white men_ and _one_ negro have been
+murdered in the parish of Madison, during the months of July and
+August."
+
+This _justice of the peace_, who bade the by-standers unloose the
+murderer, mentioned above, has plenty of birds of his own feather
+among the law officers of Louisiana. Two of the leading officers in
+the New Orleans police took two witnesses, while undergoing legal
+examination at Covington, near New Orleans, "carried them to a
+bye-place, and _lynched_ them, during which inquisitorial operation,
+they divulged every thing to the officers, Messrs. Foyle and Crossman."
+The preceding fact is published in the Maryland Republican of August
+22, 1837.
+
+Judge Canonge of New Orleans, in his address at the opening of the
+criminal court, Nov. 4, 1837, published in the "Bee" of Nov. 8, in
+remarking upon the prevalence of out-breaking crimes, says:
+
+"Is it possible in a civilized country such crying abuses are
+_constantly_ encountered? How many individuals have given themselves
+up to such culpable habits! Yet we find magistrates and juries
+hesitating to expose crimes of the blackest dye to eternal contempt
+and infamy, to the vengeance of the law.
+
+"As a Louisianian parent, _I reflect with terror_ that our beloved
+children, reared to become one day honorable and useful citizens, may
+be the victims of these votaries of vice and licentiousness. Without
+some powerful and certain remedy, _our streets will become butcheries
+overflowing with the blood of our citizens_."
+
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper of Oct. 21, 1837,
+has a long editorial article, in which he argues for the virtual
+legalizing of LYNCH LAW, as follows:
+
+"We think then that in the circumstances in which we are placed, the
+Legislature ought to sanction such measures as the situation of the
+country render necessary, by giving to justice a _convenient
+latitude_. There are occasions when the delays inseparable from the
+administration of justice would be inimical to the public safety, and
+when the most fatal consequences would be the result.
+
+"It appears to us, that there is an urgent necessity to provide
+against the inconveniences which result from popular judgment, and to
+check the disposition for the speedy execution of justice resulting
+from the unconstitutional principle of a pretended Lynch law, by
+authorizing the parish court to take cognizance without delay, against
+every free man who shall be convicted of a crime; from the accusations
+arising from the mere provocations to the insurrection of the working
+classes.
+
+"All judicial sentences ought to be based upon law, and the terrible
+privilege which the populace now have of punishing with death certain
+crimes, _ought to be consecrated by law_, powerful interests would not
+suffice in our view to excuse the interruption of social order, if the
+public safety was not with us the supreme law.
+
+"This is the reason that whilst we deplore the imperious necessity
+which exists, we entreat the legislative power to give the sanction of
+principle to what already exists in fact."
+
+The Editor of the "New Orleans Bee," in his paper, Oct 25, 1837, says:
+
+"We remark with regret the frightful list of homicides, whether
+justifiable or not, that are daily committed in New Orleans. It is not
+through any inherent vice of legal provision that such outrages are
+perpetrated with impunity: it is rather in the neglect of the
+_application of the law_ which exists on this subject.
+
+"We will confine our observation to the dangerous facilities afforded
+by this code for the escape of the homicide. We are well aware that
+the laws in question are intended for the distribution of equal
+justice, yet we have too often witnessed the acquittal of delinquents
+whom we can denominate by no other title than that of homicides, while
+the simple affirmation of others has been admitted (in default of
+testimony) who are themselves the authors of the deed, for which they
+stand in judgment. The _indiscriminate system of accepting bail_ is a
+blot on our criminal legislation, and is one great reason why so many
+violators of the law avoid its penalties. To this doubtless must be
+ascribed the non-interference of the Attorney General. The law of
+_habeas corpus_ being subjected to the interpretation of every
+magistrate, whether versed or not in criminal cases, a degree of
+arbitrary and incorrect explanation necessarily results. How
+frequently does it happen that the Mayor or Recorder decides upon the
+gravest case without putting himself to the smallest trouble to inform
+the Attorney General, who sometimes only hears of the affair when
+investigation is no longer possible, or when the criminal has wisely
+commuted his punishment into temporary or perpetual exile."
+
+That morality suffers by such practices, is beyond a doubt; yet
+moderation and mercy are so beautiful in themselves, that we would
+scarcely protest against indulgence, were it not well known that the
+acceptance of bail is the safeguard of every delinquent who, through
+wealth or connections, possesses influence enough to obtain it. Here
+arbitrary construction glides amidst the confusion of testimony; there
+it presumes upon the want of evidence, and from one cause or another
+it is extremely rare, that a refusal to bail has delivered the accused
+into the hands of justice. In criminal cases, the Court and Jury are
+the proper tribunals to decide upon the reality of the crime, and the
+palliating circumstances; _yet it is not unfrequent_ for the public
+voice to condemn as an odious assassin, the very individual who by the
+acquittal of the judge, walks at large and scoffs at justice.
+
+"It is time to restrict within its proper limits this pretended right
+of personal protection; it is time to teach our population to abstain
+from mutual murder upon slight provocation.--Duelling, Heaven knows,
+is dreadful enough, and quite a sufficient means of gratifying private
+aversion, and avenging insult. Frequent and serious brawls in our
+cafes, streets and houses, every where attest the insufficiency or
+misapplication of our legal code, or the want of energy in its organs.
+To say that unbounded license is the insult of liberty is folly.
+Liberty is the consequence of well regulated laws--without these,
+Freedom can exist only in name, and the law which favors the escape of
+the opulent and aristocratic from the penalties of retribution, but
+consigns the poor and friendless to the chain-gang or the gallows, is
+in fact the very essence of slavery!!"
+
+
+The editor of the same paper says (Nov. 4, 1837.)
+
+"Perhaps by an equitable, but strict application of that law, (the law
+which forbids the wearing of deadly weapons concealed,) the effusion
+of human blood might be stopt _which now defiles our streets and our
+coffee-houses as if they were shambles_! Reckless disregard of the
+life of man is rapidly gaining ground among us, and the habit of
+seeing a man whom it is taken for granted was armed, murdered merely
+for a _gesture_, may influence the opinion of a jury composed of
+citizens, whom, LONG IMPUNITY TO HOMICIDES OF EVERY KIND has
+persuaded, that the right of self-defence extends even to the taking
+of life for _gestures_, more or less threatening. So many DAILY
+instances of outbreaking passion which have thrown whole families into
+the deepest affliction, teach us a terrible lesson."
+
+
+From the "Columbus (Ga.) Sentinel," July 6, 1837.
+
+"_Wholesale Murders_.--No less than three murders were committed in
+New Orleans on Monday evening last. The first was that of a man in
+Poydras, near the corner of Tehapitoulas. The murdered individual had
+been suspected of a _liason_ with another man's wife in the
+neighbourhood, was caught in the act, followed to the above corner and
+shot.
+
+"The second was that of a man in Perdido street. Circumstances not
+known.
+
+"The third was that of a watchman, on the corner of Custom House and
+Burgundy street, who was found dead yesterday morning, shot through
+the heart. The deed was evidently committed on the opposite side from
+where he was found, as the unfortunate man was tracked by his blood
+across the street. In addition to being shot through the heart, two
+wounds in his breast, supposed to have been done with a Bowie knife,
+were discovered. No arrests have been made to our knowledge."
+
+
+The editor of the "Charleston, (S.C.) Mercury" of April, 1837, snakes
+the following remarks.
+
+"The energy of a Tacon is much needed to vivify the police of New
+Orleans. In a single paper we find an account of the execution of one
+man for robbery and intent to kill, of the arrest of another for
+stabbing a man to death with a carving knife; and of a third found
+murdered on the Levee on the previous Sunday morning. In the last
+case, although the murderer was known, _no steps had been taken for
+his arrest_; and to crown the whole, it is actually stated in so many
+words, that the City guards are not permitted, according to their
+instructions, to patrol the Levee after night, for fear of attacks
+from persons employed in steamboats!"
+
+The present white population of Louisiana is but little more than that
+of Rhode Island, yet more appalling crime is committed in Louisiana
+_every day_, than in Rhode Island during a year, notwithstanding the
+tone of public morals is probably lower in the latter than in any
+other New England state.
+
+
+
+TENNESSEE.
+
+
+Tennessee became one of the United States in 1796. Its present white
+population is about seven hundred thousand.
+
+The details which follow, go to confirm the old truth, that the
+exercise of arbitrary power tends to make men monsters. The following,
+from the "Memphis (Tennessee) Enquirer," was published in the Virginia
+Advocate, Jan. 26, 1838.
+
+"Below will be found a detailed account of one of the most unnatural
+and aggravated murders ever recorded. Col. Ward, the deceased, was a
+man of high standing in the state, and very much esteemed by his
+neighbors, and by all who knew him. The brothers concerned in this
+'murder, most foul and unnatural,' were Lafayette, Chamberlayne,
+Caesar, and Achilles Jones, (the nephews of Col. Ward.)
+
+"The four brothers, all armed, went to the residence of Mr. A.G. Ward,
+in Shelby co., on the evening of 22d instant. They were conducted into
+the room in which Col. Ward was sitting, together with some two or
+three ladies, his intended wife amongst the number. Upon their
+entering the room, Col. Ward rose, and extended his hand to Lafayette.
+He refused, saying he would shake hands with no such d----d rascal.
+The rest answered in the same tone. Col. Ward remarked that they were
+not in a proper place for a difficulty, if they sought one. Col. Ward
+went from the room to the passage, and was followed by the brothers.
+He said he was unarmed, but if they would lay down their arms, he
+could whip the whole of them; or if they would place him on an equal
+footing, he could whip the whole of them one by one. Caesar told
+Chamberlayne to give the Col. one of his pistols, which he did, and
+both went out into the yard, the other brothers following. While
+standing a few paces from each other, Lafayette came up, and remarked
+to the Col., 'If you spill my brother's blood, I will spill yours,'
+about which time Chamberlayne's pistol fired, and immediately
+Lafayette bursted a cap at him. The Colonel turned to Lafayette, and
+said, 'Lafayette, you intend to kill,' and discharged his pistol at
+him. The ball struck the pistol of Lafayette, and glanced into his
+arm. By this time Albert Ward, being close by, and hearing the fuss,
+came up to the assistance of the Colonel, when a scuffle amongst all
+hands ensued. The Colonel stumbled and fell down--he received several
+wounds from a large bowie knife; and, after being stabbed,
+Chamberlayne jumped upon him, and stamped him several times. After the
+scuffle, Caesar Jones was seen to put up a large bowie knife. Colonel
+Ward said he was a dead man. By the assistance of Albert Ward, he
+reached the house, distance about 15 or 20 yards, and in a few minutes
+expired. On examination by the Coroner, it appeared that he had
+received several wounds from pistols and knives. Albert Ward was also
+badly bruised, not dangerously."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 22, 1838, published the following from
+the "Nashville (Tennessee) Whig."
+
+"The Nashville Whig, of the 11th ult., says: Pleasant Watson, of De
+Kalb county, and a Mr. Carmichael, of Alabama, were the principals in
+an affray at Livingston, Overton county, last week, which terminated
+in the death of the former. Watson made the assault with a dirk, and
+Carmichael defended himself with a pistol, shooting his antagonist
+through the body, a few inches below the heart. Watson was living at
+the last account. The dispute grew out of a horse race."
+
+
+The New Orleans Courier, April 7, 1837, has the following extract from
+the "McMinersville (Tennessee) Gazette."
+
+"On Saturday, the 8th instant, Colonel David L. Mitchell, the worthy
+sheriff of White county, was most barbarously murdered by a man named
+Joseph Little. Colonel Mitchell had a civil process against Little. He
+went to Little's house for the purpose of arresting him. He found
+Little armed with a rifle, pistols, &c. He commenced a conversation
+with Little upon the impropriety of his resisting, and stated his
+determination to take him, at the same time slowly advancing upon
+Little, who discharged his rifle at him without effect. Mitchell then
+attempted to jump in, to take hold of him when Little struck him over
+the head with the barrel of his rifle, and literally mashed his skull
+to pieces; and, as he lay prostrate on the earth, Little deliberately
+pulled a large pistol from his belt, and placing the muzzle close to
+Mitchell's head, he shot the ball through it. Little has made his
+escape. _There were three men near by when the murder was committed,
+who made no attempt to arrest the murderer_."
+
+
+The following affray at Athens, Tennessee, from the Mississippian,
+August 10, 1838.
+
+"An unpleasant occurrence transpired at Athens on Monday. Captain
+James Byrnes was stabbed four times, twice in the arm, and twice in
+the side by A.R. Livingston. The wounds are said to be very severe,
+and fears are entertained of their proving mortal. The affair
+underwent an examination before Sylvester Nichols, Esq., by whom
+Livingston was let to bail."
+
+
+The "West Tennessean," Aug. 4, 1837, says--
+
+"A duel was fought at Calhoun, Tenn., between G.W. Carter and J.C.
+Sherley. They used yaugers at the distance of 20 yards. The former was
+slightly wounded, and the latter quite dangerously."
+
+June 23d, 1838, Benjamin Shipley, of Hamilton co., Tennessee, shot
+Archibald McCallie. (_Nashville Banner_, July 16, 1838.)
+
+June 23d, 1838, Levi Stunston, of Weakly co., Tennessee, killed
+William Price, of said county, in an affray. (_Nashville Banner, July
+6, 1838_.)
+
+October 8, 1838, in an affray at Wolf's Ferry, Tennessee, Martin
+Farley, Senior, was killed by John and Solomon Step. (_Georgia
+Telegraph, Nov 6, 1838._.)
+
+Feb. 14, 1838, John Manie was killed by William Doss at Decatur,
+Tennessee. (_Memphis Gazette, May 15, 1838_.)
+
+  "From the Nashville Whig."
+
+"_Fatal Affray in Columbia, Tenn_.--A fatal street encounter occurred
+at that place, on the 3d inst., between Richard H. Hays, attorney at
+law, and Wm. Polk, brother to the Hon. Jas. K. Polk. The parties met,
+armed with pistols, and exchanged shots simultaneously. A buck-shot
+pierced the brain of Hays, and he died early the next morning. The
+quarrel grew out of a sportive remark of Hays', at dinner, at the
+Columbia Inn, for which he offered an apology, not accepted, it seems,
+as Polk went to Hays' office, the same evening, and chastised him with
+a whip. This occurred on Friday, the fatal result took place on
+Monday."
+
+In a fight near Memphis, Tennessee, May 15, 1837, Mr. Jackson, of that
+place, shot through the heart Mr. W.F. Gholson, son of the late Mr.
+Gholson, of Virginia. (_Raleigh Register, June 13, 1837_.)
+
+The following horrible outrage, committed in West Tennessee, not far
+from Randolph, was published by the Georgetown (S.C.) Union, May 26,
+1837, from the Louisville Journal.
+
+"A feeble bodied man settled a few years ago on the Mississippi, a
+short distance below Randolph, on the Tennessee side. He succeeded in
+amassing property to the value of about $14,000, and, like most of the
+settlers, made a business of selling wood to the boats. This he sold
+at $2.50 a cord, while his neighbors asked $3. One of them came to
+remonstrate against his underselling, and had a fight with his
+brother-in-law Clark, in which he was beaten. He then went and
+obtained legal process against Clark, and returned with a deputy
+sheriff, attended by a posse of desperate villains. When they arrived
+at Clark's house, he was seated among his children--they put two or
+three balls through his body. Clark ran, was overtaken and knocked
+down; in the midst of his cries for mercy, one of the villains fired a
+pistol in his mouth, killing him instantly. They then required the
+settler to sell his property to them, and leave the country. He,
+fearing that they would otherwise take his life, sold them his
+valuable property for $300, and departed with his family. _The sheriff
+was one of the purchasers._"
+
+The Baltimore American, Feb. 8, 1838, publishes the following from the
+Nashville (Tennessee) Banner:
+
+"A most atrocious murder was committed a few days ago at Lagrange, in
+this state, on the body of Mr. John T. Foster, a respectable merchant
+of that town. The perpetrators of this bloody act are E. Moody, Thomas
+Moody, J.E. Douglass, W.R. Harris, and W.C. Harris. The circumstances
+attending this horrible affair, are the following:--On the night
+previous to the murder, a gang of villains, under pretence of wishing
+to purchase goods, entered Mr. Foster's store, took him by force, and
+rode him through the streets _on a rail_. The next morning, Mr. F. met
+one of the party, and gave him a caning. For this just retaliation for
+the outrage which had been committed on his person, he was pursued by
+the persons alone named, while taking a walk with a friend, and
+murdered in the open face of day."
+
+The following presentment of a Tennessee Grand Jury, sufficiently
+explains and comments on itself:
+
+The Grand Jurors empanelled to inquire for the county of Shelby, would
+separate without having discharged their duties, if they were to omit
+to notice public evils which they have found their powers inadequate
+to put in train for punishment. The evils referred to exist more
+particularly in the town of Memphis.
+
+The audacity and frequency with which outrages are committed, forbid
+us, in justice to our consciences, to omit to use the powers we
+possess, to bring them to the severe action of the law; and when we
+find our powers inadequate, to draw upon them public attention, and
+the rebuke of the good.
+
+An infamous female publicly and grossly assaults a lady; therefore a
+public meeting is called, the mayor of the town is placed in the
+chair, resolutions are adopted, providing for the summary and lawless
+punishment of the wretched woman. In the progress of the affair,
+_hundreds of citizens_ assemble at her house, and raze it to the
+ground. The unfortunate creature, together with two or three men of
+like character, are committed, in an open canoe or boat, without oar
+or paddle, to the middle of the Mississippi river.
+
+Such is a concise outline of the leading incidents of a recent
+transaction in Memphis. It might be filled up by the detail of
+individual exploits, which would give vivacity to the description; but
+we forbear to mention them. We leave it to others to admire the
+manliness of the transaction, and the courage displayed by a mob of
+hundreds, in the various outrages upon the persons and property of
+three or four individuals who fell under its vengeance.
+
+The present white population of Tennessee is about the same with that
+of Massachusetts, and yet more outbreaking crimes are committed in
+Tennessee in a _single month_, than in Massachusetts during a whole
+year; and this, too, notwithstanding the largest town in Tennessee has
+but six thousand inhabitants; whereas, in Massachusetts, besides one
+of eighty thousand, and two others of nearly twenty thousand each,
+there are at least a dozen larger than the chief town in Tennessee,
+which gives to the latter state an important advantage on the score of
+morality, the country being so much more favorable to it than large
+towns.
+
+
+
+KENTUCKY.
+
+
+Kentucky has been one of the United States since 1792. Its present
+white population is about six hundred thousand.
+
+The details which follow show still further that those who unite to
+plunder of their rights one class of human beings, regard as _sacred_
+the rights of no class.
+
+
+The following affair at Maysville, Kentucky, is extracted from the
+Maryland Republican, January 30, 1838.
+
+"A fight came on at Maysville, Ky. on the 29th ultimo, in which a Mr.
+Coulster was stabbed in the side and is dead; a Mr. Gibson was well
+hacked with a knife; a Mr. Ferris was dangerously wounded in the head,
+and another of the same name in the hip; a Mr. Shoemaker was severely
+beaten, and several others seriously hurt in various ways."
+
+The following is extracted from the N.C. Standard.
+
+"A most bloody and shocking transaction took place in the little town
+of Clinton, Hickman co. Ken. The circumstances are briefly as follows:
+A special canvass for a representative from the county of Hickman, had
+for some time been in progress. A gentleman by the name of Binford was
+a candidate. The State Senator from the district, Judge James, took
+some exceptions to the reputation of Binford, and intimated that if B.
+should be elected, he (James) would resign rather than serve with such
+a colleague. Hearing this, Binford went to the house of James to
+demand an explanation. Mrs. James remarked, in a jest as Binford
+thought, that if she was in the place of her husband she would resign
+her seat in the Senate, and not serve with such a character. B. told
+her that she was a woman, and could say what she pleased. She replied
+that she was not in earnest. James then looked B. in the face and said
+that, if his wife said so, it was the fact--'he was an infamous
+scoundrel and d----d rascal.' He asked B. if he was armed, and on
+being answered in the affirmative, he stepped into an adjoining room
+to arm himself; He was prevented by the family from returning, and
+Binford walked out. J. then told him from his piazza, that he would
+meet him next day in Clinton.
+
+"True to their appointment, the enraged parties met on the streets the
+following day. James shot first, his ball passing through his
+antagonist's liver, whose pistol fired immediately afterwards, and
+missing J., the ball pierced the head of a stranger by the name of
+Collins, who instantly fell and expired. After being shot, Binford
+sprang upon J. with the fury of a wounded tiger, and would have taken
+his life but for a second shot received through the back from Bartin
+James, the brother of Thomas. Even after he received the last fatal
+wound he struggled with his antagonist until death relaxed his grasp,
+and he fell with the horrid exclamation, _'I am a dead man!'_
+
+"Judge James gave himself up to the authorities; and when the
+informant of the editor left Clinton, Binford, and the unfortunate
+stranger lay shrouded corpses together."
+
+
+The "N.O. Bee" thus gives the conclusion of the matter:
+
+"Judge James was tried and acquitted, the death of Binford being
+regarded as an act of justifiable homicide."
+
+
+From the "Flemingsburg Kentuckian," June 23,'38.
+
+AFFRAY.--Thomas Binford, of Hickman county, Kentucky, recently attacked
+a Mr. Gardner of Dresden, with a drawn knife, and cut his face pretty
+badly. Gardner picked up a piece of iron and gave him a side-wipe
+above the ear that brought him to terms. The skull was fractured about
+two inches. Binford's brother was killed at Clinton, Kentucky, last
+fall by Judge James.
+
+
+The "Red River Whig" of September 15, 1838, says:--"A ruffian of the
+name of Charles Gibson, attempted to murder a girl named Mary Green,
+of Louisville, Ky. on the 23d ult. He cut her in six different places
+with a Bowie knife. His object, as stated in a subsequent
+investigation before the Police Court, was to cut her throat, which
+she prevented by throwing up her arms."
+
+
+From the "Louisville Advertiser," Dec. 17th, 1838:--"A startling
+tragedy occurred in this city on Saturday evening last, in which A.H.
+Meeks was instantly killed, John Rothwell mortally wounded, William
+Holmes severely wounded, and Henry Oldham slightly, by the use of
+Bowie knives, by Judge E.C. Wilkinson, and his brother, B.R.
+Wilkinson, of Natchez, and J. Murdough, of Holly Springs, Mississippi.
+It seems that Judge Wilkinson had ordered a coat at the shop of
+Messrs. Varnum & Redding. The coat was made; the Judge, accompanied by
+his brother and Mr. Murdough, went to the shop of Varnum & Redding,
+tried on the coat, and was irritated because, as he believed, it did
+not fit him. Mr. Redding undertook to convince him that he was in
+error, and ventured to assure the Judge that the coat was well made.
+The Judge instantly seized an iron poker, and commenced an attack on
+Redding. The blow with the poker was partially warded off--Redding
+grappled his assailant, when a companion of the Judge drew a Bowie
+knife, and, but for the interposition and interference of the
+unfortunate Meeks, a journeyman tailor, and a gentleman passing by at
+the moment, Redding might have been assassinated in his own shop.
+Shortly afterwards, Redding, Meeks, Rothwell, and Holmes went to the
+Galt House. They sent up stairs for Judge Wilkinson, and he came down
+into the bar room, when angry words were passed. The Judge went up
+stairs again, and in a short time returned with his companions, all
+armed with knives. Harsh language was again used. Meeks, felt called
+on to state what he had seen of the conflict, and did so, and Murdough
+gave him the d--d lie, for which Meeks struck him. On receiving the
+blow with the whip, Murdough instantly plunged his Bowie knife into
+the abdomen of Meeks, and killed him on the spot.
+
+"At the same instant B.R. Wilkinson attempted to get at Redding, and
+Holmes and Rothwell interfered, or joined in the affray. Holmes was
+wounded, probably by B.R. Wilkinson; and the Judge, having left the
+room for an instant, returned, and finding Rothwell contending with
+his brother, or bending over him, he (the Judge) stabbed Rothwell in
+the back, and inflicted a mortal wound.
+
+"Judge Wilkinson, his brother, and J. Murdough, have been recently
+tried and ACQUITTED."
+
+From the "New Orleans Bee," Sept. 27, 1838.
+
+"It appears from the statement of the Lexington Intelligencer, that
+there has been for some time past, an enmity between the drivers of
+the old and opposition lines of stages running from that city. On the
+evening of the 13th an encounter took place at the Circus between two
+of them, Powell and Cameron, and the latter was so much injured that
+his life was in imminent danger. About 12 o'clock the same night,
+several drivers of the old line rushed into Keizer's Hotel, where
+Powell and other drivers of the opposition-line boarded, and a general
+melee took place, in the course of which several pistols were
+discharged, the ball of one of them passing through the head of
+Crabster, an old line driver, and killing him on the spot. Crabster,
+before he was shot, had discharged his own pistol which had burst into
+fragments. Two or three drivers of the opposition were wounded with
+buck shot, but not dangerously."
+
+The "Mobile Advertiser" of September 15, 1838, copies the following
+from the Louisville (Ky.) Journal.
+
+"A Mr. Campbell was killed in Henderson county on the 31st ult. by a
+Mr. Harrison. It appears, that there was an affray between the parties
+some months ago, and that Harrison subsequently left home and returned
+on the 31st in a trading boat. Campbell met him at the boat with a
+loaded rifle and declared his determination to kill him, at the same
+time asking him whether he had a rifle and expressing a desire to give
+him a fair chance. Harrison affected to laugh at the whole matter and
+invited Campbell into his boat to take a drink with him. Campbell
+accepted the invitation, but, while he was in the act of drinking,
+Harrison seized his rifle, fired it off, and laid Campbell dead by
+striking him with the barrel of it."
+
+The "Missouri Republican" of July 29, 1837 published the details which
+follow from the Louisville Journal.
+
+MOUNT STERLING, Ky. July 20, 1837.
+
+"Gentlemen:--A most unfortunate and fatal occurrence transpired in our
+town last evening, about 6 o'clock. Some of the most prominent friends
+of Judge French had a meeting yesterday at Col. Young's, near this
+place, and warm words ensued between Mr. Albert Thomas and Belvard
+Peters, Esq., and a few blows were exchanged, and several of the
+friends of each collected at the spot. Whilst the parties were thus
+engaged. Mr. Wm. White, who was a friend of Mr. Peters, struck Mr.
+Thomas, whereupon B.F. Thomas Esq. engaged in the combat on the side
+of his brother and Mr. W. Roberts on the part of Peters--Mr. G.W.
+Thomas taking part with his brothers. Albert Thomas had Peters down
+and was taken off by a gentleman present, and whilst held by that
+gentleman, he was struck by White; and B.F. Thomas having made some
+remark White struck him. B.F. Thomas returned the blow, and having a
+large knife, stabbed White, who nevertheless continued the contest,
+and, it is said, broke Thomas's arm with a rock of a chair. Thomas
+then inflicted some other stabs, of which White died in a few minutes.
+Roberts was knocked down twice by Albert Thomas, and, I believe, is
+much hurt. G.W. Thomas was somewhat hurt also. White and B.F. Thomas
+had always been on friendly terms. You are acquainted with the Messrs.
+Thomas. Mr. White was a much larger man than either of them, weighing
+nearly 200 pounds, and in the prime of life. As you may very naturally
+suppose, great excitement prevails here, and Mr. B.F. Thomas regrets
+the fatal catastrophe as much as any one else, but believes from all
+the circumstances that he was justifiable in what he did, although he
+would be as far from doing such an act when cool and deliberate as any
+man whatever."
+
+
+The "New Orleans Bulletin" of Aug. 24, 1838, extracts the following
+from the Louisville Journal.
+
+"News has just reached us, that Thomas P. Moore, attacked the Senior
+Editor of this paper in the yard of the Harrodsburg Springs. Mr. Moore
+advanced upon Mr. Prentice with a drawn pistol and fired at him; Mr.
+Prentice then fired, neither shot taking effect. Mr. Prentice drew a
+second pistol, when Mr. Moore quailed and said he had no other arms;
+whereupon Mr. Prentice from superabundant magnanimity spared the
+miscreant's life."
+
+
+From "The Floridian" of June 10, 1837. MURDER. Mr. Gillespie, a
+respectable citizen aged 50, was murdered a few days since by a Mr.
+Arnett, near Mumfordsville, Ky., which latter shot his victim twice
+with a rifle.
+
+
+The "Augusta (Ga.) Sentinel," May 11, 1838, has the following account
+of murders in Kentucky:
+
+"At Mill's Point, Kentucky, Dr. Thomas Rivers was shot one day last
+week, from out of a window, by Lawyer Ferguson, both citizens of that
+place, and both parties are represented to have stood high in the
+estimation of the community in which they lived. The difficulty we
+understand to have grown out of a law suit at issue between them."
+
+Just as our paper was going to press, we learn that the brother of Dr.
+Rivers, who had been sent for, had arrived, and immediately shot
+Lawyer Ferguson. He at first shot him with a shot gun, upon his
+retreat, which did not prove fatal; he then approached him immediately
+with a pistol, and killed him on the spot."
+
+The Right Rev. B.B. Smith, Bishop of the Episcopal diocese of
+Kentucky, published about two years since an article in the Lexington
+(Ky.) Intelligencer, entitled "Thoughts on the frequency of homicides
+in the state of Kentucky." We conclude this head with a brief extract
+from the testimony of the Bishop, contained in that article.
+
+"The writer has never conversed with a traveled and enlightened
+European or eastern man, who has not expressed the most undisguised
+horror at the frequency of homicide and murder within our bounds, and
+at the _ease with which the homicide escapes from punishment_.
+
+"As to the frequency of these shocking occurrences, the writer has
+some opportunity of being correctly impressed, by means of a yearly
+tour through many counties of the State. He has also been particular
+in making inquiries of our most distinguished legal and political
+characters, and from some has derived conjectural estimates which were
+truly alarming. A few have been of the opinion, that on an average one
+murder a year may be charged to the account of every county in the
+state, making the frightful aggregate of 850 human lives sacrificed to
+revenge, or the victims of momentary passion, in the course of every
+ten years.
+
+"Others have placed the estimate much lower, and have thought that
+thirty for the whole state, every year, would be found much nearer the
+truth. An attempt has been made lately to obtain data more
+satisfactory than conjecture, and circulars have been addressed to the
+clerks of most of the counties, in order to arrive at as correct an
+estimate as possible of the actual number of homicides during the
+three years last past. It will be seen, however, that statistics thus
+obtained, even from every county in the state, would necessarily be
+imperfect, inasmuch as the records of the courts _by no means show all
+the cases_, which occur, some escaping without _any_ of the forms of a
+legal examination, and there being _many affrays_ which end only in
+wounds, or where the parties are separated.
+
+"From these returns, it appears that in 27 counties there have been,
+within the last three years, of homicides of every grade, 35, but only
+8 convictions in the same period, leaving 27 cases which have passed
+wholly unpunished. During the same period there have been from
+eighty-five counties, only eleven commitments to the state prison,
+nine for manslaughter, and two for shooting with intent to kill, _and
+not an instance of capital punishment in the person of any white
+offender_. Thus an approximation is made to a general average, which
+probably would not vary much from one in each county every three
+years, or about 280 in ten years.
+
+"It is believed that such a register of crime amongst a people
+professing the protestant religion and speaking the English language,
+is not to be found, with regard to any three-quarters of a million of
+people, since the downfall of the feudal system. Compared with the
+records of crime in Scotland, or the eastern states, the results are
+ABSOLUTELY SHOCKING! _It is believed there are more homicides, on an
+average of two years, in any of our more populous counties, than in
+the whole of several of our states, of equal or nearly equal white
+population with Kentucky._
+
+"The victims of these affrays are not always, by any means, the most
+worthless of our population.
+
+"It too often happens that the enlightened citizen, the devoted
+lawyer, the affectionate husband, and precious father, are thus
+instantaneously taken from their useful stations on earth, and
+hurried, all unprepared, to their final account!
+
+"The question, is again asked, what could have brought about, and can
+perpetuate, this shocking state of things?"
+
+
+As an illustration of the recklessness of life in Kentucky, and the
+terrible paralysis of public sentiment, the bishop states the
+following fact.
+
+"A case of shocking homicide is remembered, where the guilty person
+was acquitted by a sort of acclamation, and the next day was seen in
+public, with two ladies hanging on his arm!"
+
+
+Notwithstanding the frightful frequency of deadly affrays in Kentucky,
+as is certified by the above testimony of Bishop Smith, there are
+fewer, in proportion to the white population, than in any of the
+states which have passed under review, unless Tennessee may be an
+exception. The present white population of Kentucky is perhaps seventy
+thousand more than that of Maine, and yet more public fatal affrays
+have taken place in the former, within the last six months, than in
+the latter during its entire existence as a state.
+
+The seven slave states which we have already passed under review, are
+just one half of the slave states and territories, included in the
+American Union. Before proceeding to consider the condition of society
+in the other slave states, we pause a moment to review the ground
+already traversed.
+
+The present entire white population of the states already considered,
+is about two and a quarter millions; just about equal to the present
+white population of the state of New York. If the amount of crime
+resulting in loss of life, which is perpetrated by the white
+population of those states upon the _whites alone_, be contrasted with
+the amount perpetrated in the state of New York, by _all_ classes,
+upon _all_, we believe it will be found, that more of such crimes have
+been committed in these states within the last 18 months, than have
+occurred in the state of New York for half a century. But perhaps we
+shall be told that in these seven states, there are scores of cities
+and large towns, and that a majority of all these deadly affrays, &c.,
+take place in _them_; to this we reply, that there are _three times as
+many_ cities and large towns in the state of New York, as in all those
+states together, and that nearly all the capital crimes perpetrated in
+the state take place in these cities and large villages. In the state
+of New York, there are more than _half a million_ of persons who live
+in cities and villages of more than two thousand inhabitants, whereas
+in Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and
+Missouri, there are on the largest computation not more than _one
+hundred thousand_ persons, residing in cities and villages of more
+than two thousand inhabitants, and the white population of these
+places (which alone is included in the estimate of crime, and that too
+_inflicted upon whites only_,) is probably not more than _sixty-five
+thousand_.
+
+But it will doubtless be pleaded in mitigation, that the cities and
+large villages in those states are _new_; that they have not had
+sufficient time thoroughly to organize their police, so as to make it
+an effectual terror to evil doers; and further, that the rapid growth
+of those places has so overloaded the authorities with all sorts of
+responsibilities, that due attention to the preservation of the public
+peace has been nearly impossible; and besides, they have had no
+official experience to draw upon, as in the older cities, the offices
+being generally filled by young men, as a necessary consequence of the
+newness of the country, &c. To this we reply, that New Orleans is more
+than a century old, and for half that period has been the centre of a
+great trade; that St. Louis, Natchez, Mobile, Nashville, Louisville
+and Lexington, are all half a century old, and each had arrived at
+years of discretion, while yet the sites of Buffalo, Rochester,
+Lockport, Canandaigua, Geneva, Auburn, Ithaca, Oswego, Syracuse, and
+other large towns in Western New-York, _were a wilderness_. Further,
+as _a number_ of these places are larger than _either_ of the former,
+their growth must have been more _rapid_, and, consequently, they must
+have encountered still greater obstacles in the organization of an
+efficient police than those south western cities, with this exception,
+THEY WERE NOT SETTLED BY SLAVEHOLDERS.
+
+The absurdity of assigning the _newness_ of the country, the
+unrestrained habits of pioneer settlers, the recklessness of life
+engendered by wars with the Indians, &c., as reasons sufficient to
+account for the frightful amount of crime in the states under review,
+is manifest from the fact, that Vermont is of the same age with
+Kentucky; Ohio, ten years younger than Kentucky, and six years younger
+than Tennessee; Indiana, five years younger than Louisiana; Illinois,
+one year younger than Mississippi; Maine, of the same age with
+Missouri, and two years younger than Alabama; and Michigan of the same
+age with Arkansas. Now, let any one contrast the state of society in
+Maine, Vermont, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, and Michigan with that of
+Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, Missouri, Louisiana, Arkansas, and
+Mississippi, and candidly ponder the result. It is impossible
+satisfactorily to account for the immense disparity in crime, on any
+other supposition than that the latter states were settled and are
+inhabited almost exclusively by those who carried with them the
+violence, impatience of legal restraint, love of domination, fiery
+passions, idleness, and contempt of laborious industry, which are
+engendered by habits of despotic sway, acquired by residence in
+communities where such manners, habits and passions, mould society
+into their own image.[43] The practical workings of this cause are
+powerfully illustrated in those parts of the slave states where slaves
+abound, when contrasted with those where very few are held. Who does
+not know that there are fewer deadly affrays in proportion to the
+white population--that law has more sway and that human life is less
+insecure in East Tennessee, where there are very few slaves, than in
+West Tennessee, where there are large numbers. This is true also of
+northern and western Virginia, where few slaves are held, when
+contrasted with eastern Virginia; where they abound; the same remark
+applies to those parts of Kentucky and Missouri, where large numbers
+of slaves are held, when contrasted with others where there are
+comparatively few.
+
+We see the same cause operating to a considerable extent in those
+parts of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, settled mainly by slaveholders
+and others, who were natives of slave states, in contrast with other
+parts of these states settled almost exclusively by persons from free
+states; that affrays and breaches of the peace are far more frequent
+in the former than in the latter, is well known to all.
+
+We now proceed to the remaining slave states. Those that have not yet
+been considered, are Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North and South
+Carolina, Georgia, and the territory of Florida. As Delaware has
+hardly two thousand five hundred slaves, arbitrary power over human
+beings is exercised by so few persons, that the turbulence infused
+thereby into the public mind is but an inconsiderable element, quite
+insufficient to inflame the passions, much less to cast the character
+of the mass of the people; consequently, the state of society there,
+and the general security of life is but little less than in New Jersey
+and Pennsylvania, upon which states it borders on the north and east.
+The same causes operate in a considerable measure, though to a much
+less extent to Maryland and in Northern and Western Virginia. But in
+lower Virginia, North and South Carolina, Georgia and Florida, the
+general state of society as it respects the successful triumph of
+passion over law, and the consequent and universal insecurity of life
+is, in the main, very similar to that of the states already
+considered. In some portions of each of these states, human life has
+probably as little real protection as in Arkansas, Mississippi and
+Louisiana; but generally throughout the former states and sections,
+the laws are not so absolutely powerless as in the latter three.
+Deadly affrays, duels, murders, lynchings, &c., are, in proportion to
+the white population, as frequent and as rarely punished in lower
+Virginia as in Kentucky and Missouri; in North Carolina and South
+Carolina as in Tennessee; and in Georgia and Florida as in Alabama.
+
+To insert the criminal statistics of the remaining slave states in
+detail, as those of the states already considered have been presented,
+would, we find, fill more space than can well be spared. Instead of
+this, we propose to exhibit the state of society in all the
+slaveholding region bordering on the Atlantic, by the testimony of the
+slaveholders themselves, corroborated by a few plain facts. Leaving
+out of view Florida, where law is the _most_ powerless, and Maryland
+where probably it is the _least_ so, we propose to select as a fair
+illustration of the actual state of society in the Atlantic
+slaveholding regions, North Carolina whose border is but 250 miles
+from the free states of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and Georgia which
+constitutes its south western boundary.
+
+We will begin with GEORGIA. This state was settled more than a century
+ago by a colony under General Oglethorpe. The colony was memorable for
+its high toned morality. One of its first regulations was an absolute
+prohibition of slavery in every form: but another generation arose,
+the prohibition was abolished, a multitude of slaves were imported,
+the exercise of unlimited power over them lashed up passion to the
+spurning of all control, and now the dreadful state of society that
+exists in Georgia, is revealed by the following testimony out of her
+own mouth.
+
+The editor of the Darien (Georgia) Telegraph, in his paper of November
+6, 1838, published the following.
+
+"_Murderous Attack_.--Between the hours of three and four o'clock, on
+Saturday last, the editor of this paper was attacked by FOURTEEN armed
+ruffians, and knocked down by repeated blows of bludgeons. All his
+assailants were armed with pistols, dirks, and large clubs. Many of
+them are known to us; but _there is neither law nor justice to be had
+in Darien! We are doomed to death_ by the employers of the assassins
+who attacked us on Saturday, and no less than our blood will satisfy
+them. The cause alleged for this unmanly, base, cowardly outrage, is
+some expressions which occurred in an election squib, printed at this
+office, and extensively circulated through the county, _before the
+election_. The names of those who surrounded us, when the attack was
+made, are, A. Lefils, jr. (son to the representative), Madison Thomas,
+Francis Harrison, Thomas Hopkins, Alexander Blue, George Wing, James
+Eilands, W.I. Perkins, A.J. Raymur: the others we cannot at present
+recollect. The two first, LEFILS and THOMAS struck us at the same
+time. Pistols were levelled at us in all directions. We can produce
+the most respectable testimony of the truth of this statement."
+
+The same number of the "Darien Telegraph," from which the preceding is
+taken, contains a correspondence between six individuals, settling the
+preliminaries of duels. The correspondence fills, with the exception
+of a dozen lines, _five columns_ of the paper. The parties were Col.
+W. Whig Hazzard, commander of one of the Georgia regiments in the
+recent Seminole campaign, Dr. T.F. Hazzard, a physician of St.
+Simons, and Thomas Hazzard, Esq. a county magistrate, on the one side,
+and Messrs. J.A. Willey, A.W. Willey, and H.B. Gould, Esqs. of
+Darien, on the other. In their published correspondence the parties
+call each other "liar," "mean rascal," "puppy," "villain," &c.
+
+The magistrate, Thomas Hazzard, who accepts the challenge of J.A.
+Willey, says, in one of his letters, "Being a magistrate, under a
+solemn oath to do all in my power to keep the peace," &c., and yet
+this personification of Georgia justice superscribes his letter as
+follows: "To the Liar, Puppy, Fool, and Poltroon, Mr. John A. Willey"
+The magistrate closes his letter thus:
+
+"Here I am; call upon me for personal satisfaction (in _propria
+forma_); and in the Farm Field, on St. Simon's Island, (_Deo
+juvante_,) I will give you a full front of my body, and do all in my
+power to satisfy your thirst for blood! And more, I will wager you
+$100, to be planked on the scratch! that J.A. Willey will neither
+kill or defeat T.F. Hazzard."
+
+The following extract from the correspondence is a sufficient index of
+slaveholding civilization.
+
+"ARTICLES OF BATTLE BETWEEN JOHN A. WILLEY AND W. WHIG HAZZARD.
+
+"Condition 1. The parties to fight on the same day, and at the same
+place, (St. Simon's beach, near the lighthouse,) where the meeting
+between T.F. Hazzard and J.A. Willey will take place.
+
+"Condition 2. The parties to fight with broad-swords in the right hand,
+and a dirk in the left.
+
+"Condition 3. On the word "Charge," the parties to advance, and attack
+with the broadsword, or close with the dirk.
+
+"Condition 4. THE HEAD OF THE VANQUISHED TO BE CUT OFF BY THE VICTOR,
+AND STUCK UPON A POLE ON THE FARM FIELD DAM, the original cause of
+dispute.
+
+"Condition 5. Neither party to object to each other's weapons; and if a
+sword breaks, the contest to continue with the dirk.
+
+"This Col. W. Whig Hazzard is one of the most prominent citizens in the
+southern part of Georgia, and previously signalized himself, as we
+learn from one of the letters in the correspondence, by "three
+deliberate rounds in a duel."
+
+The Macon (Georgia) Telegraph of October 9, 1838, contains the
+following notice of two affrays in that place, in each of which an
+individual was killed, one on Tuesday and the other on Saturday of the
+same week. In publishing the case, the Macon editor remarks:
+
+"We are compelled to remark on the inefficiency of our laws in
+bringing to the bar of public justice, persons committing capital
+offences. Under the present mode, a man has nothing more to do than to
+leave the state, or step over to Texas, or some other place not
+farther off, and he need entertain no fear of being apprehended. So
+long as such a state of things is permitted to exist, just so long
+will every man who has an enemy (and there are but few who have not)
+_be in constant danger of being shot down in the streets_."
+
+To these remarks of the Macon editor, who is in the centre of the
+state, near the capital, the editor of the Darien Telegraph, two
+hundred miles distant, responds as follows, in his paper of October
+30. 1838.
+
+"The remarks of our contemporary are not without cause. They apply,
+with peculiar force, to this community. _Murderers and rioters will
+never stand in need of a sanctuary as long as Darien is what it is_."
+
+It is a coincidence which carries a comment with it, that in less than
+a week after this Darien editor made these remarks, he was attacked in
+the street by "_fourteen_ gentlemen" armed with bludgeons, knives,
+dirks, pistols, &c., and would doubtless have been butchered on the
+spot if he had not been rescued.
+
+We give the following statement at length as the chief perpetrator of
+the outrages, Col. W.N. Bishop, was at the time a high functionary of
+the State of Georgia, and, as we learn from the Macon Messenger, still
+holds two public offices in the State, one of them from the direct
+appointment of the governor.
+
+From the "Georgia Messenger" of August 25, 1837.
+
+"During the administration of WILSON LUMPKIN, WILLIAM N. BISHOP
+received from his Excellency the appointment of Indian Agent, in the
+place of William Springer. During that year (1834,) the said governor
+gave the command of a company of men, 40 in number, to the said W.N.
+Bishop, to be selected by him, and armed with the muskets of the
+State. This band was organized for the special purpose of keeping the
+Cherokees in subjection, and although it is a notorious fact that the
+Cherokees in the neighborhood of Spring Place were peaceable and by no
+means refractory, the said band were kept there, and seldom made any
+excursion whatever out of the county of Murray. It is also _a
+notorious fact_, that the said band, from the day of their
+organization, never permitted a citizen of Murray county opposed to
+the dominant party of Georgia, to exercise the right of suffrage at
+any election whatever. From that period to the last of January
+election, the said band appeared at the polls with the arms of the
+State, rejecting every vote that "was not of the true stripe," as they
+called it. That they frequently seized and dragged to the polls honest
+citizens, and compelled them to vote contrary to their will.
+
+"Such acts of arbitrary despotism were tolerated by the
+administration. Appeals from the citizens of Murray county brought
+them no relief--and incensed at such outrages, they determined on the
+first Monday in January last, to turn out and elect such Judges of the
+Inferior Court and county officers, as would be above the control of
+Bishop, that he might thereby be prevented from packing such a jury as
+he chose to try him for his brutal and unconstitutional outrages on
+their rights. Accordingly on Sunday evening previous to the election,
+about twenty citizens who lived a distance from the county site, came
+in unarmed and unprepared for battle, intending to remain in town,
+vote in the morning and return home. They were met by Bishop and his
+State band, and asked by the former 'whether they were for peace or
+war.' They unanimously responded, "we are for peace:' At that moment
+Bishop ordered a fire, and instantly _every musket of his band was
+discharged on those citizens_, 5 of whom were wounded, and others
+escaped with bullet holes in their clothes. Not satisfied with the
+outrage, _they dragged an aged man from his wagon and beat him nearly
+to death_.
+
+"In this way the voters were driven from Spring Place, and before day
+light the next morning, the polls were opened by order of Bishop, and
+soon after sun rise they were closed; Bishop having ascertained that
+the band and Schley men had all voted. A runner was then dispatched to
+Milledgeville, and received from Governor Schley commissions for those
+self-made officers of Bishop's, two of whom have since runaway, and
+the rest have been called on by the citizens of the county to resign,
+being each members of Bishop's band, and doubtless runaways from other
+States.
+
+"After these outrages, Bishop apprehending an appeal to the judiciary
+on the part of the injured citizens of Murray county, had a jury drawn
+to suit him and appointed one of his band Clerk of the Superior Court.
+For these acts, the Governor and officers of the Central Bank rewarded
+him with an office in the Bank of the State, since which his own jury
+found _eleven true bills_ against him."
+
+In the Milledgeville Federal Union of May 2, 1837, we find the
+following presentment of the Grand Jury of Union County, Georgia,
+which as it shows some relics of a moral sense, still lingering in the
+state we insert.
+
+Presentment of the Grand Jury of Union Co., March term, 1837.
+
+"We would notice, as a subject of painful interest, the appointment of
+Wm. N. Bishop to the high and responsible office of Teller, of the
+Central Bank of the State of Georgia--an institution of such magnitude
+as to merit and demand the most unslumbering vigilance of the freemen
+of this State; as a portion of whom, we feel bound to express our
+_indignant reprehension_ of the promotion of such a character to one
+of its most responsible posts--and do exceedingly regret the blindness
+or _depravity_ of those who can sanction such a measure.
+
+"We request that our presentment be published in the Miners' Recorder
+and Federal Union.
+
+JOHN MARTIN, Foreman"
+
+On motion of Henry L. Sims, Solicitor General, "Ordered by the court,
+that the presentments of the Grand Jury, be published according to
+their request." THOMAS HENRY, Clerk.
+
+The same paper, four weeks after publishing the preceding facts,
+contained the following: we give it in detail as the wretch who
+enacted the tragedy was another public functionary of the state of
+Georgia and acting in an official capacity.
+
+"MURDER.--One of the most brutal and inhuman murders it has ever
+fallen to our lot to notice, was lately committed in Cherokee county,
+by Julius Bates, the son of the principal keeper of the Penitentiary,
+upon an Indian.
+
+"The circumstances as detailed to us by the most respectable men of
+both parties, are these. At the last Superior Court of Cass county,
+the unfortunate Indian was sentenced to the Penitentiary. Bates, as
+_one of the Penitentiary guard_, was sent with another to carry him
+and others, from other counties to Milledgeville. He started from
+Cassville with the Indian ironed and bare footed; and walked him
+within a quarter of a mile of Canton, the C.H. in Cherokee, a distance
+of twenty-eight to thirty miles, over a very rough road in little more
+than half the day. On arriving at a small creek near town, the Indian
+[who had walked until the _soles of his feet were off and those of his
+heel turned back_,] made signs to get water, Bates refused to let him,
+and ordered him to go on: the Indian stopped and finally set down,
+whereupon Bates dismounted and gathering a pine knot, commenced and
+continued beating him and jirking him by a chain around his neck,
+until the citizens of the village were drawn there by the severity of
+the blows. The unfortunate creature was taken up to town and died in a
+few hours.
+
+"An inquest was held, and the jury found a verdict of murder by Bates.
+A warrant was issued, but Bates had departed that morning in charge of
+other prisoners taken from Canton, and the worthy officers of the
+county desisted from his pursuit, 'because they apprehended he had
+passed the limits of the county.' We understand that the warrant was
+immediately sent to the Governor to have him arrested. Will it be
+done? We shall see."
+
+Having devoted so much space to a revelation of the state of society
+among the slaveholders of Georgia, we will tax the reader's patience
+with only a single illustration of the public sentiment--the degree of
+actual legal protection enjoyed in the state of North Carolina.
+
+North Carolina was settled about two centuries ago; its present white
+population is about five hundred thousand.
+
+Passing by the murders, affrays, &c. with which the North Carolina
+papers abound, we insert the following as an illustration of the
+public sentiment of North Carolina among 'gentlemen of property and
+standing.'
+
+The 'North Carolina Literary and Commercial Journal,' of January 20,
+1838, published at Elizabeth City, devotes a column and a half to a
+description of the lynching, tarring, feathering, ducking, riding on a
+rail, pumping, &c., of a Mr. Charles Fife, a merchant of that city,
+for the crime of 'trading with negroes.' The editor informs us that
+this exploit of vandalism was performed very deliberately, at mid-day,
+and _by a number of the citizens_, 'THE MOST RESPECTABLE IN THE CITY,'
+&c. We proceed to give the reader an abridgement of the editor's
+statement in his own words.--
+
+"Such being the case, a number of the citizens, THE MOST RESPECTABLE
+IN THIS CITY, collected, about ten days since, and after putting the
+fellow on a rail, carried him through town with a duck and chicken
+tied to him. He was taken down to the water and his head tarred and
+feathered; and when they returned he was put under a pump, where for a
+few minutes he underwent a little cooling. He was then told that he
+must leave town by the next Saturday--if he did not he would be
+visited again, and treated more in accordance with the principles of
+the laws of Judge Lynch.
+
+"On Saturday last, he was again visited, and as Fife had several of
+his friends to assist him, some little scuffle ensued, when several
+were knocked down, but nothing serious occurred. Fife was again
+mounted on a rail and brought into town, but as he promised if they
+would not trouble him he would leave town in a few days, he was set at
+liberty. Several of our magistrates _took no notice of the affair_,
+and rather seemed to tacitly acquiesce in the proceedings. The whole
+subject every one supposed was ended, as Fife was to leave in a few
+days, when WHAT WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. Charles R.
+Kinney had visited Fife, advised him not to leave, and actually took
+upon himself to examine witnesses, and came before the public as the
+defender of Fife. The consequence was, that all the rioters were
+summoned by the Sheriff to appear in the Court House and give bail for
+their appearance at our next court. On Monday last the court opened at
+12 o'clock, Judge Bailey presiding. Such an excitement we never
+witnessed before in our town. A great many witnesses were examined,
+which proved the character of Fife beyond a doubt. At one time rather
+serious consequences were apprehended--high words were spoken, and
+luckily a blow which was aimed at Mr. Kinney, was parried off, and we
+are happy to say the court adjourned after ample securities being
+given. The next day Fife was taken to jail for trading with negroes,
+but has since been released on paying $100. The interference of Mr.
+Kinney was wholly unnecessary; it was an assumption on his part which
+properly belonged to our magistrates. Fife had agreed to go away, and
+the matter would have been amicably settled but for him. We have no
+unfriendly feelings towards Mr. Kinney: no personal animosities to
+gratify: we have always considered him as one of our best lawyers. But
+when he comes forth as the supporter of such a fellow as Fife, under
+the plea that the laws have been violated--when he arraigns the acts
+of thirty of the inhabitants of this place, it is high time for him to
+reflect seriously on the consequences. The Penitentiary system is the
+result of the refinement of the eighteenth century. As man advances in
+the sciences, in the arts, in the intercourse of social and civilized
+life, in the same proportion does crime and vice keep an equal pace,
+and always makes demands on the wisdom of legislators. Now, what is
+the Lynch law but the Penitentiary system carried out to its full
+extent, with a little more steam power? or more properly, it is simply
+thus: _There are some scoundrels in society on whom the laws take no
+effect; the most expeditious and short way is to let a majority decide
+and give them_ JUSTICE."
+
+
+Let the reader notice, 1st, that this outrage was perpetrated with
+great deliberation, and after it was over, the victim was commanded to
+leave town by the next week: when that cooling interval had passed,
+the outrage was again deliberately repeated. 2d. It was perpetrated by
+"thirty persons,' "_the most respectable in the city_." 3d. That at
+the second lynching of Fife, several of his neighbors who had gathered
+to defend him, (seeing that all the legal officers in the city had
+refused to do it, thus violating their oaths of office,) _were knocked
+down_, to which the editor adds, with the business air of a
+professional butcher, "nothing _serious_ occurred!" 4th. That not a
+single magistrate in the city took the least notice either of the
+barbarities inflicted upon Fife, or of the assaults upon his friends,
+knocking them down, &c., but, as the editor informs us, all "seemed to
+acquiesce in the proceedings." 5th. That this conduct of the
+magistrates was well pleasing to the great mass of the citizens, is
+plain, from the remark of the editor that "every one supposed that the
+whole subject was ended," and from his wondering exclamation, "WHAT
+WAS OUR ASTONISHMENT to hear that Mr. C.R. Kinney had actually took
+upon him to examine witnesses," &c., and also from the editor's
+declaration, "Such an excitement we never before witnessed in our
+town." Excitement at what? Not because the laws had been most
+impiously trampled down at noon-day by a conspiracy of thirty persons,
+"the most respectable in the city;" not because a citizen had been
+twice seized and publicly tortured for hours, without trial, and in
+utter defiance of all authority; nay, verily! this was all
+complacently acquiesced in; but because in this slaveholding Sodom
+there was found a solitary Lot who dared to uplift his voice for _law_
+and the _right of trial by jury_; this crime stirred up such an uproar
+in that city of "most respectable" lynchers as was "_never witnessed
+before_," and the noble lawyer who thus put every thing at stake in
+invoking the majesty of law, would, it seems, have been knocked down,
+even in the presence of the Court, if the blow had not been "parried."
+6th. Mark the murderous threat of the editor--when he arraigns the
+_acts_," (no matter how murderous) "of thirty citizens of this place,
+it is high time for him to reflect seriously _on the consequences_."
+7th. The open advocacy of "Lynch law" by a set argument, boldly
+setting it above all codes, with which the editor closes his article,
+reveals a public sentiment in the community which shows, that in North
+Carolina, though society may still rally under the flag of
+civilization, and insist on wrapping itself in its folds, barbarism is
+none the less so in a stolen livery, and savages are savages still,
+though tricked out with the gauze and tinsel of the stars and stripes.
+
+It may be stated, in conclusion, that the North Carolina "Literary and
+Commercial Journal," from which the article is taken, is a large
+six-columned paper, edited by F.S. Proctor, Esq., a graduate of a
+University, and of considerable literary note in the South.
+
+Having drawn out this topic to so great a length, we waive all
+comments, and only say to the reader, in conclusion, _ponder these
+things_, and lay it to heart, that slaveholding "is justified _of her
+children_." Verily, they have their reward! "With what measure ye mete
+withal it shall be measured to you again." Those who combine to
+trample on others, will trample on _each other_. The habit of
+trampling upon _one_, begets a state of mind that will trample upon
+_all_. Accustomed to wreak their vengeance on their slaves, indulgence
+of passion becomes with slaveholders a second law of nature, and, when
+excited even by their equals, their hot blood brooks neither restraint
+nor delay; _gratification_ is the _first_ thought--prudence generally
+comes too late, and the slaves see their masters fall a prey to each
+other, the victims of those very passions which have been engendered
+and infuriated by the practice of arbitrary rule over _them_. Surely
+it need not be added, that those who thus tread down their equals,
+must trample as in a wine-press their defenceless vassals. If, when in
+passion, they seize those who are _on their own level_, and dash them
+under their feet, with what a crushing vengeance will they leap upon
+those who are _always_ under their feet?
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FOOTNOTES.
+
+
+
+
+Footnote 39: A few years since Mr. Bourne published a work entitled,
+"Picture of slavery in the United States."  In which he describes a
+variety of horrid atrocities perpetrated upon slaves; such as brutal
+scourging and lacerations with the application of pepper, mustard,
+salt, vinegar, &c., to the bleeding gashes; also maimings,
+cat-haulings, burnings, and other tortures similar to hundreds
+described on the preceeding pages. These descriptions of Mr. Bourne
+were, at that time, thought by multitudes _incredible_, and probably,
+even by some abolitionists, who had never given much reflection to the
+subject. We are happy to furnish the reader with the following
+testimony of a Virginia slaveholder to the _accuracy_ of Mr. Bourne's
+delineations. Especially as this slaveholder is a native of one of the
+counties (Culpepper) near to which the atrocities described by Mr. B.
+were committed.
+
+Testimony of Mr. WILLIAM HANSBOROUGH, of Culpepper, County, Virginia,
+the "owner" of sixty slaves, to Mr. Bourne's "Picture or Slavery" as a
+_true_ delineation.
+
+Lindley Coates, of Lancaster Co., Pa., a well known member of the
+Society of Friends, and a member of the late Pennsylvania Convention
+for revising, the Constitution of the State, in a letter now before
+us, describing a recent interview between him and Mr. Hansborough, of
+several days continuance, says,--"I handed him Bourne's Picture of
+slavery to read: _after reading it_, he said, that all of the
+sufferings of slaves therein related, were _true delineations, and
+that he had seen all those modes of torture himself_."
+
+
+Footnote 40: The following is Mr. Stevenson's disclaimer: It was
+published in the 'London Mail,' Oct 30, 1838.
+
+_To the Editor of the Evening Mail:_
+
+Sir--I did not see until my return from Scotland the note addressed by
+Mr. O'Connell, to the editor of the Chronicle, purporting to give an
+explanation of the correspondence which has passed between us, and
+which I deemed it proper to make public. I do not intend to be drawn
+into any discussion of the subject of domestic slavery as it exists in
+the United States, nor to give any explanation of the motives or
+circumstances under which I have acted.
+
+Disposed to regard Mr. O'Connell as a man of honor. I was induced to
+take the course I did; whether justifiable or not, the world will now
+decide. The tone and report of his last note (in which he disavows
+responsibility for any thing he may say) precludes any further notice
+from me, than to say that the charge which he has thought proper again
+to repeat, of my being a breeder of slaves for sale and traffick, is
+wholly destitute of truth; and that I am warranted in believing it has
+been made by him without the slightest authority. SUCH, TOO, I VENTURE
+TO SAY, IS THE CASE IN RELATION TO HIS CHARGE OF SLAVE-BREEDING IN
+VIRGINIA.
+
+I make this declaration, not because I admit Mr. O'Connell's right to
+call for it, but to prevent my silence from being misinterpreted.
+
+A. STEVENSON
+
+_23 Portland Place, Oct. 29_
+
+
+Footnote 41: Mr. WISE said in one of his speeches during the last
+session of Congress, that he was obliged to go armed for the
+protection of his life in Washington. It could not have been for fear
+of _Northern_ men.
+
+
+Footnote 42: A correspondent of the "Frederick Herald," writing from
+Little Rock, says, "Anthony's knife was about _twenty-eight inches_ in
+length. They _all_ carry knives here, or pistols. There are several
+kinds of knives in use--a narrow blade, and about twelve inches long,
+is called an 'Arkansas tooth-pick.'"
+
+
+Footnote 43: Bishop Smith of Kentucky, in his testimony respecting
+homicides, which is quoted on a preceding pages, thus speaks of the
+influence of slave-holding, as an exciting cause.
+
+"Are not some of the indirect influences of a system, the existence of
+which amongst us can never be sufficiently deplored, discoverable in
+these affrays? Are not our young men more heady, violent and imperious
+in consequence of their early habits of command? And are not our
+taverns and other public places of resort, much more crowded with an
+inflammable material, than if young men were brought up in the staid
+and frugal habits of those who are constrained to earn their bread by
+the sweat of their brow? * * * Is not intemperance more social, more
+inflammatory, more pugnacious where a fancied superiority of
+gentlemanly character is felt in consequence of exemption from severe
+manual labor? Is there ever stabbing where there is not idleness and
+strong drink?"
+
+The Bishop also gives the following as another exciting cause; it is
+however only the product of the preceding.
+
+"Has not a public sentiment which we hear characterized as singularly
+high-minded and honorable, and sensitively alive to every affront,
+whether real or imaginary, but which strangers denominate rough and
+ferocious, much to do in provoking these assaults, and then in
+applauding instead of punishing the offender."
+
+The Bishop says of the young men of Kentucky, that they "grow up
+proud, impetuous, and reckless of all responsibility;" and adds, that
+the practice of carrying deadly weapons is with them "NEARLY
+UNIVERSAL."
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+INDEX.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+To facilitate the use of the Index, some of the more common topics are
+arranged under one general title. Thus all the volumes which are cited
+are classed under the word, BOOKS; and to that head reference must be
+made. The same plan has been adopted concerning _Female Slave-Drivers,
+Laws, Narratives, Overseers, Runaways, Slaveholders, Slave-Murderers,
+Slave-Plantations, Slaves, Female_ and _Male, Testimony_ and
+_Witnesses_. Therefore, with a few _emphatical_ exceptions only, the
+facts will be found, by recurring to the prominent person or subject
+which any circumstance includes. All other miscellaneous articles will
+be discovered in alphabetical order.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+A.
+
+Absolute power of slaveholders
+Absurdity of slaveholding pretexts
+Abuse of power
+Acclimated slaves
+Adrian
+Adultery in a preacher's house
+Advertisement for slaves
+Advertisement for slaves to hire
+Advertisements
+Affray
+African slave-trade
+Aged slaves uncommon
+Alabama
+Alexander the tyrant
+Allowance of provisions
+Amalgamation
+American Colonization Society
+"Amiable and touching charity!"
+Amusements of slave-drivers
+Animals and slaves, usage of, contrasted
+Antioch, massacre at
+"Arbitrary,"
+Arbitrary power, cruelty of
+    "      "     pernicious
+Ardor in betting
+Arius
+Arkansas
+Atlantic Slaveholding Region
+Auctioneers of slaves
+Auctions for slaves
+Augustine
+Aurelius
+Aversion between the oppressor and the slave
+
+
+B.
+
+Babbling of slaveholders
+Backs of slaves carded
+  "        "    putrid
+"Ball and chain" men
+Baptist preachers
+Battles in Congress
+Beating a woman's face with shoes
+Bedaubing of slaves with oil and tar
+Begetting slaves for pay
+"Bend your backs"
+Benevolence of slaveholders
+Betting on crops
+    "      slaves
+Beware of Kidnappers
+Bibles searched for
+Blind slaves
+Blocks with sharp pegs and nails
+Blood-bought luxuries
+Bodley, H.S.
+Bones dislocated
+
+
+BOOKS.
+
+  African Observer
+  American Convention, minutes of
+      "    Museum
+      "    State Papers
+  Andrews' Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Bay's Reports
+  Benezet's Caution to Britain and her Colonies
+  Blackstone's Commentaries, by Tucker
+  Book and Slavery irreconcilable
+  Bourgoing's Spain
+  Bourne's Picture of Slavery
+  Brevard's Digest of the Laws of South Carolina
+  Brewster's Exposition of Slave Treatment
+  Buchanan's Oration
+  Carey's American Museum
+  Carolina, History of
+  Channing on Slavery
+  Charity, "amiable and touching!"
+  Childs' Appeal
+  Civil Code of Louisiana
+  Clay's Address to Georgia Presbytery
+  Colonization Society's Reports
+  Cornelius Elias, Life of
+  Davis's Travels in Louisiana
+  Debates in Virginia Convention
+  Devereux's North Carolina Reports
+  Dew's Review of Debates in the Virginia Legislature
+  Edwards' Sermon
+  Emancipation in the West Indies
+  Emigrant's Guide through the Valley of Mississippi
+  Gales' Congressional Debates
+  Harris and Johnson's Reports
+  Haywood's Manual
+  Hill's reports
+  Human Rights
+  James' Digest
+  Jefferson's Notes
+  Josephus' History
+  Justinian, Institutes of
+  Kennet's Roman Antiquities
+  Laponneray's Life of Robespierre
+  Law of Slavery
+  Laws of United States
+  Leland's necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Letters from the South, by J.K. Paulding
+  Life of Elias Cornelius
+  Louisiana, civil code of
+      "    , sketches of
+  Martineau's Harriet, Society in America
+  Martin's Digest of the laws of Louisiana
+  Maryland laws of
+  Mead's Journal
+  Mississippi Revised Code
+  Missouri Laws
+  Modern state of Spain by J.F. Bourgoing
+  Montesquieu's Spirit of Laws
+  Necessity of Divine Revelation
+  Niles' Baltimore Register
+  North Carolina Reports by Devereaux
+  Oasis
+  Parrish's remarks on slavery
+  Paulding's letters from the South
+  Paxton's letters on slavery
+  Presbyterian Synod, Report of
+  Picture of slavery
+  Prince's Digest
+  Prison Discipline Society, reports of
+  Rankin's Letters
+  Reed and Matheson's visit to Am. churches
+  Review of Nevins' Biblical Antiquities
+  Rice, speech of in Kentucky convention
+  Robespierre, Life of
+  Robin's travels
+  Roman Antiquities
+  Slavery's Journal
+  Slavery and the Slave Trade
+  Society in America
+  Sewall's Diary
+  South Carolina, Laws of
+  South vindicated by Drayton
+  Spirit of Laws
+  Swain's address
+  Stroud's Sketch of the Slave Laws
+  Taylor's Agricultural Essays
+  Travels in Louisiana
+  Tucker's Blackstone
+  Tucker's Judge, Letter
+  Turner's Sacred History of the world
+  Virginia Legislature, Review of Debates in
+     "     , Revised Code
+     "     , Negro-raising state
+  Visit to American churches
+  Western Medical Journal
+  Western Medical Reformer
+  Western Review
+  Wheeler's Law of slavery
+  Wirt's Life of Patrick Henry
+  Woolman John, Life of
+
+Books of slaves stolen
+Borrowing of slaves
+Bourne, George, anecdote of
+Boy killed
+Boys' fight to amuse their drivers
+Bowie Knives
+Boys' retort
+Brandings
+Branding with hot iron
+Brasses
+"Breeders"
+Breeding of slaves prevented
+"Breeding wenches"
+     "       "     comparative value of
+Bribes for begetting slaves
+Brick-yards
+"Broken-winded" slaves
+Brutality to slaves
+Brutes and slaves treated alike
+Burial of slaves
+Burning of McIntosh
+Burning slaves
+Burning with hot iron
+Burning with smoothing irons
+Butchery
+
+
+C.
+
+Cabins of slaves
+Cachexia Africana
+Caligula
+Can't believe
+Capital Crimes
+Captain in the U.S. navy, tried for murder
+Carding of Slaves
+Cat-hauling
+Cato the Just
+Causes of the laws punishing cruelty to slaves
+Chained slave
+Chains
+Changes in the market
+Character of Overseers
+    "        Romans
+    "        Slave-drivers
+Charleston
+    "        Infirmary at
+    "        Jail
+    "        Slave auctions
+    "        Surgery at
+    "        Work-house
+Chastity punished
+Child-bearing prevented
+Childbirth of slaves
+Childhood unprotected
+Children flogged
+    "    naked
+Choking of slaves
+Chopping of slaves piecemeal
+Christian females tortured
+    "     martyr
+    "     slave-hunting
+    "     slave-murderer
+Christian, slave whipped to death
+Christians, persecutions of
+    "      slavery among
+    "      treat their slaves like others
+Christian woman kidnapped
+Chronic diseases
+Churches, abuse of power in
+Church members
+"Citizens sold as slaves"
+Civilization and morality
+Clarkson, Thomas
+Claudius
+Clemens
+Clothing for slaves
+Cock-fighting
+Code of Louisiana
+Collars of iron
+Columbia, district of
+    "     fatal affray at
+Comfort of slaves disregarded
+Commodus
+Concubinage
+Condemned criminals
+Condition of slaves
+Confinement at night
+Congress of the United States
+    "       a bear garden
+Connecticut, law of, against Quakers
+Constables, character of
+Constantine the Great
+Contempt of human life
+Contrasts of benevolence
+Conversation between C. and H
+Converted slave
+Cooking for slaves
+Correction moderate
+Corrupting influence of slavery
+Cotton-picking
+Cotton-plantations
+Cotton seed mixed with corn for food
+Council of Nice
+Courts, decrees of
+Cowhides, with shovel and tongs
+Crack of the whip heard afar off
+Crimes of slaves, capital
+Criminals condemned
+Cringing of Northern Preachers
+Cropping of ears
+Crops for exportation
+Cruelties, common
+    "      inflicted upon slaves
+    "      of Cortez in Mexico
+    "         Ovando in Hispaniola
+    "         Pizarro in Peru
+    "      of slave-drivers incredible
+Cruel treatment of slaves the masters' interest
+Cultivation of rice
+Cutting of A.T. s throat by a Presbyterian woman
+
+
+D.
+
+D'Almeydra, Donna Sophia
+Damaged negroes bought
+Darlington C.H., South Carolina
+Dauphin Island, Mobile Bay
+"Dead or Alive"
+Dead slave claimed
+Deaf slaves
+Death at child birth
+Death-bed, horrors of a slave driver
+Death by violence,
+Death of a slave murderer
+Decrees of Courts
+Decisions, judicial
+Declarations of slaveholders
+Deformed slaves
+Delivery of a dead child from whipping
+Description of slave drivers, by John Randolph
+Despair of slaves
+Desperate affray
+"Despot"
+"Dimensum" of Roman slaves
+Diseased slaves
+Dislocation of bones
+District of Columbia
+     "        "      prisons in
+Ditty of slaves
+"Doe-faces"--"Dough-faces"
+Dogs provided for
+Dogs to hunt slaves
+Domestic slavery
+Domitian
+Donnell, Rev. Mr.
+"Dough-faces"
+"Drivers"
+Driving of slaves
+Droves of "human cattle"
+   "    "    slaves
+Duelling
+Dumb slaves
+Dwellings of slaves
+Dying slave
+Dying young women
+
+
+E.
+
+Ear-cropping
+Early market
+Ear-notching
+Ear-slitting
+Eating tobacco worms
+Effects of public opinion concerning slavery
+Emancipation society of North Carolina
+English ladies and gentlemen
+Enormities of slave drivers
+Evenings in the "Negro quarter"
+Evidence of slaves vs. white persons null
+Ewall, Merry
+Examples pleaded in justification of cruelty to slaves
+Exchange of slaves
+Exportation of slave from Virginia
+Eyes struck out
+
+
+F.
+
+Faith objectors who "_can't believe_"
+Fatal rencontre
+"Fault-finding"
+Favorite amusements of slaveholders
+Fear, the only motive of slaves
+Feast for slaves
+Feeding insufficient
+Feeble infants
+_Felonies_ on account of slavery
+      "         perpetrated with impunity
+Female hypocrite
+Female slave deranged
+
+
+FEMALE SLAVE DRIVERS
+
+  Burford, Mrs.
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth L.
+  Charleston
+  Charlestown, Va
+  Galway, Mrs.
+  Harris, Mrs.
+  H., Mrs. throat cutter
+  Laurie, Madame La
+  Mallix, Mrs.
+  Mann, Mrs.
+  Mabtin, Mrs.
+  Maxwell, Mrs.
+  McNeil, Mrs.
+  Morgan, Mrs.
+  Newman, Mrs. B.
+  Pence, Mrs.
+  Phinps, Mrs.
+  Professor of religion
+  Ruffner, Mrs.
+  South Carolina
+  Starky, Mrs.
+  Swan, Mrs.
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  T., Mrs.
+  Trip, Mrs.
+  Truby, Mrs
+  Turner, Mrs.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+
+Female slave starved to death
+  "      "   whipped to death by a Methodist preacher
+Female stripped by order of her mistress
+Fetters
+Field-hands
+Lighting of boys to amuse their drivers
+Fine old preacher who dealt in slaves
+Fingers cut off
+Flogging for unfinished tasks
+    "    of children
+    "    pregnant women until they miscarry
+    "    slaves
+    "    young man
+Floggings
+Florida
+Food, kinds of
+  "     of slaves
+  "     quality of
+  "     quantity of
+Free citizens stolen
+Free woman
+  "    "   kidnapped
+Frequent murders
+Friends, memorial of
+Front-teeth knocked out
+Fundamental rights destroyed
+
+
+G.
+
+Gadsden Thomas N. Slave Auctioneer
+Gagging of slaves
+Galloway flogging Jo.
+Gambling on crops
+Gambling slaveholder
+Gang of slaves
+Generosity of slaveholders
+Georgia
+Girls' backs burnt with smoothing irons
+Girls' toe cut off
+Good treatment of slaves
+Governor of North Carolina
+    "    "  Shiraz
+Grand Jury presentment of,
+Guiltiness of Slavery
+Gun shot wounds
+
+
+H.
+
+Habits of slave-drivers
+Hampton Wade, murderer of slaves
+Handcuffs
+"Hands tied"
+Hanging of nine slaves
+Harris Benjamin, slave murderer
+Head found
+Head of a runaway slave on a pole
+Health of slaves
+Heart of slaveholders
+Herding of slaves
+Hilton James, slave murderer
+Hired slaves
+Hiring of slaves
+"Horrible malady"
+"Horrid butchery"
+Horrors of a slave-driver at death
+   "    "  the "middle passage"
+Horse-racing
+Horses more cared for than slaves
+Hospitality of slaveholders
+Hours of rest
+  "   "  work
+Hospital at New Orleans
+House-slaves
+Houses of slaves
+"House-wench"
+Hovels of slaves
+Huguenots, persecution of
+"Human cattle"
+Human rights against slavery
+Hunger of slaves
+Hunter of slaves
+Hunting men with dogs
+Hunting of slaves
+Hunt, Rev. Thomas P.
+Husband whipping his wife
+Huts of slaves
+Hymn-books searched for
+Hypocrisy of vice
+
+
+I.
+
+Idiot slaves
+Ignatius
+Ignorance of northern citizens of slavery
+       "   " slaveholders
+Impunity of killing slaves
+Inadequate clothing
+Income from hiring slaves
+Incorrigible slaves
+Incredibility of evidence against slavery
+Incredulity discreditable to consistency
+        "       "          " intelligence
+Indecency of slave-drivers
+Indiana Legislature, resolutions of
+Infant drowned
+Infant slaves
+Infirmary at Charleston
+Infliction of pain
+Inspection of naked slaves
+Intercession for slaves
+Interest of slaveholders
+Introduction
+Iron collars
+Iron fetters
+Iron head-front
+Israelites in Egypt
+
+
+J.
+
+Jewish law
+Joe flogged
+Jones, Anson, Minister from Texas
+Judicial decisions
+
+
+K.
+
+Kentucky
+   "     Sunday morning
+Kicking of slaves
+Kidnappers
+Kidnapping
+Kindness of slaveholders
+Kinds of food
+Kind treatment of slaves.
+Knives, Bowie
+Knocking out of teeth
+
+
+L.
+
+Labor, hours of
+Labor of slaves
+Ladies Benevolent Society
+Ladies flog with cowhides
+Ladies, public opinion known by
+Ladies use shovel and tongs
+Law concerning slavery
+Law-making
+Laws, Georgia
+  "   Louisiana
+  "   Maryland
+  "   Mississippi
+  "   North Carolina
+  "   South Carolina
+  "   Spirit of
+  "   Tennessee
+  "   United States
+  "   Virginia
+Law, safeguards of taken from slaves
+Law suit for a murdered slave,
+Legal restraints
+Licentiousness
+      "        encouraged by preachers
+Licentiousness of slavedrivers
+"Lie down" for whipping,
+Life in the South-west,
+Lives of slaves unprotected
+Lodging of slaves
+Long, his cruelty
+'Loss of property'
+Louisiana
+    "     law of
+    "     sketches of,
+Louis XIV. of France
+Lovers severed,
+Lunatic slaves
+"Lynchings" in the United States
+Lynch Law,
+
+
+M.
+
+Maimed slaves
+Maimings
+Malady of slaves
+Manacling of slaves
+Maniac woman
+Man sold by a Presbyterian elder
+Man-stealing paid for
+Marriage unknown among slaves
+Martyr for Christ
+Maryland Journal
+Maryville Intelligencer
+Massacre at Antioch
+  "      "  Thessalonica
+  "      "  Vicksburg
+Masters grant no redress to slaves
+McIntosh, burning of
+Maximin
+Meals number of
+  "   of slaves
+"Meat once a year"
+Mediation for slaves
+Medical attendance
+  "     college of South Carolina
+  "     Infirmary at Charleston
+Medicine administered to slaves
+Members of churches
+Memorial of friends
+Menagerie of slaves
+Men and women whipped
+Methodist colored preacher hung,
+Methodist girl whipped for her chastity
+Methodist preacher, a slave dealer
+    "        "          "   driver
+    "     woman cut off a girl's toe
+Method of taking meals
+"Middle passage"
+Miscarriage of women at the whipping post
+Mississippi
+Missouri
+Mistresses flog slaves
+Mobile
+"Moderate correction"
+Moors, repulsion of
+Morgan, William
+Mormons
+Mothers and babes separated
+Mothers of slaves
+Mulatto children in all families
+Multiplying of slaves
+Murderers of slaves tried and acquitted
+Murder of slaves by law
+    "        "   "  bad feeling
+    "        "   "  piece-meal
+    "        "   every seven years
+    "        "   frequent
+    "        "   with impunity
+Murders in Alabama
+   "    "  Arkansas
+
+
+N.
+
+Naked children
+  "   "Dave"
+  "   females whipped
+  "     "     inspected
+  "   Men and women at work in a field
+Nakedness of slaves
+Nantz, edict of
+'National slave-market'
+Natchez
+Nat Turner
+'Negro Head Point
+'Negroes for sale
+'Negroes taken
+Nero
+'Never lose a day's work'
+New England, witches of
+New Orleans
+  "    "    Hospital
+New York, thirteen persons burnt at
+Nice, council of
+'Nigger put in the bill'
+Night-confinement
+Night at a slaveholder's house
+Night in slave huts
+Nine slaves hanged
+No marriage among slaves
+North Carolina
+   "      "     Governor of
+   "      "     Legislature of
+   "      "     Kidnappers
+Northern visitors to the slave states
+Nothing can disgrace slave-drivers
+Novel torture
+Nudity of slaves
+Nursing of slave-children
+
+
+O.
+
+Objections considered
+Ocra, a slave-driver
+Oiling of a slave
+Old age uncommon among slaves
+ "   "  unprotected
+Old dying slaves
+"Old settlement"
+  "  slaves
+Oppressor aversion of to his slave
+Outlawry of slaves
+Outrageous Felonies on account of slavery
+    "        "      perpetrated with impunity
+Overseers, character of
+    "      generally armed
+    "      no appeal from
+
+OVERSEERS OF SLAVES--
+
+  Alabama
+  Alexander killed
+  Bellemont
+  Bellows
+  Blocken's
+  Bradley
+  Cormick's
+  Cruel to a proverb
+  Farr, James
+  Galloway
+  Gibbs
+  Goochland
+  Methodist preacher
+  Milligan's Bend
+  Nowland's
+  Tune
+  Turner's cousin
+  Walker
+  Overworking of slaves
+  Ownership Of human beings destroys their comfort.
+
+
+P.
+
+"Paddle" torture
+Paddle whipping
+Pain, the means of slave drivers
+"Pancake sticks"
+Parents and children separated
+Parlor-slaves
+Parricide threatened
+Patrol
+Pay for begetting mulatto slaves
+Periodical pressure
+Persecution of Huguenots
+Persecution for religion
+PERSONAL NARRATIVES
+Philanthropist
+Philip II. and the Moors
+Physicians not employed for slaves
+Physicians of slaves
+Physician's statement
+Pig-sties more comfortable than slave-huts
+Plantations
+Pleas for cruelty to slaves
+Ploughs and whips equally common
+Pliny
+Poles, Russian clemency to
+Polycarp
+"Poor African slave"
+Portuguese slaves
+Pothinus
+Prayer of slaves
+Praying and slave-whipping in the same room
+Praying slaves whipped
+Preacher claims a dead slave
+Preacher hung
+Preachers, cringing of
+Preacher's "hands tied"
+Preachers silenced
+Pregnant slaves
+    "      "    whipped
+Presbyterian Elders at Lynchburg
+Presbyterian minister killed his slave
+Presbyterian slave-trader
+Presbyterian woman desirious to cut A.T.'s throat
+Presentment of the Grand Jury at Cheraw
+Pretexts for slavery absurd
+Prisons in the District of Columbia
+Prison slave
+
+PRIVATIONS OF THE SLAVES--
+  Clothing
+  Dwellings
+  Food
+  Kinds of food
+  Labor
+  Number of meals
+  Quality of food
+  Quantity of food
+  Time of meals.
+
+Promiscuous concubinage
+"Property"
+    "     'loss of'
+Protection of slaves
+Protestants in France
+Provisions, allowance of
+Public opinion destroys fundamental rights,
+  "       "    diabolical
+  "       "    protects the slave
+Punishment of slaves
+Punishments
+Purchasing a wife
+Puryer "the devil"
+Putrid backs of slaves
+
+
+Q.
+
+Quality of food
+Quantity of food
+
+
+R.
+
+Race of slaves murdered every seven years
+Randolph John will of
+   "       "  description of slavedrivers
+   "       "             "Doe faces"
+Rations
+Rearing of slaves
+Relaxation, no time for
+Religious persecutions
+Respect for woman lost
+Rest, hours of
+Restraints, legal
+Retort of a boy
+Rhode Island, kidnappers and pirates of
+Rice plantations
+Richmond Whig
+Rio Janeiro slavery at
+Riot at Natchez
+Riots in the United States
+Robespierre
+Romans
+Roman slavery
+Runaways
+RUNAWAY SLAVES--
+   Advertisements for
+   Baptist man and woman
+   Buried alive
+   Chilton's
+   Converted
+   "Dead or alive"
+   Head on a pole
+   Hung
+   Hunting of
+   Intelligent man
+   Jim Dragon
+   Luke
+   Man buried
+    "  dragged by a horse
+    "  maimed
+    "  murdered
+    "  severe punishments of
+    "  shot
+    "   "   by Baptist preacher
+    "  taken from jail
+    "  tied and driven
+    "  to his wife
+    "  whipped to death
+   Many, annually shot I
+  Stallard's man
+  White Peter
+  Young woman
+
+
+S.
+
+Sabbath, a nominal holiday
+Safeguards of the law taken from slaves
+Sale of a man by a Presbyterian elder
+Sale of slaves
+Savannah, Ga.
+Savannah slave-hunter
+Save us from our friends
+Scarcity, times of
+Scenes of horror
+Search for Bibles and Hymn books
+Secretary of the Navy
+Separation of slaves
+Shame unknown among naked slaves
+Shoes for slaves
+Sick, treatment of
+"Six pound paddle,"
+"Slack-jaw,"
+Slave-breeders
+  "   breeding
+Slave-drivers acknowledge their enormities
+  "     "     character of
+SLAVEHOLDERS--
+  Adams
+  Baptist preachers
+  Barr
+  Baxter, George A
+  Baxter, John
+  Blocker, Colonel
+  Blount
+  Britt, Benjamin W.
+  Burbecker
+  Burvant, Mrs.
+  C.A., Rev.
+  Casey
+  Chilton, Joseph
+  Clay
+  C., Mr.
+  Cooper, Charity
+  Curtis,
+  Davis, Samuel
+  Dras, Henry
+  Delaware
+  Female hypocrite
+  Gautney, Joseph
+  Gayle, Governor
+  Governor of North Carolina
+  Green
+  Hampton, Wade
+  Harney, William S.
+  Harris, Benjamin James
+  Hayne, Governor
+  Hedding
+  Henrico county, Va.
+  Heyward, Nathaniel
+  Hughes, Philip O.
+  Hutchinson
+  Hypocrite woman
+  Indecency of
+  Jones
+  Jones, Henry
+  Lewis, Benjamin
+  Lewis, Isham
+  Lewis, Lilburn
+  Lewis, Rev. Mr.
+  Long, Lucy
+  Long, Reuben
+  L., of Bath, Ky.
+  Maclay, John
+  Martin, Rev. James
+  Matthews' Bend
+  M'Coy
+  M'Cue, John
+  Methodist
+  Methodist Preachers
+  M'Neilly
+  Moresville
+  Morgan
+  Mosely, William
+  Murderer
+  Mushat, Rev. John
+  Nansemond, Va.
+  Natchez planter
+  Nelson, Alexander
+  Nichols, of Connecticut
+  North Carolina
+  Owens, Judge
+  Painter
+  Physician
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Presbyterian
+  Presbyterian minister, Huntsville
+         "       "       North Carolina
+         "     preacher
+  Professing Christian
+  Puryar, "the Devil"
+  Randolph, John
+  Reiks, Micajah
+  Rodney
+  Ruffner
+  Shepherd, S.C.
+  Sherrod, Ben
+  Slaughter,
+  Smith, Judge
+  Sophistry of
+  South Carolina
+  Sparks, William
+  Stallard, David
+  Starky,
+  Swan, John
+  Teacher at Charleston
+  Thompson
+  Thorpe
+  Tripp, James
+  Truly, James
+  Turner, Fielding S.
+  Turner, uncle of
+  Virginian,
+  Wall
+  Watkins, Billy
+  Watkins, Robert H.
+  Watson, A.
+  W., Colonel
+  Webb, Carroll
+   "    Pleasant
+  West's uncle
+  Widow and daughter, Savannah river
+  Willis, Robert
+  Wilson, William
+  Woman
+  Woman, professor of religion,
+Slaveholders justify their cruelties by example
+     "       possess absolute power
+     "       sophistry of
+Slaveholding amusements
+     "       brutality
+     "       indecency
+     "       murderers
+     "       religion
+Slave-mothers,
+   "   plantations second only to hell
+Slavery among Christians
+SLAVERY ILLUSTRATED--
+Slave-auctions
+   "  blocks with nails
+   "  boys fight to amuse their drivers,
+   "  branding
+   "  breeding
+   "  burner
+   "  burning
+Slave-cabins
+   "    "    at night
+Slave-children nursed
+   "  choking
+   "  clothing
+   "  collars
+   "  cookery
+Slave-ditty
+   "  dogs
+   "  driver's death
+   "     "     licentiousness of
+   "  driving
+   "  fetters
+   "  food
+   "  gagging
+   "  gangs
+   "  handcuffs
+   "  herding
+Slaveholders, civilization and morality of
+     "        declarations of
+     "        habits of
+     "        heart of
+     "        hospitality of
+     "        interest of
+     "        sophistry of
+     "        "treat their slaves well"
+Slaveholding professor
+"Slaveholding religion"
+Slave-hovels
+   "  hunting
+   "    "     by Christians
+Slave imprisoned
+   "  in chains
+   "  in the stocks
+   "  kicking
+   "  killed, and put in the bill
+   "  killing with impunity
+   "  labor
+   "  manacles
+   "  martyr
+   "  meals
+   "  mothers
+   "  murderers, tried and acquitted
+   "  patrol
+   "  physicians
+   "  punishments of
+Slave quarters,
+Slavery, code of law respecting
+   "     among Christians
+   "     domestic
+   "     guilt of
+   "     of whites
+   "     public opinion and effects of
+   "     unmixed cruelty
+Slave selling
+Slaves aversion of to their oppressors
+  "    backs of, putrid
+  "    blind
+  "    books of searched for
+  "    branded
+  "    brutality to
+  "    burial of
+  "    carded
+  "    cat-hauling of
+  "    comfort of disregarded
+  "    deaf
+  "    dead or alive
+  "    deformed
+  "    deprived of every safeguard of the law
+  "    described
+  "    diseased
+  "    dread to be sold for the South
+  "    dumb
+  "    dying
+  "    evidence of against white persons null
+  "    exchanged
+  "    reported from Virginia
+  "    fear their only motive
+  "    feasted and flogged
+  "    hired
+  "    idiots
+  "    incorrigible
+  "    infant
+  "    in the stocks
+  "    "  U.S. treatment of
+  "    lunatics
+  "    maimed
+  "    merchandise
+  "    multiply
+  "    murdered by cottonseed
+  "      "         overwork
+  "      "         piece-meal
+  "      "         starvation
+  "      "      every seven years
+  "      "      frequently
+  "      "      with impunity
+  "    naked
+  "    not treated as human beings
+  "    outlawed
+  "    overworked
+  "    prayers of
+  "    privations of
+  "    protection of
+  "    sale of
+  "    stock
+  "    surgeons of
+  "    taking medicine
+  "    tantalized
+  "    starvation of
+  "    teeth of knocked out
+  "    tied up all night
+  "    toe cut off
+  "    torments of
+  "    travelling in droves
+  "    treated worse as they are farther South
+  "    treatment of by Christians
+  "    under overseers
+  "    watching of
+  "    without redress
+  "       "    shelter
+  "    working animals
+  "    worn out
+  "    worse treated than brutes
+  "    wounded by gun-shot
+Slave testimony excluded
+  "   torturing hypocrite
+  "   trade with Africa
+  "   trading
+  "      "    honorable
+  "   traffic
+Slave Murderers
+Slave plantation
+Slave usage contrasted with that of animals
+  Slave whipping
+  Slave yokes
+  Whipped
+  Whipped and burnt
+  Whipped to death
+  Slaves treatment of
+  Slave trade
+Sleeping in clothes
+Slitting of ears
+Smoothing iron on girl's backs
+Sophistry of slaveholders
+South Carolina laws of
+  "      "     medical college
+Southern dogs and horses
+Spartan slavery
+Speece, Rev. Conrad opposed to emancipation
+Spirit of laws
+Springfield, S.C.
+Starvation of a female slave
+    "       " slaves
+Statement of a physician
+State, abuse of power in
+Stealing of freemen
+Stevenson, Andrew, letter by
+St. Helena, S.C.
+Stillman's, Dr. medical infirmary at Charleston
+Stocks for slaves
+"Stock without shelter:
+"Subject of prayer"
+Suffering of slaves
+  "        "    "   drives to despair and suicide
+Sugar-planters
+Suicide of slaves
+Suit for a dead slave
+  "   "  " murdered slave
+Sunday morning in Kentucky
+Surgeon of slaves
+Surgery at Charleston
+"Susceptibility of pain"
+
+
+T.
+
+Tanner's oil poured on a slave
+Tantalising of slaves
+Tappan, Arthur
+Tarring of slaves
+Taskwork of slaves
+Teeth knocked out
+Tender regard of slaveholders for slave
+Tennessee
+TESTIMONY.--
+  Allen, Rev. William T.
+  Avery, George A.
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, Gordon
+  Clergyman
+  Cruelty to slaves
+  Dickey, Rev. William
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Gildersleeve, William C.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+  Grimke, Sarah M.
+  Hawley, Rev. Francis
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Macy, F.C.
+    "   Reuben G.
+    "   Richard
+    "   T.D.M.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Nelson, John M.
+  New Orleans
+  Of slaves excluded
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Poe, William
+  Powel, Eleazar
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Secretary of the Navy
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Virginian
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimke
+  White, Hiram
+  Wist, William
+Texas
+Theodosius the Great
+Thessalonica, massacre at
+Thumb-screws
+Tiberius
+Time for relaxation, not allowed
+Times of scarcity
+Titus
+Tobacco worms eaten
+Tooth knocked out
+Tortures
+   "     eulogized by a professor of religion
+Trading with negroes
+Traffic in slaves
+Trajan
+Treatment of sick slaves
+Treatment of slaves in the United States by professing Christians,
+    "     little better than that of brutes
+Trial of women,--"_white and black_,"
+Trials for murdering slaves
+Turkish slavery
+Turner, Nat
+Twelve slaves killed by overwork
+Twenty-seven hundred thousands of free-born citizens in the United
+  States
+Tying up of slaves at night
+"Tyrant"
+
+"Uncle Jack," Baptist preacher
+Under garments not allowed to slaves
+United States, Laws of
+University of Virginia
+Untimely seasons
+Usage of slaves and brutes contrasted
+
+Vapid babblings of slaveholders
+Vice, hypocrisy of
+Vicksburg, massacre of
+Virginia, a slave menagerie
+  "       exportation of slaves from
+  "       University of
+Visitors to slave states
+Vitellius
+
+Washing for slaves
+Washington slavery
+  "        the national slave market
+West Indian slaves
+Whip, cracking of heard at a distance
+"Whipped to death"
+
+WHIPPING--
+  Children
+  Every day
+  Females
+  On three plantations heard at one time
+  Pregnant women
+  Slaves
+  Slaves after a feast
+    "    for praying
+  With paddle
+  Women with prayer
+Whipping-posts
+Whips equally common on plantations as ploughs
+"White or black;" trial of
+Whites in slavery
+White slave
+Wholesale murders
+Wife, purchase of a
+Will of John Randolph
+Wilmington, N.C.
+Witches of New-England
+
+WITNESSES.
+  Abbot, Jordan
+  Abdie, P.
+  Adams, Mr.
+  African Observer
+  Alexandria Gazette
+  Allan, Rev. William T.
+  Alston, J.A., Heirs of
+  Alton Telegraph
+  Alvis, J.
+  Anderson, Benjamin
+  Andrews, Professor
+  Anthony, Julius C.
+  Antram, Joshua
+  Appleton, John James
+  Arkansas Advocate
+  Armstrong, William
+  Artop, James
+  Ashford, J.P.
+  Augusta Chronicle
+  Avery, George A.
+  Aylethorpe, Thomas
+  Bahi, P.
+  Baker, William
+  Baldwin, J.G.
+  Baldwin, Jonathan F.
+  Ballinger, A.S.
+  Baltimore Sun
+  Baptist Deacon
+  Bardwell, Rev. William
+  Barker, Jacob
+  Barnard, Alonzo
+  Barnes, George W.
+  Barr, James
+   "    Mrs.
+   "    Rev. Hugh
+  Barrer, B.G.
+  Barton, David W.
+    "     Richard W.
+  Bateman, William
+  Baton Rouge, Agricultural Society of
+  Bayli, P.
+  Beall, Samuel
+  Beasley, A.G.A.
+     "     John C.
+     "     Robert
+  Beene, Jesse
+  Bell, Abraham
+   "    Samuel
+  Bennett, D.B.
+  Besson, Jacob
+  Bezon, Mr.
+  Bingham, Joel S.
+  Birdseye, Ezekiel
+  Birney, James G.
+  Bishop, J.
+  Blackwell, Samuel
+  Bland, R.J.
+  Bliss Mayhew and Co
+    "   Philemon,
+  Bolton, J.L. and W.H.
+  Boudinot, Tobias
+  Bouldin, T.T.
+  Bourgoing, J.F.
+  Bourne, George
+  Bradley, Henry
+  Bragg, Thomas
+  Brasseale, W.H.
+  Brewster, Jarvis
+  Brothers, Menard
+  Brove, A.
+  Brown, J.A.
+    "    John
+    "    Rev. Abel
+    "    William
+  Bruce Mr.
+  Buchanan, Dr.
+  Buckels, William D.
+  Burvant, Madame
+  Burwell
+  Bush, Moses E.
+  Buster, Mr.
+  Butt, Moses
+  Byrn, Samuel H.
+  Calvert, Robert
+  Carney, R.P.
+  Carolina, History of
+  Carter, Mrs. Elizabeth
+  Caulkins, Nehemiah
+  Channing, Dr.
+  Chapin, Rev. William A.
+  Chapman, B.F.
+     "     Gardon
+  Charleston Courier
+      "      Mercury
+      "      Patriot
+  Cherry, John W.
+  Child, David L.
+    "    Mrs.
+  Choules, Rev. John O.
+  Citizens of Onslow
+  Clark, W.G.
+  Clarke John
+  Clay, Henry,
+    "  Thomas
+  Clenderson, Benjamin
+  Clergyman
+  Coates Lindley
+  Cobb, W.D.
+  Colborn, J.L.
+  Cole, Nathan
+  Coleman, H.
+  Colonization Society
+  Columbian Inquirer
+  Comegys, Governor
+  Congress, Member of
+  Connecticut, Medical Society of
+  Constant, Dr.
+  Cooke, Owen
+  Cook, Giles
+    "   H.L.
+  Cooper, Thomas
+  Cornelius, Rev. Elias
+  Corner, Charles
+    "     L.E.
+  Cotton plantere
+  Cowles, Mrs. Mary
+    "     Rev. Sylvester
+  Craige, Charles
+  Crane, William
+  Crutchfield, Thomas
+  Cuggy, T.
+  Curtis, Mr.
+     "    Rev. John H.
+  Cuyler, J.
+  Daniel and Goodman
+  Darien Telegraph
+  Davidson, Rev. Patrick
+  Davis, John
+  Davis, Benjamin
+  Dean, Jethro
+    "   Thomas
+  Demming, Dr.
+  Denser, T.S.
+  Derbigny, Judge
+  Dew, Philip A.
+   "   President
+  Dickey, Rev. James H.
+    "     William
+  Dickinson, Mr.
+  Dillahunty, John H.
+  Doddridge, Philip
+  Dorrah, James
+  Downman, Mrs. Lucy M.
+  Douglas, Rev. J.W.
+  Drake and Thomson
+  Drayton, Colonel
+  Drown, William
+  Dudley, Rev. John
+  Duggan, John
+  Dunn, John L.
+  Dunham, Jacob
+  Durell, Judge
+  Durett, Francis
+  Dustin, W.
+  Dyer, William
+  Eastman, Rev. D.B.
+  Eaton, General William
+  Edmunds, Nicholas
+  Edwards, F.L.C.
+     "     President
+     "   Junior "
+  Ellison, Samuel
+  Ellis, Orren
+  Ellsworth, Elijah
+  Emancipation Society of N.C.
+  English, Walter R.
+  Evans, R.A.
+  Everett, William
+  Faulkner, Mr.
+  Fayetteville Observer
+  Fernandez and Whiting
+  Finley, James C.
+    "     R.S.
+  Fishers, E.H. and I.
+  Fitzhugh, William H.
+  Ford, John
+  Foster, Francis
+  Fox, John B.
+  Foy, Enoch
+  Francisville Chronicle
+  Franklin Republican
+  Frederick, John
+  Friends, Yearly Meeting of
+  Fuller, Isaac C.
+  Fullerton, G.S.
+  Furman, B.
+  Gadsden, Thomas N.
+  Gaines, Rev. Ludwell, G.
+  Gales, Joseph
+  Garcia, Henrico Y.
+  Garland, Maurice H.
+  Gates, Seth M.
+  Gayle, John
+  Georgetown Union
+  Georgia Constitutionalist
+     "    Journal
+  Georgian
+  Gholson, Mr.
+  Giddings, Mr.
+  Gilbert, E.W.
+  Gildersterre, William C.
+  Glidden, Mr.
+  Goode, Mr.
+  Gourden and Co.
+  Grace, Byrd M.
+  Graham, Rev. John
+     "    Rev. Dr.
+  Grand Gulf Advertiser
+  Graham, Jehab
+  Gray, Abraham
+  Greene, R.A.
+  Green, James R.
+  Gregory, Ossian
+  Gridley, H.
+  Grimke, Sarah M.
+  Grosvenor. Rev. Cyrus P.
+  Guex, D.F.
+  Gunnell, John J.H.
+  Guthrie, A.A.
+  Guyler, J.
+  Halley, Preston
+  Hall, Samuel
+  Han, E.
+  Hand, John H.
+  Hansborough, William
+  Hanson, Peter
+  Harding, N.H.
+  Harman, Samuel
+  Harrison, General W.H.
+  Hart, F.A.
+   "    Rev. Mr.
+  Harvey, J.
+  Hawley, David
+    "     Rev. Francis
+  Hayne, General R.Y.
+  Henderson, John
+     "       Judge
+  Hendren, H.
+  Herring, D.
+    "      Dr.
+  Hitchcock, Judge
+  Hite, S.N.
+  Hodges, B.W.
+    "     Rev. Coleman S.
+  Holcombe, John P.
+  Holmes, George
+  Home, Frederick
+  Honerton, Philip
+  Hopkins, Rev. Henry T.
+  Horsey, Outerbridge
+  Hough, Rev. Joseph
+  Houstoun, Edward
+  Hudnall, Thomas
+  Hughes, Benjamin
+  Hunt, John
+   "    Rev. Thomas P.
+  Hussey, George P.C.
+  Huston, Felix
+  Hutchings, A.J.
+  Ide, Joseph
+  Indiana, Legislature of
+  Jackson, Stephen M.
+      "    Telegraph
+  James, Joseph
+  Jarnett, James T. De
+  Jarvett, James T.
+  Jefferson, Thomas
+  Jenkins, John
+  Jett, Marshall
+  Johnson, Bryant
+      "    Cornelius
+      "    Isaac
+      "    Josiah S.
+  Jolley, J.L.
+  Jones, Alexander
+    "    Anson
+    "    Hill
+    "    James
+    "    R.H.
+    "    W. Jefferson
+  Jourdan, Green B.
+  Judd, D.
+    "   Mrs. Nancy
+  Keeton, G.W.
+  Kennedy, John
+  Kentucky, Synod of
+  Kephart, George
+  Kernin, Charles
+  Keyes, Willard
+  Kimball and Thome
+     "    George
+  Kimborough, James
+  King, Charles
+    "   John H.
+    "   Nehemiah
+  Knapp, Henry E.
+    "    Isaac
+  Kyle, Frederick
+    "   James
+  Lacy, Theodore A.
+  Ladd, William
+  Lains, O.W.
+  Lambeth, William L.
+  Lambre, Mr.
+  Lancette, R.
+  Langhorne, Scruggs and Cook
+  Larrimer, Thomas
+  Latimer, W.K.
+  Lawless, Judge
+  Lawyer, Zadok
+  Ledwith, Thomas
+  Leftwich, William
+  Lemes, Ferdinand
+  Leverich and Co.
+  Lewis, Kirkman
+  Lexington Intelligencer
+      "     Observer
+  Little, Mrs. Sophia
+  Loflano, Hazlet
+  Long, Joseph
+  Loomis, Henry H.
+  Loring, R.
+     "    Thomas
+  Louisville Reporter
+  Lowry, Mrs. Nancy
+  Luminais, A.
+  Lyman, Judge
+     "   Rev. H.
+  Macoin, J.
+  Macon Messenger
+   "    Telegraph
+  Macy, F.C.
+   "    Reuben G.
+   "    Richard
+   "    T.D.M.
+  Magee, William
+  Males, Henry
+  Maltby, Stephen E.
+  Manning, P.T.
+  Marietta College, student of
+  Marks, James
+  Marriott, Charles
+  Marshall, John T.
+  Martineau, Harriet
+  Maryland Journal
+  Maryville Intelligencer
+  Mason, Samuel
+  Mathieson, Rev. James
+  May, Rev. Samuel J.
+  McCue, Moses
+  McDonnell, James
+  McGehee, Edward J.
+  McGregor, Henry M.
+  McMurrain, John
+  Mead Whitman
+  Medical College of South Carolina
+  Memphis Gazette
+     "    Inquirer
+  Menefee, R.H.
+  Menzies, Judge
+  Mercer, Mr.
+  Metcalf, Asa B.
+  Middleton, Mr.
+  Miles, Lemuel
+  Milledgeville Journal
+        "       Recorder
+  Miller, C.
+  Minister from Texas, A. Jones
+  Minor, W.I.
+  Missouri Republican
+  Mitchell, Dr. Robert
+  Mitchell, Isaac
+  M'Neilly
+  Mobile Advertiser
+    "    Examiner
+    "    Register
+  Mongin, R.P.T.
+  Montesquieu
+  Montgomery, W.H.
+  Moore, Mr. Va.
+  Moorhead, John H.
+  Morris, E.W.
+  Moulton, Rev. Horace
+  Moyne Dr. F. Julius Le
+  Muggridge, Matthew
+  Muir J.G.
+  Murat A.
+  Murphy S.B.
+  Napier T. and L.
+  Natchez Courier
+     " Daily Free Trade
+  National Intelligencer
+  Nelson Dr. David
+     "   John M.
+  Nesbitt Wilson
+  Newbern Sentinel
+    "     Spectator
+  New Hampshire, legislature of
+  Newman Mrs. B.
+  New Orleans Argus
+      "       Bee
+      "       Bulletin
+      "       Courier
+      "       Kidnapping at
+      "       Mercantile Advertiser
+      "       Post
+  New York American
+      "    Sun
+  Neyle S.
+  Nicholas Judge
+  Nicoll Robert
+  Niles Hezekiah
+  Noe James
+  Norfolk Beacon
+     "    Herald
+  N.C. Literary and Commercial-Standard
+  N.C. Journal
+  Nourse Rev. James
+  Nye Horace
+  O'Byrne
+  O'Connell Daniel
+  Oliver Colonel
+  O'Neill Peter
+  Onslow, Citizens of
+  Orme Moses
+  O'Rorke John
+  Overstreet, Richard
+  Overstreet, William
+  Owen, Captain N.F.
+  Owen, John W.
+  Owens, J.G.
+
+  Parrish, John
+  Parrott, Dr.
+  Patterson, Willie
+  Paulding, James K.
+  Peacock, Jesse
+  Perry, Thomas C.
+  Petersburg Constellation
+  Philanthropist
+  Pickard, J.S.
+  Pinckney, H.L.
+  Pinkney, William
+  Planter's Intelligencer
+  Planters of South Carolina
+  Poe, William
+  Porter, Mr.
+  Portsmouth Times
+  Powell, Eleazar
+  Presbyterian elder
+  President of the United States
+  Pringle, Thomas
+  Pritchard, William H.
+  Probate sale
+  Purdon, James
+
+  Ragland, Samuel
+  Raleigh Register
+  Ralston, Samuel
+  Randall, J.B.
+  Randolph, John
+  Riadolph, Thomas Mann
+  Rankin, Rev. John
+  Rascoe, William D.
+  Rawlins, Samuel
+  Raworth, Egbert A.
+  Redden J.V.
+  Red River Whig
+  Reed, Rev. Andrew
+  Reed, William H.
+  Reese, Enoch
+  Reins, Richard
+  Reeves, W.P.
+  Renshaw Rev. C.S.
+  Rhodes, Durant H.
+  Rice, H.W.
+  Rice, Rev. David
+  Richardson, G.C.
+  Richards, James K.
+  Richards, Moses R.
+  Richards, Stephen M.
+  Richmond Compiler
+  Richmond Inquirer
+  Richmond Whig
+  Ricks, Micajah
+  Riley, W.
+  Ripley, George B.
+  Roach, Philip
+  Robbins, Welcome H.
+  Robarts, William
+  Roberts, J.H.
+  Robin, C.C.
+  Robinson, N.M.C.
+  Robinson, William
+  Roebuck, George
+  Rogers, N.P.
+  Rogers, Thomas
+  Ross, Abner
+  Rowland, John A.
+  Ruffin, Judge
+  Russel, Benjamin
+  Russel, W.
+  Rymes, Littlejohn
+
+  Sadd, Rev. Joseph M.
+  Salvo, Conrad
+  Sapington, Lemuel
+  Saunders, James
+  Savage, Rev. Thomas
+  Savannah Georgian
+  Savannah Republican
+  Savory, William
+  Scales, Rev. William
+  Schmidt, Louis
+  Scott, Rev. Orange
+  Scott, William
+  Scrivener, J.
+  Seabrook, Whitmarsh B.
+  Secretary of the navy
+  Selfer
+  Senator of the United States
+  Sevier, Ambrose H.
+  Sewall, Stephen
+  Shafter, M.M.
+  Sheith, M.J.
+  Shield and Walker
+  Shields, Polly C.
+  Shropshire, David
+  Simmons, B.C.
+  Simpson, John
+  Sizer, R.W.
+  Skinner, W.
+  Slaveholders
+  Smith, Bishop of Kentucky
+  Smith, Gerrit
+  Smith, Professor
+  Smith, Rev. Phineas
+  Smyth, Alexander
+  Snow, Henry H.
+  Snowden, J.
+  Snowden, Rev. Samuel
+  South Carolina, legislature of
+  South Carolina, Medical College of
+  South Carolina, Slaveholder of
+  Southern Argus
+  Southern Christian Herald
+  Southerner
+  Southmayd, Rev. Daniel S.
+  Spillman, Mr.
+  Stansell, William
+  Staughton, Rev. Dr.
+  Staunton Spectator
+  Steams and Co.
+  Stevenson, Andrew
+  Stewart, Samuel
+  Stillmam, Dr.
+  Stith, W. and A.
+  Stone, Asa A.
+  Stone, Silas
+  Stone, William L.
+  Strickland, William
+  Stroud, George M.
+  Stuart, Charles
+  Summers, Mr.
+  Swain, B.
+  Synod of South Carolina and Georgia
+
+  Tart, John
+  Tate, Calvin H.
+  Taylor, James H.
+    "     John
+    "     Lawton, and Co.
+  Texan minister, Anson Jones
+  Thatcher, Colonel
+  Thome and Kimball
+  Thome, James A.
+  Thompson, Henry P.
+  Thomson, Mr.
+    "    , Sandford
+  Todd, R.S.
+  Toler, William
+  Tolin, Cornelius D.
+  Townsend, Ely
+    "     , Samuel
+  Tucker, Judge
+  Turnbull, Robert
+  Turner, John
+    "   , John D.
+    "   , L.
+  Tarton, S.B.
+  Tuscaloosa Flag of the Union
+  Upsher, Judge
+  Ustick, William A.
+  Vance, John
+  Van Buren, Martin
+  Varillat, H.
+  Vicksburg Register
+  Virginia Minister
+  Virginian
+  Walker, John
+  Walton, George
+    "   , John W.
+  Walsh, Sarah
+  Washington Globe
+  Waugh, Dr. Jeremiah S.
+  Weld, Angelina Grimke
+  Wells, Thomas J.
+  West Eli
+  Western Luminary
+    "     Medical Journal
+    "        "    Reformer
+    "     Review
+  Westgate, George W.
+  Whitbread, Samuel
+  Whitefield, George
+    "       , Needham
+  Whitehead, C.C.
+    "      , W.W.
+  White, Hiram
+  Wightman, Rev. William M.
+  Wilberforce, W.
+  Wilkins, C.W.
+  Wilkinson, Alfred
+  Williams, George W.
+  Willis, Robert
+  Willis, William
+  Wilmington Advertiser
+  Wilson, Rev. Joseph G.
+  Winchester Virginian
+  Wirt, William
+  Wisner, F.
+  Witherspoon, Dr.
+  Woodward, Jeremiah
+  Woolman, John
+  Wotton, John
+  Wright, Mr.
+  Yampert, T.J. De
+  Yearly meeting of Friends
+Woman dying
+  "   flogged because her child died
+  "   maniac
+  "   no respect for
+Women at childbirth
+  "    " the same labor with men
+  "    " work
+  "   miscarry under the whip
+  "   not breeding
+  "   pregnant whipped
+  "   severe whippers of slaves
+  "   slaves
+Workhouse at Charleston
+Working hours
+  "     of slaves
+Worn-out slaves
+"Worse and worse"
+Worship of God prohibited
+Wounds by gunshot
+Wright Isaac
+Yokes for slaves
+
+
+
+THE
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+No. 10.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+SPEECH
+
+of
+
+HON. THOMAS MORRIS,
+
+OF OHIO,
+
+IN REPLY TO THE SPEECH OF
+
+THE
+
+HON. HENRY CLAY.
+
+
+IN SENATE, FEBRUARY 9, 1839.
+
+
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+PUBLISHED BY THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+
+NO. 143 NASSAU STREET:
+
+1839.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+This No. contains 2-1/2 sheets.--Postage, under 100 miles, 4 cts. over
+  100, 7 cts.
+
+_Please Read and circulate._
+
+
+
+SPEECH
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MR. PRESIDENT--I rise to present for the consideration of the Senate,
+numerous petitions signed by, not only citizens of my own State, but
+citizens of several other States, New York, Pennsylvania, Michigan,
+Illinois, and Indiana. These petitioners, amounting in number to
+several thousand, have thought proper to make me their organ, in
+communicating to Congress their opinions and wishes on subjects which,
+to them, appear of the highest importance. These petitions, sir, are
+on the subject of slavery, the slave trade as carried on within and
+from this District, the slave trade between the different States of
+this Confederacy, between this country and Texas, and against the
+admission of that country into the Union, and also against that of any
+other State, whose constitution and laws recognise or permit slavery.
+I take this opportunity to present all these petitions together,
+having detained some of them for a considerable time in my hands, in
+order that as small a portion of the attention of the Senate might be
+taken up on their account as would be consistent with a strict regard
+to the rights of the petitioners. And I now present them under the
+most peculiar circumstances that have ever probably transpired in this
+or any other country. I present them on the heel of the petitions
+which have been presented by the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay]
+signed by the inhabitants of this District, praying that Congress
+would not receive petitions on the subject of slavery in the District,
+from any body of men or citizens, but themselves. This is something
+new; it is one of the devices of the slave power, and most
+extraordinary in itself. These petitions I am bound in duty to
+present--a duty which I cheerfully perform, for I consider it not only
+a duty but an honor. The respectable names which these petitions bear,
+and being against a practice which I as deeply deprecate and deplore
+as they can possibly do, yet I well know the fate of these petitions;
+and I also know the time, place, and disadvantage under which I
+present them. In availing myself of this opportunity to explain my own
+views on this agitating topic, and to explain and justify the
+character and proceedings of these petitioners, it must be obvious to
+all that I am surrounded with no ordinary discouragements. The strong
+prejudice which is evinced by the petitioners of the District, the
+unwillingness of the Senate to hear, the power which is arrayed
+against me on this occasion, as well as in opposition to those whose
+rights I am anxious to maintain; opposed by the very lions of debate
+in this body, who are cheered on by an applauding gallery and
+surrounding interests, is enough to produce dismay in one far more
+able and eloquent than the _lone_ and humble individual who now
+addresses you.
+
+What, sir, can there be to induce me to appear on this public arena,
+opposed by such powerful odds? Nothing, sir, nothing but a strong
+sense of duty, and a deep conviction that the cause I advocate is
+just; that the petitioners whom I represent are honest, upright,
+intelligent and respectable citizens; men who love their country, who
+are anxious to promote its best interests, and who are actuated by the
+purest patriotism, as well as the deepest philanthropy and
+benevolence. In representing such men, and in such a cause, though by
+the most feeble means, one would suppose that, on the floor of the
+Senate of the United States, order, and a decent respect to the
+opinions of others, would prevail. From the causes which I have
+mentioned, I can hardly hope for this. I expect to proceed through
+scenes which ill become this hall; but nothing shall deter me from a
+full and faithful discharge of my duty on this important occasion.
+Permit me, sir, to remind gentlemen that I have been now six years a
+member of this body. I have seldom, perhaps too seldom, in the opinion
+of many of my constituents, pressed myself upon the notice of the
+Senate, and taken up their time in useless and windy debate. I
+question very much if I have occupied the time of the Senate during
+the six years as some gentlemen have during six weeks, or even six
+days. I hope, therefore, that I shall not be thought obtrusive, or
+charged with taking up time with abolition petitions. I hope, Mr.
+President, to hear no more about agitating this slave question here.
+Who has began the agitation now? The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay.]
+Who has responded to that agitation, and congratulated the Senate and
+the country on its results? The Senator from South Carolina, Mr.
+[Calhoun.] And pray, sir, under what circumstances is this agitation
+begun? Let it be remembered, let us collect the facts from the records
+on your table, that when I, as a member of this body, but a few days
+since offered a resolution as the foundation of proceedings on these
+petitions, gentlemen, as if operated on by an electric shock, sprung
+from their seats and objected to its introduction. And when you, sir,
+decided that it was the right of every member to introduce such motion
+or resolution as he pleased, being responsible to his constituents and
+this body for the abuse of this right, gentlemen seemed to wonder that
+the Senate had no power to prevent the action of one of its members in
+cases like this, and the poor privilege of having the resolution
+printed, by order of the Senate, was denied.
+
+Let the Senator from South Carolina before me remember that, at the
+last session, when he offered resolutions on the subject of slavery,
+they were not only received without objection, but printed, voted on,
+and decided; and let the Senator from Kentucky reflect, that the
+petition which he offered against our right, was also received and
+ordered to be printed without a single dissenting voice; and I call on
+the Senate and the country to remember, that the resolutions which I
+have offered on the same subject have not only been refused the
+printing, but have been laid on the table without being debated, or
+referred. Posterity, which shall read the proceedings of this time,
+may well wonder what power could induce the Senate of the United
+States to proceed in such a strange and contradictory manner. Permit
+me to tell the country now what this power behind the throne, greater
+than the throne itself, is. It is the power of SLAVERY. It is a power,
+according to the calculation of the Senator from Kentucky, which owns
+twelve hundred millions of dollars in human beings as property; and if
+money is power, this power is not to be conceived or calculated; a
+power which claims human property more than double the amount which
+the whole money of the world could purchase. What can stand before
+this power? Truth, everlasting truth, will yet overthrow it. This
+power is aiming to govern the country, its constitutions and laws; but
+it is not certain of success, tremendous as it is, without foreign or
+other aid. Let it be borne in mind that the Bank power, some years
+since, during what has been called the panic session, had influence
+sufficient in this body, and upon this floor, to prevent the reception
+of petitions against the action of the Senate on their resolutions of
+censure against the President. The country took instant alarm, and the
+political complexion of this body was changed as soon as possible. The
+same power, though double in means and in strength, is now doing the
+same thing. This is the array of power that even now is attempting
+such an unwarrantable course in this country; and the people are also
+now moving against the slave, as they formerly did against the Bank
+power. It, too, begins to tremble for its safety. What is to be done?
+Why, petitions are received and ordered to be printed, against the
+right of petitions which are not received, and the whole power of
+debate is thrown into the scale with the slaveholding power. But all
+will not do; these two powers must now be united: an amalgamation of
+the black power of the South with the white power of the North must
+take place, as either, separately, cannot succeed in the destruction
+of the liberty of speech and the press, and the right of petition. Let
+me tell gentlemen, that both united will never succeed; as I said on a
+former day, God forbid that they should ever rule this country! I have
+seen this billing and cooing between these different interests for
+some time past; I informed my private friends of the political party
+with which I have heretofore acted, during the first week of this
+session, that these powers were forming a union to overthrow the
+present administration; and I warned them of the folly and mischief
+they were doing in their abuse of those who were opposed to slavery.
+All doubts are now terminated. The display made by the Senator from
+Kentucky, [Mr. Clay,] and his denunciations of these petitioners as
+abolitionists, and the hearty response and cordial embrace which his
+efforts met from the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Calhoun,]
+clearly shows that new moves have taken place on the political
+chessboard, and new coalitions are formed, new compromises and new
+bargains, settling and disposing of the rights of the country for the
+advantage of political aspirants.
+
+The gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. Calhoun] seemed, at the
+conclusion of the argument made by the Senator from Kentucky, to be
+filled not only with delight but with ecstasy. He told us, that about
+twelve months since HE had offered a resolution which turned the tide
+in favor of the great principle of State rights, and says he is highly
+pleased with the course taken by the Kentucky Senator. All is now safe
+by the acts of that Senator. The South is now consolidated as one man;
+it was a great epoch in our history, but we have now passed it; it is
+the beginning of a moral revolution; slavery, so far from being a
+political evil, is a great blessing; both races have been improved by
+it; and that abolition is now DEAD, and will soon be forgotten. So far
+the Senator from South Carolina, as I understand him. But, sir, is
+this really the case? Is the South united as one man, and is the
+Senator from Kentucky the great centre of attraction? What a lesson to
+the friends of the present Administration, who have been throwing
+themselves into the arms of the southern slave-power for support! The
+black enchantment I hope is now at an end--the dream dissolved, and we
+awake into open day. No longer is there any uncertainty or any doubt
+on this subject. But is the great epoch passed? is it not rather just
+beginning? Is abolitionism DEAD--or is it just awaking into life? Is
+the right of petition strangled and forgotten--or is it increasing in
+strength and force? These are serious questions for the gentleman's
+consideration, that may damp the ardor of his joy, if examined with an
+impartial mind, and looked at with an unprejudiced eye. Sir, when
+these paeans were sung over the death of abolitionists, and, of
+course, their right to liberty of speech and the press, at least in
+fancy's eye, we might have seen them lying in heaps upon heaps, like
+the enemies of the strong man in days of old. But let me bring back
+the gentleman's mind from this delightful scene of abolition death, to
+sober realities and solemn facts. I have now lying before me the names
+of thousands of living witnesses, that slavery has not entirely
+conquered liberty; that abolitionists (for so are all these
+petitioners called) are not _all dead_. These are my first proofs to
+show the gentleman his ideas are all fancy. I have also, sir, since
+the commencement of this debate, received a newspaper, as if sent by
+Providence to suit the occasion, and by whom I know not. It is the
+Cincinnati Republican of the 2d instant, which contains an extract
+from the Louisville Advertiser, a paper printed in Kentucky, in
+Louisville, our sister city; and though about one hundred and fifty
+miles below us, it is but a few hours distant. That paper is the
+leading Administration journal, too, as I am informed, in Kentucky.
+Hear what it says on the death of abolition:--
+
+
+"ABOLITION--CINCINNATI--THE LOUISVILLE ADVERTISER.
+
+"We copy the following notice of an article which we lately published,
+upon the subject of abolition movements in this quarter, from the
+Louisville Advertiser:--
+
+"'ABOLITION.--The reader is referred to an interesting article which we
+have copied from the Cincinnati Republican--a paper which lately
+supported the principles of Democracy; a paper which has _turned_, but
+not quite far enough to act with the Adamses and Slades in Congress,
+or the Whig abolitionists of Ohio. It does not, however, give a
+correct view of the strength of the abolitionists in Cincinnati. There
+they are in the ascendant. They control the city elections, regulate
+what may be termed the morals of the city, give tone to public
+opinion, and "rule the roast," by virtue of their superior piety and
+intelligence. The Republican tells us, that they are not laboring Loco
+Focos--but "drones" and "consumers"--the "rich and well-born," of
+course; men who have leisure and means, and a disposition to employ
+the latter, to equalize whites and blacks in the slaveholding States.
+Even now, the absconding slave is perfectly safe in Cincinnati. We
+doubt whether an instance can be adduced of the recovery of a runaway
+in that place in the last four years. When negroes reach "the Queen
+city" they are protected by its intelligence, its piety, and its
+wealth. They receive the aid of the _elite_ of the Buckeyes; and we
+have a strong faction in Kentucky, struggling zealously to make her
+one of the dependencies of Cincinnati! Let our mutual sons go on. The
+day of mutual retribution is at hand--much nearer than is now
+imagined. The Republican, which still looks with a friendly eye to the
+slaveholding States, warns us of the danger which exists, although its
+new-born zeal for Whiggery prompts it to insist, indirectly, on the
+right of petitioning Congress to abolish slavery. There are about two
+hundred and fifty abolition societies in Ohio at the present time,
+and, from the circular issued at head quarters, Cincinnati, it appears
+that agents are to be sent through every county to distribute books
+and pamphlets designed to inflame the public mind, and then organize
+additional societies--or, rather, form new clans, to aid in the war
+which has been commenced on the slaveholding States.'"
+
+
+I do not, sir, underwrite for the truth of this statement as an entire
+whole; much of it I repel as an unjust charge on my fellow-citizens of
+Cincinnati; but, as it comes from a slaveholding State--from the State
+of the Senator who has so eloquently anathematized abolitionists that
+it is almost a pity they could not die under such sweet sounds--and as
+the South Carolina Senator pronounces them dead, I produce this from a
+slaveholding State, for the special benefit and consolation of the two
+Senators. It comes from a source to which, I am sure, both gentlemen
+ought to give credit. But suppose, sir, that abolitionism is dead, is
+liberty dead also and slavery triumphant? Is liberty of speech, of the
+press, and the right of petition also dead? True, it has been
+strangled here; but gentlemen will find themselves in great error if
+they suppose it also strangled in the country; and the very attempt,
+in legislative bodies, to sustain a local and individual interest, to
+the destruction of our rights, proves that those rights are not dead,
+but a living principle, which slavery cannot extinguish; and be my lot
+what it may, I shall, to the utmost of my abilities, under all
+circumstances, and at all times, contend for that freedom which is the
+common gift of the Creator to all men, and against the power of these
+two great interests--the slave power of the South, and banking power
+of the North--which are now uniting to rule this country. The cotton
+bale and the bank note have formed an alliance; the credit system with
+slave labor. These two congenial spirits have at last met and embraced
+each other, both looking to the same object--to live upon the
+unrequited labor of others--and have now erected for themselves a
+common platform, as was intimated during the last session, on which
+they can meet, and bid defiance, as they hope, to free principles and
+free labor.
+
+With these introductory remarks, permit me, sir, to say here, and let
+no one pretend to misunderstand or misrepresent me, that I charge
+gentlemen, when they use the word abolitionists, they mean petitioners
+here such as I now present--men who love liberty, and are opposed to
+slavery--that in behalf of these citizens I speak; and, by whatever
+name they may be called, it is those who are opposed to slavery whose
+cause I advocate. I make no war upon the rights of others. I do no act
+but what is moral, constitutional, and legal, against the peculiar
+institutions of any State; but acts only in defence of my own rights,
+of my fellow citizens, and, above all, of my State, I shall not cease
+while the current of life shall continue to flow.
+
+I shall, Mr. President, in the further consideration of this subject,
+endeavor to prove, first, the right of the people to petition; second,
+why slavery is wrong, and why I am opposed to it; third, the power of
+slavery in this country, and its dangers; next, answer the question,
+so often asked, what have the free States to do with slavery? Then
+make some remarks by way of answer to the arguments of the Senator
+from Kentucky, [Mr. Clay.]
+
+Mr. President, the duty I am requested to perform is one of the
+highest which a Representative can be called on to discharge. It is to
+make known to the legislative body the will and the wishes of his
+constituents and fellow-citizens; and, in the present case, I feel
+honored by the confidence reposed in me, and proceed to discharge the
+duty. The petitioners have not trusted to my fallible judgment alone,
+but have declared, in written documents, the most solemn expression of
+their will. It is true these petitions have not been sent here by the
+whole people of the United States, but from a portion of them only;
+yet such is the justice of their claim, and the sure foundation upon
+which it rests, that no portion of the American people, until a day or
+two past, have thought it either safe or expedient to present counter
+petitions; and even now, when counter petitions have been presented,
+they dare not justify slavery, and the selling of men and women in
+this District, but content themselves with objecting to others
+enjoying the rights they practise, and praying Congress not to receive
+or hear petitions from the people of the States--a new device of slave
+power this, never before thought of or practiced in any country. I
+would have been gratified if the inventors of this system, which
+denies to others what they practise themselves, had, in their
+petition, attempted to justify slavery and the slave trade in the
+District, if they believe the practice just, that their names might
+have gone down to posterity. No, sir; very few yet have the moral
+courage to record their names to such an avowal; and even some of
+these petitioners are so squeamish on this subject, as to say that
+they might, from conscientious principles, be prevented from holding
+slaves. Not so, sir, with the petitioners which I have the honor to
+represent; they are anxious that their sentiments and their names
+should be made matter of record; they have no qualms of conscience on
+this subject; they have deep convictions and a firm belief that
+slavery is an existing evil, incompatible with the principles of
+political liberty, at war with our system of government, and extending
+a baleful and blasting influence over our country, withering and
+blighting its fairest prospects and brightest hopes. Who has said that
+these petitions are unjust in principle, and on that ground ought not
+to be granted? Who has said that slavery is not an evil? Who has said
+it does not tarnish the fair fame of our country? Who has said it does
+not bring dissipation and feebleness to one race, and poverty and
+wretchedness to another, in its train? Who has said, it is not unjust
+to the slave, and injurious to the happiness and best interest of the
+master? Who has said it does not break the bonds of human affection,
+by separating the wife from the husband, and children from their
+parents? In fine, who has said it is not a blot upon our country's
+honor, and a deep and foul stain upon her institutions? Few, very few,
+perhaps none but him who lives upon its labor, regardless of its
+misery; and even many whose local situations are within its
+jurisdiction, acknowledge its injustice, and deprecate its
+continuance; while millions of freemen deplore its existence, and look
+forward with strong hope to its final termination. SLAVERY! a word,
+like a secret idol, thought too obnoxious or sacred to be pronounced
+here but by those who worship at its shrine--and should one who is not
+such worshipper happen to pronounce the word, the most disastrous
+consequences are immediately predicted, the Union is to be dissolved,
+and the South to take care of itself.
+
+Do not suppose, Mr. President, that I feel as if engaged in a
+forbidden or improvident act. No such thing. I am contending with a
+local and "_peculiar_" interest, an interest which has already banded
+together with a force sufficient to seize upon every avenue by which a
+petition can enter this chamber, and exclude all without its haven. I
+am not now contending for the rights of the negro, rights which his
+Creator gave him and which his fellow-man has usurped or taken away.
+No, sir! I am contending for the rights of the white person in the
+free States, and am endeavoring to prevent them from being trodden
+down and destroyed by that power which claims the black person as
+_property_. I am endeavoring to sound the alarm to my fellow-citizens
+that this power, tremendous as it is, is endeavoring to unite itself
+with the monied power of the country, in order to extend its dominion
+and perpetuate its existence. I am endeavoring to drive from the back
+of the _negro slave_ the politician who has seated himself there to
+ride into office for the purpose of carrying out the object of this
+unholy combination. The chains of slavery are sufficiently strong,
+without being riveted anew by tinkering politicians of the free
+States. I feel myself compelled into this contest, in defence of the
+institutions of my own State, the persons and firesides of her
+citizens, from the insatiable grasp of the slaveholding power as being
+used and felt in the free States. To say that I am opposed to slavery
+in the abstract, are but cold and unmeaning words, if, however capable
+of any meaning whatever, they may fairly be construed into a love for
+its existence; and such I sincerely believe to be the feeling of many
+in the free States who use the phrase. I, sir, am not only opposed to
+slavery in the abstract, but also in its whole volume, in its theory
+as well as practice. This principle is deeply implanted within me; it
+has "grown with my growth and strengthened with my strength." In my
+infant years I learned to hate slavery. Your fathers taught me it was
+wrong in their Declaration of Independence: the doctrines which they
+promulgated to the world, and upon the truth of which they staked the
+issue of the contest that made us a nation. They proclaimed "that all
+men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with
+certain inalienable rights; that amongst these are life, liberty, and
+the pursuit of happiness." These truths are solemnly declared by them.
+I believed then, and believe now, they are self-evident. Who can
+acknowledge this, and not be opposed to slavery? It is, then, because
+I love the principles which brought your government into existence,
+and which have become the corner stone of the building supporting you,
+sir, in that chair, and giving to myself and other Senators seats in
+this body--it is because I love all this, that I hate slavery. Is it
+because I contend for the right of petition, and am opposed to
+slavery, that I have been denounced by many as an abolitionist? Yes;
+Virginia newspapers have so denounced me, and called upon the
+Legislature of my State to dismiss me from public confidence. Who
+taught me to hate slavery, and every other oppression? _Jefferson_,
+the great and the good Jefferson! Yes, _Virginia Senators_, it was
+your own Jefferson, Virginia's favorite son, a man who did more for
+the natural liberty of man, and the civil liberty of his country, than
+any man that ever lived in our country; it was him who taught me to
+hate slavery; it was in his school I was brought up. That Mr.
+Jefferson was as much opposed to slavery as any man that ever lived in
+our country, there can be no doubt; his life and his writings
+abundantly prove the fact. I hold in my hand a copy, as he penned it,
+of the original draft of the Declaration of Independence, a part of
+which was stricken out, as he says, in compliance with the wishes of
+South Carolina and Georgia. I will read it. Speaking of the wrongs
+done us by the British Government, in introducing slaves among us, he
+says: "He (the British King) has waged cruel war against human nature
+itself, violating its most sacred right of life and liberty in the
+persons of a distant people, who never offended him, captivating and
+carrying them into SLAVERY in another hemisphere, or to incur
+miserable death in their transportation thither. This piratical
+warfare, the opprobrium of infidel powers, is the warfare of the
+Christian King of Great Britain. Determined to keep open a market
+where MEN should be BOUGHT and SOLD, he has prostituted his
+prerogative for suppressing every legislative attempt to prohibit or
+restrain execrable commerce, and that this assemblage of horrors might
+want no fact of distinguished die, he is now exciting those very
+people to rise in arms against us, and purchase that liberty of which
+he has deprived them by murdering the people on whom he has also
+obtruded them, thus paying off former crimes committed against the
+liberties of one people with crimes which he urges them to commit
+against the lives of another." Thus far this great statesman and
+philanthropist. Had his contemporaries been ruled by his opinions, the
+country had now been at rest on this exciting topic. What
+abolitionist, sir, has used stronger language against slavery than Mr.
+Jefferson has done? "Cruel war against human nature," "violating its
+most sacred rights," "piratical warfare," "opprobrium of infidel
+powers," "a market where men should be bought and sold," "execrable
+commerce," "assemblage of horrors," "crimes committed against the
+liberty of the people," are the brands which Mr. Jefferson has burned
+into the forehead of slavery and the slave trade. When, sir, have I,
+or any other person opposed to slavery, spoken in stronger and more
+opprobrious terms of slavery, than this? You have caused the bust of
+this great man to be placed in the centre of your Capitol; in that
+conspicuous part where every visitor must see it, with its hand
+resting on the Declaration of Independence, engraved upon marble. Why
+have you done this? Is it not mockery? Or is it to remind us
+continually of the wickedness and danger of slavery? I never pass that
+statue without new and increased veneration for the man it represents,
+and increased repugnance and sorrow that he did not succeed in driving
+slavery entirely from the country. Sir, if I am an abolitionist,
+Jefferson made me so; and I only regret that the disciple should be so
+far behind the master, both in doctrine and practice. But, sir, other
+reasons and other causes have combined to fix and establish my
+principles in this matter, never, I trust, to be shaken. A free State
+was the place of my birth; a free Territory the theatre of my juvenile
+actions. Ohio is my country, endeared to me by every fond
+recollection. She gave me political existence, and taught me in her
+political school; and I should be worse than an unnatural son did I
+forget or disobey her precepts. In her Constitution it is declared,
+"That all men are born equally free and independent," and "that there
+shall be neither slavery nor involuntary servitude in the State,
+otherwise than for the punishment of crimes." Shall I stand up for
+slavery in any case, condemned as it is by such high authority as
+this? No, never! But this is not all, Indiana, our younger Western
+sister, endeared to us by every social and political tie, a State
+formed in the same country as Ohio, from whose territory slavery was
+forever excluded by the ordinance of July, 1787--she too, has declared
+her abhorrence of slavery in more strong and empathic terms than we
+have done. In her constitution, after prohibiting slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, being introduced into the State, she declares,
+"But as to the holding any part of the human creation in slavery, or
+involuntary servitude, can originate only in _tyranny_ and
+_usurpation_, no alteration of her constitution should ever take
+place, so as to introduce slavery or involuntary servitude into the
+State, otherwise than for the punishment of crimes whereof the party
+had been duly convicted." Illinois and Michigan also formed their
+constitutions on the same principles. After such a cloud of witnesses
+against slavery, and whose testimony is so clear and explicit, as a
+citizen of Ohio, I should be recreant to every principle of honor and
+of justice, to be found the apologist or advocate of slavery in any
+State, or in any country whatever. No, I cannot be so inconsistent as
+to say I am opposed to slavery in the _abstract_, in its separation
+from a human being, and still lend my aid to build it up, and make it
+perpetual in its operation and effects upon _man_ in this or any other
+country. I also, in early life, saw a slave kneel before his master,
+and hold up his hands with as much apparent submission, humility, and
+adoration, as a man would have done before his Maker, while his master
+with out-stretched rod stood over him. This, I thought, is slavery;
+one man subjected to the will and power of another, and the laws
+affording him no protection, and he has to beg pardon of man, because
+he has offended man, (not the laws,) as if his master were a superior
+and all powerful being. Yes, this is slavery, boasted American
+slavery, without which, it is contended even here, that the union of
+these States would be dissolved in a day, yes, even in an hour!
+Humiliating thought, that we are bound together as States by the
+chains of slavery! It cannot be--the blood and the tears of slavery
+form no part of the cement of our Union--and it is hoped that by
+falling on its bands they may never corrode and eat them asunder. We
+who are opposed to and deplore the existence of slavery in our
+country, are frequently asked, both in public and private, what have
+you to do with slavery? It does not exist in your State; it does not
+disturb you! Ah, sir, would to God it were so--that we had nothing to
+do with slavery, nothing to fear from its power, or its action within
+our own borders, that its name and its miseries were unknown to us.
+But this is not our lot; we live upon its borders, and in hearing of
+its cries; yet we are unwilling to acknowledge, that if we enter its
+territories and violate its laws, that we should be punished at its
+pleasure. We do not complain of this, though it might well be
+considered just ground of complaint. It is our firesides, our rights,
+our privileges, the safety of our friends, as well as the sovereignty
+and independence of our State, that we are now called upon to protect
+and defend. The slave interest has at this moment the whole power of
+the country in its hands. It claims the President as a Northern man
+with Southern feelings, thus making the Chief Magistrate the head of
+an interest, or a party, and not of the country and the people at
+large. It has the cabinet of the President, three members of which are
+from the slave States, and one who wrote a book in favor of Southern
+slavery, but which fell dead from the press, a book which I have seen,
+in my own family, thrown musty upon the shelf. Here then is a decided
+majority in favor of the slave interest. It has five out of nine
+judges of the Supreme Court; here, also, is a majority from the slave
+States. It has, with the President of the Senate, and the Speaker of
+the House of Representatives, and the Clerks of both Houses, the army
+and the navy; and the bureaus, have, I am told, about the same
+proportion. One would suppose that, with all this power operating in
+this Government, it would be content to _permit_--yes I will use the
+word _permit_--it would be content to permit us, who live in the free
+States, to enjoy our firesides and our homes in quietness; but this is
+not the case. The slaveholders and slave laws claim that as property,
+which the free States know only as persons, a reasoning property,
+which, of its own will and mere motion, is frequently found in our
+States; and upon which THING we sometimes bestow food and raiment, if
+it appear hungry and perishing, believing it to be a human being; this
+perhaps is owing to our want of vision to discover the process by
+which a man is converted into a THING. For this act of ours, which is
+not prohibited by our laws, but prompted by every feeling, Christian
+and humane, the slaveholding power enters our territory, tramples
+under foot the sovereignty of our State, violates the sanctity of
+private residence, seizes our citizens, and disregarding the authority
+of our laws, transports them into its own jurisdiction, casts them
+into prison, confines them in fetters, and loads them with chains, for
+pretended offences against their own laws, found by willing grand
+juries upon the oath (to use the language of the late Governor of
+Ohio) of a perjured villain. Is this fancy, or is it fact, sober
+reality, solemn fact? Need I say all this, and much more, as now
+matter of history in the case of the Rev. John B. Mahan, of Brown
+county, Ohio? Yes, it is so; but this is but the beginning--a case of
+equal outrage has lately occurred, if newspapers are to be relied on,
+in the seizure of a citizen of Ohio, without even the forms of law,
+and who was carried into Virginia and shamefully punished by tar and
+feathers, and other disgraceful means, and rode upon a rail, according
+to the order of Judge Lynch, and this, only because in Ohio he was an
+abolitionist. Would I could stop here--but I cannot. This slave
+interest or power seizes upon persons of color in our States, carries
+them into States where men are property, and makes merchandize of
+them, sometimes under sanction of law, but more properly by its abuse,
+and sometimes by mere personal force, thus disturbing our quiet and
+harassing our citizens. A case of this kind has lately occurred, where
+a colored boy was seduced from Ohio into Indiana, taken from thence
+into Alabama and sold as a slave; and to the honor of the slave
+States, and gentlemen who administer the laws there, be it said, that
+many who have thus been taken and sold by the connivance, if not
+downright corruption, of citizens in the free States, have been
+liberated and adjudged free in the States where they have been sold,
+as was the case of the boy mentioned, who was sold in Alabama.
+
+Slave power is seeking to establish itself in every State, in defiance
+of the constitution and laws of the States within which it is
+prohibited. In order to secure its power beyond the reach of the
+States, it claims its parentage from the Constitution of the United
+States. It demands of us total silence as to its proceedings, denies
+to our citizens the liberty of speech and the press, and punishes them
+by mobs and violence for the exercise of these rights. It has sent its
+agents into the free States for the purpose of influencing their
+Legislatures to pass laws for the security of its power within such
+State, and for the enacting new offences and new punishments for their
+own citizens, so as to give additional security to its interest. It
+demands to be heard in its own person in the hall of our Legislature,
+and mingle in debate there. Sir, in every stage of these oppressions
+and abuses, permit me to say, in the language of the Declaration of
+Independence--and no language could be more appropriate--we have
+petitioned for redress in the most humble terms, and our repeated
+petitions have been answered by repeated injury. A power, whose
+character is marked by every act which may define a tyrant, is unfit
+to rule over a free people. In our sufferings and our wrongs we have
+besought our fellow-citizens to aid us in the preservation of our
+constitutional rights, but, influenced by the love of gain or
+arbitrary power, they have sometimes disregarded all the sacred rights
+of man, and answered in violence, burnings, and murder. After all
+these transactions, which are now of public notoriety and matter of
+record, shall we of the free States tauntingly be asked what we have
+to do with slavery? We should rejoice, indeed, if the evils of slavery
+were removed far from us, that it could be said with truth, that we
+have nothing to do with slavery. Our citizens have not entered its
+territories for the purpose of obstructing its laws, nor do we wish to
+do so, nor would we justify any individual in such act; yet we have
+been branded and stigmatized by its friends and advocates, both in the
+free and slave States, as incendiaries, fanatics, disorganizers,
+enemies to our country, and as wishing to dissolve the Union. We have
+borne all this without complaint or resistance, and only ask to be
+secure in our persons, by our own firesides, and in the free exercise
+of our thoughts and opinions in speaking, writing, printing and
+publishing on the subject of slavery, that which appears to us to be
+just and right; because we all know the power of truth, and that it
+will ultimately prevail, in despite of all opposition. But in the
+exercise of all these rights, we acknowledge subjection to the laws of
+the State in which we are, and our liability for their abuse. We wish
+peace with all men; and that the most amicable relations and free
+intercourse may exist between the citizens of our State and our
+neighboring slaveholding States; we will not enter their States,
+either in our proper persons, or by commissioners, legislative
+resolutions, or otherwise, to interfere with their slave policy or
+slave laws; and we shall expect from them and their citizens a like
+return, that they do not enter our territories for the purpose of
+violating our laws in the punishment of our people for the exercise of
+their undoubted rights--the liberty of speech and of the press on the
+subject of slavery. We ask that no man shall be seized and transported
+beyond our State, in violation of our own laws, and that we shall not
+be carried into and imprisoned in another State for acts done in our
+own. We contend that the slaveholding power is properly chargeable
+with all the riots and disorders which take place on account of
+slavery. We can live in peace with all our sister States; if that
+power will be controlled by law, each can exercise and enjoy the full
+benefits secured by their own laws; and this is all we ask. If we hold
+up slavery to the view of an impartial public as it is, and if such
+view creates astonishment and indignation, surely we are not to be
+charged as libellers. A State institution ought to be considered the
+pride, not the shame of the State; and if we falsify such
+institutions, the disgrace is ours, not theirs. If slavery, however,
+is a blemish, a blot, an eating cancer in the body politic, it is not
+our fault if, by holding it up, others should see in the mirror of
+truth its deformity, and shrink back from the view. We have not, and
+we intend not, to use any weapons against slavery, but the moral power
+of truth and the force of public opinion. If we enter the slave
+States, and tamper with the slave contrary to law, punish us, we
+deserve it; and if a slaveholder is found in a free State, and is
+guilty of a breach of the law there, he also ought to be punished.
+These petitioners, as far as I understand them, disclaim all right to
+enter a slave State for the purpose of intercourse with the slave. It
+is the master whom they wish to address; and they ask and ought to
+receive protection from the laws, as they are willing to be judged by
+the laws. We invite into the arena of public discussion in our State
+the slaveholder; we are willing to hear his reasons and facts in favor
+of slavery, or against abolitionists: we do not fear his errors while
+we are ourselves free to combat them. The angry feelings which in some
+degree exist between the citizens of the free and slaveholding States,
+on account of slavery, are, in many cases, properly chargeable to
+those who defend and support slavery. Attempts are almost daily making
+to force the execution of slave laws in the free States; at least,
+their power and principles: and no term is too reproachful to be
+applied to those who resist such acts, and contend for the rights
+secured to every man under their own laws. We are often reminded that
+we ought to take color as evidence of property in a human being. We do
+not believe in such evidence, nor do we believe that a man can justly
+be made property by human laws. We acknowledge, however, that a _man_,
+not a _thing_ may be held to service or labor under the laws of a
+State, and, if he escape into another State, he ought to be delivered
+up on claim of the party to whom such labor or service may be due;
+that this delivery ought to be in pursuance of the laws of the State
+where such person is found, and not by virtue of any act of Congress.
+
+This brings me, Mr. President, to the consideration of the petition
+presented by the Senator from Kentucky, and to an examination of the
+views he has presented to the Senate on this highly important subject.
+Sir, I feel, I sensibly feel my inadequacy in entering into a
+controversy with that old and veteran Senator; but nothing high or low
+shall prevent me from an honest discharge of my duty here. If
+imperfectly done, it may be ascribed to the want of ability, not
+intention. If the power of my mind, and the strength of my body, were
+equal to the task, I would arouse every man, yes, every woman and
+child in the country, to the danger which besets them, if such
+doctrines and views as are presented by the Senator should ever be
+carried into effect. His denunciations are against abolitionists, and
+under that term are classed all those who petition Congress on the
+subject of slavery. Such I understand to be his argument, and as such
+I shall treat it. I, in the first place, put in a broad denial to all
+his general facts, charging this portion of my fellow citizens with
+improper motives or dangerous designs. That their acts are lawful he
+does not pretend to deny. I called for proof to sustain his charges.
+None such has been offered, and none such exists, or can be found. I
+repel them as calumnies double-distilled in the alembic of slavery. I
+deny them, also, in the particulars and inferences; and let us see
+upon what ground they rest, or by what process of reasoning they are
+sustained.
+
+The very first view of these petitioners against our right of petition
+strikes the mind that more is intended than at first meets the eye.
+Why was the committee on the District overlooked in this case, and the
+Senator from Kentucky made the organ of communication? Is it
+understood that anti-abolitionism is a passport to popular favor, and
+that the action of this District shall present for that favor to the
+public a gentleman upon this hobby? Is this petition presented as a
+subject of fair legislation? Was it solicited by members of Congress,
+from citizens here, for political effect? Let the country judge. The
+petitioners state that no persons but themselves are authorized to
+interfere with slavery in the District; that Congress are their own
+Legislature; and the question of slavery in the District is only
+between them and their constituted legislators; and they protest
+against all interference of others. But, sir, as if ashamed of this
+open position in favor of slavery, they, in a very coy manner, say
+that some of them are not slaveholders, and might be forbidden by
+conscience to hold slaves. There is more dictation, more political
+heresy, more dangerous doctrine contained in this petition, than I
+have ever before seen couched together in so many words. We! Congress
+their OWN Legislature in all that concerns this District! Let those
+who may put on the city livery, and legislate for them and not for his
+constituents, do so; for myself, I came here with a different view,
+and for different purposes. I came a free man, to represent the people
+of Ohio; and I intend to leave this as such representative, without
+wearing any other livery. Why talk about executive usurpation and
+influence over the members of Congress? I have always viewed this
+District influence as far more dangerous than that of any other power.
+It has been able to extort, yes, extort from Congress, millions to pay
+District debts, make District improvements, and in support of the
+civil and criminal jurisprudence of the District. Pray, sir, what
+right has Congress to pay the corporate debts of the cities in the
+District more than the Debts of the corporate cities in your State and
+mine? None, sir. Yet this has been done to a vast amount; and the next
+step is, that we, who pay all this, shall not be permitted to petition
+Congress on the subject of their institutions, for, if we can be
+prevented in one case, we can in all possible cases. Mark, sir, how
+plain a tale will silence these petitioners. If slavery in the
+District concerns only the inhabitants and Congress, so does all
+municipal regulations. Should they extend to granting lottery,
+gaming-houses, tippling-houses, and other places calculated to promote
+and encourage vice--should a representative in Congress be instructed
+by his constituents to use his influence, and vote against such
+establishments, and the people of the District should instruct him to
+vote for them, which should he obey? To state the question is to
+answer it; otherwise the boasted right of instruction by the
+constituent body is "mere sound," signifying nothing. Sir, the
+inhabitants of this district are subject to state legislation and
+state policy; they cannot complain of this, for their condition is
+voluntary; and as this city is the focus of power, of influence, and
+considered also as that of fashion, if not of folly, and as the
+streams which flow from here irradiate the whole country, it is right,
+it is proper, that it should be subject to state policy and state
+power, and not used as a leaven to ferment and corrupt the whole body
+politic.
+
+The honorable Senator has said the petition, though from a city, is
+the fair expression of the opinion of the District. As such I treated
+it, am willing to acknowledge the respectability of the petitioners
+and their rights, and I claim for the people of my own state equal
+respectability and equal rights that the people of the District are
+entitled to: any peculiar rights and advantages I cannot admit.
+
+I agree with the Senator, that the proceedings on abolition petitions,
+heretofore, have not been the most wise and prudent course. They ought
+to have been referred and acted on. Such was my object, a day or two
+since, when I laid on your table a resolution to refer them to a
+committee for inquiry. You did not suffer it, sir, to be printed. The
+country and posterity will judge between the people whom I represent
+and those who caused to be printed the petition from the city. It
+cannot be possible that justice can have been done in both cases. The
+exclusive legislation of Congress over the District is as much the act
+of the constituent body, as the general legislation of Congress over
+the States, and to the operation of this act have the people within
+the District submitted themselves. I cannot, however, join the Senator
+that the majority, in refusing to receive and refer petitions, did not
+intend to destroy or impair the right in this particular. They
+certainly have done so.
+
+The Senator admits the abolitionists are now formidable; that
+something must be done to produce harmony. Yes, sir, do justice, and
+harmony will be restored. Act impartially, that justice may be done:
+hear petitions on both sides, if they are offered, and give righteous
+judgments, and your people will be satisfied. You cannot compromise
+them out of their rights, nor lull them to sleep with fallacies in the
+shape of reports. You cannot conquer them by rebuke, nor deceive them
+by sophistry. Remember you cannot now turn public opinion, nor can you
+overthrow it. You must, and you will, abandon the high ground you have
+taken, and receive petitions. The reason of the case, the argument and
+the judgment of the people, are all against you. One in this cause can
+"chase a thousand," and the voice of justice will be heard whenever
+you agitate the subject. In Indiana, the right to petition has been
+most nobly advocated in a protest, by a member, against some puny
+resolutions of the Legislature of that State to whitewash slavery.
+Permit me to read a paragraph, worthy an American freeman:
+
+"But who would have thought until lately, that any would have doubted
+the right to petition in a respectful manner to Congress? Who would
+have believed, that Congress had any authority to refuse to consider
+the petitions of the people? Such a step would overthrow the autocrat
+of Russia, or cost the Grand Seignior of Constantinople his head. Can
+it be possible, therefore, that it has been reserved for a republican
+Government, in a land boasting of its free institutions, to set the
+first precedent of this kind? Our city councils, our courts of
+justice, every department of Government are approached by petition,
+however unanswerable, or absurd, so that its terms are respectful.
+None go away unread, or unheard. The life of every individual is a
+perfect illustration of the subject of petitioning. Petition is the
+language of want, of pain, of sorrow, of man in all his sad variety of
+woes, imploring relief, at the hand of some power superior to himself.
+Petitioning is the foundation of all government, and of all
+administrations of law. Yet it has been reserved for our Congress,
+seconded indirectly by the vote of this Legislature, to question this
+right, hitherto supposed to be so old, so heaven-deeded, so undoubted,
+that our fathers did not think it necessary to place a guaranty of it
+in the first draft of the Federal Constitution. Yet this sacred right
+has been, at one blow, driven, destroyed, and trodden under the feet
+of slavery. The old bulwarks of our Federal and State Constitutions
+seem utterly to have been forgotten, which declare, 'that the freedom
+of speech and the press shall not be abridged, nor the right of the
+people peaceably to assemble and _petition_ for the redress of their
+grievances.'"
+
+These, sir, are the sentiments which make abolitionists formidable,
+and set at nought all your councils for their overthrow. The honorable
+Senator not only admits that abolitionists are formidable, but that
+they consist of three classes. The friends of humanity and justice, or
+those actuated by those principles, compose one class. These form a
+very numerous class, and the acknowledgment of the Senator proves the
+immutable principles upon which opposition to slavery rests. Men are
+opposed to it from principles of humanity and justice--men are
+abolitionists, he admits, on that account. We thank the Senator for
+teaching us that word, we intend to improve it. The next class of
+abolitionists, the Senator says, are so, apparently, for the purpose
+of advocating the right of petition. What are we to understand from
+this? That the right of petition needs advocacy. Who has denied this
+right, or who has attempted to abridge it? The slaveholding power,
+that power which avoids open discussion, and the free exercise of
+opinion; it is that power alone which renders the advocacy of the
+right of petition necessary, having seized upon all the powers of the
+Government. It is fast uniting together those opposed to its iron
+rule, no matter to what political party they have heretofore belonged;
+they are uniting with the first class, and act from principles of
+humanity and justice; and if the mists and shades of slavery were not
+the atmosphere in which gentlemen were enveloped, they would see
+constant and increasing numbers of our most worthy and intelligent
+citizens attaching themselves to the two classes mentioned, and
+rallying under the banners of abolitionism. They are compelled to go
+there, if the gentleman will have it so, in order to defend and
+perpetuate the liberties of the country. The hopes of the oppressed
+spring up afresh from this discussion of the gentleman. The third
+class, the Senator says, are those who, to accomplish their ends, act
+without regard to consequences. To them, all the rights of property,
+of the States, of the Union, the Senator says, are nothing. He says
+they aim at other objects than those they profess--emancipation in the
+District of Columbia. No, says the Senator, their object is _universal
+emancipation_, not only in the District, but in the Territories and in
+the States. Their object is to set free three millions of negro
+slaves. Who made the Senator, in his place here, the censor of his
+fellow citizens? Who authorized him to charge them with other objects
+than those they profess?  How long is it since the Senator himself, on
+this floor, denounced slavery as an evil? What other inducements or
+object had he then in view? Suppose universal emancipation to be the
+object of these petitioners; is it not a noble and praiseworthy
+object; worthy of the Christian, the philanthropist, the statesman,
+and the citizen? But the Senator says, they (the petitioners) aim to
+excite one portion of the country against another. I deny, sir, this
+charge, and call for the proof; it is gratuitous, uncalled for, and
+unjust towards my fellow citizens. This is the language of a stricken
+conscience, seeking for the palliation of its own acts by charging
+guilt upon others. It is the language of those who, failing in
+argument, endeavor to cast suspicion upon the character of their
+opponents, in order to draw public attention from themselves. It is
+the language of disguise and concealment, and not that of fair and
+honorable investigation, the object of which is truth. I again put in
+a broad denial to this charge, that any portion of these petitioners,
+whom I represent, seek to excite one portion of the country against
+another; and without proof I cannot admit that the assertion of the
+honorable Senator establishes the fact. It is but opinion, and naked
+assertion only. The Senator complains that the means and views of the
+abolitionists are not confined to securing the right of petition only;
+no, they resort to other means, he affirms, to the BALLOT BOX; and if
+that fail, says the Senator, their next appeal will be to the bayonet.
+Sir, no man, who is an American in feeling and in heart, but ought to
+repel this charge instantly, and without any reservation whatever,
+that if they fail at the ballot box they will resort to the bayonet.
+If such a fratricidal course should ever be thought of in our country,
+it will not be by those who seek redress of wrongs, by exercising the
+right of petition, but by those only who deny that right to others,
+and seek to usurp the whole power of the Government. If the ballot box
+fail them, the bayonet may be their resort, as mobs and violence now
+are. Does the Senator believe that any portion of the honest yeomanry
+of the country entertain such thoughts? I hope he does not. If
+thoughts of this kind exist, they are to be found in the hearts of
+aspirants to office, and their adherents, and none others. Who, sir,
+is making this question a political affair? Not the petitioners. It
+was the slaveholding power which first made this move. I have noticed
+for some time past that many of the public prints in this city, as
+well as elsewhere, have been filled with essays against abolitionists
+for exercising the rights of freemen.
+
+Both political parties, however, have courted them in private and
+denounced them in public, and both have equally deceived them. And who
+shall dare say that an abolitionist has no right to carry his
+principles to the _ballot box? Who fears the ballot box?_ The honest
+in heart, the lover of our country and its institutions? No, sir! It
+is feared by the tyrant; he who usurps power, and seizes upon the
+liberty of others; he, for one, fears the ballot box. Where is the
+slave to party in this country who is so lost to his own dignity, or
+so corrupted by interest or power, that he does not, or will not,
+carry his principles and his judgment into the ballot box? Such an one
+ought to have the mark of Cain in his forehead, and sent to labor
+among the negro slaves of the South. The honorable Senator seems
+anxious to take under his care the ballot box, as he has the slave
+system of the country, and direct who shall or who shall not use it
+for the redress of what they deem a political grievance. Suppose the
+power of the Executive chair should take under its care the right of
+voting, and who should proscribe any portion of our citizens who
+should carry with them to the polls of election their own opinions,
+creeds, and doctrines. This would at once be a deathblow to our
+liberties, and the remedy could only be found in revolution. There can
+be no excuse or pretext for revolution while the ballot box is free.
+Our Government is not one of force, but of principle; its foundation
+rests on public opinion, and its hope is in the morality of the
+nation. The moral power of that of the ballot box is sufficient to
+correct all abuses. Let me, then, proclaim here, from this high arena,
+to the citizens not only of my own State, but to the country, to all
+sects and parties who are entitled to the right of suffrage, To THE
+BALLOT BOX! carry with you honestly your own sentiments respecting the
+welfare of your country, and make them operate as effectually as you
+can, through that medium, upon its policy and for its prosperity. Fear
+not the frowns of power. It trembles while it denounces you. The
+Senator complains that the abolitionists have associated with the
+politics of the country. So far as I am capable of judging, this
+charge is not well founded; many politicians of the country have used
+abolitionists as stepping stones to mount into power; and, when there,
+have turned about and traduced them. He admits that political parties
+are willing to unite with them any class of men, in order to carry
+their purposes. Are abolitionists, then, to blame if they pursue the
+same course? It seems the Senator is willing that his party should
+make use of even abolitionists; but he is not willing that
+abolitionists should use the same party for their purpose. This seems
+not to be in accordance with that equality of rights about which we
+heard so much at the last session. Abolitionists have nothing to fear.
+If public opinion should be for them, politicians will be around and
+amongst them as the locusts of Egypt. The Senator seems to admit that,
+if the abolitionists are joined to either party, there is
+danger--danger of what? That humanity and justice will prevail? that
+the right of petition will be secured to ALL EQUALLY? and that the
+long lost and trodden African race will be restored to their natural
+rights? Would the Senator regret to see this accomplished by argument,
+persuasion, and the force of an enlightened public opinion? I hope
+not; and these petitioners ask the use of no other weapons in this
+warfare.
+
+These ultra-abolitionists, says the Senator, invoke the power of this
+government to their aid. And pray, sir, what power should they invoke?
+Have they not the same right to approach this government as other men?
+Is the Senator or this body authorized to deny them any privileges
+secured to other citizens? If so, let him show me the charter of his
+power and I will be silent. Until he can do this, I shall uphold,
+justify, and sustain them, as I do other citizens. The exercise of
+power by Congress in behalf of the slaves within this District, the
+Senator seems to think, no one without the District has the least
+claim to ask for. It is because I reside without the District, and am
+called within it by the Constitution, that I object to the existence
+of slavery here. I deny the gentleman's position, then, on this point.
+On this then, we are equal. The Senator, however, is at war with
+himself. He contends the object of the cession by the States of
+Virginia and Maryland, was to establish a seat of Government _only_,
+and to give Congress whatever power was necessary to render the
+District a valuable and comfortable situation for that purpose, and
+that Congress have full power to do whatever is necessary for this
+District; and if to abolish slavery be necessary, to attain the
+object, Congress have power to abolish slavery in the District. I am
+sure I quote the gentleman substantially; and I thank him for this
+precious confession in his argument; it is what I believe, and I know
+it is all I feel disposed to ask. If we can, then, prove that this
+District is not as comfortable and convenient a place for the
+deliberations of Congress, and the comfort of our citizens who may
+visit it, while slavery exists here, as it would be without slavery,
+then slavery ought to be abolished; and I trust we shall have the
+distinguished Senator from Kentucky to aid us in this great national
+reformation. I take the Senator at his word. I agree with him that
+this ought to be such a place as he has described; but I deny that it
+is so. And upon what facts do I rest my denial? We are a Christian
+nation, a moral and religious people. I speak for the free States, at
+least for my own State; and what a contrast do the very streets of
+your capital daily present to the Christianity and morality of the
+nation? A race of slaves, or at least colored persons, of every hue
+from the jet black African, in regular gradation, up to the almost
+pure Anglo-Saxon color. During the short time official duty has called
+me here, I have seen the really red haired, the freckled, and the
+almost white negro; and I have been astonished at the numbers of the
+mixed race, when compared with those of full color, and I have deeply
+deplored this stain upon our national morals; and the words of Dr.
+Channing have, thousands of times, been impressed on my mind, that "a
+slave country reeks with licentiousness."  How comes this amalgamation
+of the races? It comes from slavery. It is a disagreeable annoyance to
+persons who come from the free States, especially to their Christian
+and moral feelings. It is a great hindrance to the proper discharge of
+their duties while here. Remove slavery from this District, and this
+evil will disappear. We argue this circumstance alone as sufficient
+cause to produce that effect. But slavery presents within the District
+other and still more appalling scenes--scenes well calculated to
+awaken the deepest emotions of the human heart. The slave-trade exists
+here in all its HORRORS, and unwhipt of all its crimes. In view of the
+very chair which you now occupy, Mr. President, if the massy walls of
+this building, did not prevent it, you could see the prison, the
+_pen_, the HELL, where human beings, when purchased for sale, are kept
+until a cargo can be procured for transportation to a Southern or
+foreign market, for I have little doubt slaves are carried to Texas
+for sale, though I do not know the fact.
+
+Sir, since Congress have been in session, a mournful group of these
+unhappy beings, some thirty or forty, were marched, as if in derision
+of members of Congress, in view of your Capitol, chained and manacled
+together, in open day-light, yes, in the very face of heaven itself,
+to be shipped at Baltimore for a foreign market. I did not witness
+this cruel transaction, but speak from what I have heard and believe.
+Is this District, then, a fit place for our deliberations, whose
+feelings are outraged with impunity with transactions like this?
+Suppose, sir, that mournful and degrading spectacle was at this moment
+exhibited under the windows of our chamber, do you think the Senate
+could deliberate, could continue with that composure and attention
+which I see around me? No, sir; all your powers could not preserve
+order for a moment. The feelings of humanity would overcome those of
+regard for the peculiar institutions of the States; and though we
+would be politically and legally bound not to interfere, we are not
+morally bound to withhold our sympathy and our execration in
+witnessing such inhuman traffic. This traffic alone, in this District,
+renders it an uncomfortable and unfit place for your seat of
+Government. Sir, it is but one or two years since I saw standing at
+the railroad depot, as I passed from my boarding house to this
+chamber, some large wagons and teams, as if waiting for freight; the
+cars had not then arrived. I was inquired of, when I returned to my
+lodgings, by my landlady, if I knew the object of those wagons which I
+saw in the morning. I replied, I did not; I suppose they came and were
+waiting for loading. "Yes, for slaves," said she; "and one of those
+wagons was filled with little boys and little girls, who had been
+bought up through the country, and were to be taken to a southern
+market. Ah, sir!" continued she, "it made my very heart ache to see
+them." The very recital unnerved and unfitted me for thought or
+reflection on any other subject for some time. It is scenes like this,
+of which ladies of my country and my state complained in their
+petitions, some time since, as rendering this District unpleasant,
+should they visit the capital of the nation as wives, sisters,
+daughters, or friends of members of Congress. Yet, sir, these
+respectable females were treated here with contemptuous sneers; they
+were compared, on this floor, to the fish-women of Paris, who dipped
+their fingers in the blood of revolutionary France. Sir, if the
+transaction in slaves here, which I have mentioned, could make such an
+impression on the heart of a lady, a resident of the District, one who
+had been used to slaves, and was probably an owner, what would be the
+feelings of ladies from free states on beholding a like transaction? I
+will leave every gentleman and every lady to answer for themselves. I
+am unable to describe it. Shall the capital of your country longer
+exhibit scenes so revolting to humanity, that the ladies of your
+country cannot visit it without disgust? No; wipe off the foul stain,
+and let it become a suitable and comfortable place for the seat of
+Government. The Senator, as if conscious that his argument on this
+point had proved too much, and of course had proven the converse of
+what he wished to establish, concluded this part by saying, that if
+slavery is abolished, the act ought to be confined to the city alone.
+We thank him for this small sprinkling of correct opinion upon this
+arid waste of public feeling. Liberty may yet vegetate and grow even
+here.
+
+The Senator insists that the States of Virginia and Maryland would
+never have ceded this District if they had have thought slavery would
+ever have been abolished in it. This is an old story twice told. It
+was never, however, thought of, until the slave power imagined it, for
+its own security. Let the States ask a retrocession of the District,
+and I am sure the free States will rejoice to make the grant.
+
+The Senator condemns the abolitionists for desiring that slavery
+should not exist in the Territories, even in Florida. He insists that,
+by the treaty, the inhabitants of that country have the right to
+remove their EFFECTS when they please; and that, by this condition,
+they have the right to retain their slaves as effects, independently
+of the power of Congress. I am no diplomatist, sir, but I venture to
+deny the conclusion of the Senator's argument. In all our intercourse
+with foreign nations, in all our treaties in which the words "goods,
+effects," &c. are used, slaves have never been considered as included.
+In all cases in which slaves are the subject matter of controversy,
+they are specially named by the word "slaves; and, if I remember
+rightly, it has been decided in Congress, that slaves are not property
+for which a compensation shall be made when taken for public use, (or
+rather, slaves cannot be considered as taken for public use,) or as
+property by the enemy, when they are in the service of the United
+States. If I am correct, as I believe I am, in the positions I have
+assumed, the gentleman can say nothing, by this part of his argument,
+against abolitionists, for asking that slavery shall not exist in
+Florida."
+
+The gentleman contends that the power to remove slaves from one State
+to another, for sale, is found in that part of the Constitution which
+gives Congress the power to regulate commerce within the States, &c.
+This argument is _non sequiter_, unless the honorable Senator can
+first prove that slaves are proper articles for commerce. We say that
+Congress have power over slaves only as persons. The United States can
+protect persons, _but cannot make them property_, and they have full
+power in regulating commerce, and can, in such regulations, prohibit
+from its operations every thing but property; property made so by the
+laws of nature, and not by any municipal regulations. The dominion of
+man over things, as property, was settled by his Creator when man was
+first placed upon the earth. He was to subdue the earth, and have
+dominion over the fish of the sea, the fowls of the air, and over
+every living thing that moveth upon the earth; every herb bearing
+seed, and the fruit of a tree yielding seed, was given for his use.
+This is the foundation of all right in property of every description.
+It is for the use of man the grant is made, and of course man cannot
+be included in the grant. Every municipal regulation, then, of any
+State, or any of its peculiar institutions, which makes man property,
+is a violation of this great law of nature, and is founded in
+usurpation and tyranny, and is accomplished by force, fraud, or an
+abuse of power. It is a violation of the principles of truth and
+justice, in subjecting the weaker to the stronger man. In a Christian
+nation such property can form no just ground for commercial
+regulations, but ought to be strictly prohibited. I therefore believe
+it is the duty of Congress, by virtue of this power, to regulate
+commerce, to prohibit, at once, slaves being used as articles of
+trade.
+
+The gentleman says, the Constitution left the subject of slavery
+entirely to the States. To this position I assent; and, as the States
+cannot regulate their own commerce, but the same being the right of
+Congress, that body cannot make slaves an article of commerce, because
+slavery is left entirely to the States in which it exists; and slaves
+within those States, according to the gentleman, are excluded from the
+power of Congress. Can Congress, in regulating commerce among the
+several States, authorize the transportation of articles from one
+State, and their sale in another, which they have not power so to
+authorize in any State? I cannot believe in such doctrine; and I now
+solemnly protest against the power of Congress to authorize the
+transportation to, and the sale in, Ohio, of any negro slave whatever,
+or for any possible purpose under the sun. Who is there in Ohio, or
+elsewhere, that will dare deny this position? If Ohio contains such a
+recreant to her constitution and policy, I hope he may have the
+boldness to stand forth and avow it. If the States in which slavery
+exists love it as a household god, let them keep it there, and not
+call upon us in the free States to offer incense to their idol. We do
+not seek to touch it with unhallowed hands, but with pure hands,
+upraised in the cause of truth and suffering humanity.
+
+The gentleman admits that, at the formation of our Government, it was
+feared that slavery might eventually divide or distract our country;
+and, as the BALLOT BOX seems continually to haunt his imagination, he
+says there is real danger of dissolution of the Union if
+abolitionists, as is evident they do, will carry their principles into
+the BALLOT BOX. If not disunion in fact, at least in feeling, in the
+country, which is always the precursor to the clash of arms. And the
+gentleman further says we are taught by holy writ, "that the race is
+not to the swift, nor the battle to the strong." The moral of the
+gentleman's argument is, that truth and righteousness will prevail,
+though opposed by power and influence; that abolitionists, though few
+in number, are greatly to be feared; one, as I have said, may chase a
+thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight; and, as their weapons of
+warfare are not "carnal, but mighty to the pulling down of strong
+holds," even slavery itself; and as the ballot box is the great moral
+lever in political action, the gentleman would exclude abolitionists
+entirely from its use, and for opinion's sake, deny them this high
+privilege of every American citizen. Permit me, sir, to remind the
+gentleman of another text of holy writ. "The wicked flee when no man
+pursueth, but the righteous are bold as a lion." The Senator says that
+those who have slaves, are sometimes supposed to be under too much
+alarm. Does this prove the application of the text I have just quoted:
+"Conscience sometimes makes cowards of us all." The Senator appeals to
+abolitionists, and beseeches them to cease their efforts on the
+subject of slavery, if they wish, says he, "to exercise their
+benevolence." What! Abolitionists benevolent! He hopes they will
+select some object not so terrible. Oh, sir, he is willing they should
+pay tithes of "mint and rue," but the weighter matters of the law,
+judgment and mercy, he would have them entirely overlook. I ought to
+thank the Senator for introducing holy writ into this debate, and
+inform him his arguments are not the sentiments of Him, who, when on
+earth, went about doing good.
+
+The Senator further entreats the clergy to desist from their efforts
+in behalf of abolitionism. Who authorized the Senator, as a
+politician, to use his influence to point out to the clergy what they
+should preach, or for what they should pray? Would the Senator dare
+exert his power here to bind the consciences of men? By what rule of
+ethics, then, does he undertake to use his influence, from this high
+place of power, in order to gain the same object, I am at a loss to
+determine. Sir, this movement of the Senator is far more censurable
+and dangerous, as an attempt to unite Church and State, than were the
+petitions against Sunday mails, the report in opposition to which
+gained for you, Mr. President, so much applause in the country. I,
+sir, also appeal to the clergy to maintain their rights of conscience;
+and if they believe slavery to be a sin, we ought to honor and respect
+them for their open denunciation of it, rather than call on them to
+desist, for between their conscience and their God, we have no power
+to interfere; we do not wish to make them political agents for any
+purpose.
+
+But the Senator is not content to entreat the clergy alone to desist;
+he calls on his countrywomen to warn them, also, to cease their
+efforts, and reminds them that the ink shed from the pen held in their
+fair fingers when writing their names to abolition petitions, may be
+the cause of shedding much human blood! Sir, the language towards this
+class of petitioners is very much changed of late; they formerly were
+pronounced idlers, fanatics, old women and school misses, unworthy of
+respect from intelligent and respectable men. I warned gentlemen then
+that they would change their language; the blows they aimed fell
+harmless at the feet of those against whom they were intended to
+injure. In this movement of my countrywomen I thought was plainly to
+be discovered the operations of Providence, and a sure sign of the
+final triumph of _universal emancipation_. All history, both sacred
+and profane, both ancient and modern, bears testimony to the efficacy
+of female influence and power in the cause of human liberty. From the
+time of the preservation, by the hands of women, of the great Jewish
+law-giver, in his infantile hours, and who was preserved for the
+purpose of freeing his countrymen from Egyptian bondage, has woman
+been made a powerful agent in breaking to pieces the rod of the
+oppressor. With a pure and uncontaminated mind, her actions spring
+from the deepest recesses of the human heart. Denounce her as you
+will, you cannot deter her from her duty. Pain, sickness, want,
+poverty and even death itself form no obstacles in her onward march.
+Even the tender Virgin would dress, as a martyr for the stake, as for
+her bridal hour, rather than make sacrifice of her purity and duty.
+The eloquence of the Senate, and clash of arms, are alike powerful
+when brought in opposition to the influence of pure and virtuous
+woman. The liberty of the slave seems now to be committed to her
+charge, and who can doubt her final triumph? I do not.--You cannot
+fight against her and hope for success; and well does the Senator know
+this; hence this appeal to her feelings to terrify her from that which
+she believes to be her duty. It is a vain attempt.
+
+The Senator says that it was the principles of the Constitution which
+carried us through the Revolution. Surely it was; and to use the
+language of another Senator from a slave State, on a former occasion,
+these are the very principles on which the abolitionists plant
+themselves. It was the principle that all men are born FREE AND EQUAL,
+that nerved the arm of our fathers in their contest for independence.
+It was for the natural and inherent rights of _man_ they contended. It
+is a libel upon the Constitution to say that its object was not
+liberty, but slavery, for millions of the human race.
+
+The Senator, well fearing that all his eloquence and his arguments
+thus far are but chaff, when weighed in the balance against truth and
+justice, seems to find consolation in the idea, and says that which
+opposes the ulterior object of abolitionists, is that the general
+government has no power to act on the subject of slavery, and that the
+Constitution or the Union would not last an hour if the power claimed
+was exercised by Congress. It is slavery, then, and not liberty, that
+makes us one people. To dissolve slavery, is to dissolve the Union.
+Why require of us to support the Constitution by oath, if the
+Constitution itself is subject to the power of slavery, and not the
+moral power of the country? Change the form of the oath which you
+administer to Senators on taking seats here, swear them to support
+slavery, and according to the logic of the gentleman, the Constitution
+and the Union will both be safe. We hear almost daily threats of
+dissolving the Union, and from whence do they come? From citizens of
+the free States? No! From the slave States only. Why wish to dissolve
+it? The reason is plain, that a new government may be formed, by which
+we, as a nation, may be made a slaveholding people. No impartial
+observer of passing events, can, in my humble judgment, doubt the
+truth of this. The Senator thinks the abolitionists in error, if they
+wish the slaveholder to free his slave. He asks, why denounce him? I
+cannot admit the truth of the question; but I might well ask the
+gentleman, and the slaveholders generally, "why are you angry at me,
+because I tell you the truth?" It is the light of truth which the
+slaveholder cannot endure; a plain unvarnished tale of what slavery
+is, he considers a libel upon himself. The fact is, the slaveholder
+feels the leprosy of slavery upon him. He is anxious to hide the
+odious disease from the public eye, and the ballot box and the right
+of petition, when used against him, he feels as sharp reproof; and
+being unwilling to renounce his errors, he tries to escape from their
+consequences, by making the world believe that HE is the persecuted,
+and not the persecutor. Slaveholders have said here, during this very
+session, "the fact is, slavery will not bear examination." It is the
+Senator who denounces abolitionists for the exercise of their most
+unquestionable rights, while abolitionists condemn that only which the
+Senator himself will acknowledge to be wrong at all times and under
+all circumstances. Because he admits that if it was an original
+question whether slaves should be introduced among us, but few
+citizens would be found to agree to it, and none more opposed to it
+than himself. The argument is, that the evil of slavery is incurable;
+that the attempt to eradicate it would commence a struggle which would
+exterminate one race or the other. What a lamentable picture of our
+government, so often pronounced the best upon earth! The seeds of
+disease, which were interwoven into its first existence, have now
+become so incorporated into its frame, that they cannot be extracted
+without dissolving the whole fabric; that we must endure the evil
+without hope and without complaint. Our very natures must be changed
+before we can be brought tamely to submit to this doctrine. The evil
+will be remedied: and to use the language of Jefferson again, "this
+people will yet be free." The Senator finds consolation, however in
+the midst of this existing evil, in color and caste. The black race
+(says he) is the strong ground of slavery in our country. Yes, it is
+_color_, not right and justice, that is to continue forever slavery in
+our country. It is prejudice against color, which is the strong ground
+of the slaveholder's hope. Is that prejudice founded in nature, or is
+it the effect of base and sordid interest? Let the mixed race which we
+see here, from black to almost perfect white, springing from white
+fathers, answer the question. Slavery has no just foundation in color:
+it rests exclusively upon usurpation, tyranny, oppressive fraud, and
+force. These were its parents in every age and country of the world.
+
+The Senator says, the next or greatest difficulty to emancipation is,
+the amount of property it would take from the owners. All ideas of
+right and wrong are confounded in these words: emancipate property,
+emancipate a horse, or an ox, would not only be unmeaning, but a
+ludicrous expression. To emancipate is to set free from slavery. To
+emancipate, is to set free a man, not property. The Senator estimates
+the number of slaves--_men_ now held in bondage--at three millions in
+the United States. Is this statement made here by the same voice which
+was heard in this Capitol in favor of the liberties of Greece, and for
+the emancipation of our South American brethren from political
+thralldom? It is; and has all its fervor in favor of liberty been
+exhausted upon foreign countries, so as not to leave a single whisper
+in favor of three millions of men in our own country, now groaning
+under the most galling oppression the world ever saw? No, sir. Sordid
+interest rules the hour. Men are made property, and paper is made
+money, and the Senator, no doubt, sees in these two peculiar
+institutions a power which, if united, will be able to accomplish all
+his wishes. He informs us that some have computed the slaves to be
+worth the average amount of five hundred dollars each. He will
+estimate within bounds at four hundred dollars each. Making the amount
+twelve hundred millions of dollars' worth of slave property. I heard
+this statement, Mr. President, with emotions of the deepest feeling.
+By what rule of political or commercial arithmetic does the Senator
+calculate the amount of property in human beings? Can it be fancy or
+fact, that I hear such calculation, that the people of the United
+States own twelve hundred millions' (double the amount of all the
+specie in the world) worth of property in human flesh! And this
+property is owned, the gentleman informs us, by all classes of
+society, forming part of all our contracts within our own country and
+in Europe. I should have been glad, sir, to have been spared the
+hearing of a declaration of this kind, especially from the high source
+and the place from which it emanated. But the assertion has gone forth
+that we have twelve hundred millions of slave property at the South;
+and can any man so close his understanding here as not plainly to
+perceive that the power of this vast amount of property at the South
+is now uniting itself to the banking power of the North, in order to
+govern the destinies of this country. Six hundred millions of banking
+capital is to be brought into this coalition, and the slave power and
+the bank power are thus to unite in order to break down the present
+administration. There can be no mistake, as I believe, in this matter.
+The aristocracy of the North, who, by the power of a corrupt banking
+system, and the aristocracy of the South, by the power of the slave
+system, both fattening upon the labor of others, are now about to
+unite in order to make the reign of each perpetual. Is there an
+independent American to be found, who will become the recreant slave
+to such an unholy combination? Is this another compromise to barter
+the liberties of the country for personal aggrandisement? "Resistance
+to tyrants is obedience to God."
+
+The Senator further insists, "that what the law makes property is
+property." This is the predicate of the gentleman; he has neither
+facts nor reason to prove it; yet upon this alone does he rest the
+whole case that negroes are property. I deny the predicate and the
+argument. Suppose the Legislature of the Senator's own State should
+pass a law declaring his wife, his children, his friends, indeed, any
+white citizen of Kentucky, _property_, and should they be sold and
+transferred as such, would the gentleman fold his arms and say, "Yes,
+they are property, for the law has made them such?" No, sir; he would
+denounce such law with more vehemence than he now denounces
+abolitionists, and would deny the authority of human legislation to
+accomplish an object so clearly beyond its power.
+
+Human laws, I contend, cannot make human beings property, if human
+force can do it. If it is competent for our legislatures to make a
+black man _property_, it is competent for them to make a white man the
+same; and the same objection exists to the power of the people in an
+organic law for their own government; they cannot make property of
+each other; and, in the language of the Constitution of Indiana, such
+an act "can only originate in usurpation and tyranny." Dreadful,
+indeed, would be the condition of this country, if these principles
+should not only be carried into the ballot box, but into the
+presidential chair. The idea that abolitionists ought to pay for the
+slaves if they are set free, and that they ought to think of this, is
+addressed to their fears, and not to their judgment. There is no
+principle of morality or justice that should require them or our
+citizens generally to do so. To free a slave is to take from
+usurpation that which it has made property and given to another, and
+bestow it upon the rightful owner. It is not taking property from its
+true owner for public use. Men can do with their own as they please,
+to vary their peace if they wish, but cannot be compelled to do so.
+
+The gentleman repeats the assertion that has been repeated a thousand
+and one times: that abolitionists are retarding the emancipation of
+the slave, and have thrown it back fifty or a hundred years; that they
+have increased the rigors of slavery, and caused the master to treat
+his slave with more severity. Slavery, then, is to cease at some
+period; and because the abolitionists have said to the slaveholder,
+"Now is the accepted time," and because he thinks this an improper
+interference, and not having the abolitionists in his power, he
+inflicts his vengeance on his unoffending slave! The moral of this
+story is, the slaveholder will exercise more cruelty because he is
+desired to show mercy. I do not envy the senator the full benefit of
+his argument. It is no doubt a true picture of the feelings and
+principles which slavery engenders in the breast of the master. It is
+in perfect keeping with the threat we almost daily hear; that if
+petitioners do not cease their efforts in the exercise of their
+constitutional rights, others will dissolve the Union. These, however,
+ought to be esteemed idle assertions and idle threats.
+
+The Senator tells us that the consequences arising from the freedom of
+slaves, would be to reduce the wages of the white laborer. He has
+furnished us with neither data nor fact upon which this opinion can
+rest. He, however, would draw a line, on one side of which he would
+place the slave labor, and on the other side free white labor; and
+looking over the whole, as a general system, both would appear on a
+perfect equality. I have observed, for some years past, that the
+southern slaveholder has insisted that his laborers are, in point of
+integrity, morality, usefulness, and comfort, equal to the laboring
+population of the North. Thus endeavoring to raise the slave in public
+estimation, to an equality with the free white laborer of the North;
+while, on the other hand, the northern aristocrat has, in the same
+manner, viz.: by comparison, endeavored to reduce his laborers to the
+moral and political condition of the slaves of the South. It is for
+the free white American citizens to determine whether they will permit
+such degrading comparisons longer to exist. Already has this spirit
+broken forth in denunciation of the right of universal suffrage. Will
+free white laboring citizens take warning before it is too late?
+
+The last, the great, the crying sin of abolitionists, in the eyes of
+the Senator, is that they are opposed to colonization, and in favor of
+amalgamation. It is not necessary now to enter into any of the
+benefits and advantages of colonization; the Senator has pronounced it
+the noblest scheme ever devised by man; he says it is powerful but
+harmless. I have no knowledge of any resulting benefits from the
+scheme to either race. I have not a doubt as to the real object
+intended by its founders; it did not arise from principles of humanity
+and benevolence towards the colored race, but a desire to remove the
+free of that race beyond the United States, in order to perpetuate and
+make slavery more secure.
+
+The Senator further makes the broad charge, that abolitionists wish to
+_enforce_ the unnatural system of amalgamation. We deny the fact, and
+call on the Senator for proof. The citizens of the free States, the
+petitioners against slavery, the abolitionists of the free States in
+favor of amalgamation! No, sir! If you want evidence of the fact, and
+reasoning in support of amalgamation, you must look into the slave
+States; it is there it spreads and flourishes from slave mothers, and
+presents all possible colors and complexions, from the jet black
+African to the scarcely to be distinguished white person. Does any one
+need proof of this fact? let him take but a few turns through the
+streets of your capital, and observe those whom he shall meet, and he
+will be perfectly satisfied. Amalgamation, indeed! The charge is made
+with a very bad grace on the present occasion. No, sir; it is not the
+negro _woman_, it is the _slave_ and the contaminating influence of
+slavery that is the mother of amalgamation. Does the gentleman want
+facts on this subject? let him look at the colored race in the free
+States; it is a rare occurrence there. A colony of blacks, some three
+or four hundred, were settled, some fifteen or twenty years since, in
+the county of Brown, a few miles distant from my former residence in
+Ohio, and I was told by a person living near them, a country merchant
+with whom they dealt, when conversing with him on this very subject,
+he informed me he knew of but one instance of a mulatto child being
+born amongst them for the last fifteen years; and I venture the
+assertion, had this same colony been settled in a slave State, the
+cases of a like kind would have been far more numerous. I repeat
+again, in the words of Dr. Channing, it is a slave country that reeks
+with licentiousness of this kind, and for proof I refer to the
+opinions of Judge Harper, of North Carolina, in his defence of
+southern slavery.
+
+The Senator, as if fearing that he had made his charge too broad, and
+might fail in proof to sustain it, seems to stop short, and make the
+inquiry, where is the process of amalgamation to begin? He had heard
+of no instance of the kind against abolitionists; they (the
+abolitionists) would begin it with the laboring class; and if I
+understand the Senator correctly, that abolitionism, by throwing
+together the white and the black laborers, would naturally produce
+this result. Sir, I regret, I deplore, that such a charge should be
+made against the laboring class--that class which tills the ground;
+and, in obedience to the decree of their Maker, eat their bread in
+the sweat of their face--that class, as Mr. Jefferson says, if God has
+a chosen people on earth, they are those who thus labor. This charge
+is calculated for effect, to induce the laboring class to believe,
+that if emancipation takes place, they will be, in the free States,
+reduced to the same condition as the colored laborer. The reverse of
+that is the truth of the case. It is the slaveholder NOW, he who looks
+upon labor as only fit for a servile race, it is him and his kindred
+spirits who live upon the labor of others, endeavoring to reduce the
+white laborer to the condition of the slave. They do not yet claim him
+as property, but they would exclude him from all participation in the
+public affairs of the country. It is further said, that if the negroes
+were free, the black would rival the white laborer in the free States.
+I cannot believe it, while so many facts exist to prove the contrary.
+Negroes, like the white race, but with stronger feelings, are attached
+to the place of their birth, and the home of their youth; and the
+climate of the South is congenial to their natures, more than that of
+the North. If emancipation should take place at the South--and the
+negro be freed from the fear of being made merchandize, they would
+remove from the free States of the North and West, immediately return
+to that country, because it is the home of their friends and fathers.
+Already in Ohio, as far as my knowledge extends, has free white labor,
+(emigrants,) from foreign countries, engrossed almost entirely all
+situations in which male or female labor is found. But, sir, this plea
+of necessity and convenience is the plea of tyrants. Has not the free
+black person the same right to the use of his hands as the white
+person: the same right to contract and labor for what price he
+pleases? Would the gentleman extend the power of the government to the
+regulation of the productive industry of the country? This was his
+former theory, but put down effectually by the public voice. Taking
+advantage of the prejudice against labor, the attempt is now being
+made to begin this same system, by first operating on the poor black
+laborer. For shame! let us cease from attempts of this kind.
+
+The Senator informs us that the question was asked fifty years ago
+that is now asked, Can the negro be continued forever in bondage? Yes;
+and it will continue to be asked, in still louder and louder tones.
+But, says the Senator, we are yet a prosperous and happy nation. Pray,
+sir, in what part of your country do you find this prosperity and
+happiness? In the slave States? No! no! There all is weakness gloom,
+and despair; while, in the free States, all is light, business, and
+activity. What has created the astonishing difference between the
+gentleman's State and mine--between Kentucky and Ohio? Slavery, the
+withering curse of slavery, is upon Kentucky, while Ohio is free.
+Kentucky, the garden of the West, almost the land of promise,
+possessing all the natural advantages, and more than is possessed by
+Ohio, is vastly behind in population and wealth. Sir, I can see from
+the windows of my upper chamber, in the city of Cincinnati, lands in
+Kentucky, which, I am told, can be purchased from ten to fifty dollars
+per acre; while lands of the same quality, under the same
+improvements, and the same distance from me in Ohio, would probably
+sell from one to five hundred dollars per acre. I was told by a
+friend, a few days before I left home, who had formerly resided in the
+county of Bourbon, Kentucky--a most excellent county of lands
+adjoining, I believe, the county in which the Senator resides--that
+the white population of that county was more than four hundred less
+than it was five years since. Will the Senator contend, after a
+knowledge of these facts, that slavery in this country has been the
+cause of our prosperity and happiness? No, he cannot. It is because
+slavery has been excluded and driven from a large proportion of our
+country, that we are a prosperous and happy people. But its late
+attempts to force its influence and power into the free States, and
+deprive our citizens of their unquestionable rights, has been the
+moving cause of all the riots, burnings, and murders that have taken
+place on account of abolitionism; and it has, in some degree, even in
+the free States, caused mourning, lamentation, and woe. Remove
+slavery, and the country, the whole country, will recover its natural
+vigor, and our peace and future prosperity will be placed on a more
+extensive, safe, and sure foundation. It is a waste of time to answer
+the allegations that the emancipation of the negro race would induce
+them to make war on the white race. Every fact in the history of
+emancipation proves the reverse; and he that will not believe those
+facts, has darkened his own understanding, that the light of reason
+can make no impression: he appeals to interest, not to truth, for
+information on this subject. We do not fear his errors, while we are
+left free to combat them. The Senator implores us to cease all
+commotion on this subject. Are we to surrender all our rights and
+privileges, all the official stations of the country, into the hands
+of the slaveholding power, without a single struggle? Are we to cease
+all exertions for our own safety, and submit in quiet to the rule of
+this power? Is the calm of despotism to reign over this land, and the
+voice of freemen to be no more heard! This sacrifice is required of
+us, in order to sustain slavery. _Freemen_, will you make it? Will you
+shut your ears and your sympathies, and withhold from the poor,
+famished slave, a morsel of bread? Can you thus act, and expect the
+blessings of heaven upon your country? I beseech you to consider for
+yourselves.
+
+Mr. President, I have been compelled to enter into this discussion
+from the course pursued by the Senate on the resolutions I submitted a
+few days since. The cry of abolitionist has been raised against me. If
+those resolutions are abolitionism, then I am an abolitionist from the
+sole of my feet to the crown of my head. If to maintain the rights of
+the States, the security of the citizen from violence and outrage; if
+to preserve the supremacy of the laws; if insisting on the right of
+petition, a medium through which _every person_ subject to the laws
+has an undoubted right to approach the constitutional authorities of
+the country, be the doctrines of abolitionists, it finds a response in
+every beating pulse in my veins. Neither power, nor favor, nor want,
+nor misery, shall deter me from its support while the vital current
+continues to flow.
+
+Condemned at home for my opposition to slavery, alone and singlehanded
+here, well may I feel tremor and emotion in bearding this lion of
+slavery in his very _den_ and upon his own ground. I should shrink,
+sir, at once, from this fearful and unequal contest, was I not
+thoroughly convinced that I am sustained by the power of truth and the
+best interests of the country.
+
+I listened to the Senator of Kentucky with undivided attention. I was
+disappointed, sadly disappointed. I had heard of the Senator's tact in
+making compromises and agreements on this floor, and though opposed in
+principle to all such proceedings, yet I hoped to hear something upon
+which we could hang a hope that peace would be restored to the borders
+of our own States, and all future aggression upon our citizens from
+the free States be prevented. Now, sir, he offers us nothing but
+unconditional submission to political death; and not political alone,
+but absolute _death_. We have counted the cost in this matter, and are
+determined to live or die free. Let the slaveholder hug his system to
+his bosom in his own State, we will not go there to disturb him; but,
+sir, within our own borders we claim to enjoy the same privileges.
+Even, sir, here in this District, this ten miles square of common
+property and common right, the slave power has the assurance to come
+into this very Hall, and request that we--yes, Mr. President, that my
+constituents--be denied the right of petition on the subject of
+slavery in this District. This most extraordinary petition against the
+right of others to petition on the same subject of theirs, is
+graciously received and ordered to be printed; paeans sung to it by the
+slave power, while the petitions I offer, from as honorable, free,
+high-minded and patriotic American citizens as any in this District,
+are spit upon, and turned out of doors as an _unclean thing_! Genius
+of liberty! how long will you sleep under this iron power of
+oppression? Not content with ruling over their own slaves, they claim
+the power to instruct Congress on the question of receiving petitions;
+and yet we are tauntingly and sneeringly told that we have nothing to
+do with the existence of slavery in the country, a suggestion as
+absurd as it is ridiculous. We are called upon to make laws in favor
+of slavery in the District, but it is denied that we can make laws
+against it; and at last the right of petition on the subject, by the
+people of the free States, is complained of as an improper
+interference. I leave it to the Senator to reconcile all these
+difficulties, absurdities, claims and requests of the people of this
+District, to the country at large; and I venture the opinion that he
+will find as much difficulty in producing the belief that he is
+correct now, that he has found in obtaining the same belief that he
+was before correct in his views and political course on the subject of
+banks, internal improvements, protective tariffs, &c., and the
+regulation, by acts of Congress, of the productive industry of the
+country, together with all the compromises and coalitions he has
+entered into for the attainment of those objects. I rejoice, however,
+that the Senator has made the display he has on this occasion. It is a
+powerful shake to awaken the sleeping energies of liberty, and his
+voice, like a trumpet, will call from their slumbers millions of
+freemen to defend their rights; and the overthrow of his theory now,
+is as sure and certain, by the force of public opinion, as was the
+overthrow of all his former schemes, by the same mighty power.
+
+I feel, Mr. President, as if I had wearied your patience, while I am
+sure my own bodily powers admonish me to close; but I cannot do so
+without again reminding my constituents of the greetings that have
+taken place on the consummation and ratification of the treaty,
+offensive and defensive, between the slaveholding and bank powers, in
+order to carry on a war against the liberties of our country, and to
+put down the present administration. Yes, there is no voice heard from
+New England now. Boston and Faneuil Hall are silent as death. The free
+day-laborer is, in prospect, reduced to the political, if not moral
+condition of the slave; an ideal line is to divide them in their
+labor; yes, the same principle is to govern on both sides. Even the
+farmer, too, will soon be brought into the same fold. It will be again
+said, with regard to the government of the country, "The farmer with
+his huge paws upon the statute book, what can he do?" I have
+endeavored to warn my fellow-citizens of the present and approaching
+danger, but the dark cloud of slavery is before their eyes, and
+prevents many of them from seeing the condition of things as they are.
+That cloud, like the cloud of summer, will soon pass away, and its
+thunders cease to be heard. Slavery will come to an end, and the
+sunshine of prosperity warm, invigorate and bless our whole country.
+
+I do not know, Mr. President, that my voice will ever again be heard
+on this floor. I now willingly, yes, gladly, return to my
+constituents, to the people of my own State. I have spent my life
+amongst them, and the greater portion of it in their service, and they
+have bestowed upon me their confidence in numerous instances. I feel
+perfectly conscious that, in the discharge of every trust which they
+have committed to me, I have, to the best of my abilities, acted
+solely with a view to the general good, not suffering myself to be
+influenced by any particular or private interest whatever; and I now
+challenge those who think I have done otherwise, to lay their finger
+upon any public act of mine, and prove to the country its injustice or
+anti-republican tendency. That I have often erred in the selection of
+means to accomplish important ends I have no doubt, but my belief in
+the truth of the doctrines of the Declaration of Independence, the
+political creed of President Jefferson, remains unshaken and
+unsubdued. My greatest regret is that I have not been more zealous,
+and done more for the cause of individual and political liberty than I
+have done. I hope, on returning to my home and my friends, to join
+them again in rekindling the beacon-fires of liberty upon every hill
+in our State, until their broad glare shall enlighten every valley,
+and the song of triumph will soon be heard, for the hearts of our
+people are in the hands of a just and holy being, (who can not look
+upon oppression but with abhorrence.) and he can turn them
+whithersoever he will, as the rivers of water are turned. Though our
+national sins are many and grievous, yet repentance, like that of
+ancient Nineveh, may divert from us that impending danger which seems
+to hang over our heads as by a single hair. That all may be safe, I
+conclude that THE NEGRO WILL YET BE SET FREE.
+
+
+
+THE
+
+ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.
+
+No. 11.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+THE
+
+CONSTITUTION
+
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+
+OR
+
+SELECTIONS
+
+FROM
+
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &c.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY.
+
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+
+
+1844.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+Introduction.
+Debates in the Congress of the Confederation
+Debates in the Federal Convention
+List of Members of the Federal Convention
+Speech of Luther Martin
+
+  DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS
+Massachusetts
+New York
+Pennsylvania
+Virginia
+North Carolina
+South Carolina
+Extracts from the Federalist
+Debates in First Congress
+Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society
+Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs
+Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech
+Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+
+Every one knows that the "Madison papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added one note on page 30th, which is marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's--a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+
+These extracts develope most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the letter of Francis Jackson to Governor Briggs, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace--as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following:--
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 2. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
+among the several States, which may be included within this Union,
+according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by
+adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to
+service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, _three
+fifths of all other persons_.
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 8. Congress shall have power . . . to suppress
+insurrections.
+
+Art. 1, Sect. 9. The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Art. 4. Sec. 2. No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping, into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+
+Art. 4, Sect. 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against
+domestic violence_.
+
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, _without obliging Congress to do so even then_, and thus the
+slave trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest for
+ever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the purposes
+of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes no
+compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land,
+both State and Federal;--the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;--the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind however must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons beside slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance.
+
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous--that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States, has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and
+repudiate it _as it is_.
+
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted in upon the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain and became partners with tyrants that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions at
+least of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and
+pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the Instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear all that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled.
+
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, shew us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;--prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free States and making the
+courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous
+alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of
+men and the best of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves
+that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms,
+without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the
+sin of slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS.
+
+
+
+
+THE CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776_.
+
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:--
+
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and quality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the assembly of the United States."
+
+Mr. Chase (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which would
+be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a tolerably
+good criterion of property, and that this might always be obtained. He
+therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with one exception
+only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such cannot be
+distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those States
+where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmer's heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State, and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter, it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth,
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,--would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,--is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one firm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+
+Mr. Harrison (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two affected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from L9 to L12, while in the Northern it
+was generally L24.
+
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give thee _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+
+Mr. Payne (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of Congress,
+to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of souls.
+
+Mr. Witherspoon (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed. Horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North, and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided. _Vol. I. pp_. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+
+
+
+
+_Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation._
+
+
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+
+Mr. Wolcott declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age. _p_. 331.
+
+TUESDAY, March 27, 1783.
+
+The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:
+
+Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+
+Mr. Clark (of New Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of
+land, if half their slaves only should be included; but that the
+Eastern States would not concur in that proposition.
+
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the, report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p._ 421-2.
+
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+
+Mr. Wolcott (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+Carroll as four to one. Mr. Williamson (of North Carolina) said he was
+principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an incumbrance
+to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay taxes. Mr.
+Higginson (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree to rate
+slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one would he a
+juster proportion. Mr. Holton as four to three.--Mr. Osgood said he
+did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them as
+three to two, the votes were. New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no;
+Rhode Island, divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then proposed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. Madison (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. Rutledge (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. Wilson (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+
+Mr. Lee was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no;
+Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye;
+Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye: South Carolina, aye.
+
+A motion was then made by Mr. Bland, seconded by Mr. Lee, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have greater weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it: that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves being employed wholly in
+agriculture, not in manufacturers; and that, in fact, the balance of
+trade formerly was much more against the Southern States than the
+others.
+
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. Lloyd, aye); New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no. _pp._ 423-4-5.
+
+Tuesday, April 1, 1783.
+
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &c. Mr. Hamilton, who had been
+absent when the last question was taken for substituting numbers in
+place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote. He was
+seconded by Mr. Osgood. Those who voted differently from their former
+votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity of the
+change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate of the
+slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without opposition.
+_p_. 430.
+
+Monday, May 26.
+
+The Resolutions on the Journal, instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for
+furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously_. _p_. 456.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States_.
+
+Monday, June 11, 1787.
+
+It was then moved by Mr. Rutledge, seconded by Mr. Butler, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words, "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. Wilson, seconded by Mr. Pinckney, this
+was postponed, in order to add, after the words, "equitable rates of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"--this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than, the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+
+On the question,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+New jersey, Delaware, no--2. _Vol. II. pp._ 842-3.
+
+Saturday, June 30, 1787.
+
+He (Mr. Madison) admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that instead of proportioning the votes of the
+States in both branches to their respective numbers of inhabitants,
+computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they should he
+represented in one branch according to the number of free inhabitants
+only; and in the other, according to the whole number, counting the
+slaves us free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would have the
+advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had been
+restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations; one
+was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was,
+the inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests. _pp._ 1006-7.
+
+Monday, July 9, 1787.
+
+Mr. Patterson considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property, entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an experiment by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen, by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been assigned to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+
+Mr. Madison reminded Mr. Patterson that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which has for one
+of its primary objects, the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+
+Mr. Butler urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+
+Mr. King had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect was paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together. _pp_. 1054-5-6.
+
+Tuesday, July 10; 1787.
+
+Mr. King remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES: BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. _p_.
+1057.
+
+Wednesday, July 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. Butler and General Pinckney insisted that blacks be included in
+rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+
+Mr. Gerry thought that three fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+
+Mr. Gorham. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced them that three fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+
+Mr. Butler insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that as
+wealth was the greatest means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+
+Mr. Mason could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+
+Mr. Williamson reminded Mr. Gorham, that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites, when taxation was
+in view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+
+On Mr. Butler's motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,--Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no--7. New York not on the floor.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. Williamson. In the first place it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation, from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.... Another objection with him, against
+admitting the blacks into the census, was, that the people of
+Pennsylvania would revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with
+slaves. They would reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+pp. 1067-8-9 & 1072.
+
+WEDNESDAY, JULY 11, 1787.
+
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered:
+
+Mr. King, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+
+Mr. Sherman. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+
+Mr. Gorham was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+
+
+Mr. Wilson did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property--then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+Gouverneur Morris.)
+
+Mr. Gouvemeur Morris was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,--Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina. Georgia, aye--4;
+Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[2] South
+Carolina, no--6. pp. 1076-7-8.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the _phraseology_ to be altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.]
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+
+Mr. Butler contended that representation should be according to the
+full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks.
+
+General Pinckney was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+Gouverneur Morris,] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed
+at what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000L. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, _nem. con._, as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation."
+
+Mr. Davie said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+
+Dr. Johnson thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any States that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more then has been already proposed--that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+
+General Pinckney desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature; and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the House, the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution for direct
+taxation, for the support of the government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other use rule
+that shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States,
+can be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+
+Mr. Butler seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. Ellsworth's motion,
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that may
+be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of
+all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio
+recommended by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of
+April, 1783, (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number;) and
+that the Legislature of the United States shall arrange the
+representation accordingly." He urged strenuously that express
+security ought to be provided for including slaves in the ratio of
+representation. He lamented that such a species of property existed.
+But as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security. It
+was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding
+slaves altogether; the Legislature therefore ought not to be left at
+liberty.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. Randolph.
+
+Mr. Wilson observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+
+Mr. Pinckney moved to amend Mr. Randolph's motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This, he
+urged, was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers, the
+peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of pecuniary
+resources as those of the northern states. They add equally to the
+wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the strength,
+of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the Northern
+States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+
+On Mr. Pinckney's (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--South Carolina, Georgia, aye
+--2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor Johnson, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no--8.
+
+Mr. Randolph's (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. Wilson (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,--
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive when there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth (of Connecticut.)  In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--6;
+New-Jersey, Delaware, no--2; Massachusetts, South Carolina, divided.
+_pp._ 1079 to 1087.
+
+Friday, July 13, 1787.
+
+On the motion of Mr. Randolph (of Virginia), the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of
+business, and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said,
+into deep meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction has been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend
+incompatible things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each
+other. There can be no end of demands for security, if every
+particular interest is to be entitled to it. The Eastern States may
+claim it for their fishery, and for other objects, as the Southern
+States claim it for their peculiar objects. In this struggle between
+the two ends of the Union, what part ought the Middle States, in point
+of policy, to take?  To join their Eastern brethren, according to his
+ideas. If the Southern States get the power into their hands, and be
+joined, as they will be, with the interior country, they will
+inevitably bring on a war with Spain for the Mississippi. This
+language is already held. The interior country, leaving no property
+nor interest exposed to the sea, will be little affected by such a
+war. He wished to know what security the Northern and Middle States
+will have against this danger. It has been said that North Carolina,
+South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a little time have a
+majority of the people of America. They must in that case include the
+great interior country, and every thing was to be apprehended from
+their getting the power into their hands.
+
+Mr. Butler (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+
+On the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change as
+moved by Mr. Randoph (of Virginia), it passed in the affirmative,--
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland,
+Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9; Delaware,
+divided. _pp_. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Virginia). it seemed now pretty well understood, that
+the real difference of interests lay, not between the large and small,
+but between the Northern and Southern States. THE INSTITUTION OF
+SLAVERY, AND ITS CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION. _p_.
+1104.
+
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+
+General Pinckney reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report. _p_. 1187.
+
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[3] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections. _p_.
+1197.
+
+[Footnote 3: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hope that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure he could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+
+Mr. Sherman regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New-York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina, who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow-creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New-Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation.
+It is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+
+Mr. Dayton seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+
+Mr. Sherman did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+
+Mr. Pinckney considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burthensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+
+Mr. Wilson thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye--1; New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no--10. pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+
+Mr. L. Martin proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+
+Mr. Rutledge did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other states from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+
+Mr. Pinckney. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned. _pp_. 1388-9.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+
+Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+
+Mr. Sherman was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+
+Col. Mason. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in the nefarious traffic. As to the
+States being in possession of the right to import, this was the case
+with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+
+Mr. Pinckney. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages, one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+
+Gen. Pinckney declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+
+Mr. Baldwin had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for every thing; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people,
+who carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+
+Mr. Wilson observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+
+Mr. Gerry thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+
+Mr. Dickinson considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+
+Mr. Williamson stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of L5 on each slave imported from Africa; L10 on each
+from elsewhere; and L50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+
+Mr. King thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two states will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+
+Mr. Langdon was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, have it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+
+Gen. Pinckney thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+
+Mr. Rutledge. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. Pinckney for a commitment.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris wished the whole subject to be committed
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+
+Mr. Butler declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. Sherman said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were _property_. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+
+Mr. Read was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on experts should also be committed.
+
+Mr. Sherman observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,--Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no--3; Massachusetts absent. p. 1390-97.
+Friday, August 24, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.'
+
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+
+"The sixth Section[4] to be stricken out." p. 1415.
+
+[Footnote 4: This sixth Section was, "No Navigation act shall be passed
+without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each
+House."--EDITOR.]
+
+
+Saturday, August 25, 1787.
+
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth)
+being taken up,--
+
+Gen. Pinckney moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+
+Mr. Gorham seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. Madison. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+
+Col. Mason was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+
+Mr. Sherman liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+
+M. Clymer concurred with Mr. Sherman.
+
+Mr. Williamson said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris withdrew his motion.
+
+Mr. Dickinson wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con._[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+
+
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. Baldwin, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties and on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con._
+
+Mr. Sherman was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+
+Mr. King and Mr. Langdon considered this as the price of the first
+part.
+
+Gen. Pinckney admitted that it was so.
+
+Col. Mason. Not to tax, will be equivalent to a bounty on, the
+importation of slaves.
+
+Mr. Gorham thought that Mr. Sherman should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+
+Mr. Sherman, in answer to Mr. Gorham, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+
+Mr. Madison thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandise, consumed, &c.
+
+Col. Mason, in answer to Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The provision as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts; in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+
+It was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to. _pp_. 1427 to 30.
+
+Tuesday, August 28, 1787.
+
+Article 14, was then taken up.
+
+General Pinckney was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+
+On the question on Article 14,--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, aye--9; South Carolina,
+no--1; Georgia, divided.
+
+Article 15, being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor," were
+struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+
+Mr. Butler and Mr. Pinckney moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+
+Mr. Wilson. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+
+Mr. Sherman saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+
+Mr. Butler withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_. _pp_. 1447-8.
+
+Wednesday, August 29, 1787.
+
+General Pinckney said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[6] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever. _p_. 1451.
+
+[Footnote 6: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote on the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+
+
+Mr. Butler moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem. con_.
+_p_. 1456.
+
+Monday, September 10, 1787.
+
+Mr. Rutledge said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article." _p_. 1536.
+
+Thursday, September 13, 1787.
+
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. Randolph, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[7] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+
+[Footnote 7: See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+
+
+Mr. Dickinson and Mr. Wilson moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the _representation_. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that representation.
+
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--New
+Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye--3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--8. _pp_. 1569-70.
+
+Saturday, September 15, 1787.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view. _p_. 1589.
+
+Mr. Gerry stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1--2--3--4--5--6, that three fifths of
+the blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen. _p_. 1595.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+LIST OF MEMBERS
+
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF
+THE UNITED STATES.
+
+
+   From                                                 Attended.
+New Hampshire,    1 John Langdon,                       July 23, 1787.
+                    _John Pickering,_
+                  2 Nicholas Gilman,                       " 23.
+                    _Benjamin West_.
+Massachusetts,      _Francis Dana_,
+                    Elbridge Gerry,                      May 29.
+                  3 Nath'l Gorham,                        "  25.
+                  4 Rufus King,                           "  25.
+                    Caleb Strong,                         "  28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,      5 W.S. Johnson,                        June 2.
+                  6 Roger Sherman,                       May 30.
+                    Oliver Ellsworth,                     "  29.
+New York,           Robert Yates,                         "  25.
+                  7 Alex'r Hamilton,                      "  25.
+                    John Lansing,                        June 2.
+New Jersey,       8 Wm. Livingston,                       "   5.
+                  9 David Brearly,                       May  5.
+                    Wm. C. Houston,                        do.
+                 10 Wm. Patterson,                         do.
+                    _John Nielson_,
+                    _Abraham Clark_.
+                 11 Jonathan Dayton,                    June 21.
+Pennsylvania,    12 Benj. Franklin,                      May 28.
+                 13 Thos. Miffin,                          do.
+Pennsylvania.    14 Robert Morris,                       May 25.
+                 15 Gen. Clymer,                          "  28.
+                 16 Thos. Fitzsimmons,                    "  25.
+                 17 Jared Ingersoll,                      "  28.
+                 18 James Wilson,                         "  25.
+                 19 Gouv'r Morris,                        "  25.
+Delaware,        20 Geo. Reed,                            "  25.
+                 21 G. Bedford, Jr.                       "  28.
+                 22 John Dickinson,                       "  28.
+                 23 Richard Bassett,                      "  25.
+                 24 Jacob Broom,                          "  25.
+Maryland,        25 James M'Henry,                        "  29.
+                 26 Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer,          June 2.
+                 27 Daniel Carroll,                      July 9.
+                    John F. Mercer,                      Aug. 6.
+                    Luther Martin,                       June 9.
+Virginia,        28 G. Washington,                       May 25.
+                    _Patrick Henry_, (declined.)
+                    Edmund Randolph,                      "  25.
+                 29 John Blair,                           "  25.
+                 30 Jas. Madison, Jr.                     "  25.
+                    George Mason,                         "  25.
+                    George Wythe,                         "  25.
+                    James McClurg, (in
+                      room P. Henry)                      "  25.
+North Carolina,     _Rich'd Caswell_ (resigned).
+                    Alex'r Martin,                       May 25.
+                    Wm. R. Davie,                         "  25.
+                 31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                      of R. Caswell),                   June 20.
+                    _Willie Jones_ (declined).
+                 32 R. D. Spaight,                       May 25.
+                 33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                      room of W. Jones,)                 May 25.
+South Carolina,  34 John Rutledge,                        "  25.
+                 35 Chas. C. Pinckney,                    "  25.
+                 36 Chas. Pinckney,                       "  25.
+                 37 Peirce Butler,                        "  25.
+Georgia,         38 William Few,                          "  25.
+                 39 Abr'm Baldwin,                       June 11.
+                    William Pierce,                      May 31.
+                    _George Walton_.
+                    Wm. Houston,                         June 1.
+                    _Nath'l Pendleton_.
+
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution. 39
+Those in italics never attended.                               10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,       16
+                                                               --
+                                                               65
+
+
+Extract from a Speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+
+With respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality--It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in
+apportioning the number of _representatives_ a state should have in
+the government--That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a state in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom--That it might be proper to take
+slaves into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned,
+because it had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them
+into account in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave
+trade_, and to make it the _interest_ of the states to _continue_ that
+_infamous traffic_--That slaves could not be taken into account as
+_men_, or _citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of
+citizens_, in the states which adopted or continued slavery--If they
+were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _southern states_, as
+it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _eastern_.
+
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those _things_ which the expression
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States--Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those states,
+that their states would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those states, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the _eastern_
+States, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing
+to indulge the southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the southern states would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those, rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+_rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to
+be considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so the much want aid from, and
+be a burden to, the Union.
+
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave-trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or
+_invasion_.
+
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+
+Mr. King rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the numbers of free persons shall be
+determined, by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the
+slaves. By this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned.
+And it was adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+
+Mr. Widgery asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+
+Mr. King in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+
+Mr. Gorham thought the proposed section much in favor of Massachusetts;
+and if it operated against any state, it was Pennsylvania, because
+they have more white persons _bound_ than any other.
+
+Judge Dana, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than _five_ of those poor slaves?
+
+Mr. Nasson remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. King, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways--and the gentlemen should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+King, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side--as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+
+Mr. Dawes said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He thought them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our _own_ State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more?  The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. It would
+not do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+
+Mr. Neal (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued
+for 20 years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness
+against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the
+bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put
+his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to
+this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever
+shall be free, and Gen. Thompson exclaimed:
+
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others?  Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had!  How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this
+article, towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of
+the Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was
+no provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this
+Constitution provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally
+annihilate the slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two,
+have passed laws to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that
+it would then be done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty
+to prohibit it.
+
+Saturday, January 26.--[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+Nason, Major Lusk, Mr. Neal, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge Dana, Mr. Adams and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+
+Gen. Heath. Mr. President,--By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity of
+expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the States, now
+_existing only_, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+
+Mr. Neal rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+
+Major Lusk concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+
+Rev. Mr. Buckus. Much, sir, has been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in
+the New Testament. And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said--Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again--Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. Smith. He would now proceed to state his objections to the clause
+just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3.) His objections were
+comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is unjust;
+2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house shall
+not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the rule of
+apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the whole
+number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all others; that
+is, in plain English, each State is to send representatives in
+proportion to the number of freemen, and three-fifths of the slaves it
+contains. He could not see any rule by which slaves were to be
+included in the ratio of representation;--the principle of a
+representation being that every free agent should be concerned in
+governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a man who could
+not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the very operation
+of it was to give certain privileges to those people, who were so
+wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted, that this rule
+of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but that it was the
+result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should be under the
+necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with the southern
+States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+
+Mr. Hamilton. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States--the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means; nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on their navigation, and that they should leave full power,
+by a majority in Congress, to make commercial regulations in favor of
+their own, and in restraint of the navigation of foreigners. The
+Southern States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by
+requiring that two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an
+act in regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the
+restraints of a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by
+obliging them to employ the shipping of the Northern States would
+probably enhance their freight. This being the case, they insisted
+strenuously on having this provision engrafted in the constitution;
+and the Northern States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other
+hand, the small States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation
+upon equal terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already
+possessed: the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that
+Rhode Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with
+themselves: from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose.
+It became necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must
+have dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise
+and prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me--every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern states, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern states
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the states. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of
+New-York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves
+are considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded
+to the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal
+laws of the states which they inhabit as well as to the laws of
+nature. But representation and taxation go together--and one uniform
+rule ought to apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves
+in the assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the states. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your state, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government; these will be included
+in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern states, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+
+Mr. M. Smith. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+hon. gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern states. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to
+the clause in this respect.
+
+Mr. Harrison. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. Wilson. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this constitution--and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+legislatures of the several states. The gentleman, (Mr. Findley) will
+recollect, that in the present congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the states. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+states; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven states, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptional before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the states now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this cause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+confederation, the states may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any state to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new states which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the _migration_ or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentleman from
+Westmoreland (Mr. Findley) and the honorable gentleman from Cumberland
+(Mr. Whitehill,) took exception against the first clause of the 9th
+section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because congress might
+impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of slaves,
+within any of the United States, congress might therefore permit
+slaves to be imported within this state, contrary to its laws. I
+confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+
+If there was no other lovely feature in the constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+
+Mr. McKean. The arguments against the constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these: ...
+
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the states
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Provision is made that congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+
+
+Gov Randolph said, we are told in strong language, of dangers to which
+we will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the northern and eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+
+Mr. Lee. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? Mr. Lee then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+
+Mr. Henry. It says, that "no state shall engage in war, unless
+actually invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what
+is the true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a state may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.--They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of congress.
+
+Mr. George Nicholas said, another worthy member says, there is no
+power in the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it
+now? If they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it
+must be in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the
+worthy member. The first clause gives the general government power to
+call them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States?
+No. But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of the Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done."
+
+Mr. Madison. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the Union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the Union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The Union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due."  This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exists. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years; but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the Union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+
+Mr. Tyler warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+
+Mr. Madison. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+
+Mr. Henry insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New-York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stock-jobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+
+Mr. George Nicholas wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery,
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked, if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are so now, will be manumitted. At the same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting it to be such? Virginia
+might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+
+Mr. Henry replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of: they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+
+Mr. Nicholas replied, that negroes must he considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+
+
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+
+
+Mr. George Mason said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, capitation or other direct
+tax should he laid but in proportion to the census before directed to
+be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be found to be no
+security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct assertion, or mere
+confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of taxes and
+representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised of each
+State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner therein
+directed. But the general government was not precluded from laying the
+proportion of any particular State on any one species of property they
+might think proper. For instance, if five hundred thousand dollars
+were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the proportion of
+Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of property: so that
+by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might totally annihilate
+that kind of property. No real security could arise from the clause
+which provides, that persons held to labor in one State, escaping into
+another, shall be delivered up. This only meant, that runaway slaves
+should not be protected in other States. As to the exclusion of _ex
+post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any security in this
+case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex post facto_.
+
+Mr. Madison replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some decree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States could, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+
+The second section was then read as follows:
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but
+shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or
+labor may be due.
+
+
+Mr. George Mason.--Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+
+Mr. Henry. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal
+effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power?  There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I
+see that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to
+admire that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free, we
+ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men in
+bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate them,
+without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We ought
+to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+
+Have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+
+Gov. Randolph said, that honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government, be made _free_. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself,
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in our State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due."  Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+
+Mr. George Mason. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was
+not a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries
+will require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The
+Eastern States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should
+require the consent of two-thirds of the members present in the
+senate.
+
+Mr. Madison said--
+
+I was struck with surprise when I heard him express himself alarmed
+with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me ask, if they should
+even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation of power? There is no
+power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be, I know it not. But
+why should it be done? Says the honorable gentleman, for the general
+welfare--it will infuse strength into our system. Can any member of
+this committee suppose, that it will increase our strength? Can any
+one believe, that the American councils will come into a measure which
+will strip them of their property, discourage and alienate the
+affections of five-thirteenths of the Union? Why was nothing of this
+sort aimed at before? I believe such an idea never entered into an
+American breast, nor do I believe it ever will, unless it will enter
+into the heads of those gentlemen who substitute unsupported
+suspicious for reasons.
+
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new congress
+without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can show me nothing
+like such a power granted in that constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation is not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it not be delegated.
+
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+
+Mr. Goudy. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States over others. It will be oppressive to the
+Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the
+gentleman last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate
+and hasty on the subject of such awful importance. It ought to be
+considered, that _some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having
+those quick conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other
+gentlemen may be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be
+represented with negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of
+population, but we cannot at present alter their situation. The
+Eastern States had great jealousies on this subject. They insisted
+that their cows and horses were equally entitled to representation;
+that the one was property as well as the other. It became our duty on
+the other hand, to acquire as much weight as possible in the
+legislation of the Union; and as the Northern States were more
+populous in whites, this only could be done by insisting that a
+certain proportion of our slaves should make a part of the computed
+population. It was attempted to form a rule of representation from a
+compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on consideration, it was
+found impracticable to determine the comparative value of lands, and
+other property, in so extensive a territory, with any degree of
+accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only practicable
+rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the deputies of
+the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths would be of
+little utility, and that their entire representation would be unequal
+and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a country more
+vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_ inhabitants. On
+the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace they contributed by
+their labor to the general wealth as well as other members of the
+community. That as rational beings they had a right of representation,
+and in some instances might be highly useful in war. On these
+principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and consented to
+the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons will appear
+satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was proposed some
+years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the States. It may
+wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, [Mr. Goudy,] but I
+hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the interests and
+circumstances of his country.
+
+Mr. James Galloway said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+
+Mr. J. M'Dowall wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+
+Mr. Spaight answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States--that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+
+Mr. M'Dowall replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the constitution will not be condemned because it has not
+stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+
+Mr. Spaight further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+
+Mr. Iredell added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+
+Mr. Galloway. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end to.
+But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable traffic
+for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the importation
+extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is different from
+the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not. Instead of
+laying a tax, we ought to give a bounty, to encourage foreigners to
+come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery, it requires
+the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern States consists
+principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery altogether,
+this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to bring forward
+manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country shall we send
+them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after manumission,
+they are to stay among us.
+
+Mr. Iredell. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+_such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word _migration_ refers to
+free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that this gentleman is mistaken
+in another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition
+of slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+section read without observation.
+
+The last clause read--
+
+Mr. Iredell begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+could, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the constitution. Though the word slave
+be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern delegates,
+owing to their particular scruples on the subject of slavery, did not
+choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned.
+
+The rest of the fourth article read without any observation.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+It is however to be observed, (said Mr. Iredell,) that the first and
+fourth clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are
+protected from any alteration till the year 1808; and in order that no
+consolidation should take place, it is provided, that no State shall,
+by any amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage
+in the Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are
+with respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are
+imposed, and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the
+first, it must be observed, that there is a material difference
+between the Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have
+been much longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the
+Southern, but have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any
+slaves. The subject of this article was regulated with great
+difficulty, and by a spirit of concession which it would not be
+prudent to disturb for a good many years. In twenty years there will
+probably be a great alteration, and then the subject may be considered
+with less difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the
+compromise was upon the best footing that could be obtained. A
+compromise likewise took place with regard to the importation of
+slaves. It is probable that all the members reprobated this inhuman
+traffic, but those of South Carolina and Georgia would not consent to
+an immediate prohibition of it; one reason of which was, that during
+the last war they lost a vast number of negroes, which loss they wish
+to supply. In the mean time, it is left to the States to admit or
+prohibit the importation, and Congress may impose a limited duty upon
+it.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+Hon. Rawlins Lowndes. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealousy of our importing negroes?  Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all?  For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+
+Judge Pendleton observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+
+Mr. Lowndes continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union: and cited an expression that fell from Gen. Pinckney on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great treasure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens:
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+
+Major Butler observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. Lowndes proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers: and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+
+Hon. E. Rutledge. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States--that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+
+In the Northern State, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new constitution whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes.
+
+But the principal objection is, that no duties are laid on
+shipping--that in fact the carrying trade was to be vested in a great
+measure in the Americans; that the ship-building business was
+principally carried on in the Northern States. When this subject is
+duly considered, the Southern States, should be the last to object to
+it. Mr. Rutledge then went into a consideration of the subject; after
+which the House adjourned.
+
+Gen. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. We were at a loss for some time for
+a rule to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to a
+spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining, our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendships,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+House: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+
+Hon. Robert Barnwell. Mr. Barnwell continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 42.
+
+BY JAMES MADISON
+
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it
+is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic, in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethern! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it, stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethern observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself, but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty: and chastised in his
+body by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be
+degraded from the human rank, and classed with those irrational
+animals which fall under the legal denomination of property. In being
+protected, on the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against
+the violence of all others, even the master of his labor and his
+liberty; and in being punishable himself for all violence committed
+against others; the slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as
+a member of the society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as
+a moral person, not as a mere article of property. The Federal
+constitution, therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of
+our slaves, when it views them in the mixed character of persons and
+property. This is in fact their true character. It is the character
+bestowed on them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be
+denied, that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under
+the pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects
+of property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of
+numbers; and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the
+rights which have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be
+refused an equal share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the, barbarous policy of considering as property
+a part of their human brethern, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to as the proper guide.
+
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications of which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+constitution be annually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_.
+
+
+DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS,
+
+MAY 13, 1789.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+
+Mr. Smith (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; he did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+
+Mr. Jackson, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burthen
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at the time when debate was almost precluded. The committee
+had gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. Sherman) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light, he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America laboured under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burthen, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+
+Mr. Ames (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+
+Mr. Livermore. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent: but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorum, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+
+Mr. Schureman (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his motion,
+because the present was not the time or place for introducing the
+business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the House, as
+a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having the
+question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive; but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+Jackson,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+
+I conceive the constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent, ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+
+I do not wish to say any thing harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice obtaining under some of the State governments, it
+is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+
+If we examine the proposal measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave averaged about L80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made not difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five percent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares, and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+
+Mr. Bland (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished slaves had
+never been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this
+time to cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures
+that would prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether
+the prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those
+who had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on
+the importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing
+such regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was not apparent.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+
+Mr. Parker (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+
+Mr. Lawrance (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+
+Mr. Fitzsimons, (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+
+Mr. Parker, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands: and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized as to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+
+Mr. Madison, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+Fitzsimons) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case, that may require the consideration of
+Congress. If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such
+violation of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to
+be practised in some parts of the United States it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+the advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our shipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere with it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature letter than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they have nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow-citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+
+Mr. Lawrance, (of N.Y.) The Gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for condemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade: not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+
+Mr. Jackson, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave-trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West-India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the house will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. Sedgwick, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,--who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+
+Mr. Boudinot, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed as to suppose
+that congress could be guilty of a violation of the constitution, yet,
+I trust we know our duty better than to be led astray by an
+application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do not consider
+the merits of the main question to be before us; it will be time
+enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave-trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, now follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of congress to afford redress as far as in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave-trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave-trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave-trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+
+Mr. Page (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not
+deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+
+Mr. Huntington (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+
+Mr. Tucker, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+congress to effect its abrogation. But congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave-trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+
+Mr. Boudinor (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+
+Mr. Clymer (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+
+Mr. Fitzsimons (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over a day at least.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+
+Mr. White (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+
+
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+Memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative co-operation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered, without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _President_.
+
+"PHILADELPHIA, _February_ 3, 1790."
+
+Mr. Hartley (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. Tucker (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading as he
+conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+
+Mr. Seney (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+
+Mr. Burke (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared it
+would be refered to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but he
+must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it not
+desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave-trade, while the
+constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound in alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+
+Mr. Scott, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+
+Mr. Jackson (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+
+Mr. Sherman (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+
+Mr. Baldwin (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree of
+caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated; but
+the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we shall
+feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to interfere
+with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the 9th
+section of the first article of the Constitution; every thing else is
+interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+
+Mr. Sylvester of (N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislature.
+
+Mr. Lawrance of (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the House; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he
+was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it
+had been properly examined, they could see how far congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House
+to grant the prayer of the petition, which went to the total
+abolishment of the slave trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to
+commit it. He observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had
+arisen on adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended,
+that Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the
+slave-trade.
+
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this house, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that it is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calmness with
+which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find, that the
+discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told, that if
+the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it, by
+saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here, we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an _ex post facto_ law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that country, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stand exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+
+Mr. Page (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition of the slave trade: but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that, on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if any thing could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf, and that
+Congress were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of
+discouraging the practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would
+trust in their justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently.
+He presumed that these unfortunate people would reason in the same
+way; and he, therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent
+danger, was to commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the
+misfortune of having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held
+many of them himself, and was as much interested in the business, he
+believed, as any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he
+was determined to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no
+uneasiness or alarm on account of the present measure, because he
+should rely upon the virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise
+any unconstitutional authority.
+
+Mr. Madison (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+
+He admitted that congress was restricted by the constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave-trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+
+Mr. Gerry (of Mass.) thought the interference of congress fully
+compatible with the constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the tribes of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+
+Mr. Boudinot (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+
+Mr. Stone (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:--
+
+Yeas.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrence, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Pale, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop--43.
+
+Noes--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker--11.
+
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.--LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+
+
+
+_Debate on Committee's Report, March_, 1790.
+
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+
+Mr. Tucker moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+
+Mr. Jackson rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+that the guide and rule of this legislature. A multiplicity of laws is
+reprobated in any society, and tend but to confound and perplex. How
+strange would a law appear which was to confirm a law; and how much
+more strange must it appear for this body to pass resolutions to
+confirm the constitution under which they sit! This is the case with
+others of the resolutions.
+
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Stone) very properly observed, that the
+Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it had always been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interest of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+
+He seconded Mr. Tucker's motion.
+
+Mr. Smith (of S.C.) said, the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+Gerry,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required congress to violate the constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. Franklin taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the immorality of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. Smith, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: He has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined
+on account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals
+who differ from us on this point?
+
+Mr. Boudinot agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the constitution relating to the want of
+power in congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the constitution, and therefore congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. Boudinot observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent. ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties
+in the convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was
+not done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch
+of trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. Boudinot observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+
+
+[NOTE.--This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole house, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words: The
+committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the states admitting such
+importations."
+
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+
+
+
+ADDRESS OF THE EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY
+SOCIETY TO THE Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the United
+States.
+
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New York, May 7th, 1844,--after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and humanity.
+
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the
+American Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is
+due not only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life,_
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would
+not brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should
+be no delay in resisting at whatever cost or peril, the first
+encroachments of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great
+Ruler of the universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged
+to each other "their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to
+conquer or perish in their struggle to be free.
+
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of
+slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or
+that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the
+sacred rights of mankind.
+
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of--whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they
+advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and consequently, to make one portion of the
+people a prey to another.
+
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+
+I. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,--that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"--null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+
+To this see reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was
+tyrannical. It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the
+means. It is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villany that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union are to understand
+the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole country,
+to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of words, the
+American Union is and always has been a sham--an imposture. It is an
+instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history of the
+world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not certain, it
+is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the mother
+country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that would
+have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with justice
+rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever might
+betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human being,--could
+never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely it is paying a
+poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in
+the cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to
+sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey to the
+despotic power of England.
+
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. _It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant_--NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, _as a matter of bargain and
+compromise_. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it_.
+
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used, intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted _in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected_. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+_whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because
+they are immoral_, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+_not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country_. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those
+who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty _to themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in _words_ they
+recognized occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in
+practice_ they continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a
+portion of their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the
+market, while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother
+country, and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why,
+then, concede to them virtues which they did not posses? _Why cling to
+the falsehood, that they were no respecters of person in the formation
+of the government_?
+
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts! "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [The
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+
+In ARTICLE I, Section 9, it is declared--"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808. For
+twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens of
+the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage! This
+awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. Luther Martin,[8] who was a prominent member of that body:
+
+[Footnote 8: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+
+
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion of slavery, (!)
+were _very willing to indulge the Southern States_ at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition." Alluding to it, Mr. Martin
+observes--
+
+"It was said we had just assumed a place among the independent nations
+in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the rights
+which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we had
+scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only of
+putting out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had thus implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said that national crimes can only be,
+and frequently are, punished in this world by _national punishments_,
+and that the continuance of the slave trade, and thus giving it a
+national character, sanction, and encouragement, ought to be
+considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and vengeance of
+him who is equally the Lord of all, and who views with equal eye the
+poor _African slave_ and his _American master!_ [9]
+
+[Footnote 9: How terribly and justly as the guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+
+
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution, the
+further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves already in the States. That slavery is
+inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a tendency to
+destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it lessens the
+sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates to tyranny and
+oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of government,
+every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion and from
+domestic insurrections; and, from this consideration, it was of the
+utmost importance it should have the power to restrain the importation
+of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves increased in
+any State, in the same proportion is the State weakened and exposed to
+foreign invasion and domestic insurrection; and by so much less will
+it be able to protect itself against either, and therefore by so much,
+want aid and be a burden to, the Union.
+
+"It was further said, that, in this system, as we were giving the
+general government power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+prohibited the government from interfering with the slave trade, than
+which nothing could more effect our national honor and interest.
+
+"These reasons influenced me, both in the committee and in the
+convention, most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as
+it now makes part of the system." [10]
+
+[Footnote 10: Secret Proceedings, p. 61.]
+
+
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they choose to do evil that good may
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+_indulge_ the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_
+by no restriction on being laid on navigation acts!!--Had there been
+no other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection,
+this one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible
+with the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It
+was the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but
+a very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+_constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic _should cease_ in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the _right_ of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely, under the Constitution_. The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition_.
+
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution of
+it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form a more
+perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and
+secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
+posterity"--namely, that the parties to the Constitution regarded
+only their own rights and interests, and never intended that its
+language should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to
+make it unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another,
+_without an express alteration in the instrument, in the manner
+therein set forth_. While, therefore, the Constitution remains as it
+was originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to
+comply with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. For it
+avails nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with
+the law of God and the rights of man, and therefore are not
+obligatory. Whatever may be their character, they are
+_constitutionally_, obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot
+execute them, or swear to execute them, without committing sin,
+has no other choice left than to withdraw from the government, or to
+violate his conscience by taking on his lips an impious promise. The
+object of the Constitution is not to define _what is the law of God_,
+but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE PEOPLE--which will is not to be frustrated
+by an ingenious moral interpretation, by those whom they have elected
+to serve them.
+
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides--"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_."
+
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of _property_, while the
+North is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention--
+
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this is _reasoning_, or _declamation_, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the _unfortunate_ situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population, as well as _property_, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of
+accommodation_ which governed the Convention: and without this
+_indulgence_, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be _gratified_.--The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be
+_capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout the United states."
+
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+
+Listen, now, to the questions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:--
+
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'--'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'--'It was _one_ of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burdens of
+the North.'--'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the Chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'--'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of _the best_. Its standard qualification for accession to power _is
+merit_, ascertained by popular election recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. _There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States foresee
+what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession.'--'The House of Representatives of the United States
+consists of 223 members--all, by _the letter_ of the Constitution,
+representatives only of _persons_, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other
+persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the
+_property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'--'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than one
+fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth part of
+the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal interests
+identified with their own as slaveholders of the same associated
+wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of government
+or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the House. In
+the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding power is
+yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where the
+institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 members elected by them to the House.'--'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of _wrong._'--'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT.'--'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.--The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+
+It is confessed by Mr. Adams, alluding to the national convention that
+framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free States, in
+their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendency of the Southern
+slaveholder, did listen to _a compromise between right and
+wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign,
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+
+Hence to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, _as
+it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators, _incorrigible men-stealers_, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their _rights_! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+
+Article IV., Section 2, declares,--"no person held to service or labor
+on one State, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:--"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodest on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that
+did remain_, in the day of distress."
+
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+_eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with bloodhounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, in _consequence of this provision of the Constitution_? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates
+either ignorance, or folly or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:--
+
+"Another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. At
+present, if any slave elopes to those States where slaves are free,
+_he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the States are
+_uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in this
+constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State, under
+the laws thereof, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
+therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be
+delivered up on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may
+be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO ENABLE THE OWNERS OF
+SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. _This is a better security than any that now
+exists_. No power is given to the general government to interfere with
+respect to the property in slaves now held by the States."
+
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, GOV. RANDOLPH
+said:--
+
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves _to vindicate their property_,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox--the American Constitution is a paradox--the American Union is
+a paradox--the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant
+stone." "Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not
+my soul be avenged on such a notion as this?"
+
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus The State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against _domestic violence_." By the 8th
+Section of Article I., congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, _suppress
+insurrections_, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+
+
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+
+
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the _States_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in congress, George Nicholas asked:--
+
+
+"Have they it now?  If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of those clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first part gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but _it gives an additional security;_ for,
+beside the power in the State government to use their own militia, it
+will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+
+
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from five hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity--several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to those poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto--"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL--NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace.
+
+If, in utter disregard of the historical facts which have been cited,
+it is still asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make
+it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people,
+and was never intended to give any strength or countenance to the
+slave system--the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies:--"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom--though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as
+the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven--it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality; it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if
+judgement is turned away backward and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equality cannot enter--if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution--if we are living under a frightened despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restrains, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have
+resisted the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges
+of tyranny with which the British government sought to rive the
+liberties of America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on
+its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it
+motion. Did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were
+infringed--"_Why, what is done cannot be undone_. That is the first
+thought." No it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather it
+never entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at
+once--"_What is done_ SHALL _be undone_. That is our FIRST and ONLY
+thought."
+
+    "Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still
+    Old Plymouth Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill?
+    The debt we owe our fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn,
+    Whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn?
+
+    Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb;
+    And voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come:
+    They call on us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be
+    Not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our own sacred rights are trampled in the dust.
+As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizen of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, hear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers of an
+antislavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding power--or run
+the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling and undeniable
+facts.
+
+Three millions of the American people are crushed under the American
+Union! They are held as slaves--trafficked as merchandise--registered
+as goods and chattels! The government gives them no protection--the
+government is their enemy--the government keeps them in chains! There
+they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by their side--in their sorrows
+and sufferings we participate--their stripes are inflicted on our
+bodies, their shackles are fastened to our limbs, their cause is ours!
+The Union which grinds them to the dust rests upon us, and with them
+we will struggle to overthrow it! The Constitution, which subjects
+them to hopeless bondage, is one that we cannot swear to support! Our
+motto is, "NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political.
+They are the fiercest enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of
+God! We separate from them not in anger, not in malice, not for a
+selfish purpose, not to do them an injury, not to cease warning,
+exhorting, reproving them for their crimes, not to leave the perishing
+bondman to his fate--O no! But to clear our skirts of innocent
+blood--to give the oppressor no countenance--to signify our abhorrence
+of injustice and cruelty--to testify against an ungodly compact--to
+cease striking hands with thieves and consenting with adulterers--to
+make no compromise with tyranny--to walk worthily of our high
+profession--to increase our moral power over the nation--to obey God
+and vindicate the gospel of His Son--to hasten the downfall of slavery
+in America, and throughout the world!
+
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood--not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any
+law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_
+blood be shed--for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay it
+no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under it.
+Send no senators or representatives to the national or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast!
+
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot-box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did the
+apostles do? What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do?
+What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women and
+children do? What has Father Mathew done for teetotalism? What has
+Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins girt
+about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness," and
+arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would be a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+
+Finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be with
+us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be against us.
+
+In behalf of the Executive committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, _President_.
+WENDELL PHILLIPS, MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN   }  _Secretaries_.
+_Boston, May 20, 1844_.
+
+
+
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+
+_To His Excellency George N. Briggs_:
+
+SIR--Many years since, I received from the executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the
+Constitution of the United States_." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate _slavery_. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life, adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+
+I am not, in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that _I_ would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it, I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to take back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those _provisions of the Constitution_
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of _men_ as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing;
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+
+According to the census of 1830, and the _ratio_ of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an approximation
+to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in the United
+States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty thousand
+persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder, those
+twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most, by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives, not only of the two hundred and
+fifty thousand persons who chose them; but of _property_ which, five
+years ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says John Quincy Adams,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House."
+
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the _Legislative Halls_ of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+
+In the _Electoral college_, the same cause produces the same
+effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[11]
+
+[Footnote 11: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+
+
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of justice.
+Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United States, five
+are slaveholders and of course, must be faithless to their own
+interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them place, or
+must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says--"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each, and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor on
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "_domestic violence_," and which pledges to the
+South the military force of the country, to protect the masters
+against their insurgent slaves: binds us, and our children, to shoot
+down our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our
+revolutionary fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life,
+_liberty_ and the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the
+Constitution, I say distinctly, I never will support.
+
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of her mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United State' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the united
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very
+shame--to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the
+_thing_. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was _intended_ so to operate by the framers of the Constitution. The
+highest judicial authorities--Chief Justice Shaw, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the Latimer case, and Mr. Justice Story, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of _Prigg vs. The
+State of Pennsylvania_,--tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. Madison[12] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came out of the hands of Dr. Johnson, the chairman of
+the "committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to
+service, or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &c.,
+and the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words: and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgement of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was not "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+
+[Footnote 12: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+
+
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of
+it,--that in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the
+shield of their protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong.
+They made a "compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise
+of moral principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as
+"political expediency." I am sure they did not know--no man could
+know, or can now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong
+that they were doing. In the strong language of John Quincy Adams,[13]
+in relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+
+[Footnote 13: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+
+
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the _moral_ injury that has been
+done, by the countenance shown to slavery by holding over that
+tremendous sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down
+in the eyes of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so
+tenderly cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of man, to
+multiply her children from half a million to nearly three millions; by
+exacting oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society,
+that they will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God;
+by substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws
+of the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the
+hearts of this people and setting up another sovereign in his
+stead--more than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson
+this, to all time-serving and temporising statesmen! A striking
+illustration of the _impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any
+considerations of expediency! Yet, what better than the evil effects
+that we have seen, could the authors of the Constitution have
+reasonably expected, from the sacrifice of right, in the concessions
+they made to slavery? Was it reasonable in them to expect that after
+they had introduced a vicious element into the very Constitution of
+the body politic which they were calling into life, it would not exert
+its vicious energies? Was it reasonable in them to expect that, after
+slavery had been corrupting the public morals for a whole generation,
+their children would have too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of
+slavery, a power which they themselves had not too much virtue to
+_give_? It is dangerous for the sovereign power of a State to license
+immorality; to hold the shield of its protection over any thing that
+is not "legal in a moral view." Bring into your house a benumbed
+viper, and lay it down upon your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask
+you into which room it may crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the
+supporting arm, and bask in the fostering smile of the State, and you
+will soon see, as we now see, both her minions and her victims
+multiply apace till the politics, the morals, the liberties, even the
+religion of the nation, are brought completely under her control.
+
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the
+patient_.
+
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a part to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+
+FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+FROM
+
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, _in
+favor of the slaveholding States_ which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter."!!!
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+EXTRACTS FROM
+
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOV. 6, 1844.
+
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was _protection_.--Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their
+borders, and who were harrassing them with the most terrible of
+wars--and protection from their own negroes--protection from their
+insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is
+most cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not word in
+the Constitution _apparently_ bearing up on the condition of slavery,
+nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of practical
+execution if there were not a slave in the land.
+
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+
+Twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more to
+be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the _breeding_ States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never--no, never would they have consented to it.
+
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses; but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representative; but their elective franchise shall he
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+
+Fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two.--But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of
+slaves themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in
+the Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely
+to the pecuniary value of the slave. And the suppression of the
+African slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the
+benefit of a monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient
+dominion, has turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of
+slave-breeders for sale, and converted the land of George Washington,
+Patrick Henry, Richard Henry Lee, and Thomas Jefferson, into a great
+barracoon--a cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the
+staple articles of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and
+sinews of immortal man.
+
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of _government_ came
+to be delegated to the Union, the--that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive departments, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slaveholding power.
+
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+
+
+
+THE ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER.--NO. XI
+
+THE
+
+CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT
+
+OR
+
+SELECTIONS
+
+FROM
+
+THE MADISON PAPERS, &C.
+
+SECOND EDITION, ENLARGED.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+NEW YORK:
+
+AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY,
+
+142 NASSAU STREET.
+
+1845.
+
+
+
+CONTENTS.
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+Debates in the Congress of the Confederation.
+Debates in the Federal Convention.
+List of Members of the Federal Convention.
+Speech of Luther Martin.
+
+DEBATES IN STATE CONVENTIONS.
+
+    Massachusetts,
+    New York,
+    Pennsylvania,
+    Virginia,
+    North Carolina,
+    South Carolina,
+
+Extracts from the Federalist,
+Debates in First Congress,
+Address of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society,
+Letter from Francis Jackson to Gov. Briggs,
+Extract from Mr. Webster's Speech,
+Extracts from J.Q. Adams's Address, November, 1844.
+
+
+
+INTRODUCTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+Every one knows that the "Madison Papers" contain a Report, from the
+pen of James Madison, of the Debates in the Old Congress of the
+Confederation and in the Convention which formed the Constitution of
+the United States. We have extracted from them, in these pages, all
+the Debates on those clauses of the Constitution which relate to
+slavery. To these we have added all that is found, on the same topic,
+in the Debates of the several State Conventions which ratified the
+Constitution: together with so much of the Speech of Luther Martin
+before the Legislature of Maryland, and of the Federalist, as relate
+to our subject; with some extracts, also, from the Debates of the
+first Federal Congress on Slavery. These are all printed without
+alteration, except that, in some instances, we have inserted in
+brackets, after the name of a speaker, the name of the State from
+which he came. The notes and italics are those of the original, but
+the editor has added two notes on page 38, which are marked as his,
+and we have taken the liberty of printing in capitals one sentiment of
+Rufus King's, and two of James Madison's--a distinction which the
+importance of the statements seemed to demand--otherwise we have
+reprinted exactly from the originals.
+
+These extracts develop most clearly all the details of that
+"compromise," which was made between freedom and slavery, in 1787;
+granting to the slaveholder distinct privileges and protection for his
+slave property, in return for certain commercial concessions on his
+part toward the North. They prove also that the Nation at large were
+fully aware of this bargain at the time, and entered into it willingly
+and with open eyes.
+
+We have added the late "Address of the American Anti-Slavery Society,"
+and the Letter of FRANCIS JACKSON to Governor BRIGGS, resigning his
+commission of Justice of the Peace--as bold and honorable protests
+against the guilt and infamy of this National bargain, and as proving
+most clearly the duty of each individual to trample it under his feet.
+The clauses of the Constitution to which we refer as of a pro-slavery
+character are the following :--
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 2.--Representatives and direct taxes shall be
+apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_.
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 8.--Congress shall have power . . . to suppress
+insurrections.
+
+ART. 1, SECT. 9.--The migration or importation of such persons as any
+of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be
+prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight
+hundred and eight: but a tax or duty may be imposed on such
+importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+ART. 4, SECT. 2.--No person, held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.
+
+ART. 4, SECT. 4.--The United States shall guarantee to every State in
+this Union a republican form of government; and shall protect each of
+them against invasion; and, on application of the legislature, or of
+the executive, (when the legislature cannot be convened) _against
+domestic violence_.
+
+The first of these clauses, relating to representation, confers on a
+slaveholding community additional political power for every slave held
+among them, and thus tempts them to continue to uphold the system: the
+second and the last, relating to insurrection and domestic violence,
+perfectly innocent in themselves--yet being made with the fact
+directly in view that slavery exists among us, do deliberately pledge
+the whole national force against the unhappy slave if he imitate our
+fathers and resist oppression--thus making us partners in the guilt of
+sustaining slavery: the third, relating to the slave-trade, disgraces
+the nation by a pledge not to abolish that traffic till after twenty
+years, _without obliging Congress to do so even then_, and thus the
+slave-trade may be legalized to-morrow if Congress choose: the fourth
+is a promise on the part of the whole Nation to return fugitive slaves
+to their masters, a deed which God's law expressly condemns and which
+every noble feeling of our nature repudiates with loathing and
+contempt.
+
+These are the articles of the "Compromise," so much talked of, between
+the North and South.
+
+We do not produce the extracts which make up these pages to show what
+is the meaning of the clauses above cited. For no man or party, of any
+authority in such matters, has ever pretended to doubt to what subject
+they all relate. If indeed they were ambiguous in their terms, a
+resort to the history of those times would set the matter at rest
+forever. A few persons, to be sure, of late years, to serve the
+purposes of a party, have tried to prove that the Constitution makes
+no compromise with slavery. Notwithstanding the clear light of
+history;--the unanimous decision of all the courts in the land, both
+State and Federal;--the action of Congress and the State
+Legislature;--the constant practice of the Executive in all its
+branches;--and the deliberate acquiescence of the whole people for
+half a century, still they contend that the Nation does not know its
+own meaning, and that the Constitution does not tolerate slavery!
+Every candid mind, however, must acknowledge that the language of the
+Constitution is clear and explicit.
+
+Its terms are so broad, it is said, that they include many others
+beside slaves, and hence it is wisely (!) inferred that they cannot
+include the slaves themselves! Many persons besides slaves in this
+country doubtless are "held to service and labor under the laws of the
+States," but that does not at all show that slaves are not "held to
+service;" many persons beside the slaves may take part "in
+insurrections," but that does not prove that when the slaves rise, the
+National Government is not bound to put them down by force. Such a
+thing has been heard of before as one description including a great
+variety of persons,--and this is the case in the present instance.
+
+But granting that the terms of the Constitution are ambiguous--that
+they are susceptible of two meanings, if the unanimous, concurrent,
+unbroken practice of every department of the Government, judicial,
+legislative, and executive, and the acquiescence of the whole people
+for fifty years do not prove which is the true construction, then how
+and where can such a question ever be settled? If the people and the
+Courts of the land do not know what they themselves mean, who has
+authority to settle their meaning for them?
+
+If then the people and the Courts of a country are to be allowed to
+determine what their own laws mean, it follows that at this time and
+for the last half century, the Constitution of the United States has
+been, and still is, a pro-slavery instrument, and that any one who
+swears to support it, swears to do pro-slavery acts, and violates his
+duty both as a man and an abolitionist. What the Constitution may
+become a century hence, we know not; we speak of it _as it is_, and
+repudiate it _as it is_.
+
+But the purpose, for which we have thrown these pages before the
+community, is this. Some men, finding the nation unanimously deciding
+that the Constitution tolerates slavery, have tried to prove that this
+false construction, as they think it, has been foisted into the
+instrument by the corrupting influence of slavery itself, tainting all
+it touches. They assert that the known anti-slavery spirit of
+revolutionary times never _could_ have consented to so infamous a
+bargain as the Constitution is represented to be, and has in its
+present hands become. Now these pages prove the melancholy fact, that
+willingly, with deliberate purpose, our fathers bartered honesty for
+gain, and became partners with tyrants, that they might share in the
+profits of their tyranny.
+
+And in view of this fact, will it not require a very strong argument
+to make any candid man believe, that the bargain which the fathers
+tell us they meant to incorporate into the Constitution, and which the
+sons have always thought they found there incorporated, does not exist
+there, after all? Forty of the shrewdest men and lawyers in the land
+assemble to make a bargain, among other things, about slaves,--after
+months of anxious deliberation they put it into writing and sign their
+names to the instrument,--fifty years roll away, twenty millions, at
+least, of their children pass over the stage of life,--courts sit and
+pass judgment,--parties arise and struggle fiercely; still all concur
+in finding in the instrument just that meaning which the fathers tell
+us they intended to express:--must not he be a desperate man, who,
+after all this, sets out to prove that the fathers were bunglers and
+the sons fools, and that slavery is not referred to at all?
+
+Besides, the advocates of this new theory of the Anti-slavery
+character of the Constitution, quote some portions of the Madison
+Papers in support of their views,--and this makes it proper that the
+community should hear _all_ that these Debates have to say on the
+subject. The further we explore them, the clearer becomes the fact,
+that the Constitution was meant to be, what it has always been
+esteemed, a compromise between slavery and freedom.
+
+If then the Constitution be, what these Debates show that our fathers
+intended to make it, and what, too, their descendants, this nation,
+say they did make it and agree to uphold,--then we affirm that it is a
+"covenant with death and an agreement with hell," and ought to be
+immediately annulled. No abolitionist can consistently take office
+under it, or swear to support it.
+
+But if, on the contrary, our fathers failed in their purpose, and the
+Constitution is all pure and untouched by slavery,--then, Union itself
+is impossible, without guilt. For it is undeniable that the fifty
+years passed under this (anti-slavery) Constitution, show us the
+slaves trebling in numbers;--slaveholders monopolizing the offices and
+dictating the policy of the Government;--prostituting the strength and
+influence of the Nation to the support of slavery here and
+elsewhere;--trampling on the rights of the free States, and making the
+courts of the country their tools. To continue this disastrous
+alliance longer is madness. The trial of fifty years with the best of
+men and the best of Constitutions, on this supposition, only proves
+that it is impossible for free and slave States to unite on any terms,
+without all becoming partners in the guilt and responsible for the sin
+of slavery. We dare not prolong the experiment, and with double
+earnestness we repeat our demand upon every honest man to join in the
+outcry of the American Anti-Slavery Society,--
+
+NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!
+
+
+
+THE CONSTITUTION
+
+A PRO-SLAVERY COMPACT.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Debates in the Congress of Confederation, preserved by
+Thomas Jefferson, 1776._
+
+Congress proceeded the same day to consider the Declaration of
+Independence, * * *
+
+The clause too reprobating the enslaving the inhabitants of Africa was
+struck out, in compliance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never
+attempted to restrain the importation of Slaves, and who on the
+contrary still wished to continue it. Our Northern brethren also, I
+believe, felt a little tender under those censures; for though their
+people have very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty
+considerable carriers of them to others.--p. 18.
+
+On Friday, the twelfth of July, 1776, the committee appointed to draw
+the articles of Confederation reported them, and on the twenty-second,
+the House resolved themselves into a committee to take them into
+consideration. On the thirtieth and thirty-first of that month, and
+the first of the ensuing, those articles were debated which determined
+the proportion or quota of money which each State should furnish to
+the common treasury, and the manner of voting in Congress. The first
+of these articles was expressed in the original draught in these
+words:--
+
+"Article 11. All charges of war and all other expenses that shall be
+incurred for the common defence, or general welfare, and allowed by
+the United States assembled, shall be defrayed out of a common
+treasury, which shall be supplied by the several Colonies in
+proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age, sex and duality,
+except Indians not paying taxes, in each Colony, a true account of
+which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially
+taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United States."
+
+Mr. CHASE (of Maryland) moved, that the quotas should be paid, not by
+the number of inhabitants of every condition but by that of the "white
+inhabitants." He admitted that taxation should be always in proportion
+to property; that this was in theory the true rule, but that from a
+variety of difficulties it was a rule which could never be adopted in
+practice. The value of the property in every State could never be
+estimated justly and equally. Some other measure for the wealth of the
+State must therefore be devised, some standard referred to which
+would be more simple. He considered the number of inhabitants as a
+tolerably good criterion of property, and that this might always be
+obtained. He therefore thought it the best mode we could adopt, with
+one exception only. He observed that negroes are property, and as such
+cannot be distinguished from the lands or personalities held in those
+States where there are few slaves. That the surplus of profit which a
+Northern farmer is able to lay by, he invests in cattle, horses, &c.;
+whereas, a Southern farmer lays out that same surplus in slaves. There
+is no more reason therefore for taxing the Southern States on the
+farmer's head and on his slave's head, than the Northern ones on their
+farmers' heads and the heads of their cattle. That the method proposed
+would therefore tax the Southern States according to their numbers and
+their wealth conjunctly, while the Northern would be taxed on numbers
+only: that negroes in fact should not be considered as members of the
+State, more than cattle, and that they have no more interest in it.
+
+Mr. John Adams (of Massachusetts) observed, that the numbers of people
+were taken by this article as an index of the wealth of the State and
+not as subjects of taxation. That as to this matter it was of no
+consequence by what name you called your people, whether by that of
+freemen or of slaves. That in some countries the laboring poor were
+called freemen, in others they were called slaves: but that the
+difference as to the state was imaginary only. What matters it whether
+a landlord employing ten laborers on his farm gives them annually as
+much money as will buy them the necessaries of life, or gives them
+those necessaries at short hand? The ten laborers add as much wealth
+annually to the State, increase its exports as much, in the one case
+as the other. Certainly five hundred freemen produce no more profits,
+no greater surplus for the payment of taxes, than five hundred slaves.
+Therefore the State in which are the laborers called freemen, should
+be taxed no more than that in which are those called slaves. Suppose,
+by any extraordinary operation of nature or of law, one half the
+laborers of a State could in the course of one night be transformed
+into slaves,--would the State be made the poorer, or the less able to
+pay taxes? That the condition of the laboring poor in most
+countries,--that of the fishermen, particularly, of the Northern
+States,--is as abject as that of slaves. It is the number of laborers
+which produces the surplus for taxation; and numbers, therefore,
+indiscriminately, are the fair index of wealth. That it is the use of
+the word "property" here, and its application to some of the people of
+the State, which produces the fallacy. How does the Southern farmer
+procure slaves? Either by importation or by purchase from his
+neighbor. If he imports a slave, he adds one to the number of laborers
+in his country, and proportionably to its profits and abilities to pay
+taxes; if he buys from his neighbor, it is only a transfer of a
+laborer from one farm to another, which does not change the annual
+produce of the State, and therefore should not change its tax; that if
+a Northern farmer works ten laborers on his farm, he can, it is true,
+invest the surplus of ten men's labor in cattle; but so may the
+Southern farmer working ten slaves. That a State of one hundred
+thousand freemen can maintain no more cattle than one of one hundred
+thousand slaves; therefore they have no more of that kind of property.
+That a slave may, indeed, from the custom of speech, be more properly
+called the wealth of his master, than the free laborer might be called
+the wealth of his employer: but as to the State, both were equally its
+wealth, and should therefore equally add to the quota of its tax.
+
+Mr. HARRISON (of Virginia) proposed, as a compromise, that two slaves
+should be counted as one freeman. He affirmed that slaves did not do
+as much work as freemen, and doubted if two effected more than one.
+That this was proved by the price of labor, the hire of a laborer in
+the Southern colonies being from L8 to L12, while in the Northern it
+was generally L24.
+
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said, that if this amendment should take
+place, the Southern colonies would have all the benefit of slaves,
+whilst the Northern ones would bear the burthen. That slaves increase
+the profits of a State, which the Southern States mean to take to
+themselves; that they also increase the burthen of defence, which
+would of course fall so much the heavier on the Northern; that slaves
+occupy the places of freemen and eat their food. Dismiss your slaves,
+and freemen will take their places. It is our duty to lay every
+discouragement on the importation of slaves; but this amendment would
+give the _jus trium liberorum_ to him who would import slaves. That
+other kinds of property were pretty equally distributed through all
+the Colonies: there were as many cattle, horses, and sheep, in the
+North as the South, and South as the North; but not so as to slaves:
+that experience has shown that those colonies have been always able to
+pay most, which have the most inhabitants, whether they be black or
+white; and the practice of the Southern colonies has always been to
+make every farmer pay poll taxes upon all his laborers, whether they
+be black or white. He acknowledged indeed that freemen worked the
+most; but they consume the most also. They do not produce a greater
+surplus for taxation. The slave is neither fed nor clothed so
+expensively as a freeman. Again, white women are exempted from labor
+generally, which negro women are not. In this then the Southern States
+have an advantage as the article now stands. It has sometimes been
+said that slavery was necessary, because the commodities they raise
+would be too dear for market if cultivated by freemen; but now it is
+said that the labor of the slave is the dearest.
+
+Mr. PAYNE (of Massachusetts) urged the original resolution of
+Congress, to proportion the quotas of the States to the number of
+souls.
+
+Dr. WITHERSPOON (of New-Jersey) was of opinion, that the value of
+lands and houses was the best estimate of the wealth of a nation, and
+that it was practicable to obtain such a valuation. This is the true
+barometer of wealth. The one now proposed is imperfect in itself, and
+unequal between the States. It has been objected that negroes eat the
+food of freemen, and therefore should be taxed: horses also eat the
+food of freemen; therefore they also should be taxed. It has been said
+too, that in carrying slaves into the estimate of the taxes the State
+is to pay, we do no more than those States themselves do, who always
+take slaves into the estimate of the taxes the individual is to pay.
+But the cases are not parallel. In the Southern Colonies, slaves
+pervade the whole Colony; but they do not pervade the whole continent.
+That as to the original resolution of Congress, it was temporary only,
+and related to the moneys heretofore emitted: whereas we are now
+entering into a new compact, and therefore stand on original ground.
+
+AUGUST 1st. The question being put, the amendment proposed was
+rejected by the votes of New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode-Island,
+Connecticut, New-York, New-Jersey and Pennsylvania, against those of
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North; and South Carolina. Georgia was
+divided.--_pp_. 27-8-9, 30-1-2.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extracts from Madison's Report of Debates in the Congress of the
+Confederation._
+
+
+TUESDAY, January 14, 1783.
+
+If the valuation of land had not been prescribed by the Federal
+Articles, the Committee would certainly have preferred some other rule
+of appointment, particularly that of numbers, under certain
+qualifications as to slaves.--_p_. 260
+
+
+TUESDAY, Feb. 11, 1783.
+
+Mr. WOLCOTT declares his opinion that the Confederation ought to be
+amended by substituting numbers of inhabitants as the rule; admits the
+difference between freemen and blacks; and suggests a compromise, by
+including in the numeration such blacks only as were within sixteen
+and sixty years of age.--_p_. 331
+
+
+THURSDAY, March 27, 1783.
+
+(The eleventh and twelfth paragraphs:)
+
+Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) was strenuous in their favor; said he was
+in Congress when the Articles of Confederation directing a valuation
+of land were agreed to; that it was the effect of the impossibility of
+compromising the different ideas of the Eastern and Southern States,
+as to the value of slaves compared with the whites, the alternative in
+question.
+
+Mr. CLARK (of New-Jersey) was in favor of them. He said that he was
+also in Congress when this article was decided; that the Southern
+States would have agreed to numbers in preference to the value of land
+if half their slaves only should be included; but that the Eastern
+States would not concur in that proposition.
+
+It was agreed, on all sides, that, instead of fixing the proportion by
+ages, as the report proposed, it would be best to fix the proportion
+in absolute numbers. With this view, and that the blank might be
+filled up, the clause was recommitted. _p_. 421-2.
+
+FRIDAY, March 28, 1783.
+
+The committee last mentioned, reported that two blacks be rated as one
+freeman.
+
+Mr. WOLCOTT (of Connecticut) was for rating them as four to three. Mr.
+CARROLL as four to one. Mr. WILLIAMSON (of North Carolina) said he
+was principled against slavery; and that he thought slaves an
+incumbrance to society, instead of increasing its ability to pay
+taxes. Mr. HIGGINSON (of Massachusetts) as four to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE
+(of South Carolina) said, for the sake of the object, he would agree
+to rate slaves as two to one, but he sincerely thought three to one
+would be a juster proportion. Mr. HOLTON as four to three.--Mr. OSGOOD
+said he did not go beyond four to three. On a question for rating them
+as three to two, the votes were, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts,
+no; Rhode Island; divided; Connecticut, aye; New Jersey, aye;
+Pennsylvania, aye; Delaware, aye; Maryland, no; Virginia, no; North
+Carolina, no; South Carolina, no. The paragraph was then postponed, by
+general consent, some wishing for further time to deliberate on it;
+but it appearing to be the general opinion that no compromise would be
+agreed to.
+
+After some further discussions on the Report, in which the necessity
+of some simple and practicable rule of apportionment came fully into
+view, Mr. MADISON (of Virginia) said that, in order to give a proof of
+the sincerity of his professions of liberality, he would propose that
+slaves should be rated as five to three. Mr. RUTLEDGE (of South
+Carolina) seconded the motion. Mr. WILSON (of Pennsylvania) said he
+would sacrifice his opinion on this compromise.
+
+Mr. LEE was against changing the rule, but gave it as his opinion that
+two slaves were not equal to one freeman.
+
+On the question for five to three, it passed in the affirmative; New
+Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, divided; Rhode Island, no; Connecticut,
+no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye;
+North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, aye.
+
+A motion was then made by Mr. BLAND, seconded by Mr. LEE, to strike
+out the clause so amended, and, on the question "Shall it stand," it
+passed in the negative; New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye;
+Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South
+Carolina, no; so the clause was struck out.
+
+The arguments used by those who were for rating slaves high were, that
+the expense of feeding and clothing them was as far below that
+incident to freemen as their industry and ingenuity were below those
+of freemen; and that the warm climate within which the States having
+slaves lay, compared with the rigorous climate and inferior fertility
+of the others, ought to have great weight in the case; and that the
+exports of the former States were greater than of the latter. On the
+other side, it was said, that slaves were not put to labor as young as
+the children of laboring families; that, having no interest in their
+labor, they did as little as possible, and omitted every exertion of
+thought requisite to facilitate and expedite it; that if the exports
+of the States having slaves exceeded those of the others, their
+imports were in proportion, slaves employed wholly in agriculture, not
+in manufactures; and that, in fact, the balance of trade formerly was
+much more against the Southern States than the others.
+
+On the main question, New Hampshire, aye; Massachusetts, no; Rhode
+Island, no; Connecticut, no; New York (Mr. FLOYD, aye;) New Jersey,
+aye; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye;
+South Carolina, no.--_pp. 423-4-5_.
+
+TUESDAY, April l, 1783.
+
+Congress resumed the Report on Revenue, &c. Mr. HAMILTON, who
+had been absent when the last question was taken for substituting
+numbers in place of the value of land, moved to reconsider that vote.
+He was seconded by Mr. OSGOOD. Those who voted differently from
+their former votes were influenced by the conviction of the necessity
+of the change, and despair on both sides of a more favorable rate
+of the slaves. The rate of three-fifths was agreed to without
+opposition.--_p. 430_.
+
+MONDAY, MAY 26, 1783.
+
+The Resolutions on the Journal instructing the ministers in Europe to
+remonstrate against the carrying off the negroes--also those for
+furloughing the troops--passed _unanimously.--p. 456._
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Letter from Mr. Madison to Edmund Randolph_.
+
+PHILADELPHIA, April 8, 1783.
+
+A change of the valuation of lands for the number of inhabitants,
+deducting two-fifths of the slaves, has received a tacit sanction,
+and, unless hereafter expunged, will go forth in the general
+recommendation, as material to future harmony and justice among the
+members of the Confederacy. The deduction of two-fifths was a
+compromise between the wide opinions and demands of the Southern and
+other States.--_p. 523_.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+_Extract from "Debates in the Federal Convention" of 1787, for the
+formation of the Constitution of the United States_.
+
+TUESDAY, May 29, 1787.
+
+Mr. CHARLES PINCKNEY laid before the House the draft of a Federal
+Government. * * * "The proportion of direct taxation shall be
+regulated by the whole number of inhabitants of every
+description"--_pp_. 735, 741.
+
+WEDNESDAY, May 30, 1787.
+
+The following Resolution, being the second of those proposed by Mr.
+RANDOLPH, was taken up, viz.
+
+"_That the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the quotas of contribution, or to the number of free
+inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem best in different
+cases_."
+
+Colonel HAMILTON moved to alter the resolution so as to read, "that
+the rights of suffrage in the National Legislature ought to be
+proportioned to the number of free inhabitants." Mr. SPAIGHT seconded
+the motion.--_p_. 750.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, June 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. We have seen the mere distinction of color made, in the
+most enlightened period of time, a ground of the most oppressive
+dominion ever exercised by man over man.--_p_. 806.
+
+
+MONDAY, June 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the respective numbers of free
+inhabitants;
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE proposed, that the proportion of suffrage in the first
+branch should be according to the quotas of contribution.
+
+Mr. KING and Mr. WILSON, in order to bring the question to a point,
+moved, "that the right of suffrage in the first branch of the National
+Legislature ought not to be according to the rule established in the
+Articles of Confederation, but according to some equitable ratio of
+representation."--_p_. 836.
+
+It was then moved by Mr. RUTLEDGE, seconded by Mr. BUTLER, to add to
+the words, "equitable ratio of representation," at the end of the
+motion just agreed to, the words "according to the quotas of
+contribution." On motion of Mr. WILSON, seconded by Mr. PINCKNEY, this
+was postponed; in order to add, after the words, "equitable ratio of
+representation," the words following: "In proportion to the whole
+number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every age,
+sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term of
+years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in the
+foregoing description, except Indians not paying taxes, in each
+State"--this being the rule in the act of Congress, agreed to by
+eleven States, for apportioning quotas of revenue on the States, and
+requiring a census only every five, seven, or ten years.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) thought property not the rule of
+representation. Why, then, should the blacks, who were property in the
+South, be in the rule of representation more than the cattle and
+horses of the North?
+
+On the question,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+New Jersey, Delaware, no--2.--_pp_. 842-3.
+
+
+TUESDAY, June 19, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Where slavery exists, the republican theory becomes still
+more fallacious.--_p_. 899.
+
+
+SATURDAY, June 30, 1787.
+
+Mr. Madison,--admitted that every peculiar interest, whether in any
+class of citizens, or any description of states, ought to be secured
+as far as possible. Wherever there is danger of attack, there ought to
+be given a constitutional power of defence. But he contended that the
+States were divided into different interests, not by their difference
+of size, but by other circumstances; the most material of which
+resulted partly from climate, but principally from the effects of
+their having or not having slaves. These two causes concurred in
+forming the great division of interests in the United States. It did
+not lie between the large and small States. IT LAY BETWEEN THE
+NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN; and if any defensive power were necessary, it
+ought to be mutually given to these two interests. He was so strongly
+impressed with this important truth, that he had been casting about in
+his mind for some expedient that would answer the purpose. The one
+which had occurred was, that, instead of proportioning the votes of
+the States in both branches, to the irrespective numbers of
+inhabitants, computing the slaves in the ratio of five to three, they
+should be represented in one branch according to the number of free
+inhabitants only; and in the other according to the whole number,
+counting slaves as free. By this arrangement the Southern scale would
+have the advantage in one House, and the Northern in the other. He had
+been restrained from proposing this expedient by two considerations;
+one was his unwillingness to urge any diversity of interests on an
+occasion where it is but too apt to arise of itself; the other was the
+inequality of powers that must be vested in the two branches, and
+which would destroy the equilibrium of interests.--_pp_. 1006-7
+
+
+MONDAY, July 2, 1787.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. There is a real distinction between the Northern and
+Southern interests. North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, in
+their rice and indigo, had a peculiar interest which might be
+sacrificed.--_p_. 1016.
+
+
+FRIDAY, July 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY--thought the blacks ought to stand on an equality with
+the whites; but would agree to the ratio settled by Congress.--_p._
+1039.
+
+
+MONDAY, July 9, 1787.
+
+Mr. PATTERSON considered the proposed estimate for the future
+according to the combined rules of numbers and wealth, as too vague.
+For this reason New Jersey was against it. He could regard negro
+slaves in no light but as property. They are no free agents, have no
+personal liberty, no faculty of acquiring property, but on the
+contrary are themselves property, and like other property entirely at
+the will of the master. Has a man in Virginia a number of votes in
+proportion to the number of his slaves? And if negroes are not
+represented in the States to which they belong, why should they be
+represented in the General Government. What is the true principle of
+representation? It is an expedient by which an assembly of certain
+individuals, chosen by the people, is substituted in place of the
+inconvenient meeting of the people themselves. If such a meeting of
+the people was actually to take place, would the slaves vote? They
+would not. Why then should they be represented? He was also against
+such an indirect encouragement of the slave trade; observing that
+Congress, in their act relating to the change of the eighth article of
+Confederation, had been ashamed to use the term "slaves," and had
+substituted a description.
+
+Mr. MADISON reminded Mr. PATTERSON that his doctrine of
+representation, which was in its principle the genuine one, must for
+ever silence the pretensions of the small States to an equality of
+votes with the large ones. They ought to vote in the same proportion
+in which their citizens would do, if the people of all the States were
+collectively met. He suggested, as a proper ground of compromise, that
+in the first branch the States should be represented according to
+their number of free inhabitants; and in the second, which had for one
+of its primary objects the guardianship of property, according to the
+whole number, including slaves.
+
+Mr. BUTLER urged warmly the justice and necessity of regarding wealth
+in the apportionment of representation.
+
+Mr. KING had always expected, that, as the Southern States are the
+richest, they would not league themselves with the Northern, unless
+some respect were paid to their superior wealth. If the latter expect
+those preferential distinctions in commerce, and other advantages
+which they will derive from the connexion, they must not expect to
+receive them without allowing some advantages in return. Eleven out of
+thirteen of the States had agreed to consider slaves in the
+apportionment of taxation; and taxation and representation ought to go
+together.--_pp_. 1054-5-6.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 10, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Mr. KING reported, from the Committee yesterday
+appointed, "that the States at the first meeting of the General
+Legislature, should be represented by sixty-five members, in the
+following proportions, to wit:--New Hampshire, by 3; Massachusetts, 8;
+Rhode Island, 1; Connecticut, 5; New York, 6; New Jersey, 4;
+Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, 1; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 10; North
+Carolina, 5; South Carolina, 5; Georgia, 3."
+
+Mr. KING remarked that the four Eastern States, having 800,000 souls,
+have one-third fewer representatives than the four Southern States,
+having not more than 700,000 souls, rating the blacks as five for
+three. The Eastern people will advert to these circumstances, and be
+dissatisfied. He believed them to be very desirous of uniting with
+their Southern brethren, but did not think it prudent to rely so far
+on that disposition, as to subject them to any gross inequality. He
+was fully convinced that THE QUESTION CONCERNING A DIFFERENCE OF
+INTERESTS DID NOT LIE WHERE IT HAD HITHERTO BEEN DISCUSSED, BETWEEN
+THE GREAT AND SMALL STATES; BUT BETWEEN THE SOUTHERN AND EASTERN. For
+this reason be had been ready to yield something, in the proportion of
+representatives, for the security of the Southern. No principle would
+justify the giving them a majority. They were brought as near an
+equality as was possible. He was not averse to giving them a still
+greater security, but did not see how it could be done.
+
+General PINCKNEY. The Report before it was committed was more favorable
+to the Southern States than as it now stands. If they are to form so
+considerable a minority, and the regulation of trade is to be given to
+the General Government, they will be nothing more than overseers for
+the Northern States. He did not expect the Southern States to be
+raised to a majority of representatives; but wished them to have
+something like an equality.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The Southern interest must be extremely endangered by
+the present arrangement. The Northern States are to have a majority in
+the first instance, and the means of perpetuating it.
+
+General PINCKNEY urged the reduction; dwelt on the superior wealth of
+the Southern States, and insisted on its having its due weight in the
+Government.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS regretted the turn of the debate. The States, he
+found, had many representatives on the floor. Few, he feared, were to
+be deemed the representatives of America. He thought the Southern
+States have, by the Report, more than their share of Representation.
+Property ought to have its weight, but not all the weight. If the
+Southern States are to supply money, the Northern States are to spill
+their blood. Besides, the probable revenue to be expected from the
+Southern States has been greatly overrated.--_pp_. 1056-7-8-9.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, July 11, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON moved that Mr. RANDOLPH's propositions be postponed, in
+order to consider the following, "that in order to ascertain the
+alterations that may happen in the population and wealth of the
+several States, a census shall be taken of the free white inhabitants,
+and three-fifths of those of other descriptions on the first year
+after this government shall have been adopted, and every ---- year
+thereafter; and that the representation be regulated accordingly."
+
+Mr. BUTLER and General PINCKNEY insisted that blacks be included in the
+rule of representation _equally_ with the whites; and for that purpose
+moved that the words "three-fifths" be struck out.
+
+Mr. GERRY thought that three-fifths of them was, to say the least, the
+full proportion that could be admitted.
+
+Mr. GORHAM. This ratio was fixed by Congress as a rule of taxation.
+Then, it was urged, by the Delegates representing the States having
+slaves, that the blacks were still more inferior to freemen. At
+present, when the ratio of representation is to be established, we are
+assured that they are equal to freemen. The arguments on the former
+occasion had convinced him, that three-fifths was pretty near the just
+proportion, and he should vote according to the same opinion now.
+
+Mr. BUTLER insisted that the labor of a slave in South Carolina was as
+productive and valuable, as that of a freeman in Massachusetts; that
+as wealth was the great means of defence and utility to the nation,
+they were equally valuable to it with freemen; and that consequently
+an equal representation ought to be allowed for them in a government
+which was instituted principally, for the protection of property, and
+was itself to be supported by property.
+
+Mr. MASON could not agree to the motion, notwithstanding it was
+favorable to Virginia, because he thought it unjust. It was certain
+that the slaves were valuable, as they raised the value of land,
+increased the exports and imports, and of course the revenue, would
+supply the means of feeding and supporting an army, and might in cases
+of emergency become themselves soldiers. As in these important
+respects they were useful to the community at large, they ought not to
+be excluded from the estimate of representation. He could not,
+however, regard them as equal to freemen, and could not vote for them
+as such. He added, as worthy of remark, that the Southern States have
+this peculiar species of property, over and above the other species of
+property common to all the States.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON reminded Mr. GORHAM that if the Southern States
+contended for the inferiority of blacks to whites when taxation was in
+view, the Eastern States, on the same occasion, contended for their
+equality. He did not, however, either then or now, concur in either
+extreme, but approved of the ratio of three-fifths.
+
+On Mr. BUTLER'S motion, for considering blacks as equal to whites in
+the apportionment of representation,--Delaware, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--3; Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, no--7; New York, not on the floor.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS said he had several objections to the
+proposition of Mr. WILLIAMSON. In the first place, it fettered the
+Legislature too much. In the second place, it would exclude some
+States altogether who would not have a sufficient number to entitle
+them to a single representation. In the third place, it will not
+consist with the resolution passed on Saturday last, authorizing the
+Legislature to adjust the representation from time to time on the
+principles of population and wealth; nor with the principles of
+equity. If slaves were to be considered as inhabitants, not as wealth,
+then the said Resolution would not be pursued; if as wealth, then why
+is no other wealth but slaves included? These objections may perhaps
+be removed by amendments.
+
+Mr. KING thought there was great force in the objections of Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. He would, however, accede to the proposition for
+the sake of doing something.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. Another objection with him, against admitting
+the blacks into the census, was, that the people of Pennsylvania would
+revolt at the idea of being put on a footing with slaves. They would
+reject any plan that was to have such an effect.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Future contributions, it seemed to be understood on all
+hands, would be principally levied on imports and exports.--pp.
+1066-7-8-9; 1070-2-3.
+
+On the question on the first clause of Mr. WILLIAMSON's motion, as to
+taking a census of the _free_ inhabitants, it passed in the
+affirmative,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Virginia, North Carolina, aye--6; Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--4.
+
+The next clause as to three-fifths of the negroes being considered,
+
+Mr. KING, being much opposed to fixing numbers as the rule of
+representation, was particularly so on account of the blacks. He
+thought the admission of them along with whites at all, would excite
+great discontents among the States having no slaves. He had never
+said, as to any particular point, that he would in no event acquiesce
+in and support it; but he would say that if in any case such a
+declaration was to be made by him, it would be in this.
+
+He remarked that in the temporary allotment of representatives made by
+the Committee, the Southern States had received more than the number
+of their white and three-fifths of their black inhabitants entitled
+them to.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN. South Carolina had not more beyond her proportion than
+New York and New Hampshire; nor either of them more than was necessary
+in order to avoid fractions, or reducing them below their proportion.
+Georgia had more; but the rapid growth of that State seemed to justify
+it. In general the allotment might not be just, but considering all
+circumstances he was satisfied with it.
+
+Mr. GORHAM was aware that there might be some weight in what had
+fallen from his colleague, as to the umbrage which might be taken by
+the people of the Eastern States. But he recollected that when the
+proposition of Congress for changing the eighth Article of the
+Confederation was before the Legislature of Massachusetts, the only
+difficulty then was, to satisfy them that the negroes ought not to
+have been counted equally with the whites, instead of being counted in
+the ratio of three-fifths only.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: They were then to have been a rule of taxation only.]
+
+
+Mr. WILSON did not well see, on what principle the admission of blacks
+in the proportion of three-fifths could be explained. Are they
+admitted as citizens--then why are they not admitted on an equality
+with white citizens? Are they admitted as property--then why is not
+other property admitted into the computation? These were difficulties,
+however, which he thought must be overruled by the necessity of
+compromise. He had some apprehensions also, from the tendency of the
+blending of the blacks with the whites, to give disgust to the people
+of Pennsylvania, as had been intimated by his colleague (Mr.
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS.)
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was compelled to declare himself reduced to the
+dilemma of doing injustice to the Southern States, or to human nature;
+and he must therefore do it to the former. For he could never agree to
+give such encouragement to the slave trade, as would be given by
+allowing them a representation for their negroes; and he did not
+believe those States would ever confederate on terms that would
+deprive them of that trade.
+
+On the question for agreeing to include three-fifths of the
+blacks,--Connecticut, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--4;
+Massachusetts, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,[2] South
+Carolina, no--6.--_pp_.1076-7-8.
+
+[Footnote 2: Mr. Carroll said, in explanation of the vote of Maryland,
+that he wished the _phraseology_ to be so altered as to obviate, if
+possible, the danger which had been expressed of giving umbrage to the
+Eastern and Middle States.]
+
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 12, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved a proviso, "that
+taxation shall be in proportion to representation."
+
+Mr. BUTLER contended again, that representation should be according to
+the full number of inhabitants, including all the blacks; admitting
+the justice of Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS'S motion.
+
+General PINCKNEY was alarmed at what was said yesterday, [by
+GOUVERNEUR MORRIS] concerning the negroes. He was now again alarmed at
+what had been thrown out concerning the taxing of exports. South
+Carolina has in one year exported to the amount of 600,000L. sterling,
+all which was the fruit of the labor of her blacks. Will she be
+represented in proportion to this amount? She will not. Neither ought
+she then to be subject to a tax on it. He hoped a clause would be
+inserted in the system, restraining the Legislature from taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. WILSON approved the principle, but could not see how it could be
+carried into execution; unless restrained to direct taxation.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS having so varied his motion by inserting the
+word "direct," it passed, _nem. con_., as follows: "provided always
+that direct taxation ought to be proportioned to representation"
+
+Mr. DAVIE said it was high time now to speak out. He saw that it was
+meant by some gentlemen to deprive the Southern States of any share of
+representation for their blacks. He was sure that North Carolina would
+never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as
+three-fifths. If the Eastern States meant, therefore, to exclude them
+altogether, the business was at an end.
+
+Dr. JOHNSON thought that wealth and population were the true,
+equitable rules of representation; but he conceived that these two
+principles resolved themselves into one, population being the best
+measure of wealth. He concluded, therefore, that the number of people
+ought to be established as the rule, and that all descriptions,
+including blacks _equally_ with the whites, ought to fall within the
+computation. As various opinions had been expressed on the subject, he
+would move that a committee might be appointed to take them into
+consideration, and report them.
+
+Mr. GOUVENEUR MORRIS. It had been said that it is high time to speak
+out. As one member, he would candidly do so. He came here to form a
+compact for the good of America. He was ready to do so with all the
+States. He hoped, and believed, that all would enter into such
+compact. If they would not, he was ready to join with any states that
+would. But as the compact was to be voluntary, it is in vain for the
+Eastern States to insist on what the Southern States will never agree
+to. It is equally vain for the latter to require, what the other
+States can never admit; and he verily believed the people of
+Pennsylvania will never agree to a representation of negroes. What can
+be desired by these States more than has been already proposed--that
+the legislature shall from time to time regulate representation
+according to population and wealth?
+
+General PINCKNEY desired that the rule of wealth should be
+ascertained, and not left to the pleasure of the legislature, and that
+property in slaves should not be exposed to danger, under a government
+instituted for the protection of property.
+
+The first clause in the Report of the first Grand Committee was
+postponed.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, in order to carry into effect the principle
+established, moved to add to the last clause adopted by the house the
+words following, "and that the rule of contribution by direct
+taxation, for the support of the Government of the United States,
+shall be the number of white inhabitants, and three-fifths of every
+other description in the several States, until some other rule that
+shall more accurately ascertain the wealth of the several States, can
+be devised and adopted by the Legislature."
+
+Mr. BUTLER seconded the motion, in order that it might be committed.
+
+Mr. RANDOLPH was not satisfied with the motion. The danger will be
+revived, that the ingenuity of the Legislature may evade or pervert
+the rule, so as to perpetuate the power where it shall be lodged in
+the first instance. He proposed, in lieu of Mr. ELLSWORTH'S motion
+"that in order to ascertain the alterations in representation that
+stay be required, from time to time, by changes in the relative
+circumstances of the States, a census shall be taken within two years
+from the first meeting of the General Legislature of the United
+States, and once within the term of every ---- years afterwards, of
+all the inhabitants, in the manner and according to the ratio
+recommended by Congress in their Resolution of the eighteenth day of
+April, 1783, (rating the blacks at three-fifths of their number); and
+that the Legislature of the United States shall arrange the
+representation accordingly." He urged strenuously that express
+security ought to be presided for including slaves in the ratio of
+representation. He lamented that such a species of property existed.
+But as it did exist, the holders of it would require this security.
+It was perceived that the design was entertained by some of excluding
+slaves altogether; the Legislature therefore ought not to be left at
+liberty.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH withdraws his motion, and seconds that of Mr. RANDOLPH.
+
+Mr. WILSON observed, that less umbrage would perhaps be taken against
+an admission of the slaves into the rule of representation, if it
+should be so expressed as to make them indirectly only an ingredient
+in the rule, by saying that they should enter into the rule of
+taxation; and as representation was to be according to taxation, the
+end would be equally attained.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to amend Mr. RANDOLPH'S motion, so as to make
+"blacks equal to the whites in the ratio of representation." This,
+he urged was nothing more than justice. The blacks are the laborers,
+the peasants, of the Southern States. They are as productive of
+pecuniary resources as those of the Northern States. They add equally
+to the wealth, and, considering money as the sinew of war, to the
+strength, of the nation. It will also be politic with regard to the
+Northern States, as taxation is to keep pace with representation.
+
+On Mr. PINCKNEY'S (of S. Carolina) motion, for rating blacks as equal
+to whites, instead of as three-fifths,--South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye--2; Massachusetts, Connecticut (Doctor JOHNSON, aye), New Jersey,
+Pennsylvania (three against two), Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, no--8.
+
+Mr. RANDOLPH'S (of Virginia) proposition, as varied by Mr. WILSON (of
+Pennsylvania) being read for taking the question on the whole,--
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Massachusetts) urged that the principle of it could not
+be carried into execution, as the States were not to be taxed as
+States. With regard to taxes on imposts, he conceived they would be
+more productive where there were no slaves, than where there were; the
+consumption being greater.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH (of Connecticut). In the case of a poll-tax there would
+be no difficulty. But there would probably be none. The sum allotted
+to a State may be levied without difficulty, according to the plan
+used by the State in raising its own supplies.
+
+On the question on the whole proposition, as proportioning
+representation to direct taxation, and both to the white and
+three-fifths of the black inhabitants, and requiring a census within
+six years, and within every ten years afterwards,--Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--6; New
+Jersey, Delaware, no--2; Massachusetts, South Carolina,
+divided.--pp. 1079 to 1087.
+
+Friday, July 13, 1787. Mr. MADISON said, that having always conceived
+that the difference of interest in the United States lay not between
+the large and small, but the Northern and Southern States.-p. 1088.
+
+On the motion of Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) the vote of Monday last,
+authorizing the Legislature to adjust, from time to time, the
+representation upon the principles of _wealth_ and numbers of
+inhabitants, was reconsidered by common consent, in order to strike
+out _wealth_ and adjust the resolution to that requiring periodical
+revisions according to the number of whites and three-fifths of the
+blacks.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS (of Pennsylvania) opposed the alteration, as
+leaving still an incoherence. If negroes were to be viewed as
+inhabitants, and the revision was to proceed on the principle of
+numbers of inhabitants, they ought to be added in their entire number,
+and not in the proportion of three-fifths. If as property, the word
+wealth was right; and striking it out would produce the very
+inconsistency which it was meant to get rid of. The train of business,
+and the late turn which it had taken, had led him, he said, into deep
+meditation on it, and he would candidly state the result. A
+distinction had been set up, and urged, between the Northern and
+Southern States. He had hitherto considered this doctrine as
+heretical. He still thought the distinction groundless. He sees,
+however, that it is persisted in; and the Southern gentlemen will not
+be satisfied unless they see the way open to their gaining a majority
+in the public councils. The consequence of such a transfer of power
+from the maritime to the interior and landed interest, will, he
+foresees, be such an oppression to commerce, that he shall be obliged
+to vote for the vicious principle of equality in the second branch, in
+order to provide some defence for the Northern States against it. But
+to come more to the point, either this distinction is fictitious or
+real; if fictitious, let it be dismissed, and let us proceed with due
+confidence. If it be real, instead of attempting to blend incompatible
+things, let us at once take a friendly leave of each other. There can
+be no end of demands for security, if every particular interest is to
+be entitled to it. The Eastern States may claim it for their fishery,
+and for other objects, as the Southern States claim it for their
+peculiar objects. In this struggle between the two ends of the Union,
+what part ought the Middle States, in point of policy, to take? To
+join their Eastern brethren, according to his ideas. If the Southern
+States get the power into their hands, and be joined, as they will be,
+with the interior country, they will inevitably bring on a war with
+Spain for the Mississippi. This language is already held. The interior
+country, having no property nor interest exposed on the sea, will be
+little affected by such a war. He wished to know what security the
+Northern and Middle States will have against this danger. It has been
+said that North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia only, will in a
+little time have a majority of the people of America. They must in
+that case include the great interior country, and every thing was to
+be apprehended from their getting the power into their hands.
+
+Mr. BUTLER (of South Carolina). The security the Southern States want
+is, that their negroes may not be taken from them, which some
+gentlemen within or without doors have a very good mind to do. It was
+not supposed that North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, would
+have more people than all the other States, but many more relatively
+to the other States, than they now have. The people and strength of
+America are evidently bearing southwardly, and southwestwardly.
+
+On the question to strike out _wealth_, and to make the change
+as moved by Mr. RANDOLPH (of Virginia) it passed in the
+affirmative,--Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania,
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--9;
+Delaware, divided.--_pp_. 1090-1-2-3-4.
+
+
+SATURDAY, July 14, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. It seemed now to be pretty well understood, that the real
+difference of interests lay, not between the large and small, but
+between the Northern and Southern, States. THE INSTITUTION OF SLAVERY,
+AND IT'S CONSEQUENCES, FORMED THE LINE OF DISCRIMINATION.--_p_. 1104.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 17, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. The largest State will be sure to succeed. This will
+not be Virginia, however. Her slaves will have no suffrage.--_p_.
+1123.
+
+
+THURSDAY, July 19, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. The right of suffrage was much more diffusive in the
+Northern than the Southern States; and the latter could have no
+influence in the election, on the score of the negroes.--p. 1148.
+
+
+MONDAY, July 23, 1787.
+
+General PINCKNEY reminded the Convention, that if the Committee should
+fail to insert some security to the Southern States against an
+emancipation of slaves, and taxes on exports, he should be bound by
+duty to his State to vote against their report.--_p_. 1187.
+
+
+TUESDAY, July 24, 1787.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As the Executive is to have a kind of veto on the
+laws, and there is an essential difference of interests between the
+Northern and Southern States, particularly in the carrying trade, the
+power will be dangerous, if the Executive is to be taken from part of
+the Union, to the part from which he is not taken.--_p_. 1189.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS hoped the Committee would strike out the whole
+of the clause proportioning direct taxation to representation. He had
+only meant it as a bridge[3] to assist us over a certain gulf; having
+passed the gulf, the bridge may be removed. He thought the principle
+laid down with so much strictness liable to strong objections.--_p_.
+1197.
+
+[Footnote 3: The object was to lessen the eagerness, on one side, for,
+and the opposition, on the other, to the share of representation
+claimed by the Southern States on account of the negroes.]
+
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, July 25, 1787.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Refer the appointment of the National Executive to the
+State Legislatures, and * * *
+
+The remaining mode was an election by the people, or rather by the
+qualified part of them at large. * * *
+
+The second difficulty arose from the disproportion of qualified voters
+in the Northern and Southern States, and the disadvantages which this
+mode would throw on the latter. The answer to this objection was--in
+the first place, that this disproportion would be continually
+decreasing under the influence of the republican laws introduced in
+the Southern States, and the more rapid increase of their population;
+in the second place, that local considerations must give way to the
+general interest. As an individual from the Southern States, he was
+willing to make the sacrifice.--pp. 1200-1.
+
+THURSDAY, July 26, 1787.
+
+Mr. Gouverneur Morris. Revenue will be drawn, it is foreseen, as much
+as possible from trade.--p. 1217.
+
+MONDAY, August 6, 1787.
+
+Mr. Rutledge delivered in the Report of the Committee of Detail.
+
+
+ARTICLE VII.
+
+SECT. 3. The proportions of direct taxation shall be regulated by the
+whole number of white and other free citizens and inhabitants of every
+age, sex and condition, including those bound to servitude for a term
+of years, and three-fifths of all other persons not comprehended in
+the foregoing description, (except Indians not paying taxes); which
+number shall, within six years after the first meeting of the
+Legislature, and within the term of every ten years afterwards, be
+taken in such a manner as the said Legislature shall direct.
+
+SECT. 4. No tax or duty shall be laid by the Legislature on articles
+exported from any State; nor on the migration or importation of such
+persons as the several States shall think proper to admit; nor shall
+such migration or importation be prohibited.
+
+SECT. 5. No capitation tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census herein before directed to be taken.
+
+SECT. 6. No navigation act shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members present in each house.--pp. 1226-33-34.
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 8, 1787.
+
+Mr. King wished to know what influence the vote just passed was meant
+to have on the succeeding part of the Report, concerning the admission
+of slaves into the rule of representation. He could not reconcile his
+mind to the Article, if it was to prevent objections to the latter
+part. The admission of slaves was a most grating circumstance to his
+mind, and he believed would be so to a great part of the people of
+America. He had not made a strenuous opposition to it heretofore,
+because he had hoped that this concession would have produced a
+readiness, which had not been manifested, to strengthen the General
+Government, and to mark a full confidence in it. The Report under
+consideration had, by the tenor of it, put an end to all those hopes.
+In two great points the hands of the Legislature were absolutely tied.
+The importation of slaves could not be prohibited. Exports could not
+be taxed. Is this reasonable? What are the great objects of the
+general system? First, defence against foreign invasion; secondly,
+against internal sedition. Shall all the States, then, be bound to
+defend each, and shall each be at liberty to introduce a weakness
+which will render defence more difficult? Shall one part of the United
+States be bound to defend another part, and that other part be at
+liberty, not only to increase its own danger, but to withhold the
+compensation for the burden? If slaves are to be imported, shall not
+the exports produced by their labor supply a revenue the better to
+enable the General Government to defend their masters? There was so
+much inequality and unreasonableness in all this, that the people of
+the Northern States could never be reconciled to it. No candid man
+could undertake to justify it to them. He had hoped that some
+accommodation would have taken place on this subject; that at least a
+time would have been limited for the importation of slaves. He never
+could agree to let them be imported without limitation, and then be
+represented in the National Legislature. Indeed, he could so little
+persuade himself of the rectitude of such a practice, that he was not
+sure be could assent to it under any circumstances. At all events,
+either slaves should not be represented, or exports should be taxable.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN regarded the slave trade as iniquitous; but the point of
+representation having been settled after much difficulty and
+deliberation, he did not think himself bound to make opposition;
+especially as the present Article, as amended, did not preclude any
+arrangement whatever on that point, in another place of the report.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS moved to insert "free" before the word
+"inhabitants." Much, he said, would depend on this point. He never
+would concur in upholding domestic slavery. It was a nefarious
+institution. It was the curse of Heaven on the States where it
+prevailed. Compare the free regions of the Middle States, where a rich
+and noble cultivation marks the prosperity and happiness of the
+people, with the misery and poverty which overspread the barren wastes
+of Virginia, Maryland, and the other States having slaves. Travel
+through the whole continent, and you behold the prospect continually
+varying with the appearance and disappearance of slavery. The moment
+you leave the Eastern States, and enter New York, the effects of the
+institution become visible. Passing through the Jerseys and entering
+Pennsylvania, every criterion of superior improvement witnesses the
+change. Proceed southwardly, and every step you take, through the
+great regions of slaves, presents a desert increasing with the
+increasing proportion of these wretched beings. Upon what principle is
+it that the slaves shall be computed in the representation? Are they
+men? Then make them citizens, and let them vote. Are they property?
+Why, then, is no other property included? The houses in this city
+(Philadelphia) are worth more than all the wretched slaves who cover
+the rice swamps of South Carolina. The admission of slaves into the
+representation, when fairly explained, comes to this, that the
+inhabitant of Georgia and South Carolina who goes to the coast of
+Africa, and, in defiance of the most sacred laws of humanity, tears
+away his fellow creatures from their dearest connections, and damns
+them to the most cruel bondage, shall have more votes in a government
+instituted for protection of the rights of mankind, than the citizen
+of Pennsylvania or New Jersey, who views with a laudable horror so
+nefarious a practice. He would add, that domestic slavery is the most
+prominent feature in the aristocratic countenance of the proposed
+Constitution. The vassalage of the poor has ever been the favorite
+offspring of aristocracy. And what is the proposed compensation to the
+Northern States, for a sacrifice of every principle of right, of every
+impulse of humanity? They are to bind themselves to march their
+militia for the defence of the Southern States, for their defence
+against those very slaves of whom they complain. They must supply
+vessels and seamen, in case of foreign attack. The Legislature will
+have indefinite power to tax them by excises, and duties on imports;
+both of which will fall heavier on them than on the Southern
+inhabitants; for the bohea tea used by a Northern freeman will pay
+more tax than the whole consumption of the miserable slave, which
+consists of nothing more than his physical subsistence and the rag
+that covers his nakedness. On the other side, the Southern States are
+not to be restrained from importing fresh supplies of wretched
+Africans, at once to increase the danger of attack, and the difficulty
+of defence; nay, they are to be encouraged to it, by an assurance of
+having their votes in the National Government increased in proportion;
+and are, at the same time, to have their exports and their slaves
+exempt from all contributions for the public service. Let it not be
+said, that direct taxation is to be proportioned to representation. It
+is idle to suppose that the General Government can stretch its hand
+directly into the pockets of the people, scattered over so vast a
+country. They can only do it through the medium of exports, imports
+and excises. For what, then, are all the sacrifices to be made? He
+would sooner submit himself to a tax for paying for all the negroes in
+the United States, than saddle posterity with such a Constitution.
+
+Mr. DAYTON seconded the motion. He did it, he said, that his
+sentiments on the subject might appear, whatever might be the fate of
+the amendment.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN did not regard the admission of the negroes into the ratio
+of representation, as liable to such insuperable objections. It was
+the freemen of the Southern States who were, in fact, to be
+represented according to the taxes paid by them, and the negroes are
+only included in the estimate of the taxes. This was his idea of the
+matter.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY considered the fisheries, and the western frontier, as
+more burdensome to the United States than the slaves. He thought this
+could be demonstrated, if the occasion were a proper one.
+
+Mr. WILSON thought the motion premature. An agreement to the clause
+would be no bar to the object of it.
+
+On the question, on the motion to insert "free" before "inhabitants,"
+New-Jersey, aye--1; New-Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South
+Carolina, Georgia, no--10.--pp. 1261-2-3-4-5-6.
+
+THURSDAY, August 16, 1787.
+
+Mr. MASON urged the necessity of connecting with the powers of levying
+taxes, duties, &c., the prohibition in Article 6, Sect. 4, "that no
+tax should be laid on exports."
+
+He hoped the Northern States did not mean to deny the Southern this
+security.
+
+MR. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS considered such a proviso as inadmissible
+anywhere.
+
+MR. MADISON. Fourthly, the Southern States, being most in danger and
+most needing naval protection, could the less complain, if the burthen
+should be somewhat heaviest on them. And finally, we are not providing
+for the present moment only; and time will equalize the situation of
+the States in this matter. He was, for these reasons, against the
+motion.
+
+MR. MERCER. It had been said the Southern States had most need of
+naval protection. The reverse was the case. Were it not for promoting
+the carrying trade of the Northern States, the Southern States could
+let the trade go into foreign bottoms, where it would not need our
+protection.--pp. 1339-40-41-42.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 21, 1787.
+
+Articles 7, Section 3, was then resumed.
+
+MR. DICKINSON moved to postpone this, in order to reconsider Article
+4, Section 4, and to _limit_ the number of Representatives to be
+allowed to the large States. Unless this were done, the small States
+would be reduced to entire insignificance, and encouragement given to
+the importation of slaves.
+
+MR. SHERMAN would agree to such a reconsideration; but did not see the
+necessity of postponing the section before the House. MR. DICKINSON
+withdrew his motion.
+
+Article 7, Section 3, was then agreed to,--ten ayes; Delaware alone,
+no.--p. 1379.
+
+Article 7, Section 4, was then taken up.
+
+MR. LANGDON. By this section the States are left at liberty to tax
+exports. This could not be admitted. It seems to be feared that the
+Northern States will oppress the trade of the Southern. This may be
+guarded against, by requiring the concurrence of two-thirds, or
+three-fourths of the Legislature, in such cases.--p. 1382-3.
+
+MR. MADISON. As to the fear of disproportionate burthens on the more
+exporting States, it might be remarked that it was agreed, on all
+hands, that the revenue would principally be drawn from trade.--p.
+1385.
+
+COL. MASON--A majority, when interested, will oppress the minority.
+
+If we compare the States in this point of view, the eight Northern
+States have an interest different from the five Southern States; and
+have, in one branch of the Legislature, thirty-six votes, against
+twenty-nine, and in the other in the proportion of eight against five.
+The Southern States had therefore ground for their suspicions. The
+case of exports was not the same with that of imports.--pp. 1386-7.
+
+MR. L. MARTIN proposed to vary Article 7, Section 4, so as to allow a
+prohibition or tax on the importation of slaves. In the first place,
+as five slaves are to be counted as three freemen, in the
+apportionment of Representatives, such a clause would leave an
+encouragement to this traffic. In the second place, slaves weakened
+one part of the Union, which the other parts were bound to protect;
+the privilege of importing them was therefore unreasonable. And in the
+third place, it was inconsistent with the principles of the
+Revolution, and dishonorable to the American character, to have such a
+feature in the Constitution.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE did not see how the importation of slaves could be
+encouraged by this section. He was not apprehensive of insurrections,
+and would readily exempt the other States from the obligation to
+protect the Southern against them. Religion and humanity had nothing
+to do with this question. Interest alone is the governing principle
+with nations. The true question at present is, whether the Southern
+States shall or shall not be parties to the Union. If the Northern
+States consult their interest, they will not oppose the increase of
+slaves, which will increase the commodities of which they will become
+the carriers.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH was for leaving the clause as it stands. Let every State
+import what it pleases. The morality or wisdom of slavery are
+considerations belonging to the States themselves. What enriches a
+part enriches the whole, and the States are the best judges of their
+particular interest. The Old Confederation had not meddled with this
+point; and he did not see any greater necessity for bringing it within
+the policy of the new one.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. South Carolina can never receive the plan if it
+prohibits the slave trade. In every proposed extension of the powers
+of Congress, that State has expressly and watchfully excepted that of
+meddling with the importation of negroes. If the States be all left at
+liberty on this subject, South Carolina may perhaps, by degrees, do of
+herself what is wished, as Virginia and Maryland already have done.
+Adjourned.--_pp_. 1388-9.
+
+WEDNESDAY, August 22, 1787.
+
+_In Convention_,--Article 7, Section 4, was resumed.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN was for leaving the clause as it stands. He disapproved of
+the slave trade; yet as the States were now possessed of the right to
+import slaves, as the public good did not require it to be taken from
+them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to
+the proposed scheme of government, he thought it best to leave the
+matter as we find it. He observed that the abolition of slavery seemed
+to be going on in the United States, and that the good sense of the
+several States would probably by degrees complete it. He urged on the
+Convention the necessity of despatching its business.
+
+Col. MASON. This infernal traffic originated in the avarice of British
+merchants. The British Government constantly checked the attempts of
+Virginia to put a stop to it. The present question concerns not the
+importing States alone, but the whole Union. The evil of having slaves
+was experienced during the late war. Had slaves been treated as they
+might have been by the enemy, they would have proved dangerous
+instruments in their hands. But their folly dealt by the slaves as it
+did by the tories. He mentioned the dangerous insurrections of the
+slaves in Greece and Sicily; and the instructions given by Cromwell to
+the commissioners sent to Virginia, to arm the servants and slaves, in
+case other means of obtaining its submission should fail. Maryland and
+Virginia he said had already prohibited the importation of slaves
+expressly. North Carolina had done the same in substance. All this
+would be in vain, if South Carolina and Georgia be at liberty to
+import. The Western people are already calling out for slaves for
+their new lands; and will fill that country with slaves, if they can
+be got through South Carolina and Georgia. Slavery discourages arts
+and manufactures. The poor despise labor when performed by slaves.
+They prevent the emigration of whites, who really enrich and
+strengthen a country. They produce the most pernicious effect on
+manners. Every master of slaves is born a petty tyrant. They bring the
+judgment of Heaven on a country. As nations cannot be rewarded or
+punished in the next world, they must be in this. By an inevitable
+chain of causes and effects, Providence punishes national sins by
+national calamities. He lamented that some of our Eastern brethren
+had, from a lust of gain, embarked in this nefarious traffic. As to
+the States being in possession of the right to import, this was the
+case with many other rights, now to be properly given up. He held it
+essential in every point of view, that the General Government should
+have power to prevent the increase of slavery.
+
+Mr. ELLSWORTH, as he had never owned a slave, could not judge of the
+effects of slavery on character. He said, however, that if it was to
+be considered in a moral light, we ought to go further and free those
+already in the country. As slaves also multiply so fast in Virginia
+and Maryland that it is cheaper to raise than import them, whilst in
+the sickly rice swamps foreign supplies are necessary, if we go no
+further than is urged, we shall be unjust towards South Carolina and
+Georgia. Let us not intermeddle. As population increases, poor
+laborers will be so plenty as to render slaves useless. Slavery, in
+time, will not be a speck in our country. Provision is already made in
+Connecticut for abolishing it. And the abolition has already taken
+place in Massachusetts. As to the danger of insurrections from foreign
+influence, that will become a motive to kind treatment of the slaves.
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY. If slavery be wrong, it is justified by the example of
+all the world. He cited the case of Greece, Rome and other ancient
+States; the sanction given by France, England, Holland and other
+modern States. In all ages one half of mankind have been slaves. If
+the Southern States were let alone, they will probably of themselves
+stop importations. He would himself, as a citizen of South Carolina,
+vote for it. An attempt to take away the right, as proposed, will
+produce serious objections to the Constitution, which he wished to see
+adopted.
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY declared it to be his firm opinion that if himself and
+all his colleagues were to sign the Constitution and use their
+personal influence, it would be of no avail towards obtaining the
+assent of their constituents. South Carolina and Georgia cannot do
+without slaves. As to Virginia, she will gain by stopping the
+importations. Her slaves will rise in value, and she has more than she
+wants. It would be unequal, to require South Carolina and Georgia, to
+confederate on such unequal terms. He said the Royal assent, before
+the Revolution, had never been refused to South Carolina, as to
+Virginia. He contended that the importation of slaves would be for the
+interest of the whole Union. The more slaves, the more produce to
+employ the carrying trade; the more consumption also; and the more of
+this, the more revenue for the common treasury. He admitted it to be
+reasonable that slaves should be dutied like other imports; but should
+consider a rejection of the clause as an exclusion of South Carolina
+from the Union.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN had conceived national objects alone to be before the
+Convention; not such as, like the present, were of a local nature.
+Georgia was decided on this point. That State has always hitherto
+supposed a General Government to be the pursuit of the central States,
+who wished to have a vortex for everything; that her distance would
+preclude her, from equal advantage; and that she could not prudently
+purchase it by yielding national powers. From this it might be
+understood, in what light she would view an attempt to abridge one of
+her favorite prerogatives. If left to herself, she may probably put a
+stop to the evil. As one ground for this conjecture, he took notice of
+the sect of ----; which he said was a respectable class of people, who
+carried their ethics beyond the mere _equality of men_, extending
+their humanity to the claims of the whole animal creation.
+
+Mr. WILSON observed that if South Carolina and Georgia were themselves
+disposed to get rid of the importation of slaves in a short time, as
+had been suggested, they would never refuse to unite because the
+importation might be prohibited. As the section now stands, all
+articles imported are to be taxed. Slaves alone are exempt. This is in
+fact a bounty on that article.
+
+Mr. GERRY thought we had nothing to do with the conduct of the States
+as to slaves, but ought to be careful not to give any sanction to it.
+
+Mr. DICKINSON considered it as inadmissible, on every principle of
+honor and safety, that the importation of slaves should be authorized
+to the States by the Constitution. The true question was, whether the
+national happiness would be promoted or impeded by the importation;
+and this question ought to be left to the National Government, not to
+the States particularly interested. If England and France permit
+slavery, slaves are, at the same time, excluded from both those
+kingdoms. Greece and Rome were made unhappy by their slaves. He could
+not believe that the Southern States would refuse to confederate on
+the account apprehended; especially as the power was not likely to be
+immediately exercised by the General Government.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON stated the law of North Carolina on the subject, to
+wit, that it did not directly prohibit the importation of slaves. It
+imposed a duty of L5 on each slave imported from Africa; L10 on each
+from elsewhere; and L50 on each from a State licensing manumission. He
+thought the Southern States could not be members of the Union, if the
+clause should be rejected; and that it was wrong to force any thing
+down not absolutely necessary, and which any State must disagree to.
+
+Mr. KING thought the subject should be considered in a political light
+only. If two States will not agree to the Constitution, as stated on
+one side, he could affirm with equal belief, on the other, that great
+and equal opposition would be experienced from the other States. He
+remarked on the exemption of slaves from duty, whilst every other
+import was subjected to it, as an inequality that could not fail to
+strike the commercial sagacity of the Northern and Middle States.
+
+Mr. LANGDON was strenuous for giving the power to the General
+Government. He could not, with a good conscience, leave it with the
+States, who could then go on with the traffic, without being
+restrained by the opinions here given, that they will themselves cease
+to import slaves.
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did
+not think South Carolina would stop her importations of slaves, in any
+short time; but only stop them occasionally as she now does. He moved
+to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal tax
+with other imports; which he thought right, and which would remove one
+difficulty that had been started.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE. If the Convention thinks that North Carolina, South
+Carolina, and Georgia, will ever agree to the plan, unless their right
+to import slaves be untouched, the expectation is vain. The people of
+those States will never be such fools, as to give up so important an
+interest. He was strenuous against striking out the section, and
+seconded the motion of Gen. PINCKNEY for a commitment.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS wished the whole subject to be committed,
+including the clauses relating to taxes on exports and to a navigation
+act. These things may form a bargain among the Northern and Southern
+States.
+
+MR. BUTLER declared that he never would agree to the power of taxing
+exports.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN said it was better to let the Southern States import
+slaves, than to part with them, if they made that a _sine qua non_. He
+was opposed to a tax on slaves imported, as making the matter worse,
+because it implied they were _property_. He acknowledged that if the
+power of prohibiting the importation should be given to the General
+Government, that it would be exercised. He thought it would be its
+duty to exercise the power.
+
+Mr. READ was for the commitment, provided the clause concerning taxes
+on exports should also be committed.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN observed that that clause had been agreed to, and
+therefore could not be committed.
+
+Mr. Randolph was for committing, in order that some middle ground
+might, if possible, be found. He could never agree to the clause as it
+stands. He would sooner risk the Constitution. He dwelt on the dilemma
+to which the Convention was exposed. By agreeing to the clause, it
+would revolt the Quakers, the Methodists, and many others in the
+States having no slaves. On the other hand, two States might be lost
+to the Union. Let us then, he said, try the chance of a commitment.
+
+On the question for committing the remaining part of Sections 4 and 5,
+of Article 7,--Connecticut, New Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North
+Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Hampshire,
+Pennsylvania, Delaware, no--3; Massachusetts absent.
+
+Mr. Pinckney and Mr. Langdon moved to commit Section 6, as to a
+navigation act by two-thirds of each House.
+
+Mr. Gorham did not see the propriety of it. Is it meant to require a
+greater proportion of votes? He desired it to be remembered, that the
+Eastern States had no motive to union but a commercial one. They were
+able to protect themselves. They were not afraid of external danger,
+and did not need the aid of the Southern States.
+
+Mr. Wilson wished for a commitment, in order to reduce the proportion
+of votes required.
+
+Mr. Ellsworth was for taking the plan as it is. This widening of
+opinions had a threatening aspect. If we do not agree on this middle
+and moderate ground, he was afraid we should lose two States, with
+such others as may be disposed to stand aloof; should fly into a
+variety of shapes and directions, and most probably into several
+confederations,--and not without bloodshed.
+
+On the question for committing Section 6, as to a navigation act, to a
+member from each State,--New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania,
+Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
+aye--9; Connecticut, New Jersey, no--2.
+
+The Committee appointed were Messrs. Langdon, King, Johnson,
+Livingston, Clymer, Dickinson, L. Martin, Madison, Williamson, C.C.
+Pinckney, and Baldwin.
+
+To this Committee were referred also the two clauses above mentioned
+of the fourth and fifth Sections of Article 7.--pp. 1390 to 1397.
+
+Friday, August 24, 1787
+
+_In Convention_,--Governor Livingston, from the committee of eleven,
+to whom were referred the two remaining clauses of the fourth section,
+and the fifth and sixth sections, of the seventh Article, delivered in
+the following Report:
+
+"Strike out so much of the fourth section as was referred to the
+Committee, and insert, 'The migration or importation of such persons
+as the several States, now existing, shall think proper to admit,
+shall not be prohibited by the Legislature prior to the year 1800; but
+a tax or duty may be imposed on such migration or importation, at a
+rate not exceeding the average of the duties laid on imports.
+
+"The fifth Section to remain as in the Report.
+The sixth Section to be stricken out."--p. 1415.
+
+SATURDAY, August 25, 1787.
+
+The Report of the Committee of eleven (see Friday, the twenty-fourth),
+being taken up,--
+
+Gen. PINCKNEY moved to strike out the words, "the year eighteen
+hundred," as the year limiting the importation of slaves; and to
+insert the words, "the year eighteen hundred and eight."
+
+Mr. GORHAM seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. MADISON. Twenty years will produce all the mischief that can be
+apprehended from the liberty to import slaves. So long a term will be
+more dishonorable to the American character, than to say nothing about
+it in the Constitution.
+
+On the motion, which passed in the affirmative,--New-Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, aye--7; New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS was for making the clause read at once, "the
+importation of slaves in North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia,
+shall not be prohibited, &c." This he said, would be most fair, and
+would avoid the ambiguity by which, under the power with regard to
+naturalization, the liberty reserved to the States might be defeated.
+He wished it to be known, also, that this part of the Constitution was
+a compliance with those States. If the change of language, however,
+should be objected to, by the members from those States, he should not
+urge it.
+
+Col. MASON was not against using the term "slaves," but against naming
+North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, lest it should give
+offence to the people of those States.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN liked a description better than the terms proposed, which
+had been declined by the old Congress, and were not pleasing to some
+people.
+
+Mr. CLYMER concurred with Mr. SHERMAN.
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON said, that both in opinion and practice he was against
+slavery; but thought it more in favor of humanity, from a view of all
+circumstances, to let in South Carolina and Georgia on those terms,
+than to exclude them from the Union.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS withdrew his motion.
+
+Mr. DICKINSON wished the clause to be confined to the States which had
+not themselves prohibited the importation of slaves; and for that
+purpose moved to amend the clause, so as to read: "The importation of
+slaves into such of the States as shall permit the same, shall not be
+prohibited by the Legislature of the United States, until the year
+1808;" which was disagreed to, _nem. con_.[4]
+
+[Footnote 4: In the printed Journals, Connecticut, Virginia, and
+Georgia, voted in the affirmative.]
+
+
+The first part of the Report was then agreed to, amended as follows:
+"The migration or importation of such persons as the several States
+now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by
+the Legislature prior to the year 1808,"--
+
+New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina,
+South Carolina, Georgia, aye--7; New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware,
+Virginia, no--4.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN, in order to restrain and more explicitly define, "the
+average duty," moved to strike out of the second part the words,
+"average of the duties laid on imports," and insert "common impost on
+articles not enumerated;" which was agreed to, _nem. con_.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN was against this second part, as acknowledging men to be
+property, by taxing them as such under the character of slaves.
+
+Mr. KING and Mr. LANGDON considered this as the price of the first
+part. Gen. PINCKNEY admitted that it was so. Col. MASON. Not to tax,
+will be equivalent to a bounty on, the importation of slaves.
+
+Mr. GORHAM thought that Mr. SHERMAN should consider the duty, not as
+implying that slaves are property, but as a discouragement to the
+importation of them.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS remarked, that, as the clause now stands, it
+implies that the Legislature may tax freemen imported.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN, in answer to Mr. GORHAM, observed, that the smallness of
+the duty showed revenue to be the object, not the discouragement of
+the importation.
+
+Mr. MADISON thought it wrong to admit in the Constitution the idea
+that there could be property in men. The reason of duties did not
+hold, as slaves are not, like merchandize consumed, &c.
+
+Col. MASON, in answer to Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The provision, as it
+stands, was necessary for the case of convicts, in order to prevent
+the introduction of them.
+
+It was finally agreed, _nem. con_., to make the clause read: "but a
+tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten
+dollars for each person;" and then the second part, as amended, was
+agreed to.--_pp_. 1427 to 30.
+
+
+TUESDAY, August 28, 1787.
+
+Article 14, was then taken up.[5]
+
+[Footnote 5: Article 14 was,--The citizens of each State shall be
+entitled to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several
+States.--EDITOR.]
+
+
+General PINCKNEY was not satisfied with it. He seemed to wish some
+provision should be included in favor of property in slaves.
+
+On the question on Article 14,--New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia,
+North Carolina, aye--9; South Carolina, no--1; Georgia, divided.
+
+Article 15,[6] being then taken up, the words, "high misdemeanor,"
+were struck out, and the words, "other crime," inserted, in order to
+comprehend all proper cases; it being doubtful whether "high
+misdemeanor" had not a technical meaning too limited.
+
+[Footnote 6: Article 15 was,--Any person charged with treason, felony
+or high misdemeanor in any State, who shall flee from justice, and
+shall be found in any other State, shall, on demand of the Executive
+power of the State from which he fled, be delivered up and removed to
+the State having jurisdiction of the offence.--EDITOR.]
+
+
+Mr. BUTLER and Mr. PINCKNEY moved to require "fugitive slaves and
+servants to be delivered up like criminals."
+
+Mr. WILSON. This would oblige the Executive of the State to do it, at
+the public expense.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN saw no more propriety in the public seizing and
+surrendering a slave or servant, than a horse.
+
+Mr. BUTLER withdrew his proposition, in order that some particular
+provision might be made, apart from this article.
+
+Article 15, as amended, was then agreed to, _nem. con_.--_pp_. 1447-8.
+
+
+WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 29, 1787.
+
+Article 7, Section 6, by the Committee of Eleven reported to be struck
+out (see the twenty-fourth inst.) being now taken up,--
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY moved to postpone the Report, in favor of the following
+proposition: "That no act of the Legislature for the purpose of
+regulating the Commerce of the United States with foreign powers,
+among the several States, shall be passed without the assent of
+two-thirds of the members of each House." He remarked that there were
+five distinct commercial interests.
+
+The power of regulating commerce was a pure concession on the part of
+the Southern States. They did not need the protection of the Northern
+States at present.--_p_. 1450.
+
+General PINCKNEY said it was the true interest of the Southern States
+to have no regulation of commerce; but considering the loss brought on
+the commerce of the Eastern States by the Revolution, their liberal
+conduct towards the views[7] of South Carolina, and the interest the
+weak Southern States had in being united with the strong Eastern
+States, he thought it proper that no fetters should be imposed on the
+power of making commercial regulations, and that his constituents,
+though prejudiced against the Eastern States, would be reconciled to
+this liberality. He had, himself, he said, prejudices against the
+Eastern States before he came here, but would acknowledge that he had
+found them as liberal and candid as any men whatever.--_p_. 1451.
+
+[Footnote 7: He meant the permission to import slaves. An understanding
+on the two subjects of _navigation_ and _slavery_, had taken place
+between those parts of the Union, which explains the vote of the
+motion depending, as well as the language of General Pinckney and
+others.]
+
+
+Mr. PINCKNEY replied, that his enumeration meant the five minute
+interests. It still left the two great divisions of Northern and
+Southern interests.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS opposed the object of the motion as highly
+injurious.--A navy was essential to security, particularly of the
+Southern States;--
+
+Mr. WILLIAMSON. As to the weakness of the Southern States, he was not
+alarmed on that account. The sickliness of their climate for invaders
+would prevent their being made an object. He acknowledged that he did
+not think the motion requiring two-thirds necessary in itself; because
+if a majority of the Northern States should push their regulations too
+far, the Southern States would build ships for themselves; but he knew
+the Southern people were apprehensive on this subject, and would be
+pleased with the precaution.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT was against the motion. The Southern States could at any
+time save themselves from oppression, by building ships for their own
+use.--_p_. 1452.
+
+Mr. BUTLER differed from those who considered the rejection of the
+motion as no concession on the part of the Southern States. He
+considered the interests of these and of the Eastern States to be as
+different as the interests of Russia and Turkey. Being,
+notwithstanding, desirous of conciliating the affections of the
+Eastern States, he should vote against requiring two-thirds instead of
+a majority.--_p_. 1453.
+
+Mr. MADISON. He added, that the Southern States would derive an
+essential advantage, in the general security afforded by the increase
+of our maritime strength. He stated the vulnerable situation of them
+all, and of Virginia in particular.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE was against the motion of his colleague. At the worst, a
+navigation act could bear hard a little while only on the Southern
+States. As we are laying the foundation for a great empire, we ought
+to take a permanent view of the subject, and not look at the present
+moment only.
+
+Mr. GORMAN. The Eastern States were not led to strengthen the Union by
+fear for their own safety.
+
+He deprecated the consequences of disunion; but if it should take
+place, it was the Southern part of the Continent that had most reason
+to dread them.
+
+On the question to postpone, in order to take up Mr. PINCKNEY's
+motion,--
+
+Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Georgia, aye--4; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, South
+Carolina, no--7. The Report of the Committee for striking out Section
+6, requiring two-thirds of each House to pass a navigation act, was
+then agreed to, _nem. con_.
+
+Mr. BUTLER moved to insert after Article 15, "If any person bound to
+service or labor in any of the United States, shall escape into
+another State, he or she shall not be discharged from such service or
+labor, in consequence of any regulations subsisting in the State to
+which they escape, but shall be delivered up to the person justly
+claiming their service or labor,"--which was agreed to, _nem.
+con_.--_p_. 1454-5-6.
+
+
+THURSDAY, August 30, 1787.
+
+Article 18, being taken up,
+
+On a question for striking out "domestic violence," and inserting
+"insurrections," it passed in the negative,--New Jersey, Virginia,
+North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, aye--5; New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland,
+no--6.--_pp_. 1466-7.
+
+MONDAY, September 10, 1787.
+
+Mr. RUTLEDGE said he never could agree to give a power by which the
+articles relating to slaves might be altered by the States not
+interested in that property, and prejudiced against it. In order to
+obviate this objection, these words were added to the proposition:
+"provided that no amendments, which may be made prior to the year 1808
+shall in any manner affect the fourth and fifth sections of the
+seventh Article:"--_p_. 1536.
+
+TUESDAY, September 13, 1787.
+
+Article 1, Section 2. On motion of Mr. RANDOLPH, the word "servitude"
+was struck out, and "service" unanimously[8] inserted, the former
+being thought to express the condition of slaves, and the latter the
+obligations of free persons.
+
+[Footnote 8:  See page 372 of the printed journal.]
+
+
+Mr. DICKENSON and Mr. WILSON moved to strike out, "and direct taxes,"
+from Article 1, Section 2, as improperly placed in a clause relating
+merely to the Constitution of the House of Representatives.
+
+Mr. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. The insertion here was in consequence of what
+had passed on this point; in order to exclude the appearance of
+counting the negroes in the _representation_. The including of them
+may now be referred to the object of direct taxes, and incidentally
+only to that of representation.
+
+On the motion to strike out, "and direct taxes," from this place,--
+
+New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, aye--3; New Hampshire, Massachusetts,
+Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina,
+Georgia, no--8.--_pp_. 1569-70.
+
+SATURDAY, September 15, 1787.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, (the third paragraph,) the term "legally" was
+struck out; and the words, "under the laws thereof," inserted after
+the word "State," in compliance with the wish of some who thought the
+term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea that slavery was legal
+in a moral view.--p. 1589.
+
+Mr. GERRY stated the objections which determined him to withhold his
+name from the Constitution: 1-2-3-4-5-6, that three-fifths of the
+blacks are to be represented, as if they were freemen.--p. 1595.
+
+
+
+
+
+                    LIST OF MEMBERS
+OF THE FEDERAL CONVENTION WHO FORMED THE CONSTITUTION OF
+                    THE UNITED STATES.
+
+
+
+_From_                                 _Attended._
+New Hampshire,     1 John Langdon,           July 23, 1787.
+                    _John Pickering_,
+                   2 Nicholas Gilman,         "   23.
+                    _Benjamin West_,
+Massachusetts,      _Francis Dana_,
+                     Elbridge Gerry,          May 29.
+                   3 Nath'l Gorham,            "  28.
+                   4 Rufus King,               "  25.
+                     Caleb Strong,            May 28.
+Rhode Island,       (No appointment.)
+Connecticut,       5 W.S. Johnson,            June 2.
+                   6 Roger Sherman,           May 30.
+                     Oliver Ellsworth,         "  29.
+New York,            Robert Yates,             "  25.
+                   7 Alex'r Hamilton,          "  25.
+                     John Lansing,            June 2.
+New Jersey,        8 Wm. Livingston,           "   5.
+                   9 David Brearly,           May 25.
+                     Wm. C. Houston,          May 25.
+                  10 Wm. Patterson,             do.
+                    _John Nielson_,
+                    _Abraham Clark_.
+                  11 Jonathan Dayton,        June 21.
+Pennsylvania,     12 Benj. Franklin,          May 28.
+                  13 Thos. Mifflin,             do.
+                  14 Robert Morris,           May 25.
+                  15 Geo. Clymer,              "  28.
+                  16 Thos. Fitzsimons,         "  25.
+                  17 Jared Ingersoll,          "  28.
+                  18 James Wilson,             "  25.
+                  19 Gouv'r Morris,            "  25.
+Delaware,         20 Geo. Reed,                "  25.
+                  21 G. Bedford, Jr.           "  28.
+                  22 John Dickenson,           "  28.
+                  23 Richard Bassett,          "  25.
+                  24 Jacob Broom,              "  25.
+Maryland,         25 James M'Henry,            "  29.
+                  26 Daniel of St. Tho.
+                          Jenifer,            June 2.
+                  27 Daniel Carroll,          July 9.
+                     John F. Mercer,          Aug. 6.
+                     Luther Martin,           June 9.
+Virginia,         28 G. Washington,           May 25.
+                    _Patrick Henry_, (declined.)
+                     Edmund Randolph,          "  25.
+                  29 John Blair,               "  25.
+                  30 Jas. Madison, Jr.         "  25.
+                     George Mason,             "  25.
+                     George Wythe,             "  25.
+                     James McClurg, (in
+                          room of P. Henry)    "  25.
+                  31 Wm. Blount (in room
+                          of R. Caswell),    June 20.
+                  _Willie Jones_, (declined.)
+                  32 R.D. Spaight,            May 25.
+                  33 Hugh Williamson, (in
+                          room of W. Jones,)  May 25.
+South Carolina,   34 John Rutledge,            "  25.
+                  35 Chas. C. Pinckney,        "  25.
+                  36 Chas. Pinckney,           "  25.
+                  37 Peirce Butler,            "  25.
+Georgia,          38 William Few,             May 25.
+                  39 Abr'm Baldwin,          June 11.
+                     William Pierce,          May 31.
+                    _George Walton._
+                     Wm. Houston,            June  1.
+                    _Nath'l Pendleton._
+
+Those with numbers before their names signed the Constitution.  39
+Those in italics never attended.                                10
+Members who attended, but did not sign the Constitution,        16
+                                                                --
+                                                                65
+
+
+
+Extracts from a speech of Luther Martin, (delivered before the
+Legislature of Maryland,) one of the delegates from Maryland to the
+Convention that formed the Constitution of the United States.
+
+With respect to that part of the _second_ section of the _first_
+Article, which relates to the apportionment of representation and
+direct taxation, there were considerable objections made to it,
+besides the great objection of inequality--It was urged, that no
+principle could justify taking _slaves_ into computation in
+apportioning the number of _representatives_ a State should have in
+the government--That it involved the absurdity of increasing the power
+of a State in making laws for _free men_ in proportion as that State
+violated the rights of freedom--That it might be proper to take slaves
+into consideration, when _taxes_ were to be apportioned, because it
+had a tendency to _discourage slavery_; but to take them into account
+in giving representation tended to _encourage_ the _slave trade_, and
+to make it the interest of the States to continue that _infamous
+traffic_--That slaves could not be taken into account as _men_, or
+_citizens_, because they were not admitted to the _rights of
+citizens_, in the States which adopted or continued slavery--If they
+were to be taken into account as _property_, it was asked, what
+peculiar circumstance should render this property (of all others the
+most odious in its nature) entitled to the high privilege of
+conferring consequence and power in the government to its possessors,
+rather than _any other_ property: and why _slaves_ should, as
+property, be taken into account rather than horses, cattle, mules, or
+any other species; and it was observed by an honorable member from
+Massachusetts, that he considered it as dishonorable and humiliating
+to enter into compact with the _slaves_ of the _Southern States_, as
+it would with the _horses_ and _mules_ of the _Eastern_.
+
+By the ninth section of this Article, the importation of such persons
+as any of the States now existing, shall think proper to admit, shall
+not be prohibited prior to the year 1808, but a duty may be imposed on
+such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+The design of this clause is to prevent the general government from
+prohibiting the importation of slaves; but the same reasons which
+caused them to strike out the word "national," and not admit the word
+"stamps," influenced them here to guard against the word "_slaves_."
+They anxiously sought to avoid the admission of expressions which
+might be odious in the ears of Americans, although they were willing
+to admit into their system those _things_ which the expressions
+signified; and hence it is that the clause is so worded as really to
+authorize the general government to impose a duty of ten dollars on
+every foreigner who comes into a State to become a citizen, whether he
+comes absolutely free, or qualifiedly so as a servant; although this
+is contrary to the design of the framers, and the duty was only meant
+to extend to the importation of slaves.
+
+This clause was the subject of a great diversity of sentiment in the
+Convention. As the system was reported by the committee of detail, the
+provision was general, that such importation should not be prohibited,
+without confining it to any particular period. This was rejected by
+eight States--Georgia, South Carolina, and, I think, North Carolina,
+voting for it.
+
+We were then told by the delegates of the two first of those States,
+that their States would never agree to a system, which put it in the
+power of the general government to prevent the importation of slaves,
+and that they, as delegates from those States, must withhold their
+assent from such a system.
+
+A committee of one member from each State was chosen by ballot, to
+take this part of the system under their consideration, and to
+endeavor to agree upon some report, which should reconcile those
+States. To this committee also was referred the following proposition,
+which had been reported by the committee of detail, to wit: "No
+navigation act shall be passed without the assent of two-thirds of the
+members present in each house;" a proposition which the staple and
+commercial States were solicitous to retain, lest their commerce
+should be placed too much under the power of the Eastern States; but
+which these last States were as anxious to reject. This committee, of
+which also I had the honor to be a member, met and took under their
+consideration the subjects committed to them. I found the _Eastern_
+States, notwithstanding their _aversion to slavery_, were very willing
+to indulge the Southern States, at least with a temporary liberty to
+prosecute the _slave trade_, provided the Southern States would in
+their turn gratify them, by laying no restriction on navigation acts;
+and after a very little time, the committee, by a great majority,
+agreed on a report, by which the general government was to be
+prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves for a limited
+time, and the restricted clause relative to navigation acts was to be
+omitted.
+
+This report was adopted by a majority of the Convention, but not
+without considerable opposition.
+
+It was said, we had just assumed a place among independent nations in
+consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great Britain to
+_enslave us_; that this opposition was grounded upon the preservation
+of those rights to which God and nature had entitled us, not in
+_particular_, but in _common_ with all the rest of mankind; that we
+had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the God of
+freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+_rights_ which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when
+we had scarcely risen from our knees, from supplicating his mercy and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision not only putting
+it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade, even
+encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States the power
+and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and wantonly
+sported with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and an insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said, it ought be considered that
+national crimes can only be, and frequently are, punished in this
+world by national punishments; and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor African slave and his American master!
+
+It was urged that by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree, that we should except from the
+exercise of that power, the only branch of commerce which is
+unjustifiable in its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind.
+That, on the contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly in our
+Constitution, the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the
+general government, from time to time, to make such regulations as
+should be thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of
+slavery, and the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the
+States. That slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism,
+and has a tendency to destroy those principles on which it is
+supported, as it lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and
+habituates us to tyranny and oppression. It was further urged, that,
+by this system of government, every State is to be protected both from
+foreign invasion and from domestic insurrections; from this
+consideration, it was of the utmost importance it should have a power
+to restrain the importation of slaves, since, in proportion as the
+number of slaves are increased in any State, in the same proportion
+the State is weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic
+insurrection, and by so much less will it be able to protect itself
+against either, and therefore will by so much the more want aid from,
+and be a burden to, the Union.
+
+It was further said, that, as in this system we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary, that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with both slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+part of the system.
+
+You will perceive, sir, not only that the general government is
+prohibited from interfering in the slave trade before the year
+eighteen hundred and eight, but that there is no provision in the
+Constitution that it shall afterwards be prohibited, nor any security
+that such prohibition will ever take place; and I think there is great
+reason to believe, that, if the importation of slaves is permitted
+until the year eighteen hundred and eight, it will not be prohibited
+afterwards. At this time, we do not generally hold this commerce in so
+great abhorrence as we have done. When our liberties were at stake, we
+warmly felt for the common rights of men. The danger being thought to
+be past, which threatened ourselves, we are daily growing more
+insensible to those rights. In those States which have restrained or
+prohibited the importation of slaves, it is only done by legislative
+acts, which may be repealed. When those States find that they must, in
+their national character and connexion, suffer in the disgrace, and
+share in the inconveniences attendant upon that detestable and
+iniquitous traffic, they may be desirous also to share in the benefits
+arising from it; and the odium attending it will be greatly effaced by
+the sanction which is given to it in the general government.
+
+By the next paragraph, the general government is to have a power of
+suspending the _habeas corpus act_, in cases of _rebellion_ or
+_invasion_.
+
+As the State governments have a power of suspending the habeas corpus
+act in those cases, it was said, there could be no reason for giving
+such a power to the general government; since, whenever the State
+which is invaded, or in which an insurrection takes place, finds its
+safety requires it, it will make use of that power. And it was urged,
+that if we gave this power to the general government, it would be an
+engine of oppression in its hands; since whenever a State should
+oppose its views, however arbitrary and unconstitutional, and refuse
+submission to them, the general government may declare it to be an act
+of rebellion, and, suspending the habeas corpus act, may seize upon
+the persons of those advocates of freedom, who have had virtue and
+resolution enough to excite the opposition, and may imprison them
+during its pleasure in the remotest part of the Union; so that a
+citizen of Georgia might be _bastiled_ in the furthest part of New
+Hampshire; or a citizen of New Hampshire in the furthest extreme of
+the South, cut off from their family, their friends, and their every
+connexion. These considerations induced me, sir, to give my negative
+also to this clause.
+
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM DEBATES IN THE SEVERAL STATE CONVENTIONS ON THE ADOPTION
+OF THE UNITED STATES' CONSTITUTION.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+MASSACHUSETTS CONVENTION.
+
+The third paragraph of the 2d section being read,
+
+Mr. KING rose to explain it. There has, says he, been much
+misconception of this section. It is a principle of this Constitution,
+that representation and taxation should go hand in hand. This
+paragraph states, that the number of free persons shall be determined,
+by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound
+to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
+three-fifths of all other persons. These persons are the slaves. By
+this rule is representation and taxation to be apportioned. And it was
+adopted, because it was the language of all America.
+
+Mr. WIDGERY asked, if a boy of six years of age was to be considered
+as a free person?
+
+Mr. KING in answer said, all persons born free were to be considered
+as freemen; and to make the idea of _taxation by numbers_ more
+intelligible, said that five negro children of South Carolina, are to
+pay as much tax as the three Governors of New Hampshire,
+Massachusetts, and Connecticut.
+
+Mr. GORHAM thought the proposed section much in favor of
+Massachusetts; and if it operated against any State, it was
+Pennsylvania, because they have more white persons _bound_ than any
+other.
+
+Judge DANA, in reply to the remark of some gentlemen, that the
+southern States were favored in this mode of apportionment, by having
+five of their negroes set against three persons in the eastern, the
+honorable judge observed, that the negroes of the southern States work
+no longer than when the eye of the driver is on them. Can, asked he,
+that land flourish like this, which is cultivated by the hands of
+freemen? Are not _three_ of these independent freemen of more real
+advantage to a State, than _five_ of those poor slaves?
+
+Mr. NASSON remarked on the statement of the honorable Mr. KING, by
+saying that the honorable gentleman should have gone further, and
+shown us the other side of the question. It is a good rule that works
+both ways--and the gentleman should also have told us, that three of
+our infants in the cradle, are to be rated as high as five of the
+working negroes of Virginia. Mr. N. adverted to a statement of Mr.
+KING, who had said, that five negro children of South Carolina were
+equally rateable as three governors of New England, and wished, he
+said, the honorable gentleman had considered this question upon the
+other side--as it would then appear that this State will pay as great
+a tax for three children in the cradle, as any of the southern States
+will for five hearty working negro men. He hoped, he said, while we
+were making a new government, we should make it better than the old
+one: for if we had made a bad bargain before, as had been hinted, it
+was a reason why we should make a better one now.
+
+Mr. DAWES said, he was sorry to hear so many objections raised against
+the paragraph under consideration. He though them wholly unfounded;
+that the black inhabitants of the southern States must be considered
+either as slaves, and as so much property, or in the character of so
+many freemen; if the former, why should they not be wholly
+represented? Our _own_ State laws and Constitution would lead us to
+consider those blacks as _freemen_, and so indeed would our own ideas
+of natural justice: if, then, they are freemen, they might form an
+equal basis for representation as though they were all white
+inhabitants. In either view, therefore, he could not see that the
+northern States would suffer, but directly to the contrary. He
+thought, however, that gentlemen would do well to connect the passage
+in dispute with another article in the Constitution, that permits
+Congress, in the year 1808, wholly to prohibit the importation of
+slaves, and in the mean time to impose a duty of ten dollars a head on
+such blacks as should be imported before that period. Besides, by the
+new Constitution, every particular State is left to its own option
+totally to prohibit the introduction of slaves into its own
+territories. What could the convention do more? The members of the
+southern States, like ourselves, have _their_ prejudices. It would not
+do to abolish slavery, by an act of Congress, in a moment, and so
+destroy what our southern brethren consider as property. But we may
+say, that although slavery is not smitten by an apoplexy, yet it has
+received a mortal wound and will die of a consumption.
+
+Mr. NEAL (from Kittery,) went over the ground of objection to this
+section on the idea that the slave trade was allowed to be continued
+for 20 years. His profession, he said, obliged him to bear witness
+against any thing that should favor the making merchandise of the
+bodies of men, and unless his objection was removed, he could not put
+his hand to the Constitution. Other gentlemen said, in addition to
+this idea, that there was not even a proposition that the negroes ever
+shall be free, and Gen. THOMPSON exclaimed:
+
+Mr. President, shall it be said, that after we have established our
+own independence and freedom, we make slaves of others? Oh!
+Washington, what a name has he had! How he has immortalized himself!
+but he holds those in slavery who have a good right to be free as he
+has--he is still for self; and, in my opinion, his character has sunk
+50 per cent.
+
+On the other side, gentlemen said, that the step taken in this article
+towards the abolition of slavery, was one of the beauties of the
+Constitution. They observed, that in the confederation there was no
+provision whatever for its ever being abolished; but this Constitution
+provides, that Congress may, after 20 years, totally annihilate the
+slave trade; and that, as all the States, except two, have passed laws
+to this effect, it might reasonably be expected, that it would then be
+done. In the interim, all the States were at liberty to prohibit it.
+
+SATURDAY, January 26.--[The debate on the 9th section still continued
+desultory--and consisted of similar objections, and answers thereto,
+as had before been used. Both sides deprecated the slave trade in the
+most pointed terms; on one side it was pathetically lamented, by Mr.
+NASON, Major LUSK, Mr. NEAL, and others, that this Constitution
+provided for the continuation of the slave trade for 20 years. On the
+other, the honorable Judge DANA, Mr. ADAMS and others, rejoiced that a
+door was now to be opened for the annihilation of this odious,
+abhorrent practice, in a certain time.]
+
+Gen. HEATH. Mr. President,--By my indisposition and absence, I have
+lost several important opportunities: I have lost the opportunity
+of expressing my sentiments with a candid freedom, on some of the
+paragraphs of the system, which have lain heavy on my mind. I have
+lost the opportunity of expressing my warm approbation on some of the
+paragraphs. I have lost the opportunity of hearing those judicious,
+enlightening and convincing arguments, which have been advanced during
+the investigation of the system. This is my misfortune, and I must
+bear it. The paragraph respecting the migration or importation of such
+persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit,
+&c., is one of those considered during my absence, and I have heard
+nothing on the subject, save what has been mentioned this morning; but
+I think the gentlemen who have spoken, have carried the matter rather
+too far on both sides. I apprehend that it is not in our power to do
+any thing for or against those who are in slavery in the southern
+States. No gentleman within these walls detests every idea of slavery
+more than I do: it is generally detested by the people of this
+Commonwealth; and I ardently hope that the time will soon come, when
+our brethren in the southern States will view it as we do, and put a
+stop to it; but to this we have no right to compel them. Two questions
+naturally arise: if we ratify the Constitution, shall we do any thing
+by our act to hold the blacks in slavery--or shall we become the
+partakers of other men's sins? I think neither of them. Each State is
+sovereign and independent to a certain degree, and they have a right,
+and will regulate their own internal affairs, as to themselves appears
+proper; and shall we refuse to eat, or to drink, or to be united, with
+those who do not think, or act, just as we do? surely not. We are not
+in this case partakers of other men's sins, for in nothing do we
+voluntarily encourage the slavery of our fellow-men; a restriction is
+laid on the Federal Government, which could not be avoided, and a
+union take place. The Federal Convention went as far as they could;
+the migration or importation, &c., is confined to the States, now
+_existing only_, new States cannot claim it. Congress, by their
+ordinance for erecting new States, some time since, declared that the
+new States shall be republican, and that there shall be no slavery in
+them. But whether those in slavery in the southern States will be
+emancipated after the year 1808, I do not pretend to determine: I
+rather doubt it.
+
+Mr. NEAL rose and said, that as the Constitution at large, was now
+under consideration, he would just remark, that the article which
+respected the Africans, was the one which laid on his mind--and,
+unless his objections to that were removed, it must, how much soever
+he liked the other parts of the Constitution, be a sufficient reason
+for him to give his negative to it.
+
+Major LUSK concurred in the idea already thrown out in the debate,
+that although the insertion of the amendments in the Constitution was
+devoutly wished, yet he did not see any reason to suppose they ever
+would be adopted. Turning from the subject of amendments, the Major
+entered largely into the consideration of the 9th section, and in the
+most pathetic and feeling manner, described the miseries of the poor
+natives of Africa, who are kidnapped and sold for slaves. With the
+brightest colors he painted their happiness and ease on their native
+shores, and contrasted them with their wretched, miserable and unhappy
+condition, in a state of slavery.
+
+Rev. Mr. BACKUS. Much, sir, hath been said about the importation of
+slaves into this country. I believe that, according to my capacity, no
+man abhors that wicked practice more than I do, and would gladly make
+use of all lawful means towards the abolishing of slavery in all parts
+of the land. But let us consider where we are, and what we are doing.
+In the articles of confederation, no provision was made to hinder the
+importation of slaves into any of these States: but a door is now
+opened hereafter to do it; and each State is at liberty now to abolish
+slavery as soon as they please. And let us remember our former
+connexion with Great Britain, from whom many in our land think we
+ought not to have revolted. How did they carry on the slave trade! I
+know that the Bishop of Gloucester, in an annual sermon in London, in
+February, 1766, endeavored to justify their tyrannical claims of power
+over us, by casting the reproach of the slave trade upon the
+Americans. But at the close of the war, the Bishop of Chester, in an
+annual sermon, in February, 1783, ingenuously owned, that their nation
+is the most deeply involved in the guilt of that trade, of any nation
+in the world; and also, that they have treated their slaves in the
+West Indies worse than the French or Spaniards have done theirs. Thus
+slavery grows more and more odious through the world; and, as an
+honorable gentleman said some days ago, "Though we cannot say that
+slavery is struck with an apoplexy, yet we may hope it will die with a
+consumption." And a main source, sir, of that iniquity, hath been an
+abuse of the covenant of circumcision, which gave the seed of Abraham
+to destroy the inhabitants of Canaan, and to take their houses,
+vineyards, and all their estates, as their own; and also to buy and
+hold others as servants. And as Christian privileges are greater than
+those of the Hebrews were, many have imagined that they had a right to
+seize upon the lands of the heathen, and to destroy or enslave them as
+far as they could extend their power. And from thence the mystery of
+iniquity, carried many into the practice of making merchandise of
+slaves and souls of men. But all ought to remember, that when God
+promised the land of Canaan to Abraham and his seed, he let him know
+that they were not to take possession of that land, until the iniquity
+of the Amorites was full; and then they did it under the immediate
+direction of Heaven; and they were as real executors of the judgment
+of God upon those heathens, as any person ever was an executor of a
+criminal justly condemned. And in doing it they were not allowed to
+invade the lands of the Edomites, who sprang from Esau, who was not
+only of the seed of Abraham, but was born at the same birth with
+Israel; and yet they were not of that church. Neither were Israel
+allowed to invade the lands of the Moabites, or of the children of
+Ammon, who were of the seed of Lot. And no officer in Israel had any
+legislative power, but such as were immediately inspired. Even David,
+the man after God's own heart, had no legislative power, but only as
+he was inspired from above: and he is expressly called a _prophet_ in
+the New Testament And we are to remember that Abraham and his seed,
+for four hundred years, had no warrant to admit any strangers into
+that church, but by buying of him as a servant, with money. And it was
+a great privilege to be bought, and adopted into a religious family
+for seven years, and then to have their freedom. And that covenant was
+expressly repealed in various parts of the New Testament; and
+particularly in the first epistle to the Corinthians, wherein it is
+said--Ye are bought with a price; therefore glorify God in your body,
+and in your spirit, which are God's. And again--Circumcision is
+nothing, and uncircumcision is nothing, but keeping of the
+commandments of God. Ye are bought with a price; be not ye the
+servants of men. Thus the gospel sets all men upon a level, very
+contrary to the declaration of an honorable gentleman in this house,
+"that the Bible was contrived for the advantage of a particular order
+of men."
+
+
+NEW YORK CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. M. SMITH. He would now proceed to state his objections to the
+clause just read, (section 2, of article 1, clause 3). His objections
+were comprised under three heads: 1st, the rule of apportionment is
+unjust; 2d, there is no precise number fixed on, below which the house
+shall not be reduced; 3d, it is inadequate. In the first place, the
+rule of apportionment of the representatives is to be according to the
+whole number of the white inhabitants, with three-fifths of all
+others; that is, in plain English, each State is to send
+representatives in proportion to the number of freemen, and
+three-fifths of the slaves it contains. He could not see any rule by
+which slaves were to be included in the ratio of representation;--the
+principle of a representation being that every free agent should be
+concerned in governing himself, it was absurd to give that power to a
+man who could not exercise it--slaves have no will of their own: the
+very operation of it was to give certain privileges to those people
+who were so wicked as to keep slaves. He knew it would be admitted,
+that this rule of apportionment was founded on unjust principles, but
+that it was the result of accommodation; which, he supposed, we should
+be under the necessity of admitting, if we meant to be in union with
+the southern States, though utterly repugnant to his feelings.
+
+Mr. HAMILTON. In order that the committee may understand clearly the
+principles on which the General Convention acted, I think it necessary
+to explain some preliminary circumstances.
+
+Sir, the natural situation of this country seems to divide its
+interests into different classes. There are navigating and
+non-navigating States--the Northern are properly the navigating
+States: the Southern appear to possess neither the means nor the
+spirit of navigation. This difference of situation naturally produces
+a dissimilarity of interest and views respecting foreign commerce. It
+was the interest of the Northern States that there should be no
+restraints on the navigation, and that they should have full power, by
+a majority on Congress, to make commercial regulations. The Southern
+States wished to impose a restraint on the Northern, by requiring that
+two-thirds in Congress should be requisite to pass an act in
+regulation of commerce: they were apprehensive that the restraints of
+a navigation law would discourage foreigners, and by obliging them to
+employ the shipping of the Northern States would probably enhance
+their freight. This being the case, they insisted strenuously on
+having this provision engrafted in the Constitution; and the Northern
+States were as anxious in opposing it. On the other hand, the small
+States seeing themselves embraced by the confederation upon equal
+terms, wished to retain the advantages which they already possessed:
+the large States, on the contrary, thought it improper that Rhode
+Island and Delaware should enjoy an equal suffrage with themselves:
+from these sources a delicate and difficult contest arose. It became
+necessary, therefore, to compromise; or the Convention must have
+dissolved without effecting any thing. Would it have been wise and
+prudent in that body, in this critical situation, to have deserted
+their country? No. Every man who hears me--every wise man in the
+United States, would have condemned them. The Convention were obliged
+to appoint a committee for accommodation. In this committee the
+arrangement was formed as it now stands; and their report was
+accepted. It was a delicate point; and it was necessary that all
+parties should be indulged. Gentlemen will see, that if there had not
+been a unanimity, nothing could have been done: for the Convention had
+no power to establish, but only to recommend a government. Any other
+system would have been impracticable. Let a Convention be called
+to-morrow--let them meet twenty times; nay, twenty thousand times;
+they will have the same difficulties to encounter; the same clashing
+interests to reconcile.
+
+But dismissing these reflections, let us consider how far the
+arrangement is in itself entitled to the approbation of this body. We
+will examine it upon its own merits.
+
+The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men, who have no will of their own.
+Whether this be reasoning or declamation, I will not presume to say.
+It is the unfortunate situation of the southern States, to have a
+great part of their population, as well as property, in blacks. The
+regulations complained of was one result of the spirit of
+accommodation, which governed the Convention; and without this
+indulgence, no union could possibly have been formed. But, sir,
+considering some peculiar advantages which we derived from them, it is
+entirely just that they should be gratified. The southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c., which must be
+capital objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and the
+advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States. But the justice of this plan will
+appear in another view. The best writers on government have held that
+representation should be compounded of persons and property. This rule
+has been adopted, as far as it could be, in the Constitution of New
+York. It will, however, by no means, be admitted, that the slaves are
+considered altogether as property. They are men, though degraded to
+the condition of slavery. They are persons known to the municipal laws
+of the States which they inhabit as well as to the laws of nature. But
+representation and taxation go together--and one uniform rule ought to
+apply to both. Would it be just to compute these slaves in the
+assessment of taxes, and discard them from the estimate in the
+apportionment of representatives? Would it be just to impose a
+singular burthen, without conferring some adequate advantage?
+
+Another circumstance ought to be considered. The rule we have been
+speaking of is a general rule, and applies to all the States. Now, you
+have a great number of people in your State, which are not represented
+at all; and have no voice in your government: these will be included
+in the enumeration--not two-fifths--nor three-fifths, but the whole.
+This proves that the advantages of the plan are not confined to the
+southern States, but extend to other parts of the Union.
+
+Mr. M. SMITH. I shall make no reply to the arguments offered by the
+honorable gentleman to justify the rule of apportionment fixed by this
+clause: for though I am confident they might be easily refuted, yet I
+am persuaded we must yield this point, in accommodation to the
+southern States. The amendment therefore proposes no alteration to the
+clause in this respect.
+
+Mr. HARRISON. Among the objections, that, which has been made to the
+mode of apportionment of representatives, has been relinquished. I
+think this concession does honor to the gentleman who had stated the
+objection. He has candidly acknowledged, that this apportionment was
+the result of accommodation; without which no union could have been
+formed.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+PENNSYLVANIA CONVENTION.
+
+Mr. WILSON. Much fault has been found with the mode of expression,
+used in the first clause of the ninth section of the first article. I
+believe I can assign a reason, why that mode of expression was used,
+and why the term slave was not admitted in this Constitution--and as
+to the manner of laying taxes, this is not the first time that the
+subject has come into the view of the United States, and of the
+Legislatures of the several States. The gentleman, (Mr. FINDLEY) will
+recollect, that in the present Congress, the quota of the federal
+debt, and general expenses, was to be in proportion to the value of
+land, and other enumerated property, within the States. After trying
+this for a number of years, it was found on all hands, to be a mode
+that could not be carried into execution. Congress were satisfied of
+this, and in the year 1783 recommended, in conformity with the powers
+they possessed under the articles of confederation, that the quota
+should be according to the number of free people, including those
+bound to servitude, and excluding Indians not taxed. These were the
+expressions used in 1783, and the fate of this recommendation was
+similar to all their other resolutions. It was not carried into
+effect, but it was adopted by no fewer than eleven, out of thirteen
+States; and it cannot but be matter of surprise, to hear gentlemen,
+who agreed to this very mode of expression at that time, come forward
+and state it as an objection on the present occasion. It was natural,
+sir, for the late convention, to adopt the mode after it had been
+agreed to by eleven States, and to use the expression, which they
+found had been received as unexceptionable before. With respect to the
+clause, restricting Congress from prohibiting the migration or
+importation of such persons, as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, prior to the year 1808. The honorable gentleman
+says, that this clause is not only dark, but intended to grant to
+Congress, for that time, the power to admit the importation of slaves.
+No such thing was intended; but I will tell you what was done, and it
+gives me high pleasure, that so much was done. Under the present
+Confederation, the States may admit the importation of slaves as long
+as they please; but by this article, after the year 1808 the Congress
+will have power to prohibit such importation, notwithstanding the
+disposition of any State to the contrary. I consider this as laying
+the foundation for banishing slavery out of this country; and though
+the period is more distant than I could wish, yet it will produce the
+same kind, gradual change, which was pursued in Pennsylvania. It is
+with much satisfaction I view this power in the general government,
+whereby they may lay an interdiction on this reproachful trade; but an
+immediate advantage is also obtained, for a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person; and
+this, sir, operates as a partial prohibition; it was all that could be
+obtained, I am sorry it was no more; but from this I think there is
+reason to hope, that yet a few years, and it will be prohibited
+altogether; and in the mean time, the new States which are to be
+formed, will be under the control of Congress in this particular; and
+slaves will never be introduced amongst them. The gentleman says, that
+it is unfortunate in another point of view; it means to prohibit the
+introduction of white people from Europe, as this tax may deter them
+from coming amongst us; a little impartiality and attention will
+discover the care that the Convention took in selecting their
+language. The words are the _migration_ or IMPORTATION of such
+persons, &c., shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year
+1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation; it is
+observable here, that the term migration is dropped, when a tax or
+duty is mentioned, so that Congress have power to impose the tax only
+on those imported.
+
+I recollect, on a former day, the honorable gentlemen from
+Westmoreland (Mr. FINDLEY,) and the honorable gentleman from
+Cumberland (Mr. WHITEHILL,) took exception against the first clause of
+the 9th section, art. 1, arguing very unfairly, that because Congress
+might impose a tax or duty of ten dollars on the importation of
+slaves, within any of the United States, Congress might therefore
+permit slaves to be imported within this State, contrary to its laws.
+I confess I little thought that this part of the system would be
+excepted to.
+
+I am sorry that it could be extended no further; but so far as it
+operates, it presents us with the pleasing prospect, that the rights
+of mankind will be acknowledged and established throughout the union.
+
+If there was no other lovely feature in the Constitution but this one,
+it would diffuse a beauty over its whole countenance. Yet the lapse of
+a few years! and Congress will have power to exterminate slavery from
+within our borders.
+
+How would such a delightful prospect expand the breast of a benevolent
+and philanthropic European? Would he cavil at an expression? catch at
+a phrase? No, sir, that is only reserved for the gentleman on the
+other side of your chair to do.
+
+Mr. McKEAN. The arguments against the Constitution are, I think,
+chiefly these:....
+
+That migration or importation of such persons, as any of the States
+shall admit, shall not be prohibited prior to 1808, nor a tax or duty
+imposed on such importation exceeding ten dollars for each person.
+
+Provision is made that Congress shall have power to prohibit the
+importation of slaves after the year 1808, but the gentlemen in
+opposition, accuse this system of a crime, because it has not
+prohibited them at once. I suspect those gentlemen are not well
+acquainted with the business of the diplomatic body, or they would
+know that an agreement might be made, that did not perfectly accord
+with the will and pleasure of any one person. Instead of finding fault
+with what has been gained, I am happy to see a disposition in the
+United States to do so much.
+
+VIRGINIA CONVENTION.
+
+GOV. RANDOLPH. This is one point of weakness I wish for the honor of
+my countrymen that it was the only one. There is another circumstance
+which renders us more vulnerable. Are we not weakened by the
+population of those whom we hold in slavery?  The day may come when
+they may make impression upon us. Gentlemen who have been long
+accustomed to the contemplation of the subject, think there is a cause
+of alarm in this case: the number of those people, compared to that of
+the whites, is in an immense proportion: their number amounts to
+236,000--that of the whites, only to 352,000. * * * * I beseech them
+to consider, whether Virginia and North Carolina, both oppressed with
+debts and slaves, can defend themselves externally, or make their
+people happy internally.
+
+GEORGE MASON. We are told in strong language, of dangers to which we
+will be exposed unless we adopt this Constitution. Among the rest,
+domestic safety is said to be in danger. This government does not
+attend to our domestic safety. It authorizes the importation of slaves
+for twenty-odd years, and thus continues upon us that nefarious trade.
+Instead of securing and protecting us, the continuation of this
+detestable trade adds daily to our weakness. Though this evil is
+increasing, there is no clause in the Constitution that will prevent
+the Northern and Eastern States from meddling with our whole property
+of that kind. There is a clause to prohibit the importation of slaves
+after twenty years, but there is no provision made for securing to the
+Southern States those they now possess. It is far from being a
+desirable property. But it will involve us in great difficulties and
+infelicity to be now deprived of them. There ought to be a clause in
+the Constitution to secure us that property, which we have acquired
+under our former laws, and the loss of which would bring ruin on a
+great many people.
+
+MR. LEE. The honorable gentleman abominates it, because it does not
+prohibit the importation of slaves, and because it does not secure the
+continuance of the existing slavery! Is it not obviously inconsistent
+to criminate it for two contradictory reasons? I submit it to the
+consideration of the gentleman, whether, if it be reprehensible in the
+one case, it can be censurable in the other? MR. LEE then concluded by
+earnestly recommending to the committee to proceed regularly.
+
+MR. HENRY. It says that "no state shall engage in war, unless actually
+invaded." If you give this clause a fair construction, what is the
+true meaning of it? What does this relate to? Not domestic
+insurrections, but war. If the country be invaded, a State may go to
+war; but cannot suppress insurrections. If there should happen an
+insurrection of slaves, the country cannot be said to be
+invaded.--They cannot therefore suppress it, without the interposition
+of Congress.
+
+MR. GEORGE NICHOLAS. Another worthy member says, there is no power in
+the States to quell an insurrection of slaves. Have they it now? If
+they have, does the Constitution take it away? If it does, it must be
+in one of the three clauses which have been mentioned by the worthy
+member. The first clause gives the general government power to call
+them out when necessary. Does this take it away from the States? No.
+But it gives an additional security: for, besides the power in the
+State governments to use their own militia, it will be the duty of the
+general government to aid them with the strength of the Union when
+called for. No part of this Constitution can show that this power is
+taken away.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, this is a fatal section, which has
+created more dangers than any other. The first clause allows the
+importation of slaves for twenty years. Under the royal government,
+this evil was looked upon as a great oppression, and many attempts
+were made to prevent it; but the interest of the African merchants
+prevented its prohibition. No sooner did the revolution take place,
+than it was thought of. It was one of the great causes of our
+separation from Great Britain. Its exclusion has been a principal
+object of this State, and most of the States in the Union. The
+augmentation of slaves weakens the States; and such a trade is
+diabolical in itself, and disgraceful to mankind. Yet, by this
+Constitution, it is continued for twenty years. As much as I value an
+union of all the States, I would not admit the Southern States into
+the Union, unless they agreed to the discontinuance of this
+disgraceful trade, because it would bring weakness and not strength to
+the Union. And though this infamous traffic be continued, we have no
+security for the property of that kind which we have already. There is
+no clause in this Constitution to secure it; for they may lay such tax
+as will amount to manumission. And should the government be amended,
+still this detestable kind of commerce cannot be discontinued till
+after the expiration of twenty years. For the fifth article, which
+provides for amendments, expressly excepts this clause. I have ever
+looked upon this as a most disgraceful thing to America. I cannot
+express my detestation of it. Yet they have not secured us the
+property of the slaves we have already. So that, "they have done what
+they ought not to have done, and have left undone what they ought to
+have done"
+
+Mr. MADISON. Mr. Chairman, I should conceive this clause to be
+impolitic, if it were one of those things which could be excluded
+without encountering greater evils. The Southern States would not have
+entered into the union of America, without the temporary permission of
+that trade. And if they were excluded from the union, the consequences
+might be dreadful to them and to us. We are not in a worse situation
+than before. That traffic is prohibited by our laws, and we may
+continue the prohibition. The union in general is not in a worse
+situation. Under the articles of confederation, it might be continued
+forever: but by this clause an end may be put to it after twenty
+years. There is, therefore, an amelioration of our circumstances. A
+tax may be laid in the mean time; but it is limited, otherwise
+Congress might lay such a tax as would amount to a prohibition. From
+the mode of representation and taxation, Congress cannot lay such a
+tax on slaves as will amount to manumission. Another clause secures us
+that property which we now possess. At present, if any slave elopes to
+any of those States where slaves are free, he becomes emancipated by
+their laws. For the laws of the States are uncharitable to one another
+in this respect. But in this Constitution, "no person held to service,
+or labor, in one State, under the laws thereof, escaping into another,
+shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged
+from such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the
+party to whom such service or labor may be due." This clause was
+expressly inserted to enable owners of slaves to reclaim them. This is
+a better security than any that now exist. No power is given to the
+general government to interpose with respect to the property in slaves
+now held by the States. The taxation of this State being equal only to
+its representation, such a tax cannot be laid as he supposes. They
+cannot prevent the importation of slaves for twenty years: but after
+that period, they can. The gentlemen from South Carolina and Georgia
+argued in this manner: "We have now liberty to import this species of
+property, and much of the property now possessed, has been purchased,
+or otherwise acquired, in contemplation of improving it by the
+assistance of imported slaves. What would be the consequence of
+hindering us from it? The slaves of Virginia would rise in value, and
+we would be obliged to go to your markets." I need not expatiate on
+this subject. Great as the evil is, a dismemberment of the union would
+be worse. If those States should disunite from the other States, for
+not including them in the temporary continuance of this traffic, they
+might solicit and obtain aid from foreign powers.
+
+Mr. TYLER warmly enlarged on the impolicy, iniquity, and
+disgracefulness of this wicked traffic. He thought the reasons urged
+by gentlemen in defence of it were inconclusive, and ill founded. It
+was one cause of the complaints against British tyranny, that this
+trade was permitted. The Revolution had put a period to it; but now it
+was to be revived. He thought nothing could justify it. This temporary
+restriction on Congress militated, in his opinion, against the
+arguments of gentlemen on the other side, that what was not given up,
+was retained by the States; for that if this restriction had not been
+inserted, Congress could have prohibited the African trade. The power
+of prohibiting it was not expressly delegated to them; yet they would
+have had it by implication, if this restraint had not been provided.
+This seemed to him to demonstrate most clearly the necessity of
+restraining them by a bill of rights, from infringing our unalienable
+rights. It was immaterial whether the bill of rights was by itself, or
+included in the Constitution. But he contended for it one way or the
+other. It would be justified by our own example, and that of England.
+His earnest desire was, that it should be handed down to posterity,
+that he had opposed this wicked clause.
+
+Mr. MADISON. As to the restriction in the clause under consideration,
+it was a restraint on the exercise of a power expressly delegated to
+Congress, namely, that of regulating commerce with foreign nations.
+
+Mr. HENRY insisted, that the insertion of these restrictions on
+Congress, was a plain demonstration that Congress could exercise
+powers by implication. The gentleman had admitted that Congress could
+have interdicted the African trade, were it not for this restriction.
+If so, the power not having been expressly delegated, must be obtained
+by implication. He demanded where, then, was their doctrine of
+reserved rights? He wished for negative clauses to prevent them from
+assuming any powers but those expressly given. He asked why it was
+moited to secure us that property in slaves, which we held now? He
+feared its omission was done with design. They might lay such heavy
+taxes on slaves, as would amount to emancipation; and then the
+Southern States would be the only sufferers. His opinion was confirmed
+by the mode of levying money. Congress, he observed, had power to lay
+and collect taxes, imposts, and excises. Imposts (or duties) and
+excises, were to be uniform. But this uniformity did not extend to
+taxes. This might compel the Southern States to liberate their
+negroes. He wished this property therefore to be guarded. He
+considered the clause which had been adduced by the gentleman as a
+security for this property, as no security at all. It was no more than
+this--that a runaway negro could be taken up in Maryland or New York.
+This could not prevent Congress from interfering with that property by
+laying a grievous and enormous tax on it, so as to compel owners to
+emancipate their slaves rather than pay the tax. He apprehended it
+would be productive of much stockjobbing, and that they would play
+into one another's hands in such a manner as that this property would
+be lost to the country.
+
+Mr. GEORGE NICHOLAS wondered that gentlemen who were against slavery
+would be opposed to this clause; as after that period the slave trade
+would be done away. He asked if gentlemen did not see the
+inconsistency of their arguments? They object, says he, to the
+Constitution, because the slave trade is laid open for twenty-odd
+years; and yet tell you, that by some latent operation of it, the
+slaves who are now, will be manumitted. At that same moment, it is
+opposed for being promotive and destructive of slavery. He contended
+that it was advantageous to Virginia, that it should be in the power
+of Congress to prevent the importation of slaves after twenty years,
+as it would then put a period to the evil complained of.
+
+As the Southern States would not confederate without this clause, he
+asked, if gentlemen would rather dissolve the confederacy than to
+suffer this temporary inconvenience, admitting to it to be such?
+Virginia might continue the prohibition of such importation during the
+intermediate period, and would be benefitted by it, as a tax of ten
+dollars on each slave might be laid, of which she would receive a
+share. He endeavored to obviate the objection of gentlemen, that the
+restriction on Congress was a proof that they would have power not
+given them, by remarking, that they would only have had a general
+superintendency of trade, if the restriction had not been inserted.
+But the Southern States insisted on this exception to that general
+superintendency for twenty years. It could not therefore have been a
+power by implication, as the restriction was an exception from a
+delegated power. The taxes could not, as had been suggested, be laid
+so high on negroes as to amount to emancipation; because taxation and
+representation were fixed according to the census established in the
+Constitution. The exception of taxes, from the uniformity annexed to
+duties and excises, could not have the operation contended for by the
+gentleman; because other clauses had clearly and positively fixed the
+census. Had taxes been uniform, it would have been universally
+objected to, for no one object could be selected without involving
+great inconveniences and oppressions. But, says Mr. Nicholas, is it
+from the general government we are to fear emancipation? Gentlemen
+will recollect what I said in another house, and what other gentlemen
+have said that advocated emancipation. Give me leave to say, that that
+clause is a great security for our slave tax. I can tell the
+committee, that the people of our country are reduced to beggary by
+the taxes on negroes. Had this Constitution been adopted, it would not
+have been the case. The taxes were laid on all our negroes. By this
+system two-fifths are exempted. He then added, that he had imagined
+gentlemen would not support here what they had opposed in another
+place.
+
+Mr. HENRY replied, that though the proportion of each was to be fixed
+by the census, and three-fifths of the slaves only were included in
+the enumeration, yet the proportion of Virginia being once fixed,
+might be laid on blacks and blacks only. For the mode of raising the
+proportion of each State being to be directed by Congress, they might
+make slaves the sole object to raise it. Personalities he wished to
+take leave of; they had nothing to do with the question, which was
+solely whether that paper was wrong or not.
+
+Mr. NICHOLAS replied, that negroes must be considered as persons, or
+property. If as property, the proportion of taxes to be laid on them
+was fixed in the Constitution. If he apprehended a poll tax on
+negroes, the Constitution had prevented it. For, by the census, where
+a white man paid ten shillings, a negro paid but six shillings. For
+the exemption of two-fifths of them reduced it to that proportion.
+
+The second, third, and fourth clauses, were then read as follows:
+
+
+The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended,
+unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may
+require it.
+
+No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.
+
+No capitation or other direct tax shall be paid, unless in proportion
+to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
+
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON said, that gentlemen might think themselves secured
+by the restriction in the fourth clause, that no capitation or other
+direct tax should be laid but in proportion to the census before
+directed to be taken. But that when maturely considered it would be
+found to be no security whatsoever. It was nothing but a direct
+assertion, or mere confirmation of the clause which fixed the ratio of
+taxes and representation. It only meant that the quantum to be raised
+of each State should be in proportion to their numbers in the manner
+therein directed. But the general government was not precluded from
+laying the proportion of any particular State on any one species of
+property they might think proper. For instance, if five hundred
+thousand dollars were to be raised, they might lay the whole of the
+proportion of the Southern States on the blacks, or any one species of
+property: so that by laying taxes too heavily on slaves, they might
+totally annihilate that kind of property. No real security could arise
+from the clause which provides, that persons held to labor in one
+State, escaping into another, shall be delivered up. This only meant,
+that runaway slaves should not be protected in other States. As to the
+exclusion of _ex post facto_ laws, it could not be said to create any
+security in this case. For laying a tax on slaves would not be _ex
+post facto_.
+
+Mr. MADISON replied, that even the Southern States, who were most
+affected, were perfectly satisfied with this provision, and dreaded no
+danger to the property they now hold. It appeared to him, that the
+general government would not intermeddle with that property for twenty
+years, but to lay a tax on every slave imported, not exceeding ten
+dollars; and that after the expiration of that period they might
+prohibit the traffic altogether. The census in the Constitution was
+intended to introduce equality in the burdens to be laid on the
+community. No gentleman objected to laying duties, imposts, and
+excises, uniformly. But uniformity of taxes would be subversive to the
+principles of equality: for that it was not possible to select any
+article which would be easy for one State, but what would be heavy for
+another. That the proportion of each State being ascertained, it would
+be raised by the general government in the most convenient manner for
+the people, and not by the selection of any one particular object.
+That there must be some degree of confidence put in agents, or else we
+must reject a state of civil society altogether. Another great
+security to this property, which he mentioned, was, that five States
+were greatly interested in that species of property, and there were
+other States which had some slaves, and had made no attempt, or taken
+any step to take them from the people. There were a few slaves in New
+York, New Jersey and Connecticut: these States would, probably, oppose
+any attempts to annihilate this species of property. He concluded, by
+observing, that he would be glad to leave the decision of this to the
+committee.
+
+The second section was then read as follows:     *     *     *
+
+No person held to service or labor in one State, under the laws
+thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or
+regulation therein be discharged from such service.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON.--Mr. Chairman, on some former part of the
+investigation of this subject, gentlemen were pleased to make some
+observations on the security of property coming within this section.
+It was then said, and I now say, that there is no security, nor have
+gentlemen convinced me of this.
+
+Mr. HENRY. Among ten thousand implied powers which they may assume,
+they may, if we be engaged in war, liberate every one of your slaves
+if they please. And this must and will be done by men, a majority of
+whom have not a common interest with you. They will, therefore, have
+no feeling for your interests. It has been repeatedly said here, that
+the great object of a national government, was national defence. That
+power which is said to be intended for security and safety, may be
+rendered detestable and oppressive. If you give power to the general
+government to provide for the general defence, the means must be
+commensurate to the end. All the means in the possession of the people
+must be given to the government which is entrusted with the public
+defence. In this State there are 236,000 blacks, and there are many in
+several other States. But there are few or none in the Northern
+States, and yet if the Northern States shall be of opinion, that our
+numbers are numberless, they may call forth every national resource.
+May Congress not say, that every black man must fight? Did we not see
+a little of this last war? We were not so hard pushed, as to make
+emancipation general. But acts of assembly passed, that every slave
+who would go to the army should be free. Another thing will contribute
+to bring this event about--slavery is detested--we feel its fatal
+effects--we deplore it with all the pity of humanity. Let all these
+considerations, at some future period, press with full force on the
+minds of Congress. Let that urbanity, which I trust will distinguish
+America, and the necessity of national defence, let all these things
+operate on their minds, they will search that paper, and see if they
+have power of manumission. And have they not, sir? Have they not power
+to provide for the general defence and welfare? May they not think
+that these call for the abolition of slavery? May not they pronounce
+all slaves free, and will they not be warranted by that power? There
+is no ambiguous implication or logical deduction. The paper speaks to
+the point. They have the power in clear, unequivocal terms; and will
+clearly and certainly exercise it. As much as I deplore slavery, I see
+that prudence forbids its abolition. I deny that the general
+government ought to set them free, because a decided majority of the
+States have not the ties of sympathy and fellow-feeling for those
+whose interest would be affected by their emancipation. The majority
+of Congress is to the North, and the slaves are to the South. In this
+situation, I see a great deal of the property of the people of
+Virginia in jeopardy, and their peace and tranquillity gone away. I
+repeat it again, that it would rejoice my very soul, that every one of
+my fellow-beings was emancipated. As we ought with gratitude to admire
+to admire that decree of Heaven, which has numbered us among the free,
+we ought to lament and deplore the necessity of holding our fellow-men
+in bondage. But is it practicable by any human means, to liberate
+them, without producing the most dreadful and ruinous consequences? We
+ought to possess them in the manner we have inherited them from our
+ancestors, as their manumission is incompatible with the felicity of
+the country. But we ought to soften, as much as possible, the rigor of
+their unhappy fate. I know that in a variety of particular instances,
+the legislature, listening to complaints, have admitted their
+emancipation. Let me not dwell on this subject. I will only add, that
+this, as well as every other property of the people of Virginia, is in
+jeopardy, and put in the hands of those who have no similarity of
+situation with us. This is a local matter, and I can see no propriety
+in subjecting it to Congress.
+
+Have we not a right to say, _hear our propositions_? Why, sir, your
+slaves have a right to make their humble requests.--Those who are in
+the meanest occupations of human life, have a right to complain.
+
+Gov. RANDOLPH. That honorable gentleman, and some others, have
+insisted that the abolition of slavery will result from it, and at the
+same time have complained, that it encourages its continuation. The
+inconsistency proves in some degree, the futility of their arguments.
+But if it be not conclusive, to satisfy the committee that there is no
+danger of enfranchisement taking place, I beg leave to refer them to
+the paper itself. I hope that there is none here, who, considering the
+subject in the calm light of philosophy, will advance an objection
+dishonorable to Virginia; that at the moment they are securing the
+rights of their citizens, an objection is started that there is a
+spark of hope, that those unfortunate men now held in bondage, may, by
+the operation of the general government be made _free_. But if any
+gentleman be terrified by this apprehension, let him read the system.
+I ask, and I will ask again and again, till I be answered (not by
+declamation) where is the part that has a tendency to the abolition of
+slavery? Is it the clause which says, that "the migration or
+importation of such persons as any of the States now existing, shall
+think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to
+the year 1808?" This is an exception from the power of regulating
+commerce, and the restriction is only to continue till 1808. Then
+Congress can, by the exercise of that power, prevent future
+importations; but does it affect the existing state of slavery? Were
+it right here to mention what passed in Convention on the occasion, I
+might tell you that the Southern States, even South Carolina herself;
+conceived this property to be secure by these words. I believe,
+whatever we may think here, that there was not a member of the
+Virginia delegation who had the smallest suspicion of the abolition of
+slavery. Go to their meaning. Point out the clause where this
+formidable power of emancipation is inserted. But another clause of
+the Constitution proves the absurdity of the supposition. The words of
+the clause are, "No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due." Every one knows that slaves are held to
+service and labor. And when authority is given to owners of slaves to
+vindicate their property, can it be supposed they can be deprived of
+it? If a citizen of this State, in consequence of this clause, can
+take his runaway slave in Maryland, can it be seriously thought, that
+after taking him and bringing him home, he could be made free?
+
+I observed that the honorable gentleman's proposition comes in a truly
+questionable shape, and is still more extraordinary and unaccountable
+for another consideration; that although we went article by article
+through the Constitution, and although we did not expect a general
+review of the subject, (as a most comprehensive view had been taken of
+it before it was regularly debated,) yet we are carried back to the
+clause giving that dreadful power, for the general welfare. Pardon me
+if I remind you of the true state of that business. I appeal to the
+candor of the honorable gentleman, and if he thinks it an improper
+appeal, I ask the gentlemen here, whether there be a general
+indefinite power of providing for the general welfare? The power is,
+"to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, to pay the
+debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare." So that
+they can only raise money by these means, in order to provide for the
+general welfare. No man who reads it can say it is general as the
+honorable gentleman represents it. You must violate every rule of
+construction and common sense, if you sever it from the power of
+raising money and annex it to any thing else, in order to make it that
+formidable power which it is represented to be.
+
+Mr. GEORGE MASON. Mr. Chairman, with respect to commerce and
+navigation, he has given it as his opinion, that their regulation, as
+it now stands, was a _sine qua non_ of the Union, and that without it,
+the States in Convention would never concur. I differ from him. It
+never was, nor in my opinion ever will be, a _sine qua non_ of the
+Union. I will give you, to the best of my recollection, the history of
+that affair. This business was discussed at Philadelphia for four
+months, during which time the subject of commerce and navigation was
+often under consideration; and I assert, that eight States out of
+twelve, for more than three months, voted for requiring two-thirds of
+the members present in each house to pass commercial and navigation
+laws. True it is, that afterwards it was carried by a majority, as it
+stands. If I am right, there was a great majority for requiring
+two-thirds of the States in this business, till a compromise took
+place between the Northern and Southern States; the Northern States
+agreeing to the temporary importation of slaves, and the Southern
+States conceding, in return, that navigation and commercial laws
+should be on the footing on which they now stand. If I am mistaken,
+let me be put right. These are my reasons for saying that this was not
+a _sine qua non_ of their concurrence. The Newfoundland fisheries will
+require that kind of security which we are now in want of. The Eastern
+States therefore agreed at length, that treaties should require the
+consent of two-thirds of the members present in the senate.
+
+Mr. Madison. I was struck with surprise when I heard him express
+himself alarmed with respect to the emancipation of slaves. Let me
+ask, if they should even attempt it, if it will not be an usurpation
+of power? There is no power to warrant it, in that paper. If there be,
+I know it not. But why should it be done? Says the honorable
+gentleman, for the general welfare--it will infuse strength into our
+system. Can any member of this committee suppose, that it will
+increase our strength? Can any one believe, that the American councils
+will come into a measure which will strip them of their property,
+discourage and alienate the affections of five-thirteenths of the
+Union? Why was nothing of this sort aimed at before? I believe such an
+idea never entered into an American breast, nor do I believe it ever
+will, unless it will enter into the heads of those gentlemen who
+substitute unsupported suspicions for reasons.
+
+Mr. Henry. He asked me where was the power of emancipating slaves? I
+say it will be implied, unless implication be prohibited. He admits
+that the power of granting passports will be in the new Congress
+without the insertion of this restriction--yet he can shew me nothing
+like such a power granted in that Constitution. Notwithstanding he
+admits their right to this power by implication, he says that I am
+unfair and uncandid in my deduction, that they can emancipate our
+slaves, though the word emancipation be not mentioned in it. They can
+exercise power by implication in one instance, as well as in another.
+Thus, by the gentleman's own argument, they can exercise the power
+though it be not delegated.
+
+Mr. Z. Johnson. They tell us that they see a progressive danger of
+bringing about emancipation. The principle has begun since the
+revolution. Let us do what we will, it will come round. Slavery has
+been the foundation of that impiety and dissipation, which have been
+so much disseminated among our countrymen. If it were totally
+abolished, it would do much good.
+
+
+
+NORTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+The first three clauses of the second section read.
+
+Mr. GOUDY. Mr. Chairman, this clause of taxation will give an
+advantage to some States, over the others. It will be oppressive to
+the Southern States. Taxes are equal to our representation. To augment
+our taxes and increase our burthens, our negroes are to be
+represented. If a State has fifty thousand negroes, she is to send one
+representative for them. I wish not to be represented with negroes,
+especially if it increases my burthens.
+
+Mr. Davie. Mr. Chairman, I will endeavor to obviate what the gentleman
+last up has said. I wonder to see gentlemen so precipitate and hasty
+on a subject of such awful importance. It ought to be considered, that
+_some_ of _us_ are slow of apprehension, not having those quick
+conceptions, and luminous understandings, of which other gentlemen may
+be possessed. The gentleman "does not wish to be represented with
+negroes." This, sir, is an unhappy species of population, but cannot
+at present alter their situation. The Eastern States had great
+jealousies on this subject. They insisted that their cows and horses
+were equally entitled to representation; that the one was property as
+well as the other. It became our duty on the other hand, to acquire as
+much weight as possible in the legislation of the Union; and as the
+Northern States were more populous in whites, this only could be done
+by insisting that a certain proportion of our slaves should make a
+part of the computed population. It was attempted to form a rule of
+representation from a compound ratio of wealth and population; but, on
+consideration, it was found impracticable to determine the comparative
+value of lands, and other property, in so extensive a territory, with
+any degree of accuracy; and population alone was adopted as the only
+practicable rule or criterion of representation. It was urged by the
+deputies of the Eastern States, that a representation of two-fifths
+would of little utility, and that their entire representation would be
+unequal and burthensome. That in a time of war, slaves rendered a
+country more vulnerable, while its defence devolved upon its _free_
+inhabitants. On the other hand, we insisted, that in time of peace
+they contributed by their labor to the general wealth as well as other
+members of the community. That as rational beings they had a right of
+representation, and in some instances might be highly useful in war.
+On these principles, the Eastern States gave the matter up, and
+consented to the regulation as it has been read. I hope these reasons
+will appear satisfactory. It is the same rule or principle which was
+proposed some years ago by Congress, and assented to by twelve of the
+States. It may wound the delicacy of the gentleman from Guilford, (Mr.
+GOUDY,) but I hope he will endeavor to accommodate his feelings to the
+interests and circumstances of his country.
+
+Mr. JAMES GALLOWAY said, that he did not object to the representation
+of negroes, so much as he did to the fewness of the number of
+representatives. He was surprised how we came to have but five,
+including those intended to represent negroes. That in his humble
+opinion North Carolina was entitled to that number independent of the
+negroes.
+
+First clause of the 9th section read.
+
+Mr. J. M'DOWALL wished to hear the reasons of this restriction.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT answered that there was a contest between the Northern and
+Southern States--that the Southern States, whose principal support
+depended on the labor of slaves, would not consent to the desire of
+the Northern States to exclude the importation of slaves absolutely.
+That South Carolina and Georgia insisted on this clause, as they were
+now in want of hands to cultivate their lands: That in the course of
+twenty years they would be fully supplied: That the trade would be
+abolished then, and that in the mean time some tax or duty might be
+laid on.
+
+Mr. M'DOWALL replied, that the explanation was just such as he
+expected, and by no means satisfactory to him, and that he looked upon
+it as a very objectionable part of the system.
+
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, I rise to express sentiments similar to
+those of the gentleman from Craven. For my part, were it practicable
+to put an end to the importation of slaves immediately, it would give
+me the greatest pleasure, for it certainly is a trade utterly
+inconsistent with the rights of humanity, and under which great
+cruelties have been exercised. When the entire abolition of slavery
+takes place, it will be an event which must be pleasing to every
+generous mind, and every friend of human nature; but we often wish for
+things which are not attainable. It was the wish of a great majority
+of the Convention to put an end to the trade immediately, but the
+States of South Carolina and Georgia would not agree to it. Consider
+then what would be the difference between our present situation in
+this respect, if we do not agree to the Constitution, and what it will
+be if we do agree to it. If we do not agree to it, do we remedy the
+evil? No, sir, we do not; for if the Constitution be not adopted, it
+will be in the power of every State to continue it forever. They may
+or may not abolish it at their discretion. But if we adopt the
+Constitution, the trade must cease after twenty years, if Congress
+declare so, whether particular States please so or not: surely, then,
+we gain by it. This was the utmost that could be obtained. I heartily
+wish more could have been done. But as it is, this government is nobly
+distinguished above others by that very provision. Where is there
+another country in which such a restriction prevails? We, therefore,
+sir, set an example of humanity by providing for the abolition of this
+inhuman traffic, though at a distant period. I hope, therefore, that
+this part of the Constitution will not be condemned, because it has
+not stipulated for what it was impracticable to obtain.
+
+Mr. SPAIGHT further explained the clause. That the limitation of this
+trade to the term of twenty years, was a compromise between the
+Eastern States and the Southern States. South Carolina and Georgia
+wished to extend the term. The Eastern States insisted on the entire
+abolition of the trade. That the State of North Carolina had not
+thought proper to pass any law prohibiting the importation of slaves,
+and therefore its delegation in the convention did not think
+themselves authorized to contend for an immediate prohibition of it.
+
+Mr. IREDELL added to what he had said before, that the States of
+Georgia and South Carolina had lost a great many slaves during the
+war, and that they wished to supply the loss.
+
+Mr. GALLOWAY. Mr. Chairman, the explanation given to this clause does
+not satisfy my mind. I wish to see this abominable trade put an end
+to. But in case it be thought proper to continue this abominable
+traffic for twenty years, yet I do not wish to see the tax on the
+importation extended to all persons whatsoever. Our situation is
+different from the people to the North. We want citizens; they do not.
+Instead of laying a tax, we ought to a give a bounty, to encourage
+foreigners to come among us. With respect to the abolition of slavery,
+it requires the utmost consideration. The property of the Southern
+States consists principally of slaves. If they mean to do away slavery
+altogether, this property will be destroyed. I apprehend it means to
+bring forward manumission. If we must manumit our slaves, what country
+shall we send them to? It is impossible for us to be happy if, after
+manumission, they are to stay among us.
+
+Mr. IREDELL. Mr. Chairman, the worthy gentleman, I believe, has
+misunderstood this clause, which runs in the following words: "The
+migration or importation of such persons as any of the States now
+existing, shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
+Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on
+_such importation_, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+Now, sir, observe that the Eastern States, who long ago have abolished
+slavery, did not approve of the expression _slaves_; they therefore
+used another that answered the same purpose. The committee will
+observe the distinction between the two words migration and
+importation. The first part of the clause will extend to persons who
+come into the country as free people, or are brought as slaves, but
+the last part extends to slaves only. The word _migration_ refers to
+free persons; but the word _importation_ refers to slaves, because
+free people cannot be said to be imported. The tax, therefore, is only
+to be laid on slaves who are imported, and not on free persons who
+migrate. I further beg leave to say, that the gentleman is mistaken in
+another thing. He seems to say that this extends to the abolition of
+slavery. Is there anything in this constitution which says that
+Congress shall have it in their power to abolish the slavery of those
+slaves who are now in the country? Is it not the plain meaning of it,
+that after twenty years they may prevent the future importation of
+slaves? It does not extend to those now in the country. There is
+another circumstance to be observed. There is no authority vested in
+congress to restrain the States in the interval of twenty years, from
+doing what they please. If they wish to inhibit such importation, they
+may do so. Our next assembly may put an entire end to the importation
+of slaves.
+
+Article fourth. The first section and two first clauses of the second
+section read without observation.
+
+The last clause read--
+
+Mr. IREDELL begged leave to explain the reason of this clause. In some
+of the Northern States, they have emancipated all their slaves. If any
+of our slaves, said he, go there and remain there a certain time, they
+would, by the present laws, be entitled to their freedom, so that
+their masters could not get them again. This would be extremely
+prejudicial to the inhabitants of the Southern States, and to prevent
+it, this clause is inserted in the Constitution. Though the word
+_slave_ be not mentioned, this is the meaning of it. The Northern
+delegates, owing to their particular scruples on the subject of
+slavery, did not choose the word _slave_ to be mentioned.
+
+The rest of the forth article read without observation.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+Mr. IREDELL. It is however to be observed, that the first and forth
+clauses in the ninth section of the first article, are protected from
+any alteration until the year 1808; and in order that no consolidation
+should take place, it is provided, that no State shall, by any
+amendment or alteration, be ever deprived of an equal suffrage in the
+Senate without its own consent. The two first prohibitions are with
+respect to the census, according to which direct taxes are imposed,
+and with respect to the importation of slaves. As to the first, it
+must be observed, that there is a material difference between the
+Northern and Southern States. The Northern States have been much
+longer settled, and are much fuller of people than the Southern, but
+have not land in equal proportion, nor scarcely any slaves. The
+subject of this article was regulated with great difficulty, and by a
+spirit of concession which it would not be prudent to disturb for a
+good many years. In twenty years there will probably be a great
+alteration, and then the subject may be re-considered with less
+difficulty and greater coolness. In the mean time, the compromise was
+upon the best footing that could be obtained. A compromise likewise
+took place in regard to the importation of slaves. It is probable that
+all the members reprobated this inhuman traffic, but those of South
+Carolina and Georgia would not consent to an immediate prohibition of
+it; one reason of which was, that during the last war they lost a vast
+number of negroes, which loss they wish to supply. In the mean time,
+it is left to the States to admit or prohibit the importation, and
+Congress may impose a limited duty upon it.
+
+
+SOUTH CAROLINA CONVENTION.
+
+Hon. RAWLINS LOWNDES. In the first place, what cause was there for
+jealously of our importing negroes? Why confine us to twenty years, or
+rather why limit us at all? For his part he thought this trade could
+be justified on the principles of religion, humanity, and justice; for
+certainly to translate a set of human beings from a bad country to a
+better, was fulfilling every part of these principles. But they don't
+like our slaves, because they have none themselves; and therefore want
+to exclude us from this great advantage; why should the Southern
+States allow of this, without the consent of nine States?
+
+Judge PENDLETON observed, that only three States, Georgia, South
+Carolina, and North Carolina, allowed the importation of negroes.
+Virginia had a clause in her Constitution for this purpose, and
+Maryland, he believed, even before the war, prohibited them.
+
+Mr. LOWNDES continued--that we had a law prohibiting the importation
+of negroes for three years, a law he greatly approved of; but there
+was no reason offered, why the Southern States might not find it
+necessary to alter their conduct, and open their ports. Without
+negroes this State would degenerate into one of the most contemptible
+in the Union; and cited an expression that fell from Gen. PINCKNEY on
+a former debate, that whilst there remained one acre of swamp land in
+South Carolina he should raise his voice against restricting the
+importation of negroes. Even in granting the importation for twenty
+years, care had been taken to make us pay for this indulgence, each
+negro being liable, on importation, to pay a duty not exceeding ten
+dollars, and, in addition to this, were liable to a capitation tax.
+Negroes were our wealth, our only natural resource; yet behold how our
+kind friends in the North were determined soon to tie up our hands,
+and drain us of what we had. The Eastern States drew their means of
+subsistence, in a great measure, from their shipping; and on that
+head, they had been particularly careful not to allow of any burdens;
+they were not to pay tonnage, or duties; no, not even the form of
+clearing out: all ports were free and open to them! Why, then, call
+this a reciprocal bargain, which took all from one party, to bestow it
+on the other?
+
+Major BUTLER observed that they were to pay a five per cent impost.
+This, Mr. LOWNDES proved, must fall upon the consumer. They are to be
+the carriers; and we, being the consumers, therefore all expenses
+would fall upon us.
+
+Hon. E. RUTLEDGE. The gentleman had complained of the inequality of
+the taxes between the Northern and Southern States--that ten dollars a
+head was imposed on the importation of negroes, and that those negroes
+were afterwards taxed. To this it was answered, that the ten dollars
+per head was an equivalent to the five per cent on imported articles;
+and as to their being afterwards taxed, the advantage is on our side;
+or, at least, not against us.
+
+In the Northern States, the labor is performed by white people; in the
+Southern by black. All the free people (and there are few others) in
+the Northern States, are to be taxed by the new Constitution, whereas,
+only the free people, and two-fifths of the slaves in the Southern
+States are to be rated in the apportioning of taxes. But the principle
+ objection is, that no duties are laid on shipping--that in fact the
+carrying trade was to be vested in a great measure in the Americans;
+that the shipbuilding business was principally carried on in the
+Northern States. When this subject is duly considered, the Southern
+States, should be the last to object to it. Mr. RUTLEDGE then went
+into a consideration of the subject; after which the house adjourned.
+
+Gen. CHARLES COTESWORTH PINCKNEY. We were at a loss for some time for
+a role to ascertain the proportionate wealth of the States, at last we
+thought that the productive labor of the inhabitants was the best rule
+for ascertaining their wealth; in conformity to this rule, joined to
+a spirit of concession, we determined that representatives should be
+apportioned among the several States, by adding to the whole number of
+free persons three-fifths of the slaves. We thus obtained a
+representation for our property, and I confess I did not expect that
+we had conceded too much to the Eastern States, when they allowed us a
+representation for a species of property which they have not among
+them.
+
+The honorable gentleman alleges, that the Southern States are weak, I
+sincerely agree with him--we are so weak that by ourselves we could
+not form an union strong enough for the purpose of effectually
+protecting each other. Without union with the other States, South
+Carolina must soon fall. Is there any one among us so much a Quixotte
+as to suppose that this State could long maintain her independence if
+she stood alone, or was only connected with the Southern States? I
+scarcely believe there is. Let an invading power send a naval force
+into the Chesapeake to keep Virginia in alarm, and attack South
+Carolina with such a naval and military force as Sir Henry Clinton
+brought here in 1780, and though they might not soon conquer us, they
+would certainly do us an infinite deal of mischief; and if they
+considerably increased their numbers, we should probably fall. As,
+from the nature of our climate, and the fewness of our inhabitants, we
+are undoubtedly weak, should we not endeavor to form a close union
+with the Eastern States, who are strong?
+
+For who have been the greatest sufferers in the Union, by our
+obtaining our independence? I answer, the Eastern States; they have
+lost every thing but their country, and their freedom. It is notorious
+that some ports to the Eastward, which used to fit out one hundred and
+fifty sail of vessels, do not now fit out thirty; that their trade of
+ship-building, which used to be very considerable, is now annihilated;
+that their fisheries are trifling, and their mariners in want of
+bread; surely we are called upon by every tie of justice, friendship,
+and humanity, to relieve their distresses; and as by their exertions
+they have assisted us in establishing our freedom, we should let them,
+in some measure, partake of our prosperity. The General then said he
+would make a few observations on the objections which the gentleman
+had thrown out on the restrictions that might be laid on the African
+trade after the year 1808. On this point your delegates had to contend
+with the religious and political prejudices of the Eastern and Middle
+States, and with the interested and inconsistent opinion of Virginia,
+who was warmly opposed to our importing more slaves. I am of the same
+opinion now as I was two years ago, when I used the expressions that
+the gentleman has quoted, that while there remained one acre of swamp
+land uncleared of South Carolina, I would raise my voice against
+restricting the importation of negroes. I am as thoroughly convinced
+as that gentleman is, that the nature of our climate, and the flat,
+swampy situation of our country, obliges us to cultivate our land with
+negroes, and that without them South Carolina would soon be a desert
+waste.
+
+You have so frequently heard my sentiments on this subject that I need
+not now repeat them. It was alleged, by some of the members who
+opposed an unlimited importation, that slaves increased the weakness
+of any State who admitted them; that they were a dangerous species of
+property, which an invading enemy could easily turn against ourselves
+and the neighboring States, and that as we were allowed a
+representation for them in the House of Representatives, our influence
+in government would be increased in proportion as we were less able to
+defend ourselves. "Show some period," said the members from the
+Eastern States, "when it may be in our power to put a stop, if we
+please, to the importation of this weakness, and we will endeavor, for
+your convenience, to restrain the religious and political prejudices
+of our people on this subject."
+
+The Middle States and Virginia made us no such proposition; they were
+for an immediate and total prohibition. We endeavored to obviate the
+objections that were made, in the best manner we could, and assigned
+reasons for our insisting on the importation, which there is no
+occasion to repeat, as they must occur to every gentleman in the
+house: a committee of the States was appointed in order to accommodate
+this matter, and after a great deal of difficulty, it was settled on
+the footing recited in the Constitution.
+
+By this settlement we have secured an unlimited importation of negroes
+for twenty years; nor is it declared that the importation shall be
+then stopped; it may be continued--we have a security that the general
+government can never emancipate them, for no such authority is
+granted, and it is admitted on all hands, that the general government
+has no powers but what are expressly granted by the Constitution; and
+that all rights not expressed were reserved by the several States. We
+have obtained a right to recover our slaves, in whatever part of
+America they may take refuge, which is a right we had not before. In
+short, considering all circumstances, we have made the best terms, for
+the security of this species of property, it was in our power to make.
+We would have made better if we could, but on the whole I do not think
+them bad.
+
+Hon. ROBERT BARNWELL. Mr. BARNWELL continued to say, I now come to the
+last point for consideration, I mean the clause relative to the
+negroes; and here I am particularly pleased with the Constitution; it
+has not left this matter of so much importance to us open to immediate
+investigation; no, it has declared that the United States shall not,
+at any rate, consider this matter for twenty-one years, and yet
+gentlemen are displeased with it.
+
+Congress has guaranteed this right for that space of time, and at its
+expiration may continue it as long as they please. This question then
+arises, what will their interest lead them to do? The Eastern States,
+as the honorable gentleman says, will become the carriers of America,
+it will, therefore, certainly be their interest to encourage
+exportation to as great an extent as possible; and if the quantum of
+our products will be diminished by the prohibition of negroes, I
+appeal to the belief of every man, whether he thinks those very
+carriers will themselves dam up the resources from whence their profit
+is derived? To think so is so contradictory to the general conduct of
+mankind, that I am of opinion, that without we ourselves put a stop to
+them, the traffic for negroes will continue forever.
+
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 42
+
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+It were doubtless to be wished, that the power of prohibiting the
+importation of slaves, had not been postponed until the year 1808, or
+rather that it had been suffered to have immediate operation. But it
+is not difficult to account either for this restriction on the general
+government, or for the manner in which the whole clause is expressed.
+
+It ought to be considered as a great point gained in favor of
+humanity, that a period of twenty years may terminate for ever within
+these States, a traffic which has so long and so loudly upbraided the
+barbarism of modern policy; that within that period, it will receive a
+considerable discouragement from the Federal government, and may be
+totally abolished, by a concurrence of the few States which continue
+the unnatural traffic in the prohibitory example which has been given
+by so great a majority of the Union. Happy would it be for the
+unfortunate Africans, if an equal prospect lay before them, of being
+redeemed from the oppressions of their European brethren! Attempts
+have been made to pervert this clause into an objection against the
+Constitution, by representing it on one side, as a criminal toleration
+of an illicit practice; and on another, as calculated to prevent
+voluntary and beneficial emigrations from Europe to America. I mention
+these misconstructions, not with a view to give them an answer, for
+they deserve none; but as specimens of the manner and spirit, in which
+some have thought fit to conduct their opposition to the proposed
+government.
+
+
+FEDERALIST, No. 54.
+
+
+BY JAMES MADISON.
+
+All this is admitted, it will perhaps be said: but does it follow from
+an admission of numbers for the measure of representation, or of
+slaves combined with free citizens as a ratio of taxation, that slaves
+ought to be included in the numerical rule of representation?
+
+Slaves are considered as property, not as persons. They ought
+therefore, to be comprehended in estimates of taxation, which are
+founded on property, and to be excluded from representation, which is
+regulated by a census of persons. This is the objection as I
+understand it; stated in its full force. I shall be equally candid in
+stating the reasoning which may be offered on the opposite side. We
+subscribe to the doctrine, might one of our Southern brethren observe,
+that representation relates more immediately to persons, and taxation
+more immediately to property; and we join in the application of this
+distinction to the case of our slaves.
+
+But we must deny the fact, that slaves are considered merely as
+property, and in no respect whatever as persons. The true state of the
+case is, that they partake of both these qualities, being considered
+by our laws, in some respects as persons, and in other respects as
+property.
+
+In being compelled to labor, not for himself; but for a master; in
+being vendible by one master to another master; and in being subject
+at all times to be restrained in his liberty and chastised in his body
+by the capricious will of another; the slave may appear to be degraded
+from the human rank, and classed with those irrational animals which
+fall under the legal denomination of property. In being protected, on
+the other hand, in his life, and in his limbs, against the violence of
+all others, even the master of his labor and his liberty; and in being
+punishable himself for all violence committed against others; the
+slave is no less evidently regarded by the law as a member of the
+society, not as a part of the irrational creation; as a moral person,
+not as a mere article of property. The Federal Constitution,
+therefore, decides with great propriety on the case of our slaves,
+when it views them in the mixed character of persons and property.
+This is in fact their true character. It is the character bestowed on
+them by the laws under which they live, and it will not be denied,
+that these are the proper criterion; because it is only under the
+pretext, that the laws have transformed the negroes into subjects of
+property, that a place is disputed them in the computation of numbers;
+and it is admitted, that if the laws were to restore the rights which
+have been taken away, the negroes could no longer be refused an equal
+share of representation with the other inhabitants.
+
+This question may be placed in another light. It is agreed on all
+sides, that numbers are the best scale of wealth and taxation, as they
+are the only proper scale of representation. Would the convention have
+been impartial or consistent, if they had rejected the slaves from the
+list of inhabitants, when the shares of representation were to be
+calculated; and inserted them on the lists when the tariff of
+contributions was to be adjusted?
+
+Could it be reasonably expected, that the Southern States would concur
+in a system, which considered their slaves in some degree as men, when
+burdens were to be imposed, but refused to consider them in the same
+light, when advantages were to be conferred?
+
+Might not some surprise also be expressed, that those who reproach the
+Southern States with the barbarous policy of considering as property a
+part of their human brethren, should themselves contend, that the
+government to which all the States are to be parties, ought to
+consider this unfortunate race more completely in the unnatural light
+of property, than the very laws of which they complain?
+
+It may be replied, perhaps, that slaves are not included in the
+estimate of representatives in any of the States possessing them. They
+neither vote themselves, nor increase the votes of their masters. Upon
+what principle, then, ought they to be taken into the Federal estimate
+of representation? In rejecting them altogether, the Constitution
+would, in this respect, have followed the very laws which have been
+appealed to the proper guide.
+
+This objection is repelled by a single observation. It is a
+fundamental principle of the proposed Constitution, that as the
+aggregate number of representatives allotted to the several States is
+to be determined by a Federal rule, founded on the aggregate number of
+inhabitants; so, the right of choosing this allotted number in each
+State, is to be exercised by such part of the inhabitants, as the
+State itself may designate. The qualifications on which the right of
+suffrage depends, are not perhaps the same in any two States. In some
+of the States the difference is very material. In every State, a
+certain proportion of inhabitants are deprived of this right by the
+Constitution of the State, who will be included in the census by which
+the Federal Constitution apportions the representatives. In this point
+of view, the Southern States might retort the complaint, by insisting,
+that the principle laid down by the convention required that no regard
+should be had to the policy of particular States towards their own
+inhabitants; and consequently, that the slaves, as inhabitants, should
+have been admitted into the census according to their full number, in
+like manner with other inhabitants, who, by the policy of other
+States, are not admitted to all the rights of citizens. A rigorous
+adherence, however, to this principle is waived by those who would be
+gainers by it. All that they ask, is that equal moderation be shown on
+the other side. Let the case of the slaves be considered, as it is in
+truth, a peculiar one. Let the compromising expedient of the
+Constitution be mutually adopted, which regards them as inhabitants,
+but as debased by servitude below the equal level of free inhabitants,
+which regards the _slave_ as divested of two-fifths of the _man_.
+
+
+
+
+DEBATES IN FIRST CONGRESS.
+
+
+LLOYD'S DEBATES.
+
+May 13, 1789.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) moved to insert a clause in the bill, imposing a
+duty on the importation of slaves of ten dollars each person. He was
+sorry that the Constitution prevented Congress from prohibiting the
+importation altogether; he thought it a defect in that instrument that
+it allowed of such actions, it was contrary to the revolution
+principles, and ought not to be permitted; but as he could not do all
+the good he desired, he was willing to do what lay in his power. He
+hoped such a duty as he moved for would prevent, in some degree, this
+irrational and inhuman traffic; if so, he should feel happy from the
+success of his motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of South Carolina,) hoped that such an important and
+serious proposition as this would not be hastily adopted; it was a
+very late moment for the introduction of new subjects. He expected the
+committee had got through the business, and would rise without
+discussing any thing further; at least, if gentlemen were determined
+on considering the present motion, he hoped they would delay for a few
+days, in order to give time for an examination of the subject. It was
+certainly a matter big with the most serious consequences to the State
+he represented; be did not think any one thing that had been discussed
+was so important to them, and the welfare of the Union, as the
+question now brought forward, but he was not prepared to enter on any
+argument, and therefore requested the motion might either be withdrawn
+or laid on the table.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) approved of the object of the motion, but he did
+not think this bill was proper to embrace the subject. He could not
+reconcile himself to the insertion of human beings as an article of
+duty, among goods, wares and merchandise. He hoped it would be
+withdrawn for the present, and taken up hereafter as an independent
+subject.
+
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Geo.) observing the quarter from which this motion
+came, said it did not surprise him, though it might have that effect
+on others. He recollected that Virginia was an old settled State, and
+had her complement of slaves, so she was careless of recruiting her
+numbers by this means; the natural increase of her imported blacks
+were sufficient for their purpose; but he thought gentlemen ought to
+let their neighbors get supplied before they imposed such a burden
+upon the importation. He knew this business was viewed in an odious
+light to the Eastward, because the people were capable of doing their
+own work, and had no occasion for slaves; but gentlemen will have some
+feeling for others; they will not try to throw all the weight upon
+others, who have assisted in lightening their burdens; they do not
+wish to charge us for every comfort and enjoyment of life, and at the
+same time take away the means of procuring them; they do not wish to
+break us down at once.
+
+He was convinced, from the inaptitude of the motion, and the want of
+time to consider it, that the candor of the gentleman would induce him
+to withdraw it for the present; and if ever it came forward again, he
+hoped it would comprehend the white slaves as well as black, who were
+imported from all the goals of Europe; wretches, convicted of the most
+flagrant crimes, were brought in and sold without any duty whatever.
+He thought that they ought to be taxed equal to the Africans, and had
+no doubt but the constitutionality and propriety of such a measure was
+equally apparent as the one proposed.
+
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) thought it unfair to bring in such an important
+subject at a time when debate was almost precluded. The committee had
+gone through the impost bill, and the whole Union were impatiently
+expecting the result of their deliberations, the public must be
+disappointed and much revenue lost, or this question cannot undergo
+that full discussion which it deserves.
+
+We have no right, said he, to consider whether the importation of
+slaves is proper or not; the Constitution gives us no power on that
+point, it is left to the States to judge of that matter as they see
+fit. But if it was a business the gentleman was determined to
+discourage, he ought to have brought his motion forward sooner, and
+even then not have introduced it without previous notice. He hoped the
+committee would reject the motion, if it was not withdrawn; he was not
+speaking so much for the State he represented, as for Georgia, because
+the State of South Carolina had a prohibitory law, which could be
+renewed when its limitation expired.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.,) had ventured to introduce the subject after full
+deliberation, and did not like to withdraw it. Although the gentleman
+from Connecticut (Mr. SHERMAN) had said, that they ought not to be
+enumerated with goods, wares, and merchandise, he believed they were
+looked upon by the African traders in this light; he knew it was
+degrading the human species to annex that character to them; but he
+would rather do this than continue the actual evil of importing slaves
+a moment longer. He hoped Congress would do all that lay in their
+power to restore to human nature its inherent privileges, and if
+possible wipe off the stigma which America labored under. The
+inconsistency in our principles, with which we are justly charged,
+should be done away; that we may shew by our actions the pure
+beneficence of the doctrine we held out to the world in our
+declaration of independence.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.,) thought the principles of the motion and the
+principles of the bill were inconsistent; the principle of the bill
+was to raise revenue, the principle of the motion to correct a moral
+evil. Now, considering it as an object of revenue, it would be unjust,
+because two or three States would bear the whole burden, while he
+believed they bore their full proportion of all the rest. He was
+against receiving the motion into this bill, though he had no
+objection to taking it up by itself, on the principles of humanity and
+policy; and therefore would vote against it if it was not withdrawn.
+
+Mr. AMES (of Mass.,) joined the gentleman last up. No one could
+suppose him favorable to slavery, he detested it from his soul, but he
+had some doubts whether imposing a duty on the importation, would not
+have the appearance of countenancing the practice; it was certainly a
+subject of some delicacy, and no one appeared to be prepared for the
+discussion, he therefore hoped the motion would be withdrawn.
+
+Mr. LIVERMORE. Was not against the principle of the motion, but in the
+present case he conceived it improper. If negroes were goods, wares,
+or merchandise, they came within the title of the bill; if they were
+not, the bill would be inconsistent; but if they are goods, wares or
+merchandise, the 5 per cent ad valorem, will embrace the importation;
+and the duty of 5 per cent is nearly equal to 10 dollars per head, so
+there is no occasion to add it even on the score of revenue.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.,) said it was the fashion of the day, to favor the
+liberty of slaves; he would not go into a discussion of the subject,
+but he believed it was capable of demonstration that they were better
+off in their present situation, than they would be if they were
+manumitted; what are they to do if they are discharged? Work for a
+living? Experience has shewn us they will not. Examine what is become
+of those in Maryland, many of them have been set free in that State;
+did they turn themselves to industry and useful pursuits? No, they
+turn out common pickpockets, petty larceny villains; and is this
+mercy, forsooth, to turn them into a way in which they must lose their
+lives,--for where they are thrown upon the world, void of property and
+connections, they cannot get their living but by pilfering. What is to
+be done for compensation? Will Virginia set all her negroes free? Will
+they give up the money they cost them, and to whom? When this practice
+comes to be tried there, the sound of liberty will lose those charms
+which make it grateful to the ravished ear.
+
+But our slaves are not in a worse situation than they were on the
+coast of Africa; it is not uncommon there for the parents to sell
+their children in peace; and in war the whole are taken and made
+slaves together. In these cases it is only a change of one slavery for
+another; and are they not better here, where they have a master bound
+by the ties of interest and law to provide for their support and
+comfort in old age, or infirmity, in which, if they were free, they
+would sink under the pressure of woe for want of assistance.
+
+He would say nothing of the partiality of such a tax, it was admitted
+by the avowed friends of the measure; Georgia in particular would be
+oppressed. On this account it would be the most odious tax Congress
+could impose.
+
+Mr. SCHUREMAN (of N.J.) hoped the gentleman would withdraw his
+motion, because the present was not the time or place for introducing
+the business; he thought it had better be brought forward in the
+House, as a distinct proposition. If the gentleman persisted in having
+the question determined, he would move the previous question if he was
+supported.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) I cannot concur with gentlemen who think the
+present an improper time or place to enter into a discussion of the
+proposed motion; if it is taken up in a separate view, we shall do the
+same thing at a greater expense of time. But the gentlemen say that it
+is improper to connect the two objects, because they do not come
+within the title of the bill. But this objection may be obviated by
+accommodating the title to the contents; there may be some
+inconsistency in combining the ideas which gentlemen have expressed,
+that is, considering the human race as a species of property; but the
+evil does not arise from adopting the clause now proposed, it is from
+the importation to which it relates. Our object in enumerating persons
+on paper with merchandise, is to prevent the practice of actually
+treating them as such, by having them, in future, forming part of the
+cargoes of goods, wares, and merchandise to be imported into the
+United States. The motion is calculated to avoid the very evil
+intimated by the gentleman. It has been said that this tax will be
+partial and oppressive: but suppose a fair view is taken of this
+subject, I think we may form a different conclusion. But if it be
+partial or oppressive, are there not many instances in which we have
+laid taxes of this nature? Yet are they not thought to be justified by
+national policy? If any article is warranted on this account, how much
+more are we authorized to proceed on this occasion? The dictates of
+humanity, the principles of the people, the national safety and
+happiness, and prudent policy requires it of us; the constitution has
+particularly called our attention to it--and of all the articles
+contained in the bill before us, this is one of the last I should be
+willing to make a concession upon so far as I was at liberty to go,
+according to the terms of the constitution or principles of justice--I
+would not have it understood that my zeal would carry me to disobey
+the inviolable commands of either.
+
+I understood it had been intimated, that the motion was inconsistent
+or unconstitutional. I believe, sir, my worthy colleague has formed
+the words with a particular reference to the Constitution; any how, so
+far as the duty is expressed, it perfectly accords with that
+instrument; if there are any inconsistencies in it, they may be
+rectified; I believe the intention is well understood, but I am far
+from supposing the diction improper. If the description of the persons
+does not accord with the ideas of the gentleman from Georgia, (Mr.
+JACKSON,) and his idea is a proper one for the committee to adopt, I
+see no difficulty in changing the phraseology.
+
+I conceive the Constitution, in this particular, was formed in order
+that the government, whilst it was restrained from laying a total
+prohibition, might be able to give some testimony of the sense of
+America, with respect to the African trade. We have liberty to impose
+a tax or duty upon the importation of such persons as any of the
+States now existing shall think proper to admit; and this liberty was
+granted, I presume, upon two considerations--the first was, that until
+the time arrived when they might abolish the importation of slaves,
+they might have an opportunity of evidencing their sentiments, on the
+policy and humanity of such a trade; the other was that they might be
+taxed in due proportion with other articles imported; for if the
+possessor will consider them as property, of course they are of value
+and ought to be paid for. If gentlemen are apprehensive of oppression
+from the weight of the tax, let them make an estimate of its
+proportion, and they will find that it very little exceeds five per
+cent ad valorem, so that they will gain very little by having them
+thrown into that mass of articles, whilst by selecting them in the
+manner proposed, we shall fulfil the prevailing expectation of our
+fellow citizens, and perform our duty in executing the purposes of the
+Constitution. It is to be hoped that by expressing a national
+disapprobation of this trade, we may destroy it, and save ourselves
+from reproaches, and our posterity the imbecility ever attendant on a
+country filled with slaves.
+
+I do not wish to say anything harsh, to the hearing of gentlemen who
+entertain different sentiments from me, or different sentiments from
+those I represent; but if there is any one point in which it is
+clearly the policy of this nation, so far as we constitutionally can,
+to vary the practice of obtaining under some of the State governments,
+it is this; but it is certain a majority of the States are opposed to
+this practice, therefore, upon principle, we ought to discountenance
+it as far as is in our power.
+
+If I was not afraid of being told that the representatives of the
+several States, are the best able to judge of what is proper and
+conducive to their particular prosperity, I should venture to say that
+it is as much the interest of Georgia and South Carolina, as of any in
+the Union. Every addition they receive to their number of slaves,
+tends to weaken them and renders them less capable of self defence. In
+case of hostilities with foreign nations, they will be the means of
+inviting attack instead of repelling invasion. It is a necessary duty
+of the general government to protect every part of the empire against
+danger, as well internal as external; every thing therefore which
+tends to increase this danger, though it may be a local affair, yet if
+it involves national expense or safety, becomes of concern to every
+part of the Union, and is a proper subject for the consideration of
+those charged with the general administration of the government. I
+hope, in making these observations, I shall not be understood to mean
+that a proper attention ought not to be paid to the local opinions and
+circumstances of any part of the United States, or that the particular
+representatives are not best able to judge of the sense of their
+immediate constituents.
+
+If we examine the proposed measure by the agreement there is between
+it, and the existing State laws, it will show us that it is patronized
+by a very respectable part of the Union. I am informed that South
+Carolina has prohibited the importation of slaves for several years
+yet to come; we have the satisfaction then of reflecting that we do
+nothing more than their own laws do at this moment. This is not the
+case with one State. I am sorry that her situation is such as to seem
+to require a population of this nature, but it is impossible in the
+nature of things, to consult the national good without doing what we
+do not wish to do, to some particular part. Perhaps gentlemen contend
+against the introduction of the clause, on too slight grounds. If it
+does not conform with the title of the bill, alter the latter; if it
+does not conform to the precise terms of the Constitution, amend it.
+But if it will tend to delay the whole bill, that perhaps will be the
+best reason for making it the object of a separate one. If this is the
+sense of the committee I shall submit.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought all duties ought to be laid as equal as
+possible. He had endeavored to enforce this principle yesterday, but
+without the success he wished for, he was bound by the principles of
+justice therefore to vote for the proposition; but if the committee
+were desirous of considering the subject fully by itself, he had no
+objection, but he thought when gentlemen laid down a principle, they
+ought to support it generally.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) said, gentlemen were contending for nothing; that
+the value of a slave, averaged about L80, and the duty on that sum at
+five per cent, would be ten dollars, as congress could go no farther
+than that sum, he conceived it made no difference whether they were
+enumerated or left in the common mass.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) If we contend for nothing, the gentlemen who are
+opposed to us do not contend for a great deal; but the question is,
+whether the five per cent ad valorem, on all articles imported, will
+have any operation at all upon the introduction of slaves, unless we
+make a particular enumeration on this account; the collector may
+mistake, for he would not presume to apply the term goods, wares, and
+merchandise to any person whatsoever. But if that general definition
+of goods, wares and merchandise are supposed to include African
+Slaves, why may we not particularly enumerate them, and lay the duty
+pointed out by the Constitution, which, as gentlemen tell us, is no
+more than five per cent upon their value; this will not increase the
+burden upon any, but it will be that manifestation of our sense,
+expected by our constituents, and demanded by justice and humanity.
+
+Mr. BLAND (of Va.) had no doubt of the propriety or good policy of
+this measure. He had made up his mind upon it, he wished had never
+been introduced into America; but if it was impossible at this time to
+cure the evil, he was very willing to join in any measures that would
+prevent its extending farther. He had some doubts whether the
+prohibitory laws of the States were not in part repealed. Those who
+had endeavored to discountenance this trade, by laying a duty on the
+importation, were prevented by the Constitution from continuing such
+regulation, which declares, that no State shall lay any impost or
+duties on imports. If this was the case, and he suspected pretty
+strongly that it was, the necessity of adopting the proposition of his
+colleague was now apparent.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Ct.) said, the Constitution does not consider these
+persons as a species of property; it speaks of them as persons, and
+says, that a tax or duty may be imposed on the importation of them
+into any State which shall permit the same, but they have no power to
+prohibit such importation for twenty years. But Congress have power to
+declare upon what terms persons coming into the United States shall be
+entitled to citizenship; the rule of naturalization must however be
+uniform. He was convinced there were others ought to be regulated in
+this particular, the importation of whom was of an evil tendency, he
+meant convicts particularly. He thought that some regulation
+respecting them was also proper; but it being a different subject, it
+ought to be taken up in a different manner.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) was led to believe, from the observation that had
+fell from the gentlemen, that it would be best to make this the
+subject of a distinct bill: he therefore wished his colleague would
+withdraw his motion, and move in the house for leave to bring in a
+bill on the same principles.
+
+Mr. PARKER (of Va.) consented to withdraw his motion, under a
+conviction that the house was fully satisfied of its propriety. He
+knew very well that these persons were neither goods, nor wares, but
+they were treated as articles of merchandise. Although he wished to
+get rid of this part of his property, yet he should not consent to
+deprive other people of theirs by any act of his without their
+consent.
+
+The committee rose, reported progress, and the house adjourned.
+
+FEBRUARY 11th, 1790.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of New York,) presented an address from the society of
+Friends, in the City of New York; in which they set forth their desire
+of co-operating with their Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then moved to refer the address of the annual
+assembly of Friends, held at Philadelphia, to a committee; he thought
+it a mark of respect due so numerous and respectable a part of the
+community.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) seconded the motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH, (of S.C.) However respectable the petitioners may be, I
+hope gentlemen will consider that others equally respectable are
+opposed to the object which is aimed at, and are entitled to an
+opportunity of being heard before the question is determined. I
+flatter myself gentlemen will not press the point of commitment
+to-day, it being contrary to our usual mode of procedure.
+
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) If we were now about to determine the final
+question, the observation of the gentleman from South Carolina would
+apply; but, sir, the present question does not touch upon the merits
+of the case; it is merely to refer the memorial to a committee, to
+consider what is proper to be done; gentlemen, therefore, who do not
+mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, may as well agree to it
+to-day, because it will tend to save the time of the house.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Geo.) wished to know why the second reading was to be
+contended for to-day, when it was diverting the attention of the
+members from the great object that was before the committee of the
+whole? Is it because the feelings of the Friends will be hurt, to have
+their affair conducted in the usual course of business? Gentlemen who
+advocate the second reading to-day, should respect the feelings of the
+members who represent that part of the Union which is principally to
+be affected by the measure. I believe, sir, that the latter class
+consists of as useful and as good citizens as the petitioners, men
+equally friends to the revolution, and equally susceptible of the
+refined sensations of humanity and benevolence. Why then should such
+particular attention be paid to them, for bringing forward a business
+of questionable policy? If Congress are disposed to interfere in the
+importation of slaves, they can take the subject up without advisers,
+because the Constitution expressly mentions all the power they can
+exercise on the subject.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) suggested the idea of referring it to a
+committee, to consist of a member from each State, because several
+States had already made some regulations on this subject. The sooner
+the subject was taken up he thought it would be the better.
+
+Mr. PARKER, (of Va.) I hope, Mr. Speaker, the petition of these
+respectable people, will be attended to with all the readiness the
+importance of its object demands; and I cannot help expressing the
+pleasure I feel in finding so considerable a part of the community
+attending to matters of such momentous concern to the future
+prosperity and happiness of the people of America. I think it my duty,
+as a citizen of the Union, to espouse their cause; and it is incumbent
+upon every member of this house to sift the subject well, and
+ascertain what can be done to restrain a practice so nefarious. The
+Constitution has authorized us to levy a tax upon the importation of
+such persons as the States shall authorize to be admitted. I would
+willingly go to that extent; and if any thing further can be devised
+to discountenance the trade, consistent with the terms of the
+Constitution, I shall cheerfully give it my assent and support.
+
+Mr. MADISON, (of Va.) The gentleman from Pennsylvania, (Mr.
+FITZSIMONS) has put this question on its proper ground. If gentlemen
+do not mean to oppose the commitment to-morrow, they may as well
+acquiesce in it to-day; and I apprehend gentlemen need not be alarmed
+at any measure it is likely Congress should take; because they will
+recollect, that the Constitution secures to the individual States the
+right of admitting, if they think proper, the importation of slaves
+into their own territory, for eighteen years yet unexpired; subject,
+however, to a tax, if Congress are disposed to impose it, of not more
+than ten dollars on each person.
+
+The petition, if I mistake not, speaks of artifices used by
+self-interested persons to carry on this trade; and the petition from
+New York states a case that may require the consideration of Congress.
+If anything is within the Federal authority to restrain such violation
+of the rights of nations, and of mankind, as is supposed to be
+practised in some parts of the United States, it will certainly tend
+to the interest and honor of the community to attempt a remedy, and is
+a proper subject for our discussion. It may be, that foreigners take
+advantage of the liberty afforded them by the American trade, to
+employ our slipping in the slave trade between Africa and the West
+Indies, when they are restrained from employing their own by
+restrictive laws of their nation. If this is the case, is there any
+person of humanity that would not wish to prevent them? Another
+consideration why we should commit the petition is, that we may give
+no ground of alarm by a serious opposition, as if we were about to
+take measures that were unconstitutional.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) feared that if Congress took any measures,
+indicative of an intention to interfere with the kind of property
+alluded to, it would sink it in value very considerably, and might be
+injurious to a great number of the citizens, particularly in the
+Southern States.
+
+He thought the subject was of general concern, and that the
+petitioners had no more right to interfere will it than any other
+members of the community. It was an unfortunate circumstance, that it
+was the property of sects to imagine they understood the rights of
+human nature better than all the world beside; and that they would, in
+consequence, be meddling with concerns in which they had nothing to
+do.
+
+As the petition relates to a subject of a general nature, it ought to
+lie on the table, as information; he would never consent to refer
+petitions, unless the petitioners were exclusively interested. Suppose
+there was a petition to come before us from a society, praying us to
+be honest in our transactions, or that we should administer the
+Constitution according to its intention--what would you do with a
+petition of this kind? Certainly it would remain on your table. He
+would, nevertheless, not have it supposed, that the people had not a
+right to advise and give their opinion upon public measures; but he
+would not be influenced by that advice or opinion, to take up a
+subject sooner than the convenience of other business would admit.
+Unless he changed his sentiments, he would oppose the commitment.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) thought gentlemen were paying attention to what
+did not deserve it. The men in the gallery had come here to meddle in
+a business with which they had nothing to do; they were volunteering
+it in the cause of others, who neither expected nor desired it. He had
+a respect for the body of Quakers, but, nevertheless, he did not
+believe they had more virtue, or religion, than other people, nor
+perhaps so much, if they were examined to the bottom, notwithstanding
+their outward pretences. If their petition is to be noticed, Congress
+ought to wait till counter applications were made, and then they might
+have the subject more fairly before them. The rights of the Southern
+States ought not to be threatened, and their property endangered, to
+please people who were to be unaffected by the consequences.
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) thought the memorialists did not deserve to be
+aspersed for their conduct, if influenced by motives of benignity,
+they solicited the Legislature of the Union to repel, as far as in
+their power, the increase of a licentious traffic. Nor do they merit
+censure, because their behavior has the appearance of more morality
+than other people's. But it is not for Congress to refuse to hear the
+applications of their fellow citizens, while those applications
+contain nothing unconstitutional or offensive. What is the object of
+the address before us? It is intended to bring before this House a
+subject of great importance to the cause of humanity; there are
+certain facts to be enquired into, and the memorialists are ready to
+give all the information in their power; they are waiting, at a great
+distance from their homes, and wish to return; if, then, it will be
+proper to commit the petition to-morrow, it will be equally proper
+to-day, for it is conformable to our practice, beside, it will tend to
+their conveniency.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) The gentleman from South Carolina says, the
+petitioners are of a society not known in the laws or Constitution.
+Sir, in all our acts, as well as in the Constitution, we have noticed
+this Society; or why is it that we admit them to affirm, in cases
+where others are called upon to swear? If we pay this attention to
+them, in one instance, what good reason is there for contemning them
+in another? I think the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) carries
+his apprehensions too far, when he fears that negro-property will fall
+in value, by the suppression of the slave-trade; not that I suppose it
+immediately in the power of Congress to abolish a traffic which is a
+disgrace to human nature; but it appears to me, that, if the
+importation was crushed, the value of a slave would be increased
+instead of diminished; however, considerations of this kind have
+nothing to do with the present question; gentlemen may acquiesce in
+the commitment of the memorial, without pledging themselves to support
+its object.
+
+Mr. JACKSON, (of Ga.) I differ much in opinion with the gentleman last
+up. I apprehend if, through the interference of the general
+government, the slave trade was abolished, it would evince to the
+people a disposition toward a total emancipation, and they would hold
+their property in jeopardy. Any extraordinary attention of Congress to
+this petition may have, in some degree, a similar effect. I would beg
+to ask those, then, who are so desirous of freeing the negroes, if
+they have funds sufficient to pay for them? If they have, they may
+come forward on that business with some propriety; but, if they have
+not, they should keep themselves quiet, and not interfere with a
+business in which they are not interested. They may as well come
+forward, and solicit Congress to interdict the West India trade,
+because it is injurious to the morals of mankind; from thence we
+import rum, which has a debasing influence upon the consumer. But,
+sir, is the whole morality of the United States confined to the
+Quakers? Are they the only people whose feelings are to be consulted
+on this occasion? Is it to them we owe our present happiness? Was it
+they who formed the Constitution? Did they, by their arms, or
+contributions, establish our independence? I believe they were
+generally opposed to that measure. Why, then, on their application,
+shall we injure men, who, at the risk of their lives and fortunes,
+secured to the community their liberty and property? If Congress pay
+any uncommon degree of attention to their petition, it will furnish
+just ground of alarm to the Southern States. But, why do these men set
+themselves up, in such a particular manner, against slavery? Do they
+understand the rights of mankind, and the disposition of Providence
+better than others? If they were to consult that Book which claims our
+regard, they will find that slavery is not only allowed, but
+commended. Their Saviour, who possessed more benevolence and
+commiseration than they pretend to, has allowed of it. And if they
+fully examine the subject, they will find that slavery has been no
+novel doctrine since the days of Cain. But be these things as they
+may, I hope the House will order the petition to lie on the table, in
+order to prevent alarming our Southern brethren.
+
+Mr. SEDGWICK, (of Mass.) If it was a serious question, whether the
+Memorial should be committed or not, I would not urge it at this time;
+but that cannot be a question for a moment, if we consider our
+relative situation with the people. A number of men,--who are
+certainly very respectable, and of whom, as a society, it may be said
+with truth, that they conform their moral conduct to their religious
+tenets, as much as any people in the whole community,--come forward
+and tell you, that you may effect two objects by the exercise of a
+Constitutional authority which will give great satisfaction; on the
+one hand you may acquire revenue, and on the other, restrain a
+practice productive of great evil. Now, setting aside the religious
+motives which influenced their application, have they not a right, as
+citizens, to give their opinion of public measures? For my part I do
+not apprehend that any State, or any considerable number of
+individuals in any State, will be seriously alarmed at the commitment
+of the petition, from a fear that Congress intend to exercise an
+unconstitutional authority, in order to violate their rights; I
+believe there is not a wish of the kind entertained by any member of
+this body. How can gentlemen hesitate then to pay that respect to a
+memorial which it is entitled to, according to the ordinary mode of
+procedure in business? Why shall we defer doing that till to-morrow,
+which we can do to-day? for the result, I apprehend, will be the same
+in either case.
+
+Mr. Smith, (of S.C.) The question, I apprehend, is, whether we will
+take the petition up for a second reading, and not whether it shall be
+committed? Now, I oppose this, because it is contrary to our usual
+practice, and does not allow gentlemen time to consider of the merits
+of the prayer; perhaps some gentlemen may think it improper to commit
+it to so large a committee as has been mentioned; a variety of causes
+may be supposed to show that such a hasty decision is improper;
+perhaps the prayer of it is improper. If I understood it right, on its
+first reading, though, to be sure, I did not comprehend perfectly all
+that the petition contained, it prays that we should take measures for
+the abolition of the slave trade; this is desiring an unconstitutional
+act, because the constitution secures that trade to the States,
+independent of congressional restrictions, for the term of twenty-one
+years. If, therefore, it prays for a violation of constitutional
+rights, it ought to be rejected, as an attempt upon the virtue and
+patriotism of the house.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT, (of N.J.) It has been said that the Quakers have no
+right to interfere in this business; I am surprised to hear this
+doctrine advanced, after it has been so lately contended, and settled,
+that the people have a right to assemble and petition for redress of
+grievances; it is not because the petition comes from the society of
+Quakers that I am in favor of the commitment, but because it comes
+from citizens of the United States, who are as equally concerned in
+the welfare and happiness of their country as others. There certainly
+is no foundation for the apprehensions which seem to prevail in
+gentlemen's minds. If the petitioners were so uninformed: as to
+suppose that Congress could be guilty of a violation of the
+Constitution, yet, I trust we know our duty better than to be led
+astray by an application from any man, or set of men whatever. I do
+not consider the merits of the main question to be before us; it will
+be time enough to give our opinions upon that, when the committee have
+reported. If it is in our power, by recommendation, or any other way,
+to put a stop to the slave trade in America, I do not doubt of its
+policy; but how far the Constitution will authorize us to attempt to
+depress it, will be a question well worthy of our consideration.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) observed, that the petitioners from New York,
+stated that they had applied to the legislature of that State, to
+prohibit certain practices which they conceived to be improper, and
+which tended to injure the well-being of the community; that the
+legislature had considered the application, but had applied no remedy,
+because they supposed that power was exclusively vested in the general
+government, under the Constitution of the United States; it would,
+therefore, be proper to commit that petition, in order to ascertain
+what were the powers of the general government, in the case doubted by
+the legislature of New York.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought gentlemen were out of order in entering
+upon the merits of the main question at this time, when they were
+considering the expediency of committing the petition; he should,
+therefore, not follow them further in that track than barely to
+observe, that it was the right of the citizens to apply for redress,
+in every case they conceived themselves aggrieved in; and it was the
+duty of Congress to afford redress as far as is in their power. That
+their Southern brethren had been betrayed into the slave trade by the
+first settlers, was to be lamented; they were not to be reflected on
+for not viewing this subject in a different light, the prejudice of
+education is eradicated with difficulty; but he thought nothing would
+excuse the general government for not exerting itself to prevent, as
+far as they constitutionally could, the evils resulting from such
+enormities as were alluded to by the petitioners; and the same
+considerations induced him highly to commend the part the society of
+Friends had taken; it was the cause of humanity they had interested
+themselves in, and he wished, with them, to see measures pursued by
+every nation, to wipe off the indelible stain which the slave trade
+had brought upon all who were concerned in it.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) thought the question before the committee was no
+otherwise important than as gentlemen made it so by their serious
+opposition. Did they permit the commitment of the Memorial, as a
+matter of course, no notice would be taken of it out of doors; it
+could never be blown up into a decision of the question respecting the
+discouragement of the African slave trade, nor alarm the owners with
+an apprehension that the general government were about to abolish
+slavery in all the States; such things are not contemplated by any
+gentleman; but, to appearance, they decide the question more against
+themselves than would be the case if it was determined on its real
+merits, because gentlemen may be disposed to vote for the commitment
+of a petition, without any intention of supporting the prayer of it.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) would not have seconded the motion, if he had
+thought it would have brought on a lengthy debate. He conceived that a
+business of this kind ought to be decided without much discussion; it
+had constantly been the practice of the house, and he did not suppose
+there was any reason for a deviation.
+
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) said, if the memorial had been presented by any
+individual, instead of the respectable body it was, he should have
+voted in favor of a commitment, because it was the duty of the
+legislature to attend to subjects brought before them by their
+constituents; if, upon inquiry, it was discovered to be improper to
+comply with the prayer of the petitioners, he would say so, and they
+would be satisfied.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought the business ought to be left to take its
+usual course; by the rules of the house, it was expressly declared,
+that petitions, memorials, and other papers, addressed to the house,
+should not be debated or decided on the day they were first read.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) felt at a loss to account why precipitation was
+used on this occasion, contrary to the customary usage of the house;
+he had not heard a single reason advanced in favor of it. To be sure
+it was said the petitioners are a respectable body of men--he did not
+deny it--but, certainly, gentlemen did not suppose they were paying
+respect to them, or to the house, when they urged such a hasty
+procedure; anyhow it was contrary to his idea of respect, and the idea
+the house had always expressed, when they had important subjects under
+consideration; and, therefore, he should be against the motion. He was
+afraid that there was really a little volunteering in this business,
+as it had been termed by the gentleman from Georgia.
+
+Mr. HUNTINGTON (of Conn.) considered the petitioners as much
+disinterested as any person in the United States; he was persuaded
+they had an aversion to slavery; yet they were not singular in this,
+others had the same; and he hoped when Congress took up the subject,
+they would go as far as possible to prohibit the evil complained of.
+But he thought that would better be done by considering it in the
+light of revenue. When the committee of the whole, on the finance
+business, came to the ways and means, it might properly be taken into
+consideration, without giving any ground for alarm.
+
+Mr. TUCKER, (of S.C.) I have no doubt on my mind respecting what ought
+to be done on this occasion; so far from committing the memorial, we
+ought to dismiss it without further notice. What is the purport of the
+memorial? It is plainly this; to reprobate a particular kind of
+commerce, in a moral view, and to request the interposition of
+Congress to effect its abrogation. But Congress have no authority,
+under the constitution, to do more than lay a duty of ten dollars upon
+each person imported; and this is a political consideration, not
+arising from either religion or morality, and is the only principle
+upon which we can proceed to take it up. But what effect do these men
+suppose will arise from their exertions? Will a duty of ten dollars
+diminish the importation? Will the treatment be better than usual? I
+apprehend it will not, nay, it may be worse. Because an interference
+with the subject may excite a great degree of restlessness in the
+minds of those it is intended to serve, and that may be a cause for
+the masters to use more rigor towards them, than they would otherwise
+exert; so that these men seem to overshoot their object. But if they
+will endeavor to procure the abolition of the slave trade, let them
+prefer their petitions to the State legislatures, who alone have the
+power of forbidding the importation; I believe their applications
+there would be improper; but if they are any where proper, it is
+there. I look upon the address then to be ill-judged, however good the
+intention of the framers.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) claimed it as a right, that the petition should
+lay over till to-morrow.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) said it was not unusual to commit petitions on
+the day they were presented; and the rules of the house admitted the
+practice, by the qualification which followed the positive order, that
+petitions should not be decided on the day they were first read,
+"unless where the house shall direct otherwise."
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) declared his intention of calling the yeas and
+nays, if gentlemen persisted in pressing the question.
+
+Mr. CLYMER (of Penn.) hoped the motion would be withdrawn for the
+present, and the business taken up in course to-morrow; because,
+though he respected the memorialists, he also respected order and the
+situation of the members.
+
+Mr. FITZSIMONS (of Penn.) did not recollect whether he moved or
+seconded the motion, but if he had, he should not withdraw it on
+account of the threat of calling the yeas and nays.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) hoped the business would be conducted with temper
+and moderation, and that gentlemen would concede and pass the subject
+over for a day at least.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) had no idea of holding out a threat to any
+gentleman. If the declaration of an intention to call the yeas and
+nays was viewed by gentlemen in that light, he would withdraw that
+call.
+
+Mr. WHITE (of Va.) hereupon withdrew his motion. And the address was
+ordered to lie on the table.
+
+FEBRUARY 12th, 1790.
+
+The following memorial was presented and read:
+
+"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States: The
+memorial of the Pennsylvania Society for promoting the abolition of
+slavery, the relief of free negroes unlawfully held in bondage, and
+the improvement of the condition of the African race, respectfully
+showeth: That from a regard for the happiness of mankind, an
+association was formed several years since in this State, by a number
+of her citizens, of various religious denominations, for promoting the
+abolition of slavery, and for the relief of those unlawfully held in
+bondage. A just and acute conception of the true principles of
+liberty, as it spread through the land, produced accessions to their
+numbers, many friends to their cause, and a legislative cooperation
+with their views, which, by the blessing of Divine Providence, have
+been successfully directed to the relieving from bondage a large
+number of their fellow creatures of the African race. They have also
+the satisfaction to observe, that, in consequence of that spirit of
+philanthropy and genuine liberty which is generally diffusing its
+beneficial influence, similar institutions are forming at home and
+abroad. That mankind are all formed by the same Almighty Being, alike
+objects of his care, and equally designed for the enjoyment of
+happiness, the Christian religion teaches us to believe, and the
+political creed of Americans fully coincides with the position. Your
+memorialists, particularly engaged in attending to the distresses
+arising from slavery, believe it their indispensable duty to present
+this subject to your notice. They have observed with real
+satisfaction, that many important and salutary powers are vested in
+you for 'promoting the welfare and securing the blessings of liberty
+to the people of the United States;' and as they conceive, that these
+blessings ought rightfully to be administered without distinction of
+color, to all descriptions of people, so they indulge themselves in
+the pleasing expectation, that nothing which can be done for the
+relief of the unhappy objects of their care, will be either omitted or
+delayed. From a persuasion that equal liberty was originally the
+portion, and is still the birth-right of all men, and influenced by
+the strong ties of humanity and the principles of their institution,
+your memorialists conceived themselves bound to use all justifiable
+endeavors to loosen the bands of slavery, and promote a general
+enjoyment of the blessings of freedom. Under these impressions, they
+earnestly entreat your serious attention to the subject of slavery;
+that you will be pleased to countenance the restoration of liberty to
+those unhappy men, who alone, in this land of freedom, are degraded
+into perpetual bondage, and who, amidst the general joy of surrounding
+freemen, are groaning in servile subjection; that you will devise
+means for removing this inconsistency from the character of the
+American people; that you will promote mercy and justice towards this
+distressed race, and that you will step to the very verge of the power
+vested in you, for discouraging every species of traffic in the
+persons of our fellow-men.
+
+"BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, _President._
+
+"PHILADELPHIA, _February 3, 1790."_
+
+Mr. HARTLEY (of Penn.) then called up the memorial presented
+yesterday, from the annual meeting of Friends at Philadelphia, for a
+second reading; whereupon the same was read a second time, and moved
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. TUCKER (of S.C.) was sorry the petition had a second reading, as
+he conceived it contained an unconstitutional request, and from that
+consideration he wished it thrown aside. He feared the commitment of
+it would be a very alarming circumstance to the Southern States; for
+if the object was to engage Congress in an unconstitutional measure,
+it would be considered as an interference with their rights, the
+people would become very uneasy under the government, and lament that
+they ever put additional powers into their hands. He was surprised to
+see another memorial on the same subject, and that signed by a man who
+ought to have known the constitution better. He thought it a
+mischievous attempt, as it respected the persons in whose favor it was
+intended. It would buoy them up with hopes, without a foundation, and
+as they could not reason on the subject, as more enlightened men
+would, they might be led to do what they would be punished for, and
+the owners of them, in their own defence, would be compelled to
+exercise over them a severity they were not accustomed to. Do these
+men expect a general emancipation of slaves by law? This would never
+be submitted to by the Southern States without a civil war. Do they
+mean to purchase their freedom? He believed their money would fall
+short of the price. But how is it they are more concerned in this
+business than others? Are they the only persons who possess religion
+and morality? If the people are not so exemplary, certainly they will
+admit the clergy are; why then do we not find them uniting in a body,
+praying us to adopt measures for the promotion of religion and piety,
+or any moral object? They know it would be an improper interference;
+and to say the best of this memorial, it is an act of imprudence,
+which he hoped would receive no countenance from the house.
+
+Mr. SENEY (of Md.) denied that there was anything unconstitutional in
+the memorial, at least, if there was, it had escaped his attention,
+and he should be obliged to the gentleman to point it out. Its only
+object was, that congress should exercise their constitutional
+authority, to abate the horrors of slavery, as far as they could:
+Indeed, he considered that all altercation on the subject of
+commitment was at an end, as the house had impliedly determined
+yesterday that it should be committed.
+
+Mr. BURKE (of S.C.) saw the disposition of the house, and he feared
+it would be referred to a committee, maugre all their opposition; but
+he must insist that it prayed for an unconstitutional measure. Did it
+not desire congress to interfere and abolish the slave trade, while
+the constitution expressly stipulated that congress should exercise no
+such power? He was certain the commitment would sound an alarm, and
+blow the trumpet of sedition in the Southern States. He was sorry to
+see the petitioners paid more attention to than the constitution;
+however, he would do his duty, and oppose the business totally; and if
+it was referred to a committee, as mentioned yesterday, consisting of
+a member from each State, and he was appointed, he would decline
+serving.
+
+Mr. SCOTT, (of Penn.) I can't entertain a doubt but the memorial is
+strictly agreeable to the constitution: it respects a part of the duty
+particularly assigned to us by that instrument, and I hope we may, be
+inclined to take it into consideration. We can, at present, lay our
+hands upon a small duty of ten dollars. I would take this, and if it
+is all we can do, we must be content. But I am sorry that the framers
+of the constitution did not go farther and enable us to interdict it
+for good and all; for I look upon the slave-trade to be one of the
+most abominable things on earth; and if there was neither God nor
+devil, I should oppose it upon the principles of humanity and the law
+of nature. I cannot, for my part, conceive how any person can be said
+to acquire a property in another; is it by virtue of conquest? What
+are the rights of conquest? Some have dared to advance this monstrous
+principle, that the conqueror is absolute master of his conquest; that
+he may dispose of it as his property, and treat it as he pleases; but
+enough of those who reduce men to the state of transferable goods, or
+use them like beasts of burden; who deliver them up as the property or
+patrimony of another man. Let us argue on principles countenanced by
+reason and becoming humanity; the petitioners view the subject in a
+religious light, but I do not stand in need of religious motives to
+induce me to reprobate the traffic in human flesh; other
+considerations weigh with me to support the commitment of the
+memorial, and to support every constitutional measure likely to bring
+about its total abolition. Perhaps, in our legislative capacity, we
+can go no further than to impose a duty of ten dollars, but I do not
+know how far I might go, if I was one of the judges of the United
+States, and those people were to come before me and claim their
+emancipation; but I am sure I would go as far as I could.
+
+Mr. JACKSON (of Ga.) differed with the gentleman last up, and supposed
+the master had a qualified property in his slave; he said the contrary
+doctrine would go to the destruction of every species of personal
+service. The gentleman said he did not stand in need of religion to
+induce him to reprobate slavery, but if he is guided by that evidence,
+which the Christian system is founded upon, he will find that religion
+is not against it; he will see, from Genesis to Revelation, the
+current setting strong that way. There never was a government on the
+face of the earth, but what permitted slavery. The purest sons of
+freedom in the Grecian republics, the citizens of Athens and
+Lacedaemon all held slaves. On this principle the nations of Europe
+are associated; it is the basis of the feudal system. But suppose all
+this to have been wrong, let me ask the gentleman, if it is policy to
+bring forward a business at this moment, likely to light up a flame of
+civil discord, for the people of the Southern States will resist one
+tyranny as soon as another; the other parts of the continent may bear
+them down by force of arms, but they will never suffer themselves to
+be divested of their property without a struggle. The gentleman says,
+if he was a federal judge, he does not know to what length he would go
+in emancipating these people; but, I believe his judgment would be of
+short duration in Georgia; perhaps even the existence of such a judge
+might be in danger.
+
+Mr. SHERMAN (of Conn.) could see no difficulty in committing the
+memorial; because it was probable the committee would understand their
+business, and perhaps they might bring in such a report as would be
+satisfactory to gentlemen on both sides of the House.
+
+Mr. BALDWIN (of Ga.) was sorry the subject had ever been brought
+before Congress, because it was of a delicate nature, as it respected
+some of the States. Gentlemen who had been present at the formation of
+this Constitution, could not avoid the recollection of the pain and
+difficulty which the subject caused in that body; the members from the
+Southern States were so tender upon this point, that they had well
+nigh broken up without coming to any determination; however, from the
+extreme desire of preserving the Union, and obtaining an efficient
+government, they were induced mutually, to concede, and the
+Constitution jealously guarded what they agreed to. If gentlemen look
+over the footsteps of that body, they will find the greatest degree
+of caution used to imprint them, so as not to be easily eradicated;
+but the moment we go to jostle on that ground, said he, I fear we
+shall feel it tremble under our feet. Congress have no power to
+interfere with the importation of slaves, beyond what is given in the
+9th section of the first article of the Constitution; every thing else
+is interdicted to them in the strongest terms. If we examine the
+Constitution, we shall find the expressions, relative to this subject,
+cautiously expressed, and more punctiliously guarded than any other
+part. "The migration or importation of such persons, shall not be
+prohibited by Congress." But lest this should not have secured the
+object sufficiently, it is declared in the same section, "That no
+capitation or direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the
+census;" this was intended to prevent Congress from laying any special
+tax upon negro slaves, as they might, in this way, so burthen the
+possessors of them, as to induce a general emancipation. If we go on
+to the 5th article, we shall find the 1st and 5th clauses of the 9th
+section of the 1st article restrained from being altered before the
+year 1808.
+
+Gentlemen have said, that this petition does not pray for an abolition
+of the slave-trade; I think, sir, it prays for nothing else, and
+therefore we have no more to do with it, than if it prayed us to
+establish an order of nobility, or a national religion.
+
+Mr. SYLVESTER (of N.Y.) said that he had always been in the habit of
+respecting the society called Quakers; he respected them for their
+exertions in the cause of humanity, but he thought the present was not
+a time to enter into a consideration of the subject, especially as he
+conceived it to be a business in the province of the State
+legislatures.
+
+Mr. LAWRANCE (of N.Y.) observed that the subject would undoubtedly
+come under the consideration of the house; and he thought, that as it
+was now before them, that the present time was as proper as any; he
+was therefore for committing the memorial; and when the prayer of it
+had been properly examined, they could see how far Congress may
+constitutionally interfere; as they knew the limits of their power on
+this, as well as on every other occasion, there was no just
+apprehension to be entertained that they would go beyond them. Mr.
+Smith (of S.C.) insisted that it was not in the power of the House to
+brunt the prayer of the petition, which event to the total abolishment
+of the slave-trade, and it was therefore unnecessary to commit it. He
+observed, that in the Southern States, difficulties had arisen on
+adopting the Constitution, inasmuch as it was apprehended, that
+Congress might take measures under it for abolishing the slave-trade.
+
+Perhaps the petitioners, when they applied to this House, did not
+think their object unconstitutional, but now they are told that if is,
+they will be satisfied with the answer, and press it no further. If
+their object had been for Congress to lay a duty of ten dollars per
+head on the importation of slaves, they would have said so, but that
+does not appear to have been the case; the commitment of the petition,
+on that ground, cannot be contended; if they will not be content with
+that, shall it be committed to investigate facts? The petition speaks
+of none; for what purpose then shall it be committed? If gentlemen can
+assign no good reason for the measure, they will not support it, when
+they are told that it will create great jealousies and alarm in the
+Southern States; for I can assure them, that there is no point on
+which they are more jealous and suspicious, than on a business with
+which they think the government has nothing to do.
+
+When we entered into this Confederacy, we did it from political, not
+from moral motives, and I do not think my constituents want to learn
+morals from the petitioners; I do not believe they want improvement in
+their moral system; if they do, they can get it at home.
+
+The gentleman from Georgia, has justly stated the jealousy of the
+Southern States. On entering into this government, they apprehended
+that the other States, not knowing the necessity the citizens of the
+Southern States were under to hold this species of property, would,
+from motives of humanity and benevolence, be led to vote for a general
+emancipation; and had they not seen that the Constitution provided
+against the effect of such a disposition, I may be bold to say, they
+never would have adopted it. And notwithstanding all the calumny's
+with which some gentlemen have viewed the subject, they will find,
+that the discussion alone will create great alarm. We have been told,
+that if the discussion will create alarm, we ought to have avoided it,
+by saying nothing; but it was not for that purpose that we were sent
+here; we look upon this measure as an attack upon the palladium of the
+property of our country; it is therefore our duty to oppose it by
+every means in our power. Gentlemen should consider that when we
+entered into a political connexion with the other States, that this
+property was there; it was acquired under a former government,
+conformably to the laws and Constitution; therefore anything that will
+tend to deprive them of that property, must be an ex post facto law,
+and as such is forbid by our political compact.
+
+I said the States would never have entered into the confederation,
+unless their property had been guaranteed to them, for such is the
+state of agriculture in that county, that without slaves it must be
+depopulated. Why will these people then make use of arguments to
+induce the slave to turn his hand against his master? We labor under
+difficulties enough from the ravages of the late war. A gentleman can
+hardly come from that country, with a servant or two, either to this
+place or Philadelphia, but what there are persons trying to seduce his
+servants to leave him; and, when they have done this, the poor
+wretches are obliged to rob their master in order to obtain a
+subsistence; all those, therefore, who are concerned in this
+seduction, are accessaries to the robbery.
+
+The reproaches which they cast upon the owners of negro property, is
+charging them with the want of humanity; I believe the proprietors are
+persons of as much humanity as any part of the continent and are as
+conspicuous for their good morals as their neighbors. It was said
+yesterday, that the Quakers were a society known to the laws, and the
+Constitution, but they are no more so than other religious societies;
+they stood exactly in the same situation; their memorial, therefore,
+relates to a matter in which they are no more interested than any
+other sect, and can only be considered as a piece of advice; it is
+customary to refer a piece of advice to a committee, but if it is
+supposed to pray for what they think a moral purpose, is that
+sufficient to induce us to commit it? What may appear a moral virtue
+in their eyes, may not be so in reality. I have heard of a sect of
+Shaking Quakers, who, I presume, suppose their tenets of a moral
+tendency; I am informed one of them forbids to intermarry, yet in
+consequence of their shakings and concussions, you may see them with a
+numerous offspring about them. Now, if these people were to petition
+Congress to pass a law prohibiting matrimony, I ask, would gentlemen
+agree to refer such a petition? I think if they would reject one of
+that nature, as improper, they ought also to reject this.
+
+Mr. PAGE (of Va.) was in favor of the commitment; he hoped that the
+designs of the respectable memorialists would not be stopped at the
+threshold, in order to preclude a fair discussion of the prayer of the
+memorial. He observed that gentlemen had founded their arguments upon
+a misrepresentation; for the object of the memorial was not declared
+to be the total abolition, of the slave trade; but that Congress would
+consider, whether it be not in reality within their power to exercise
+justice and mercy, which, if adhered to, they cannot doubt must
+produce the abolition of the slave trade. If then the prayer contained
+nothing unconstitutional, he trusted the meritorious effort would not
+be frustrated. With respect to the alarm that was apprehended, he
+conjectured there was none; but there might be just cause, if the
+memorial was not taken into consideration. He placed himself in the
+case of a slave, and said, that on hearing that Congress had refused
+to listen to the decent suggestions of a respectable part of the
+community, he should infer, that the general government (from which
+was expected great good would result to every class of citizens) had
+shut their ears against the voice of humanity, and he should despair
+of any alleviation of the miseries he and his posterity had in
+prospect; if anything could induce him to rebel, it must be a stroke
+like this, impressing on his mind all the horrors of despair. But if
+he was told, that application was made in his behalf and that Congress
+were willing to hear what could be urged in favor of discouraging the
+practice of importing his fellow-wretches, he would trust in their
+justice and humanity, and wait the decision patiently. He presumed
+that these unfortunate people would reason in the same way; and he,
+therefore, conceived the most likely way to prevent danger, was to
+commit the petition. He lived in a State which had the misfortune of
+having in her bosom a great number of slaves, he held many of them
+himself, and was as much interested in the business, he believed, as
+any gentleman in South Carolina or Georgia, yet, if he was determined
+to hold them in eternal bondage, he should feel no uneasiness or alarm
+on account of the present measure, because he should rely upon the
+virtue of Congress, that they would not exercise any unconstitutional
+authority.
+
+Mr. MADISON (of Va.) The debate has taken a serious turn, and it will
+be owing to this alone if an alarm is created; for had the memorial
+been treated in the usual way, it would have been considered as a
+matter of course, and a report might have been made, so as to have
+given general satisfaction.
+
+If there was the slightest tendency by the commitment to break in upon
+the Constitution, he would object to it; but he did not see upon what
+ground such an event was to be apprehended. The petition prayed, in
+general terms, for the interference of Congress, so far as they were
+constitutionally authorized; but even if its prayer was, in some
+degree, unconstitutional, it might be committed, as was the case on
+Mr. Churchman's petition, one part of which was supposed to apply for
+an unconstitutional interference by the general government.
+
+He admitted that Congress was restricted by the Constitution from
+taking measures to abolish the slave trade; yet there were a variety
+of ways by which they could countenance the abolition, and they might
+make some regulations respecting the introduction of them into the new
+States, to be formed out of the Western Territory, different from what
+they could in the old settled States. He thought the object well
+worthy of consideration.
+
+Mr. GERRY (of Mass.) thought the interference of Congress fully
+compatible with the Constitution, and could not help lamenting the
+miseries to which the natives of Africa were exposed by this inhuman
+commerce; and said that he never contemplated the subject, without
+reflecting what his own feelings would be, in case himself, his
+children, or friends, were placed in the same deplorable
+circumstances. He then adverted to the flagrant acts of cruelty which
+are committed in carrying on that traffic; and asked whether it can be
+supposed, that Congress has no power to prevent such transactions? He
+then referred to the Constitution, and pointed out the restrictions
+laid on the general government respecting the importation of slaves.
+It was not, he presumed, in the contemplation of any gentleman in this
+house to violate that part of the Constitution; but that we have a
+right to regulate this business, is as clear as that we have any
+rights whatever; nor has the contrary been shown by any person who has
+spoken on the occasion. Congress can, agreeable to the Constitution,
+lay a duty of ten dollars on imported slaves; they may do this
+immediately. He made a calculation of the value of the slaves in the
+Southern States, and supposed they might be worth ten millions of
+dollars; Congress have a right, if they see proper, to make a proposal
+to the Southern States to purchase the whole of them, and their
+resources in the Western Territory may furnish them with means. He did
+not intend to suggest a measure of this kind, he only instanced these
+particulars, to show that Congress certainly have a right to
+intermeddle in the business. He thought that no objection had been
+offered, of any force, to prevent the commitment of the memorial.
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT (of N.J.) had carefully examined the petition, and found
+nothing like what was complained of by gentlemen, contained in it; he,
+therefore, hoped they would withdraw their opposition, and suffer it
+to be committed.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, that as the petitioners had particularly
+prayed Congress to take measures for the annihilation of the slave
+trade, and that was admitted on all hands to be beyond their power,
+and as the petitioners would not be gratified by a tax of ten dollars
+per head, which was all that was within their power, there was, of
+consequence, no occasion for committing it.
+
+Mr. STONE (of Md.) thought this memorial a thing of course; for there
+never was a society, of any considerable extent, which did not
+interfere with the concerns of other people, and this kind of
+interference, whenever it has happened, has never failed to deluge the
+country in blood: on this principle he was opposed to the commitment.
+
+The question on the commitment being about to be put, the yeas and
+nays were called for, and are as follows:--
+
+Yeas.--Messrs. Ames, Benson, Boudinot, Brown, Cadwallader, Clymer,
+Fitzsimons, Floyd, Foster, Gale, Gerry, Gilman, Goodhue, Griffin,
+Grout, Hartley, Hathorne, Heister, Huntington, Lawrance, Lee, Leonard,
+Livermore, Madison, Moore, Muhlenberg, Page, Parker, Partridge,
+Renssellaer, Schureman, Scott, Sedgwick, Seney, Sherman, Sinnickson,
+Smith of Maryland, Sturges, Thatcher, Trumbull, Wadsworth, White, and
+Wynkoop--93.
+
+Noes.--Messrs. Baldwin, Bland, Bourke, Coles, Huger, Jackson, Mathews,
+Sylvester, Smith of S.C., Stone, and Tucker--11.
+
+Whereupon it was determined in the affirmative; and on motion, the
+petition of the Society of Friends, at New York, and the memorial from
+the Pennsylvania Society, for the abolition of slavery, were also
+referred to a committee.
+
+
+
+_Debate on Committee's Report, March 1790._
+
+ELIOT'S DEBATES.
+
+Mr. TUCKER moved to modify the first paragraph by striking out all the
+words after the word opinion, and to insert the following: that the
+several memorials proposed to the consideration of this house, a
+subject on which its interference would be unconstitutional, and even
+its deliberations highly injurious to some of the States in the Union.
+
+Mr. JACKSON rose and observed, that he had been silent on the subject
+of the reports coming before the committee, because he wished the
+principles of the resolutions to be examined fairly, and to be decided
+on their true grounds. He was against the propositions generally, and
+would examine the policy, the justice and the use of them, and he
+hoped, if he could make them appear in the same light to others as
+they did to him by fair argument, that the gentlemen in opposition
+were not so determined in their opinions as not to give up their
+present sentiments.
+
+With respect to the policy of the measure, the situation of the slaves
+here, their situation in their native States, and the disposal of them
+in case of emancipation, should be considered. That slavery was an
+evil habit, he did not mean to controvert; but that habit was already
+established, and there were peculiar situations in countries which
+rendered that habit necessary. Such situations the States of South
+Carolina and Georgia were in--large tracts of the most fertile lands
+on the continent remained uncultivated for the want of population. It
+was frequently advanced on the floor of Congress, how unhealthy those
+climates were, and how impossible it was for northern constitutions to
+exist there. What, he asked, is to be done with this uncultivated
+territory? Is it to remain a waste? Is the rice trade to be banished
+from our coasts? Are Congress willing to deprive themselves of the
+revenue arising from that trade, and which is daily increasing, and to
+throw this great advantage into the hands of other countries?
+
+Let us examine the use or the benefit of the resolutions contained in
+the report. I call upon gentlemen to give me one single instance in
+which they can be of service. They are of no use to Congress. The
+powers of that body are already defined, and those powers cannot be
+amended, confirmed or diminished by ten thousand resolutions. Is not
+the first proposition of the report fully contained in the
+Constitution? Is not that the guide and rule of this legislature. A
+multiplicity of laws is reprobated in any society, and tend but to
+confound and perplex. How strange would a law appear which was to
+confirm a law; and how much more strange must it appear for this body
+to pass resolutions to confirm the Constitution under which they sit!
+This is the case with others of the resolutions.
+
+A gentleman from Maryland (Mr. STONE,) very properly observed, that
+the Union had received the different States with all their ill habits
+about them. This was one of these habits established long before the
+Constitution, and could not now be remedied. He begged Congress to
+reflect on the number on the continent who were opposed to this
+Constitution, and on the number which yet remained in the Southern
+States. The violation of this compact they would seize on with
+avidity; they would make a handle of it to cover their designs against
+the government, and many good federalists, who would be injured by the
+measure, would be induced to join them: his heart was truly federal,
+and it always had been so, and he wished those designs frustrated. He
+begged Congress to beware before they went too far: he called on them
+to attend to the interests of two whole States, as well as to the
+memorials of a society of Quakers, who came forward to blow the
+trumpet of sedition, and to destroy that Constitution which they had
+not in the least contributed by personal service or supply to
+establish.
+
+He seconded Mr. TUCKER'S motion.
+
+Mr. SMITH (of S.C.) said, the gentlemen from Massachusetts, (Mr.
+GERRY,) had declared that it was the opinion of the select committee,
+of which he was a member, that the memorial of the Pennsylvania
+society, required Congress to violate the Constitution. It was not
+less astonishing to see Dr. FRANKLIN taking the lead in a business
+which looks so much like a persecution of the Southern inhabitants,
+when he recollected the parable he had written some time ago, with a
+view of showing the impropriety of one set of men persecuting others
+for a difference of opinion. The parable was to this effect: an old
+traveller, hungry and weary, applied to the patriarch Abraham for a
+night's lodging. In conversation, Abraham discovered that the stranger
+differed with him on religious points, and turned him out of doors. In
+the night God appeared unto Abraham, and said, where is the stranger?
+Abraham answered, I found that he did not worship the true God, and so
+I turned him out of doors. The Almighty thus rebuked the patriarch:
+Have I borne with him three-score and ten years, and couldst thou not
+bear with him one night? Has the Almighty, said Mr. SMITH, borne with
+us for more than three-score years and ten: he has even made our
+country opulent, and shed the blessings of affluence and prosperity on
+our land, notwithstanding all its slaves, and must we now be ruined on
+account of the tender consciences of a few scrupulous individuals who
+differ from us on this point?
+
+Mr. BOUDINOT agreed with the general doctrines of Mr. S., but could
+not agree that the clause in the Constitution relating to the want of
+power in Congress to prohibit the importation of such persons as any
+of the States, _now existing_, shall think proper to admit, prior to
+the year 1808, and authorizing a tax or duty on such importation not
+exceeding ten dollars for each person, did not extend to negro slaves.
+Candor required that he should acknowledge that this was the express
+design of the Constitution, and therefore Congress could not interfere
+in prohibiting the importation or promoting the emancipation of them,
+prior to that period. Mr. BOUDINOT observed, that he was well informed
+that the tax or duty of ten dollars was provided, instead of the five
+per cent ad valorem, and was so expressly understood by all parties in
+the Convention; that therefore it was the interest and duty of
+Congress to impose this tax, or it would not be doing justice to the
+States, or equalizing the duties throughout the Union. If this was not
+done, merchants might bring their whole capitals into this branch of
+trade, and save paying any duties whatever. Mr. BOUDINOT observed,
+that the gentleman had overlooked the prophecy of St. Peter, where he
+foretells that among other damnable heresies, "Through covetousness
+shall they with feigned words make merchandize of you."
+
+[NOTE.--This petition, with others of a similar object, was committed
+to a select committee; that committee made a report; the report was
+referred to a committee of the whole House, and discussed on four
+successive days; it was then reported to the House with amendments,
+and by the House ordered to be inscribed in its Journals, and then
+laid on the table.
+
+That report, as amended in committee, is in the following words:
+
+The committee to whom were referred sundry memorials from the people
+called Quakers, and also a memorial from the Pennsylvania Society for
+promoting the abolition of slavery, submit the following report, (as
+amended in committee of the whole.)
+
+"First: That the migration or importation of such persons as any of
+the States now existing shall think proper to admit, cannot be
+prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808."
+
+"Secondly: That Congress have no power to interfere in the
+emancipation of slaves, or in the treatment of them, within any of the
+States; it remaining with the several States alone to provide any
+regulations therein which humanity and true policy may require."
+
+"Thirdly: That Congress have authority to restrain the citizens of the
+United States from carrying on the African Slave trade, for the
+purpose of supplying foreigners with slaves, and of providing by
+proper regulations for the humane treatment, during their passage, of
+slaves imported by the said citizens into the States admitting such
+importations."
+
+"Fourthly: That Congress have also authority to prohibit foreigners
+from fitting out vessels in any part of the United States for
+transporting persons from Africa to any foreign port."]
+
+
+
+ADDRESS
+
+OF THE
+
+EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE
+
+OF
+
+THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY
+
+TO THE
+
+Friends of Freedom and Emancipation in the U. States.
+
+
+At the Tenth Anniversary of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held in
+the city of New-York, May 7th, 1844,--after grave deliberation, and a
+long and earnest discussion,--it was decided, by a vote of nearly
+three to one of the members present, that fidelity to the cause of
+human freedom, hatred of oppression, sympathy for those who are held
+in chains and slavery in this republic, and allegiance to God, require
+that the existing national compact should be instantly dissolved; that
+secession from the government is a religious and political duty; that
+the motto inscribed on the banner of Freedom should be, NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS; that it is impracticable for tyrants and the enemies of
+tyranny to coalesce and legislate together for the preservation of
+human rights, or the promotion of the interests of Liberty; and that
+revolutionary ground should be occupied by all those who abhor the
+thought of doing evil that good may come, and who do not mean to
+compromise the principles of Justice and Humanity.
+
+A decision involving such momentous consequences, so well calculated
+to startle the public mind, so hostile to the established order of
+things, demands of us, as the official representatives of the American
+Society, a statement of the reasons which led to it. This is due not
+only to the Society, but also to the country and the world.
+
+It is declared by the American people to be a self-evident truth,
+"that all men are created equal; that they are endowed BY THEIR
+CREATOR with certain inalienable rights; that among these are _life_,
+LIBERTY, and the pursuit of happiness." It is further maintained by
+them, that "all governments derive their just powers from the consent
+of the governed;" that "whenever any form of government becomes
+destructive of human rights, it is the right of the people to alter or
+to abolish it, and institute a new government, laying its foundation
+on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them
+shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness." These
+doctrines the patriots of 1776 sealed with their blood. They would not
+brook even the menace of oppression. They held that there should be no
+delay in resisting, at whatever cost or peril, the first encroachments
+of power on their liberties. Appealing to the great Ruler of the
+universe for the rectitude of their course, they pledged to each other
+"their lives, their fortunes and their sacred honor," to conquer or
+perish in their struggle to be free.
+
+For the example which they set to all people subjected to a despotic
+sway, and the sacrifices which they made, their descendants cherish
+their memories with gratitude, reverence their virtues, honor their
+deeds, and glory in their triumphs.
+
+It is not necessary, therefore, for us to prove that a state of
+slavery is incompatible with the dictates of reason and humanity; or
+that it is lawful to throw off a government which is at war with the
+sacred rights of mankind.
+
+We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires of every man
+sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, independent judgment,
+invincible determination, and a sound heart. A revolutionary step is
+one that should not be taken hastily, nor followed under the influence
+of impulsive imitation. To know what spirit they are of--whether they
+have counted the cost of the warfare--what are the principles they
+advocate--and how they are to achieve their object--is the first duty
+of revolutionists.
+
+But, while circumspection and prudence are excellent qualities in
+every great emergency, they become the allies of tyranny whenever they
+restrain prompt, bold and decisive action against it.
+
+We charge upon the present national compact, that it was formed at the
+expense of human liberty, by a profligate surrender of principle, and
+to this hour is cemented with human blood.
+
+We charge upon the American Constitution, that it contains provisions,
+and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful for freemen to take the
+oath of allegiance to it, because they are expressly designed to favor
+a slaveholding oligarchy, and, consequently, to make one portion of
+the people a prey to another.
+
+We charge upon the existing national government, that it is an
+insupportable despotism, wielded by a power which is superior to all
+legal and constitutional restraints--equally indisposed and unable to
+protect the lives or liberties of the people--the prop and safeguard
+of American slavery.
+
+These charges we proceed briefly to establish:
+
+1. It is admitted by all men of intelligence,--or if it be denied in
+any quarter, the records of our national history settle the question
+beyond doubt,--that the American Union was effected by a guilty
+compromise between the free and slaveholding States; in other words,
+by immolating the colored population on the altar of slavery, by
+depriving the North of equal rights and privileges, and by
+incorporating the slave system into the government. In the expressive
+and pertinent language of scripture, it was "a covenant with death,
+and an agreement with hell"--null and void before God, from the first
+hour of its inception--the framers of which were recreant to duty, and
+the supporters of which are equally guilty.
+
+It was pleaded at the time of the adoption, it is pleaded now, that,
+without such a compromise there could have been no union; that,
+without union, the colonies would have become an easy prey to the
+mother country; and, hence, that it was an act of necessity,
+deplorable indeed when viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to
+the safety of the republic.
+
+To this we reply: The plea is as profligate as the act was tyrannical.
+It is the jesuitical doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means. It
+is a confession of sin, but the denial of any guilt in its
+perpetration. It is at war with the government of God, and subversive
+of the foundations of morality. It is to make lies our refuge, and
+under falsehood to hide ourselves, so that we may escape the
+overflowing scourge. "Therefore, thus saith the Lord God, Judgment
+will I lay to the line, and righteousness to the plummet; and the hail
+shall sweep away the refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the
+hiding place." Moreover, "because ye trust in oppression and
+perverseness, and stay thereon; therefore this iniquity shall be to
+you as a breach ready to fall, swelling out in a high wall, whose
+breaking cometh suddenly at an instant. And he shall break it as the
+breaking of the potter's vessel that is broken in pieces; he shall not
+spare."
+
+This plea is sufficiently broad to cover all the oppression and
+villainy that the sun has witnessed in his circuit, since God said,
+"Let there be light." It assumes that to be practicable, which is
+impossible, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union with
+injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of virtue with
+pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A partnership between
+right and wrong, is wholly wrong. A compromise of the principles of
+Justice, is the deification of crime.
+
+Better that the American Union had never been formed, than that it
+should have been obtained at such a frightful cost! If they were
+guilty who fashioned it, but who could not foresee all its frightful
+consequences, how much more guilty are they, who, in full view of all
+that has resulted from it, clamor for its perpetuity! If it was sinful
+at the commencement, to adopt it on the ground of escaping a greater
+evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for the same
+reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged from its
+corruption?
+
+The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effecting a union,
+rendered it impracticable; unless by the term union we are to
+understand the absolute reign of the slaveholding power over the whole
+country, to the prostration of Northern rights. In the just use of
+words, the American Union is and always has been a sham--an imposture.
+It is an instrument of oppression unsurpassed in the criminal history
+of the world. How then can it be innocently sustained? It is not
+certain, it is not even probable, that if it had not been adopted, the
+mother country would have reconquered the colonies. The spirit that
+would have chosen danger in preference to crime,--to perish with
+justice rather than live with dishonor,--to dare and suffer whatever
+might betide, rather than sacrifice the rights of one human
+being,--could never have been subjugated by any mortal power. Surely
+it is paying a poor tribute to the valor and devotion of our
+revolutionary fathers in the cause of liberty, to say that, if they
+had sternly refused to sacrifice their principles, they would have
+fallen an easy prey to the despotic power of England.
+
+II. The American Constitution is the exponent of the national compact.
+We affirm that it is an instrument which no man can innocently bind
+himself to support, because its anti-republican and anti-Christian
+requirements are explicit and peremptory; at least, so explicit that,
+in regard to all the clauses pertaining to slavery, they have been
+uniformly understood and enforced in the same way, by all the courts
+and by all the people; and so peremptory, that no individual
+interpretation or authority can set them aside with impunity. It is
+not a ball of clay, to be moulded into any shape that party
+contrivance or caprice may choose it to assume. It is not a form of
+words, to be interpreted in any manner, or to any extent, or for the
+accomplishment of any purpose, that individuals in office under it may
+determine. _It means precisely what those who framed and adopted it
+meant_--NOTHING MORE, NOTHING LESS, _as a matter of bargain and
+compromise_. Even if it can be construed to mean something else,
+without violence to its language, such construction is not to be
+tolerated _against the wishes of either party_. No just or honest use
+of it can be made, in opposition to the plain intention of its
+framers, _except to declare the contract at an end, and to refuse to
+serve under it_.
+
+To the argument, that the words "slaves" and "slavery" are not to be
+found in the Constitution, and therefore that it was never intended to
+give any protection or countenance to the slave system, it is
+sufficient to reply, that though no such words are contained in that
+instrument, other words were used intelligently and specifically, TO
+MEET THE NECESSITIES OF SLAVERY; and that these were adopted _in good
+faith, to be observed until a constitutional change could be
+effected_. On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no
+intelligent man can honestly entertain a doubt. If it be objected,
+that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, as they
+can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly the reverse, it is
+allowable to give to them such an interpretation, _especially as the
+cause of freedom will thereby be promoted_--we reply, that this is to
+advocate fraud and violence toward one of the contracting parties,
+_whose co-operation was secured only by an express agreement and
+understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses alluded to_;
+and that such a construction, if enforced by pains and penalties,
+would unquestionably lead to a civil war, in which the aggrieved party
+would justly claim to have been betrayed, and robbed of their
+constitutional rights.
+
+Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are null and
+void--we reply, it is true they are not to be observed; but it is also
+true that they are portions of an instrument, the support of which, AS
+A WHOLE, is required by oath or affirmation; and, therefore, _because
+they are immoral_, and BECAUSE OF THIS OBLIGATION TO ENFORCE
+IMMORALITY, no one can innocently swear to support the Constitution.
+
+Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed by the
+people of the United States, in order to establish justice, to promote
+the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to themselves
+and their posterity; and therefore, it is to be so construed as to
+harmonize with these objects; we reply, again, that its language is
+_not to be interpreted in a sense which neither of the contracting
+parties understood_, and which would frustrate every design of their
+alliance--to wit, _union at the expense of the colored population of
+the country_. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the preamble
+alluded to never included, in the minds of those who framed it, _those
+who were then pining in bondage_--for, in that case, a general
+emancipation of the slaves would have instantly been proclaimed
+throughout the United States. The words, "secure the blessings of
+liberty to ourselves and our posterity," assuredly meant only the
+white population. "To promote the general welfare," referred to their
+own welfare exclusively. "To establish justice," was understood to be
+for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and the guilty abettors of
+slavery. This is demonstrated by other parts of the same instrument,
+and by their own practice under it.
+
+We would not detract aught from what is justly their due; but it is as
+reprehensible to give them credit for _what they did not possess_, as
+it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is absurd, it is false, it is
+an insult to the common sense of mankind, to pretend that the
+Constitution was intended to embrace the entire population of the
+country under its sheltering wings; or that the parties to it were
+actuated by a sense of justice and the spirit of impartial liberty; or
+that it needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make it
+harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As truly might it
+be argued, that because it is asserted in the Declaration of
+Independence, that all men are created equal, and endowed with an
+inalienable right to liberty, therefore none of its signers were
+slaveholders, and since its adoption, slavery has been banished from
+the American soil! The truth is, our fathers were intent on securing
+liberty to _themselves_, without being very scrupulous as to the means
+they used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated by the
+spirit of universal philanthropy; and though in words they recognized
+occasionally the brotherhood of the human race, _in practice_ they
+continually denied it. They did not blush to enslave a portion of
+their fellow-men, and to buy and sell them as cattle in the market,
+while they were fighting against the oppression of the mother country,
+and boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why, then, concede
+to them virtues which they did not possess? _Why cling to the
+falsehood, that they were no respecters of persons in the formation of
+the government_?
+
+Alas! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard for man, in
+their hearts!  "The iniquity of the house of Israel and Judah [the
+North and South] is exceeding great, and the land is full of blood,
+and the city full of perverseness; for they say, the Lord hath
+forsaken the earth, and the Lord seeth not."
+
+We proceed to a critical examination of the American Constitution, in
+its relations to slavery.
+
+In ARTICLE 1, Section 9, it is declared--"The migration or importation
+of such persons as any of the States now existing shall think proper
+to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress, prior to the year
+one thousand eight hundred and eight; but a tax or duty may be imposed
+on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person."
+
+In this Section, it will be perceived, the phraseology is so guarded
+as not to imply, _ex necessitate_, any criminal intent or inhuman
+arrangement; and yet no one has ever had the hardihood or folly to
+deny, that it was clearly understood by the contracting parties, to
+mean that there should be no interference with the African slave
+trade, on the part of the general government, until the year 1808.
+For twenty years after the adoption of the Constitution, the citizens
+of the United States were to be encouraged and protected in the
+prosecution of that infernal traffic--in sacking and burning the
+hamlets of Africa--in slaughtering multitudes of the inoffensive
+natives on the soil, kidnapping and enslaving a still greater
+proportion, crowding them to suffocation in the holds of the slave
+ships, populating the Atlantic with their dead bodies, and subjecting
+the wretched survivors to all the horrors of unmitigated bondage!
+This awful covenant was strictly fulfilled; and though, since its
+termination, Congress has declared the foreign slave traffic to be
+piracy, yet all Christendom knows that the American flag, instead of
+being the terror of the African slavers, has given them the most ample
+protection.
+
+The manner in which the 9th Section was agreed to, by the national
+convention that formed the Constitution, is thus frankly avowed by the
+Hon. LUTHER MARTIN[9] who was a prominent member of that body:
+
+[Footnote 9: Speech before the Legislature of Maryland in 1787.]
+
+
+"The Eastern States, notwithstanding their aversion to slavery, (!)
+were _very willing to indulge the Southern States_ at least with a
+temporary liberty to prosecute the slave trade, provided the Southern
+States would, in their turn, _gratify_ them by laying no restriction
+on navigation acts; and, after a very little time, the committee, by a
+great majority, agreed on a report, _by which the general government
+was to be prohibited from preventing the importation of slaves_ for a
+limited time; and the restrictive clause relative to navigation acts
+was to be omitted."
+
+Behold the iniquity of this agreement! how sordid were the motives
+which led to it! what a profligate disregard of justice and humanity,
+on the part of those who had solemnly declared the inalienable right
+of all men to be free and equal, to be a self-evident truth!
+
+It is due to the national convention to say, that this Section was not
+adopted "without considerable opposition."  Alluding to it, Mr. MARTIN
+observes--
+
+"It was said that we had just assumed a place among independent
+nations in consequence of our opposition to the attempts of Great
+Britain to _enslave us_: that this opposition was grounded upon the
+preservation of those rights to which God and nature has entitled us,
+not in _particular_, but in _common with all the rest of mankind_;
+that we had appealed to the Supreme Being for his assistance, as the
+God of freedom, who could not but approve our efforts to preserve the
+rights which he had thus imparted to his creatures; that now, when we
+scarcely had risen from our knees, from supplicating his aid and
+protection in forming our government over a free people, a government
+formed pretendedly on the principles of liberty, and for its
+preservation,--in that government to have a provision, not only
+putting it out of its power to restrain and prevent the slave trade,
+even encouraging that most infamous traffic, by giving the States
+power and influence in the Union in proportion as they cruelly and
+wantonly sport with the rights of their fellow-creatures, ought to be
+considered as a solemn mockery of, and insult to, that God whose
+protection we had then implored, and could not fail to hold us up in
+detestation, and render us contemptible to every true friend of
+liberty in the world. It was said it ought to be considered that
+national crimes can only be and frequently are, punished in this world
+by _national punishments_, and that the continuance of the slave
+trade, and thus giving it a national sanction, and encouragement,
+ought to be considered as justly exposing us to the displeasure and
+vengeance of Him who is equally Lord of all, and who views with equal
+eye the poor _African slave_ and his _American master_![10]
+
+[Footnote 10: How terribly and justly has this guilty nation been
+scourged, since these words were spoken, on account of slavery and the
+slave trade!]
+
+
+"It was urged that, by this system, we were giving the general
+government full and absolute power to regulate commerce, under which
+general power it would have a right to restrain, or totally prohibit,
+the slave trade: it must, therefore, appear to the world absurd and
+disgraceful to the last degree that we should except from the exercise
+of that power the only branch of commerce which is unjustifiable in
+its nature, and contrary to the rights of mankind. That, on the
+contrary, we ought rather to prohibit expressly, in our Constitution,
+the further importation of slaves, and to authorize the general
+government, from time to time, to make such regulations as should be
+thought most advantageous for the gradual abolition of slavery, and
+the emancipation of the slaves which are already in the States. That
+slavery is inconsistent with the genius of republicanism, and has a
+tendency to destroy those principles on which it is supported, as it
+lessens the sense of the equal rights of mankind, and habituates us to
+tyranny and oppression. It was further urged that, by this system of
+government, every State is to be protected both from foreign invasion
+and from domestic insurrections; that, from this consideration, it was
+of the utmost importance it should have a power to restrain the
+importation of slaves, since in proportion as the number of slaves
+were increased in any State, in the same proportion the State is
+weakened and exposed to foreign invasion or domestic insurrection; and
+by so much less will it be able to protect itself against either, and
+therefore will by so much the more, want aid from, and be a burden to,
+the Union.
+
+"It was further said, that, as in this system, we were giving the
+general government a power, under the idea of national character, or
+national interest, to regulate even our weights and measures, and have
+prohibited all possibility of emitting paper money, and passing
+insolvent laws, &c., it must appear still more extraordinary that we
+should prohibit the government from interfering with the slave trade,
+than which nothing could so materially affect both our national honor
+and interest.
+
+"These reasons influenced me, both on the committee and in convention,
+most decidedly to oppose and vote against the clause, as it now makes
+a part of the system."[11]
+
+[Footnote 11: Secret Proceedings, p. 64.]
+
+
+Happy had it been for this nation, had these solemn considerations
+been heeded by the framers of the Constitution! But for the sake of
+securing some local advantages, they chose to do evil that good might
+come, and to make the end sanctify the means. They were willing to
+enslave others, that they might secure their own freedom. They did
+this deed deliberately, with their eyes open, with all the facts and
+consequences arising therefrom before them, in violation of all their
+heaven-attested declarations, and in atheistical distrust of the
+overruling power of God. "The Eastern States were very willing to
+_indulge_ the Southern States" in the unrestricted prosecution of
+their piratical traffic, provided in return they could be _gratified_
+by no restriction being laid on navigation acts!!--Had there been no
+other provision of the Constitution justly liable to objection, this
+one alone rendered the support of that instrument incompatible with
+the duties which men owe to their Creator, and to each other. It was
+the poisonous infusion in the cup, which, though constituting but a
+very slight portion of its contents, perilled the life of every one
+who partook of it.
+
+If it be asked to what purpose are these animadversions, since the
+clause alluded to has long since expired by its own limitation--we
+answer, that, if at any time the foreign slave trade could be
+_constitutionally_ prosecuted, it may yet be renewed, under the
+Constitution, at the pleasure of Congress, whose prohibitory statute
+is liable to be reversed at any moment, in the frenzy of Southern
+opposition to emancipation. It is ignorantly supposed that the bargain
+was, that the traffic _should cease_ in 1808; but the only thing
+secured by it was, the _right_ of Congress (not any obligation) to
+prohibit it at that period. If, therefore, Congress had not chosen to
+exercise that right, _the traffic might have been prolonged
+indefinitely under the Constitution._ The right to destroy any
+particular branch of commerce, implies the right to re-establish it.
+True, there is no probability that the African slave trade will ever
+again be legalized by the national government; but no credit is due
+the framers of the Constitution on this ground; for, while they threw
+around it all the sanction and protection of the national character
+and power for twenty years, _they set no bounds to its continuance by
+any positive constitutional prohibition._
+
+Again, the adoption of such a clause, and the faithful execution
+of it, prove what was meant by the words of the preamble--"to form
+a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity,
+provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare,
+and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our
+posterity"--namely, that the parties to the Constitution regarded only
+their own rights and interests, and never intended that its language
+should be so interpreted as to interfere with slavery, or to make it
+unlawful for one portion of the people to enslave another, _without an
+express alteration in that instrument, in the manner therein set
+forth._ While, therefore, the Constitution remains as it was
+originally adopted, they who swear to support it are bound to comply
+with all its provisions, as a matter of allegiance. For it avails
+nothing to say, that some of those provisions are at war with the law
+of God and the rights of man, and therefore are not obligatory.
+Whatever may be their character, they are _constitutionally_
+obligatory; and whoever feels that he cannot execute them, or swear to
+execute them, without committing sin, has no other choice left than to
+withdraw from the government, or to violate his conscience by taking
+on his lips an impious promise. The object of the Constitution is not
+to define _what is the law of God_, but WHAT IS THE WILL OF THE
+PEOPLE--which will is not to be frustrated by an ingenious moral
+interpretation, by those whom they have elected to serve them.
+
+ARTICLE 1, Sect. 2, provides--"Representatives and direct taxes shall
+be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within
+this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be
+determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including
+those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not
+taxed, _three-fifths of all other persons_."
+
+Here, as in the clause we have already examined, veiled beneath a form
+of words as deceitful as it is unmeaning in a truly democratic
+government, is a provision for the safety, perpetuity and augmentation
+of the slaveholding power--a provision scarcely less atrocious than
+that which related to the African slave trade, and almost as
+afflictive in its operation--a provision still in force, with no
+possibility of its alteration, so long as a majority of the slave
+States choose to maintain their slave system--a provision which, at
+the present time, enables the South to have twenty-five additional
+representatives in Congress on the score of property, while the North
+is not allowed to have one--a provision which concedes to the
+oppressed three-fifths of the political power which is granted to all
+others, and then puts this power into the hands of their oppressors,
+to be wielded by them for the more perfect security of their tyrannous
+authority, and the complete subjugation of the non-slaveholding
+States.
+
+Referring to this atrocious bargain, ALEXANDER HAMILTON remarked in
+the New York Convention--
+
+"The first thing objected to, is that clause which allows a
+representation for three-fifths of the negroes. Much has been said of
+the impropriety of representing men who have no will of their own:
+whether this be _reasoning_ or _declamation_, (!!) I will not presume
+to say. It is the _unfortunate_ situation of the Southern States to
+have a great part of their population as well as _property_, in
+blacks. The regulation complained of was one result of _the spirit of
+accommodation_ which governed the Convention; and without this
+_indulgence_, NO UNION COULD POSSIBLY HAVE BEEN FORMED. But, sir,
+considering some _peculiar advantages_ which we derive from them, it
+is entirely JUST that they should be _gratified_.--The Southern States
+possess certain staples, tobacco, rice, indigo, &c.--which must be
+_capital_ objects in treaties of commerce with foreign nations; and
+the advantage which they necessarily procure in these treaties will be
+felt throughout all the States."
+
+If such was the patriotism, such the love of liberty, such the
+morality of ALEXANDER HAMILTON, what can be said of the character of
+those who were far less conspicuous than himself in securing American
+independence, and in framing the American Constitution?
+
+Listen, now, to the opinions of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, respecting the
+constitutional clause now under consideration:--
+
+"'In outward show, it is a representation of persons in bondage; in
+fact, it is a representation of their masters,--the oppressor
+representing the oppressed.'--'Is it in the compass of human
+imagination to devise a more perfect exemplification of the art of
+committing the lamb to the tender custody of the wolf?'--'The
+representative is thus constituted, not the friend, agent and trustee
+of the person whom he represents, but the most inveterate of his
+foes.'--'It was _one_ of the curses from that Pandora's box, adjusted
+at the time, as usual, by a _compromise_, the whole advantage of which
+inured to the benefit of the South, and to aggravate the burthens of
+the North.'--'If there be a parallel to it in human history, it can
+only be that of the Roman Emperors, who, from the days when Julius
+Caesar substituted a military despotism in the place of a republic,
+among the offices which they always concentrated upon themselves, was
+that of tribune of the people. A Roman Emperor tribune of the people,
+is an exact parallel to that feature in the Constitution of the United
+States which makes the master the representative of his slave.'--'The
+Constitution of the United States expressly prescribes that no title
+of nobility shall be granted by the United States. The spirit of this
+interdict is not a rooted antipathy to the grant of mere powerless
+empty _titles_, but to titles of _nobility_; to the institution of
+privileged orders of men. But what order of men under the most
+absolute of monarchies, or the most aristocratic of republics, was
+ever invested with such an odious and unjust privilege as that of the
+separate and exclusive representation of less than half a million
+owners of slaves, in the Hall of this House, in the chair of the
+Senate, and in the Presidential mansion?'--'This investment of power
+in the owners of one species of property concentrated in the highest
+authorities of the nation, and disseminated through thirteen of the
+twenty-six States of the Union, constitutes a privileged order of men
+in the community, more adverse to the rights of all, and more
+pernicious to the interests of the whole, than any order of nobility
+ever known. To call government thus constituted a Democracy, is to
+insult the understanding of mankind. To call it an Aristocracy, is to
+do injustice to that form of government. Aristocracy is the government
+of the _best_. Its standard qualification for accession to power is
+_merit_, ascertained by popular election, recurring at short intervals
+of time. If even that government is prone to degenerate into tyranny,
+what must be the character of that form of polity in which the
+standard qualification for access to power is wealth in the possession
+of slaves? It is doubly tainted with the infection of riches and of
+slavery. _There is no name in the language of national jurisprudence
+that can define it_--no model in the records of ancient history, or in
+the political theories of Aristotle, with which it can be likened. It
+was introduced into the Constitution of the United States by an
+equivocation--a representation of property under the name of persons.
+Little did the members of the Convention from the free States imagine
+or foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of
+this concession.'--'The House of Representatives of the U. States
+consists of 223 members--all, by the _letter_ of the Constitution,
+representatives only of _persons_, as 135 of them really are; but the
+other 88, equally representing the _persons_ of their constituents, by
+whom they are elected, also represent, under the name of _other
+persons_, upwards of two and a half millions of _slaves_, held as the
+_property_ of less than half a million of the white constituents, and
+valued at twelve hundred millions of dollars. Each of these 88 members
+represents in fact the whole of that mass of associated wealth, and
+the persons and exclusive interests of its owners; all thus knit
+together, like the members of a moneyed corporation, with a capital
+not of thirty-five or forty or fifty, but of twelve hundred millions
+of dollars, exhibiting the most extraordinary exemplification of the
+anti-republican tendencies of associated wealth that the world ever
+saw.'--'Here is one class of men, consisting of not more than
+one-fortieth part of the whole people, not more than one-thirtieth
+part of the free population, exclusively devoted to their personal
+interests identified with their own as slaveholders of the same
+associated wealth, and wielding by their votes, upon every question of
+government or of public policy, two-fifths of the whole power of the
+House. In the Senate of the Union, the proportion of the slaveholding
+power is yet greater. By the influence of slavery, in the States where
+the institution is tolerated, over their elections, no other than a
+slaveholder can rise to the distinction of obtaining a seat in the
+Senate; and thus, of the 52 members of the Federal Senate, 26 are
+owners of slaves, and as effectively representatives of that interest
+as the 88 member elected by them to the House.'--'By this process it
+is that all political power in the States is absorbed and engrossed by
+the owners of _slaves_, and the overruling policy of the States is
+shaped to strengthen and consolidate their domination. The
+legislative, executive, and judicial authorities are all in their
+hands--the preservation, propagation, and perpetuation of the black
+code of slavery--every law of the legislature becomes a link in the
+chain of the slave; every executive act a rivet to his hapless fate;
+every judicial decision a perversion of the human intellect to the
+justification of _wrong_.'--'Its reciprocal operation upon the
+government of the nation is, to establish an artificial majority in
+the slave representation over that of the free people, in the American
+Congress, and thereby to make the PRESERVATION, PROPAGATION, AND
+PERPETUATION OF SLAVERY THE VITAL AND ANIMATING SPIRIT OF THE NATIONAL
+GOVERNMENT.'--'The result is seen in the fact that, at this day, the
+President of the United States, the President of the Senate, the
+Speaker of the House of Representatives, and five out of nine of the
+Judges of the Supreme Judicial Courts of the United States, are not
+only citizens of slaveholding States, but individual slaveholders
+themselves. So are, and constantly have been, with scarcely an
+exception, all the members of both Houses of Congress from the
+slaveholding States; and so are, in immensely disproportionate
+numbers, the commanding officers of the army and navy; the officers of
+the customs; the registers and receivers of the land offices, and the
+post-masters throughout the slaveholding States.--The Biennial
+Register indicates the birth-place of all the officers employed in the
+government of the Union. If it were required to designate the owners
+of this species of property among them, it would be little more than a
+catalogue of slaveholders.'"
+
+It is confessed by Mr. ADAMS, alluding to the national convention
+that framed the Constitution, that "the delegation from the free
+States, in their extreme anxiety to conciliate the ascendancy of the
+Southern slaveholder, did listen to a _compromise between right and
+wrong--between freedom and slavery_; of the ultimate fruits of which
+they had no conception, but which already even now is urging the Union
+to its inevitable ruin and dissolution, by a civil, servile, foreign
+and Indian war, all combined in one; a war, the essential issue of
+which will be between freedom and slavery, and in which the unhallowed
+standard of slavery will be the desecrated banner of the North
+American Union--that banner, first unfurled to the breeze, inscribed
+with the self-evident truths of the Declaration of Independence."
+
+Hence, to swear to support the Constitution of the United States, _as
+it is_, is to make "a compromise between right and wrong," and to wage
+war against human liberty. It is to recognize and honor as republican
+legislators _incorrigible men-stealers_, MERCILESS TYRANTS, BLOOD
+THIRSTY ASSASSINS, who legislate with deadly weapons about their
+persons, such as pistols, daggers, and bowie-knives, with which they
+threaten to murder any Northern senator or representative who shall
+dare to stain their _honor_, or interfere with their rights! They
+constitute a banditti more fierce and cruel than any whose atrocities
+are recorded on the pages of history or romance. To mix with them on
+terms of social or religious fellowship, is to indicate a low state of
+virtue; but to think of administering a free government by their
+co-operation, is nothing short of insanity.
+
+Article 4, Section 2, declares,--"No person held to service or labor
+in one State, _under the laws thereof_, escaping into another, shall,
+in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from
+such service or labor; but shall be delivered up on claim of the party
+to whom such service or labor may be due."
+
+Here is a third clause, which, like the other two, makes no mention of
+slavery or slaves, in express terms; and yet, like them, was
+intelligently framed and mutually understood by the parties to the
+ratification, and intended both to protect the slave system and to
+restore runaway slaves. It alone makes slavery a national institution,
+a national crime, and all the people who are not enslaved, the
+body-guard over those whose liberties have been cloven down. This
+agreement, too, has been fulfilled to the letter by the North.
+
+Under the Mosaic dispensation it was imperatively commanded,--"Thou
+shalt not deliver unto his master the servant which is escaped from
+his master unto thee: he shall dwell with thee, even among you, in
+that place which he shall choose in one of thy gates, where it liketh
+him best: thou shalt not oppress him." The warning which the prophet
+Isaiah gave to oppressing Moab was of a similar kind: "Take counsel,
+execute judgment; make thy shadow as the night in the midst of the
+noon-day; hide the outcasts; bewray not him that wandereth. Let mine
+outcasts dwell with thee, Moab; be thou a covert to them from the face
+of the spoiler." The prophet Obadiah brings the following charge
+against treacherous Edom, which is precisely applicable to this guilty
+nation:--"For thy violence against thy brother Jacob, shame shall come
+over thee, and thou shalt be cut off for ever. In the day that thou
+stoodst on the other side, in the day that the strangers carried away
+captive his forces, and foreigners entered into his gates, and cast
+lots upon Jerusalem, _even thou wast as one of them_. But thou
+shouldst not have looked on the day of thy brother, in the day that he
+became a stranger; neither shouldst thou have rejoiced over the
+children of Judah, in the day of their destruction; neither shouldst
+thou have spoken proudly in the day of distress; neither shouldst thou
+have _stood in the cross-way, to cut off those of his that did
+escape_; neither shouldst thou have _delivered up those of his that
+did remain_, in the day of distress."
+
+How exactly descriptive of this boasted republic is the impeachment of
+Edom by the same prophet! "The pride of thy heart hath deceived thee,
+thou whose habitation is high; that saith in thy heart, Who shall
+bring me down to the ground? Though thou exalt thyself as the eagle,
+and though thou set thy nest among the stars, thence will I bring thee
+down, saith the Lord." The emblem of American pride and power is the
+_eagle_, and on her banner she has mingled _stars_ with its _stripes_.
+Her vanity, her treachery, her oppression, her self-exaltation, and
+her defiance of the Almighty, far surpass the madness and wickedness
+of Edom. What shall be her punishment? Truly, it may be affirmed of
+the American people, (who live not under the Levitical but Christian
+code, and whose guilt, therefore, is the more awful, and their
+condemnation the greater,) in the language of another prophet--"They
+all lie in wait for blood; they hunt every man his brother with a net.
+That they may do evil with both hands earnestly, the prince asketh,
+and the judge asketh for a reward; and the great man, he uttereth his
+mischievous desire: _so they wrap it up_." Likewise of the colored
+inhabitants of this land it may be said,--"This is a people robbed and
+spoiled; they are all of them snared in holes, and they are hid in
+prison-houses; they are for a prey, and none delivereth; for a spoil,
+and none saith, Restore."
+
+By this stipulation, the Northern States are made the hunting ground
+of slave-catchers, who may pursue their victims with blood-hounds, and
+capture them with impunity wherever they can lay their robber hands
+upon them. At least twelve or fifteen thousand runaway slaves are now
+in Canada, exiled from their native land, because they could not find,
+throughout its vast extent, a single road on which they could dwell in
+safety, _in consequence of this provision of the Constitution_? How is
+it possible, then, for the advocates of liberty to support a
+government which gives over to destruction one-sixth part of the whole
+population?
+
+It is denied by some at the present day, that the clause which has
+been cited, was intended to apply to runaway slaves. This indicates,
+either ignorance, or folly, or something worse. JAMES MADISON, as one
+of the framers of the Constitution, is of some authority on this
+point. Alluding to that instrument, in the Virginia convention, he
+said:--
+
+"Another clause _secures us that property which we now possess_. At
+present, if any slave elopes to any of those States where slaves are
+free, _he becomes emancipated by their laws_; for the laws of the
+States are _uncharitable_ (!) to one another in this respect; but in
+this constitution, 'No person held to service or labor in one State,
+under the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence
+of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or
+labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to whom such
+service or labor may be due.' THIS CLAUSE WAS EXPRESSLY INSERTED TO
+ENABLE OWNERS OF SLAVES TO RECLAIM THEM. _This is a better security
+than any that now exists_. No power is given to the general government
+to interpose with respect to the property in slaves now held by the
+States."
+
+In the same convention, alluding to the same clause, Gov. RANDOLPH
+said:--
+
+"Every one knows that slaves are held to service or labor. And, when
+authority is given to owners of slaves to _vindicate their property_,
+can it be supposed they can be deprived of it? If a citizen of this
+State, in consequence of this clause, can take his runaway slave in
+Maryland, can it be seriously thought that, after taking him and
+bringing him home, he could be made free?"
+
+It is objected, that slaves are held as property, and therefore, as
+the clause refers to persons, it cannot mean slaves. But this is
+criticism against fact. Slaves are recognized not merely as property,
+but also as persons--as having a mixed character--as combining the
+human with the brutal. This is paradoxical, we admit; but slavery is a
+paradox--the American Constitution is a paradox--the American Union is
+a paradox--the American Government is a paradox; and if any one of
+these is to be repudiated on that ground, they all are. That it is the
+duty of the friends of freedom to deny the binding authority of them
+all, and to secede from them all, we distinctly affirm. After the
+independence of this country had been achieved, the voice of God
+exhorted the people, saying, "Execute true judgment, and show mercy
+and compassion, every man to his brother: and oppress not the widow,
+nor the fatherless, the stranger, nor the poor; and let none of you
+imagine evil against his brother in your heart. But they refused to
+hearken, and pulled away the shoulder, and stopped their ears, that
+they should not hear; yea, they made their hearts as an adamant
+stone." "Shall I not visit for these things? saith the Lord. Shall not
+my soul be avenged on such a nation as this?"
+
+Whatever doubt may have rested on any honest mind, respecting the
+meaning of the clause in relation to persons held to service or labor,
+must have been removed by the unanimous decision of the Supreme Court
+of the United States, in the case of Prigg versus the State of
+Pennsylvania. By that decision, any Southern slave-catcher is
+empowered to seize and convey to the South, without hindrance or
+molestation on the part of the State, and without any legal process
+duly obtained and served, any person or persons, irrespective of caste
+or complexion, whom he may choose to claim as runaway slaves; and if,
+when thus surprised and attacked, or on their arrival South, they
+cannot prove by legal witnesses, that they are freemen, their doom is
+sealed! Hence the free colored population of the North are specially
+liable to become the victims of this terrible power, and all the other
+inhabitants are at the mercy of prowling kidnappers, because there are
+multitudes of white as well as black slaves on Southern plantations,
+and slavery is no longer fastidious with regard to the color of its
+prey.
+
+As soon as that appalling decision of the Supreme Court was
+enunciated, in the name of the Constitution, the people of the North
+should have risen _en masse_, if for no other cause, and declared the
+Union at an end; and they would have done so, if they had not lost
+their manhood, and their reverence for justice and liberty.
+
+In the 4th Sect. of Art. IV., the United States guarantee to protect
+every State in the Union "against _domestic violence_." By the 8th
+Section of Article I., Congress is empowered "to provide for calling
+forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, _suppress
+insurrections_, and repel invasions." These provisions, however
+strictly they may apply to cases of disturbance among the white
+population, were adopted with special reference to the slave
+population, for the purpose of keeping them in their chains by the
+combined military force of the country; and were these repealed, and
+the South left to manage her slaves as best she could, a servile
+insurrection would ere long be the consequence, as general as it would
+unquestionably be successful. Says Mr. Madison, respecting these
+clauses:--
+
+"On application of the legislature or executive, as the case may be,
+the militia of the other States are to be called to suppress domestic
+insurrections. Does this bar the States from calling forth their own
+militia? No; but it gives them a _supplementary_ security to suppress
+insurrections and domestic violence."
+
+The answer to Patrick Henry's objection, as urged against the
+Constitution in the Virginia convention, that there was no power left
+to the _States_ to quell an insurrection of slaves, as it was wholly
+vested in Congress, George Nicholas asked:--
+
+"Have they it now? If they have, does the constitution take it away?
+If it does, it must be in one of the three clauses which have been
+mentioned by the worthy member. The first clause gives the general
+government power to call them out when necessary. Does this take it
+away from the States? No! but it _gives an additional security_; for,
+beside the power in the State governments to use their own militia, it
+will be _the duty of the general government_ to aid them WITH THE
+STRENGTH OF THE UNION, when called for."
+
+This solemn guaranty of security to the slave system, caps the climax
+of national barbarity, and stains with human blood the garments of all
+the people. In consequence of it, that system has multiplied its
+victims from seven hundred thousand to nearly three millions--a vast
+amount of territory has been purchased, in order to give it extension
+and perpetuity--several new slave States have been admitted into the
+Union--the slave trade has been made one of the great branches of
+American commerce--the slave population, though over-worked, starved,
+lacerated, branded, maimed, and subjected to every form of deprivation
+and every species of torture, have been overawed and crushed,--or,
+whenever they have attempted to gain their liberty by revolt, they
+have been shot down and quelled by the strong arm of the national
+government; as, for example, in the case of Nat Turner's insurrection
+in Virginia, when the naval and military forces of the government were
+called into active service. Cuban bloodhounds have been purchased with
+the money of the people, and imported and used to hunt slave fugitives
+among the everglades of Florida. A merciless warfare has been waged
+for the extermination or expulsion of the Florida Indians, because
+they gave succor to these poor hunted fugitives--a warfare which has
+cost the nation several thousand lives, and forty millions of dollars.
+But the catalogue of enormities is too long to be recapitulated in the
+present address.
+
+We have thus demonstrated that the compact between the North and the
+South embraces every variety of wrong and outrage,--is at war with God
+and man, cannot be innocently supported, and deserves to be
+immediately annulled. In behalf of the Society which we represent, we
+call upon all our fellow-citizens, who believe it is right to obey God
+rather than man, to declare themselves peaceful revolutionists, and to
+unite with us under the stainless banner of Liberty, having for its
+motto--"EQUAL RIGHTS FOR ALL--NO UNION WITH SLAVEHOLDERS!"
+
+It is pleaded that the Constitution provides for its own amendment;
+and we ought to use the elective franchise to effect this object.
+True, there is such a proviso; but, until the amendment be made, that
+instrument is binding as it stands. Is it not to violate every moral
+instinct, and to sacrifice principle to expediency, to argue that we
+may swear to steal, oppress and murder by wholesale, because it may be
+necessary to do so only for the time being, and because there is some
+remote probability that the instrument which requires that we should
+be robbers, oppressors and murderers, may at some future day be
+amended in these particulars? Let us not palter with our consciences
+in this manner--let us not deny that the compact was conceived in sin
+and brought forth in iniquity--let us not be so dishonest, even to
+promote a good object, as to interpret the Constitution in a manner
+utterly at variance with the intentions and arrangements of the
+contracting parties; but, confessing the guilt of the nation,
+acknowledging the dreadful specifications in the bond, washing our
+hands in the waters of repentance from all further participation in
+this criminal alliance, and resolving that we will sustain none other
+than a free and righteous government, let us glory in the name of
+revolutionists, unfurl the banner of disunion, and consecrate our
+talents and means to the overthrow of all that is tyrannical in the
+land,--to the establishment of all that is free, just, true and
+holy,--to the triumph of universal love and peace. If, in utter
+disregard of the historical facts which have been cited, it is still
+asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make it a free
+instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free people, and was
+never intended to give any strength or countenance to the slave
+system--the indignant spirit of insulted Liberty replies;--"What
+though the assertion be true? Of what avail is a mere piece of
+parchment? In itself, though it be written all over with words of
+truth and freedom--Though its provisions be as impartial and just as
+words can express, or the imagination paint--though it be as pure as
+the Gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven--it is powerless; it
+has no executive vitality: it is a lifeless corpse, even though
+beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of bread! How is my
+appetite relieved by holding up to my gaze a painted loaf? I am
+manacled, wounded, bleeding, dying! What consolation is it to know,
+that they who are seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be
+my friends?" If the liberties of the people have been betrayed--if
+judgment is turned away backward, and justice standeth afar off, and
+truth has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter--if the
+princes of the land are roaring lions, the judges evening wolves, the
+people light and treacherous persons, the priests covered with
+pollution--if we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs
+at all constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the
+nation to promote its own bloody purposes--tell us not that the forms
+of freedom are still left to us! "Would such tameness and submission
+have freighted the May-Flower for Plymouth Rock? Would it have
+resisted the Stamp Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges
+of tyranny with which the British government sought to rive the
+liberties of America? The wheel of the Revolution would have rusted on
+its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the only power to give it
+motion. Did our fathers say, when their rights and liberties were
+infringed--"_Why, what is done cannot be undone_. That is the first
+thought." No, it was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it
+never entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion at
+once--"_What is done_ SHALL _be undone_. That is our FIRST and ONLY
+thought."
+
+  "Is water running in our veins? Do we remember still Old Plymouth
+  Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill? The debt we owe our
+  fathers' graves? and to the yet unborn, Whose heritage ourselves must
+  make a thing of pride or scorn?
+
+  Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb; And
+  voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come: They call on
+  us to stand our ground--they charge us still to be Not only free from
+  chains ourselves, but foremost to make free!"
+
+It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there be behind
+it a power mightier than the throne. It matters not what is the theory
+of the government, if the practice of the government be unjust and
+tyrannical. We rise in rebellion against a despotism incomparably more
+dreadful than that which induced the colonists to take up arms against
+the mother country; not on account of a three-penny tax on tea, but
+because fetters of living iron are fastened on the limbs of millions
+of our countrymen, and our most sacred rights are trampled in the
+dust. As citizens of the State, we appeal to the State in vain for
+protection and redress. As citizens of the United States, we are
+treated as outlaws in one half of the country, and the national
+government consents to our destruction. We are denied the right of
+locomotion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty of
+the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to protest against
+oppression and plead for liberty--at least in thirteen States of the
+Union. If we venture, as avowed and unflinching abolitionists, to
+travel South of Mason and Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our
+lives. If we would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the
+slave States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no
+testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the struggling
+emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters and papers
+of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to the slaveholding
+power--or run the risk of a cruel martyrdom! These are appalling
+and undeniable facts. Three millions of the American people are
+crushed under the American Union! They are held as slaves--trafficked
+as merchandise--registered as goods and chattels! The government gives
+them no protection--the government is their enemy--the government
+keeps them in chains! There they lie bleeding--we are prostrate by
+their side--in their sorrows and sufferings we participate--their
+stripes are inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on
+our limbs, their cause is ours! The Union which grinds them to the
+dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to overthrow it!
+The Constitution, which subjects them to hopeless bondage, is one that
+we cannot swear to support! Our motto is, "NO UNION WITH
+SLAVEHOLDERS," either religious or political. They are the fiercest
+enemies of mankind, and the bitterest foes of God! We separate from
+them not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, not to do
+them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting, reproving them for
+their crimes, not to leave the perishing bondman to his fate--O no!
+But to clear our skirts of innocent blood--to give the oppressor no
+countenance--to signify our abhorrence of injustice and cruelty--to
+testify against an ungodly compact--to cease striking hands with
+thieves and consenting with adulterers--to make no compromise with
+tyranny--to walk worthily of our high profession--to increase our
+moral power over the nation--to obey God and vindicate the Gospel of
+his Son--to hasten the downfall of slavery in America, and throughout
+the world!
+
+We are not acting under a blind impulse. We have carefully counted the
+cost of this warfare, and are prepared to meet its consequences. It
+will subject us to reproach, persecution, infamy--it will prove a
+fiery ordeal to all who shall pass through it--it may cost us our
+lives. We shall be ridiculed as fools, scorned as visionaries, branded
+as disorganizers, reviled as madmen, threatened and perhaps punished
+as traitors. But we shall bide our time. Whether safety or peril,
+whether victory or defeat, whether life or death be ours, believing
+that our feet are planted on an eternal foundation, that our position
+is sublime and glorious, that our faith in God is rational and
+steadfast, that we have exceeding great and precious promises on which
+to rely, THAT WE ARE IN THE RIGHT, we shall not falter nor be
+dismayed, "though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be
+carried into the midst of the sea,"--though our ranks be thinned to
+the number of "three hundred men." Freemen! are you ready for the
+conflict? Come what may, will you sever the chain that binds you to a
+slaveholding government, and declare your independence? Up, then, with
+the banner of revolution! Not to shed blood--not to injure the person
+or estate of any oppressor--not by force and arms to resist any
+law--not to countenance a servile insurrection--not to wield any
+carnal weapons! No--ours must be a bloodless strife, excepting _our_
+blood be shed--for we aim, as did Christ our leader, not to destroy
+men's lives, but to save them--to overcome evil with good--to conquer
+through suffering for righteousness' sake--to set the captive free by
+the potency of truth!
+
+Secede, then, from the government. Submit to its exactions, but pay
+it no allegiance, and give it no voluntary aid. Fill no offices under
+it. Send no senators or representatives to the National or State
+legislature; for what you cannot conscientiously perform yourself, you
+cannot ask another to perform as your agent. Circulate a declaration
+of DISUNION FROM SLAVEHOLDERS, throughout the country. Hold mass
+meetings--assemble in conventions--nail your banners to the mast!
+
+Do you ask what can be done, if you abandon the ballot box? What did
+the crucified Nazarene do without the elective franchise? What did
+the apostles do? What did the glorious army of martyrs and confessors
+do? What did Luther and his intrepid associates do? What can women
+and children do? What has Father Matthew done for teetotalism? What
+has Daniel O'Connell done for Irish repeal? "Stand, having your loins
+girt about with truth, and having on the breast-plate of
+righteousness," and arrayed in the whole armor of God!
+
+The form of government that shall succeed the present government of
+the United States, let time determine. It would he a waste of time to
+argue that question, until the people are regenerated and turned from
+their iniquity. Ours is no anarchical movement, but one of order and
+obedience. In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is
+now fragmentary, shall in due time be crystallized, and shine like a
+gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages.
+
+Finally--we believe that the effect of this movement will be,--First,
+to create discussion and agitation throughout the North; and these
+will lead to a general perception of its grandeur and importance.
+
+Secondly, to convulse the slumbering South like an earthquake, and
+convince her that her only alternative is, to abolish slavery, or be
+abandoned by that power on which she now relies for safety.
+
+Thirdly, to attack the slave power in its most vulnerable point, and
+to carry the battle to the gate.
+
+Fourthly, to exalt the moral sense, increase the moral power, and
+invigorate the moral constitution of all who heartily espouse it.
+
+We reverently believe that, in withdrawing from the American Union, we
+have the God of justice with us. We know that we have our enslaved
+countrymen with us. We are confident that all free hearts will be
+with us. We are certain that tyrants and their abettors will be
+against us.
+
+In behalf of the Executive Committee of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society,
+
+WM. LLOYD GARRISON, _President_.
+
+WENDELL PHILLIPS,     }_Secretaries_.
+MARIA WESTON CHAPMAN, }
+
+Boston, May 20, 1844.
+
+
+
+LETTER FROM FRANCIS JACKSON.
+
+BOSTON, 4th July, 1844.
+
+_To His Excellency George N. Briggs:_
+
+SIR--Many years since, I received from the Executive of the
+Commonwealth a commission as Justice of the Peace. I have held the
+office that it conferred upon me till the present time, and have found
+it a convenience to myself, and others. It might continue to be so,
+could I consent longer to hold it. But paramount considerations
+forbid, and I herewith transmit to you my commission, respectfully
+asking you to accept my resignation.
+
+While I deem it a duty to myself to take this step, I feel called on
+to state the reasons that influence me.
+
+In entering upon the duties of the office in question, I complied with
+the requirements of the law, by taking an oath "_to support the
+Constitution of the United States_." I regret that I ever took that
+oath. Had I then as maturely considered its full import, and the
+obligations under which it is understood, and meant to lay those who
+take it, as I have done since, I certainly never would have taken it,
+seeing, as I now do, that the Constitution of the United States
+contains provisions calculated and intended to foster, cherish, uphold
+and perpetuate _slavery_. It pledges the country to guard and protect
+the slave system so long as the slaveholding States choose to retain
+it. It regards the slave code as lawful in the States which enact it.
+Still more, "it has done that, which, until its adoption, was never
+before done for African slavery. It took it out of its former category
+of municipal law and local life; adopted it as a national institution,
+spread around it the broad and sufficient shield of national law, and
+thus gave to slavery a national existence." Consequently, the oath to
+support the Constitution of the United States is a solemn promise to
+do that which is morally wrong; that which is a violation of the
+natural rights of man, and a sin in the sight of God.
+
+I am not in this matter, constituting myself a judge of others. I do
+not say that no honest man can take such an oath, and abide by it. I
+only say, that _I_ would not now deliberately take it; and that,
+having inconsiderately taken it; I can no longer suffer it to lie upon
+my soul. I take back the oath, and ask you, sir, to receive back the
+commission, which was the occasion of my taking it.
+
+I am aware that my course in this matter is liable to be regarded as
+singular, if not censurable; and I must, therefore, be allowed to make
+a more specific statement of those _provisions of the Constitution_
+which support the enormous wrong, the heinous sin of slavery.
+
+The very first Article of the Constitution takes slavery at once under
+its legislative protection, as a basis of representation in the
+popular branch of the National Legislature. It regards slaves under
+the description "of all other _persons_"--as of only three-fifths of
+the value of free persons; thus to appearance undervaluing them in
+comparison with freemen. But its dark and involved phraseology seems
+intended to blind us to the consideration, that those underrated
+slaves are merely a _basis_, not the _source_ of representation; that
+by the laws of all the States where they live, they are regarded not
+as _persons_, but as _things_; that they are not the _constituency_ of
+the representative, but his property; and that the necessary effect of
+this provision of the Constitution is, to take legislative power out
+of the hands of _men_, as such, and give it to the mere possessors of
+goods and chattels. Fixing upon thirty thousand persons, as the
+smallest number that shall send one member into the House of
+Representatives, it protects slavery by distributing legislative power
+in a free and in a slave State thus: To a congressional district in
+South Carolina, containing fifty thousand slaves, claimed as the
+property of five hundred whites, who hold, on an average, one hundred
+apiece, it gives one Representative in Congress; to a district in
+Massachusetts containing a population of thirty thousand five hundred,
+one Representative is assigned. But inasmuch as a slave is never
+permitted to vote, the fifty thousand persons in a district in
+Carolina form no part of "the constituency;" _that_ is found only in
+the five hundred free persons. Five hundred freemen of Carolina could
+send one Representative to Congress, while it would take thirty
+thousand five hundred freemen of Massachusetts, to do the same thing:
+that is, one slaveholder in Carolina is clothed by the Constitution
+with the same political power and influence in the Representatives
+Hall at Washington, as sixty Massachusetts men like you and me, who
+"eat their bread in the sweat of their own brows."
+
+According to the census of 1830, and the _ratio_ of representation
+based upon that, slave property added twenty-five members to the House
+of Representatives. And as it has been estimated, (as an
+approximation to the truth,) that the two and a half million slaves in
+the United States are held as property by about two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons--giving an average of ten slaves to each slaveholder,
+those twenty-five Representatives, each chosen, at most by only ten
+thousand voters, and probably by less than three-fourths of that
+number, were the representatives not only of the two hundred and fifty
+thousand persons who chose them, but of property which, five years
+ago, when slaves were lower in market, than at present, were
+estimated, by the man who is now the most prominent candidate for the
+Presidency, at twelve hundred millions of dollars--a sum, which, by
+the natural increase of five years, and the enhanced value resulting
+from a more prosperous state of the planting interest, cannot now be
+less than fifteen hundred millions of dollars. All this vast amount of
+property, as it is "peculiar," is also identical in its character. In
+Congress, as we have seen, it is animated by one spirit, moves in one
+mass, and is wielded with one aim; and when we consider that tyranny
+is always timid, and despotism distrustful, we see that this vast
+money power would be false to itself, did it not direct all its eyes
+and hands, and put forth all its ingenuity and energy, to one
+end--self-protection and self-perpetuation. And this it has ever done.
+In all the vibrations of the political scale, whether in relation to a
+Bank or Sub-Treasury, Free Trade or a Tariff, this immense power has
+moved, and will continue to move, in one mass, for its own protection.
+
+While the weight of the slave influence is thus felt in the House of
+Representatives, "in the Senate of the Union," says JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
+"the proportion of slaveholding power is still greater. By the
+influence of slavery in the States where the institution is tolerated,
+over their elections, no other than a slaveholder can rise to the
+distinction of obtaining a seat in the Senate; and thus, of the
+fifty-two members of the federal Senate, twenty-six are owners of
+slaves, and are as effectually representatives of that interest, as
+the eighty-eight members elected by them to the House"
+
+The dominant power which the Constitution gives to the slave interest,
+as thus seen and exercised in the _Legislative Halls_ of our nation,
+is equally obvious and obtrusive in every other department of the
+National government.
+
+In the _Electoral colleges_, the same cause produces the same
+effect--the same power is wielded for the same purpose, as in the
+Halls of Congress. Even the preliminary nominating conventions, before
+they dare name a candidate for the highest office in the gift of the
+people, must ask of the Genius of slavery, to what votary she will
+show herself propitious. This very year, we see both the great
+political parties doing homage to the slave power, by nominating each
+a slaveholder for the chair of State. The candidate of one party
+declares, "I should have opposed, and would continue to oppose, any
+scheme whatever of emancipation, either gradual or immediate;" and
+adds, "It is not true, and I rejoice that it is not true, that either
+of the two great parties of this country has any design or aim at
+abolition. I should deeply lament it, if it were true."[12]
+
+[Footnote 12: Henry Clay's speech in the United States Senate in 1839,
+and confirmed at Raleigh, N.C. 1844.]
+
+
+The other party nominates a man who says, "I have no hesitation in
+declaring that I am in favor of the immediate re-annexation of Texas
+to the territory and government of the United States."
+
+Thus both the political parties, and the candidates of both, vie with
+each other, in offering allegiance to the slave power, as a condition
+precedent to any hope of success in the struggle for the executive
+chair; a seat that, for more than three-fourths of the existence of
+our constitutional government, has been occupied by a slaveholder.
+
+The same stern despotism overshadows even the sanctuaries of
+_justice_. Of the nine Justices of the Supreme Court of the United
+States, five are slaveholders, and of course, must be faithless to
+their own interest, as well as recreant to the power that gives them
+place, or must, so far as _they_ are concerned, give both to law and
+constitution such a construction as shall justify the language of John
+Quincy Adams, when he says--"The legislative, executive, and judicial
+authorities, are all in their hands--for the preservation,
+propagation, and perpetuation of the black code of slavery. Every law
+of the legislature becomes a link in the chain of the slave; every
+executive act a rivet to his hapless fate; every judicial decision a
+perversion of the human intellect to the justification of wrong."
+
+Thus by merely adverting but briefly to the theory and the practical
+effect of this clause of the Constitution, that I have sworn to
+support, it is seen that it throws the political power of the nation
+into the hands of the slaveholders; a body of men, which, however it
+may be regarded by the Constitution as "persons," is in fact and
+practical effect, a vast moneyed corporation, bound together by an
+indissoluble unity of interest, by a common sense of a common danger;
+counselling at all times for its common protection; wielding the whole
+power, and controlling the destiny of the nation.
+
+If we look into the legislative halls, slavery is seen in the chair of
+the presiding officer of each; and controlling the action of both.
+Slavery occupies, by prescriptive right, the Presidential chair. The
+paramount voice that comes from the temple of national justice, issues
+from the lips of slavery. The army is in the hands of slavery, and at
+her bidding, must encamp in the everglades of Florida, or march from
+the Missouri to the borders of Mexico, to look after her interests in
+Texas.
+
+The navy, even that part that is cruising off the coast of Africa, to
+suppress the foreign slave trade, is in the hands of slavery.
+
+Freemen of the North, who have even dared to lift up their voice
+against slavery, cannot travel through the slave States, but at the
+peril of their lives.
+
+The representatives of freemen are forbidden, on the floor of
+Congress, to remonstrate against the encroachments of slavery, or to
+pray that she would let her poor victims go.
+
+I renounce my allegiance to a Constitution that enthrones such a
+power, wielded for the purpose of depriving me of my rights, of
+robbing my countrymen of their liberties, and of securing its own
+protection, support and perpetuation.
+
+Passing by that clause of the Constitution, which restricted Congress
+for twenty years, from passing any law against the African slave
+trade, and which gave authority to raise a revenue on the stolen sons
+of Africa, I come to that part of the fourth article, which guarantees
+protection against "_domestic violence_," which pledges to the South
+the military force of the country, to protect the masters against
+their insurgent slaves, and binds us, and our children, to shoot down
+our fellow-countrymen, who may rise, in emulation of our revolutionary
+fathers, to vindicate their inalienable "right to life, _liberty_, and
+the pursuit of happiness,"--this clause of the Constitution, I say
+distinctly, I never will support.
+
+That part of the Constitution which provides for the surrender of
+fugitive slaves, I never have supported and never will. I will join in
+no slave-hunt. My door shall stand open, as it has long stood, for the
+panting and trembling victim of the slave-hunter. When I shut it
+against him, may God shut the door of his mercy against me! Under this
+clause of the Constitution, and designed to carry it into effect,
+slavery has demanded that laws should be passed, and of such a
+character, as have left the free citizen of the North without
+protection for his own liberty. The question, whether a man seized in
+a free State as a slave, _is_ a slave or not, the law of Congress does
+not allow a jury to determine: but refers it to the decision of a
+Judge of a United States' Court, or even of the humblest State
+magistrate, it may be, upon the testimony or affidavit of the party
+most deeply interested to support the claim. By virtue of this law,
+freemen have been seized and dragged into perpetual slavery--and
+should I be seized by a slave-hunter in any part of the country where
+I am not personally known, neither the Constitution nor laws of the
+United States would shield me from the same destiny.
+
+These, sir, are the specific parts of the Constitution of the United
+States, which in my opinion are essentially vicious, hostile at once
+to the liberty and to the morals of the nation. And these are the
+principal reasons of my refusal any longer to acknowledge my
+allegiance to it, and of my determination to revoke my oath to support
+it. I cannot, in order to keep the law of man, break the law of God,
+or solemnly call him to witness my promise that I will break it.
+
+It is true that the Constitution provides for its own amendment, and
+that by this process, all the guarantees of Slavery may be expunged.
+But it will be time enough to swear to support it when this is done.
+It cannot be right to do so, until these amendments are made.
+
+It is also true that the framers of the Constitution did studiously
+keep the words "Slave" and "Slavery" from its face. But to do our
+constitutional fathers justice, while they forebore--from very
+shame--to give the word "Slavery" a place in the Constitution, they
+did not forbear--again to do them justice--to give place in it to the
+_thing_. They were careful to wrap up the idea, and the substance of
+Slavery, in the clause for the surrender of the fugitive, though they
+sacrificed justice in doing so.
+
+There is abundant evidence that this clause touching "persons held to
+service or labor," not only operates practically, under the Judicial
+construction, for the protection of the slave interest; but that it
+was _intended_ so to operate by the farmers of the Constitution. The
+highest Judicial authorities--Chief Justice SHAW, of the Supreme Court
+of Massachusetts, in the LATIMER case, and Mr. Justice STORY, in the
+Supreme Court of the United States, in the case of _Prigg_ vs. _The
+State of Pennsylvania_,--tell us, I know not on what evidence, that
+without this "compromise," this security for Southern slaveholders,
+"the Union could not have been formed." And there is still higher
+evidence, not only that the framers of the Constitution meant by this
+clause to protect slavery, but that they did this, knowing that
+slavery was wrong. Mr. MADISON[13] informs us that the clause in
+question, as it came of the hands of Dr. JOHNSON, the chairman of the
+"committee on style," read thus: "No person legally held to service,
+or labor, in one State, escaping into another, shall," &c. and that
+the word "legally" was struck out, and the words "under the laws
+thereof" inserted after the word "State," in compliance with the wish
+of some, who thought the term _legal_ equivocal, and favoring the idea
+that slavery was legal "_in a moral view_." A conclusive proof that,
+although future generations might apply that clause to other kinds of
+"service or labor," when slavery should have died out, or been killed
+off by the young spirit of liberty, which was _then_ awake and at work
+in the land; still, slavery was what they were wrapping up in
+"equivocal" words; and wrapping it up for its protection and safe
+keeping: a conclusive proof that the framers of the Constitution were
+more careful to protect themselves in the judgment of coming
+generations, from the charge of ignorance, than of sin; a conclusive
+proof that they knew that slavery was _not_ "legal in a moral view,"
+that it was a violation of the moral law of God; and yet knowing and
+confessing its immorality, they dared to make this stipulation for its
+support and defence.
+
+[Footnote 13: Madison Papers, p. 1589.]
+
+
+This language may sound harsh to the ears of those who think it a part
+of their duty, as citizens, to maintain that whatever the patriots of
+the Revolution did, was right; and who hold that we are bound to _do_
+all the iniquity that they covenanted for us that we _should_ do. But
+the claims of truth and right are paramount to all other claims.
+
+With all our veneration for our constitutional fathers, we must
+admit,--for they have left on record their own confession of it,--that
+in this part of their work they _intended_ to hold the shield of their
+protection over a wrong, knowing that it was a wrong. They made a
+"compromise" which they had no right to make--a compromise of moral
+principle for the sake of what they probably regarded as "political
+expediency." I am sure they did not know--no man could know, or can
+now measure, the extent, or the consequences of the wrong that they
+were doing. In the strong language of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,[14] in
+relation to the article fixing the basis of representation, "Little
+did the members of the Convention, from the free States, imagine or
+foresee what a sacrifice to Moloch was hidden under the mask of this
+concession."
+
+[Footnote 14: See his Report on the Massachusetts Resolutions.]
+
+
+I verily believe that, giving all due consideration to the benefits
+conferred upon this nation by the Constitution, its national unity,
+its swelling masses of wealth, its power, and the external prosperity
+of its multiplying millions; yet the moral injury that has been done,
+by the countenance shown to slavery; by holding over that tremendous
+sin the shield of the Constitution, and thus breaking down in the eyes
+of the nation the barrier between right and wrong; by so tenderly
+cherishing slavery as, in less than the life of a man, to multiply her
+children from half a million to nearly three millions; by enacting
+oaths from those who occupy prominent stations in society, that they
+will violate at once the rights of man and the law of God; by
+substituting itself as a rule of right, in place of the moral laws of
+the universe;--thus in effect, dethroning the Almighty in the hearts
+of this people and setting up another sovereign in his stead--more
+than outweighs it all. A melancholy and monitory lesson this, to all
+time-serving and temporizing statesmen! A striking illustration of the
+_impolicy_ of sacrificing _right_ to any considerations of expediency!
+Yet, what better than the evil effects that we have seen, could the
+authors of the Constitution have reasonably expected, from the
+sacrifice of right, in the concessions they made to slavery? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after they had introduced a vicious
+element into the very Constitution of the body politic which they were
+calling into life, it would not exert its vicious energies? Was it
+reasonable in them to expect that, after slavery had been corrupting
+the public morals for a whole generation, their children would have
+too much virtue to _use_ for the defence of slavery, a power which
+they themselves had not too much virtue to _give_? It is dangerous for
+the sovereign power of a State to license immorality; to hold the
+shield of its protection over anything that is not "legal in a moral
+view." Bring into your house a benumbed viper, and lay it down upon
+your warm hearth, and soon it will not ask you into which room it may
+crawl. Let Slavery once lean upon the supporting arm, and bask in the
+fostering smile of the State, and you will soon see, as we now see,
+both her minions and her victims multiply apace, till the politics,
+the morals, the liberties, even the religion of the nation, are
+brought completely under her control.
+
+To me, it appears that the virus of slavery, introduced into the
+Constitution of our body politic, by a few slight punctures, has now
+so pervaded and poisoned the whole system of our National Government,
+that literally there is no health in it. The only remedy that I can
+see for the disease, is to be found in the _dissolution of the
+patient_.
+
+The Constitution of the United States, both in theory and practice, is
+so utterly broken down by the influence and effects of slavery, so
+imbecile for the highest good of the nation, and so powerful for evil,
+that I can give no voluntary assistance in holding it up any longer.
+
+Henceforth it is dead to me, and I to it. I withdraw all profession of
+allegiance to it, and all my voluntary efforts to sustain it. The
+burdens that it lays upon me, while it is held up by others, I shall
+endeavor to bear patiently, yet acting with reference to a higher law,
+and distinctly declaring, that while I retain my own liberty, I will
+be a party to no compact, which helps to rob any other man of his.
+
+Very respectfully, your friend,
+
+FRANCIS JACKSON
+
+
+FROM
+
+MR. WEBSTER'S SPEECH
+
+AT NIBLO'S GARDENS.
+
+"We have slavery, already, amongst us. The Constitution found it among
+us; it recognized it and gave it SOLEMN GUARANTIES. To the full extent
+of these guaranties we are all bound, in honor, in justice, and by the
+Constitution. All the stipulations, contained in the Constitution, _in
+favor of the slaveholding States_ which are already in the Union,
+ought to be fulfilled, and so far as depends on me, shall be
+fulfilled, in the fulness of their spirit, and to the exactness of
+their letter." !!!
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+EXTRACTS FROM
+
+JOHN Q. ADAMS'S ADDRESS
+
+AT NORTH BRIDGEWATER, NOVEMBER 6, 1844.
+
+The benefits of the Constitution of the United States, were the
+restoration of credit and reputation, to the country--the revival of
+commerce, navigation, and ship-building--the acquisition of the means
+of discharging the debts of the Revolution, and the protection and
+encouragement of the infant and drooping manufactures of the country.
+All this, however, as is now well ascertained, was insufficient to
+propitiate the rulers of the Southern States to the adoption of the
+Constitution. What they specially wanted was _protection_.--Protection
+from the powerful and savage tribes of Indians within their borders,
+and who were harassing them with the most terrible of wars--and
+protection from their own negroes--protection from their
+insurrections--protection from their escape--protection even to the
+trade by which they were brought into the country--protection, shall I
+not blush to say, protection to the very bondage by which they were
+held. Yes! it cannot be denied--the slaveholding lords of the South
+prescribed, as a condition of their assent to the Constitution, three
+special provisions to secure the perpetuity of their dominion over
+their slaves. The first was the immunity for twenty years of
+preserving the African slave-trade; the second was the stipulation to
+surrender fugitive slaves--an engagement positively prohibited by the
+laws of God, delivered from Sinai; and thirdly, the exaction fatal to
+the principles of popular representation, of a representation for
+slaves--for articles of merchandise, under the name of persons.
+
+The reluctance with which the freemen of the North submitted to the
+dictation of these conditions, is attested by the awkward and
+ambiguous language in which they are expressed. The word slave is most
+cautiously and fastidiously excluded from the whole instrument. A
+stranger, who should come from a foreign land, and read the
+Constitution of the United States, would not believe that slavery or a
+slave existed within the borders of our country. There is not a word
+in the Constitution _apparently_ bearing upon the condition of
+slavery, nor is there a provision but would be susceptible of
+practical execution, if there were not a slave in the land.
+
+The delegates from South Carolina and Georgia distinctly avowed that,
+without this guarantee of protection to their property in slaves, they
+would not yield their assent to the Constitution; and the freemen of
+the North, reduced to the alternative of departing from the vital
+principle of their liberty, or of forfeiting the Union itself, averted
+their faces, and with trembling hand subscribed the bond.
+
+Twenty years passed away--the slave markets of the South were
+saturated with the blood of African bondage, and from midnight of the
+31st of December, 1807, not a slave from Africa was suffered ever more
+to be introduced upon our soil. But the internal traffic was still
+lawful, and the _breeding_ States soon reconciled themselves to a
+prohibition which gave them the monopoly of the interdicted trade, and
+they joined the full chorus of reprobation, to punish with death the
+slave-trader from Africa, while they cherished and shielded and
+enjoyed the precious profits of the American slave-trade exclusively
+to themselves.
+
+Perhaps this unhappy result of their concession had not altogether
+escaped the foresight of the freemen of the North; but their intense
+anxiety for the preservation of the whole Union, and the habit already
+formed of yielding to the somewhat peremptory and overbearing tone
+which the relation of master and slave welds into the nature of the
+lord, prevailed with them to overlook this consideration, the internal
+slave-trade having scarcely existed, while that with Africa had been
+allowed. But of one consequence which has followed from the slave
+representation, pervading the whole organic structure of the
+Constitution, they certainly were not prescient; for if they had been,
+never--no, never would they have consented to it.
+
+The representation, ostensibly of slaves, under the name of persons,
+was in its operation an exclusive grant of power to one class of
+proprietors, owners of one species of property, to the detriment of
+all the rest of the community. This species of property was odious in
+its nature, held in direct violation of the natural and inalienable
+rights of man, and of the vital principles of Christianity; it was all
+accumulated in one geographical section of the country, and was all
+held by wealthy men, comparatively small in numbers, not amounting to
+a tenth part of the free white population of the States in which it
+was concentrated.
+
+In some of the ancient, and in some modern republics, extraordinary
+political power and privileges have been invested in the owners of
+horses but then these privileges and these powers have been granted
+for the equivalent of extraordinary duties and services to the
+community, required of the favored class. The Roman knights
+constituted the cavalry of their armies, and the bushels of rings
+gathered by Hannibal from their dead bodies, after the battle of
+Cannae, amply prove that the special powers conferred upon them were
+no gratuitous grants. But in the Constitution of the United States,
+the political power invested in the owners of slaves is entirely
+gratuitous. No extraordinary service is required of them; they are, on
+the contrary, themselves grievous burdens upon the community, always
+threatened with the danger of insurrections, to be smothered in the
+blood of both parties, master and slave, and always depressing the
+condition of the poor free laborer, by competition with the labor of
+the slave. The property in horses was the gift of God to man, at the
+creation of the world; the property in slaves is property acquired and
+held by crimes, differing in no moral aspect from the pillage of a
+freebooter, and to which no lapse of time can give a prescriptive
+right. You are told that this is no concern of yours, and that the
+question of freedom and slavery is exclusively reserved to the
+consideration of the separate States. But if it be so, as to the mere
+question of right between master and slave, it is of tremendous
+concern to you that this little cluster of slave-owners should
+possess, besides their own share in the representative hall of the
+nation, the exclusive privilege of appointing two-fifths of the whole
+number of the representatives of the people. This is now your
+condition, under that delusive ambiguity of language and of principle,
+which begins by declaring the representation in the popular branch of
+the legislature a representation of persons, and then provides that
+one class of persons shall have neither part nor lot in the choice of
+their representatives; but their elective franchise shall be
+transferred to their masters, and the oppressors shall represent the
+oppressed. The same perversion of the representative principle
+pollutes the composition of the colleges of electors of President and
+Vice President of the United States, and every department of the
+government of the Union is thus tainted at its source by the gangrene
+of slavery.
+
+Fellow-citizens,--with a body of men thus composed, for legislators
+and executors of the laws, what will, what must be, what has been your
+legislation? The numbers of freemen constituting your nation are much
+greater than those of the slaveholding States, bond and free. You have
+at least three-fifths of the whole population of the Union. Your
+influence on the legislation and the administration of the government
+ought to be in the proportion of three to two--But how stands the
+fact? Besides the legitimate portion of influence exercised by the
+slaveholding States by the measure of their numbers, here is an
+intrusive influence in every department, by a representation nominally
+of persons, but really of property, ostensibly of slaves, but
+effectively of their masters, overbalancing your superiority of
+numbers, adding two-fifths of supplementary power to the two-fifths
+fairly secured to them by the compact, CONTROLLING AND OVERRULING THE
+WHOLE ACTION OF YOUR GOVERNMENT AT HOME AND ABROAD, and warping it to
+the sordid private interest and oppressive policy of 300,000 owners of
+slaves.
+
+From the time of the adoption of the Constitution of the United
+States, the institution of domestic slavery has been becoming more and
+more the abhorrence of the civilized world. But in proportion as it
+has been growing odious to all the rest of mankind, it has been
+sinking deeper and deeper into the affections of the holders of slaves
+themselves. The cultivation of cotton and of sugar, unknown in the
+Union at the establishment of the Constitution, has added largely to
+the pecuniary value of the slave. Aud the suppression of the African
+slave-trade as piracy upon pain of death, by securing the benefit of a
+monopoly to the virtuous slaveholders of the ancient dominion, has
+turned her heroic tyrannicides into a community of slave-breeders for
+sale, and converted the land of GEORGE WASHINGTON, PATRICK HENRY,
+RICHARD HENRY LEE, and THOMAS JEFFERSON, into a great barracoon--a
+cattle-show of human beings, an emporium, of which the staple articles
+of merchandise are the flesh and blood, the bones and sinews of
+immortal man.
+
+Of the increasing abomination of slavery in the unbought hearts of men
+at the time when the Constitution of the United States was formed,
+what clearer proof could be desired, than that the very same year in
+which that charter of the land was issued, the Congress of the
+Confederation, with not a tithe of the powers given by the people to
+the Congress of the new compact, actually abolished slavery for ever
+throughout the whole Northwestern territory, without a remonstrance or
+a murmur. But in the articles of confederation, there was no guaranty
+for the property of the slaveholder--no double representation of him
+in the Federal councils--no power of taxation--no stipulation for the
+recovery of fugitive slaves. But when the powers of _government_ came
+to be delegated to the Union, the South--that is, South Carolina and
+Georgia--refused their subscription to the parchment, till it should
+be saturated with the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could
+purify, no quarantine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave
+way, and the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution
+of freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first
+principle of Democracy, that the will of the majority of numbers shall
+rule the land. By means of the double representation, the minority
+command the whole, and a KNOT OF SLAVEHOLDERS GIVE THE LAW AND
+PRESCRIBE THE POLICY OF THE COUNTRY. To acquire this superiority of a
+large majority of freemen, a persevering system of engrossing nearly
+all the seats of power and place, is constantly for a long series of
+years pursued, and you have seen, in a period of fifty-six years, the
+Chief-magistracy of the Union held, during forty-four of them, by the
+owners of slaves. The Executive department, the Army and Navy, the
+Supreme Judicial Court and diplomatic missions abroad, all present the
+same spectacle;--an immense majority of power in the hands of a very
+small minority of the people--millions made for a fraction of a few
+thousands.
+
+       *     *     *     *     *
+
+From that day (1830,) SLAVERY, SLAVEHOLDING, SLAVE-BREEDING AND
+SLAVE-TRADING, HAVE FORMED THE WHOLE FOUNDATION OF THE POLICY OF THE
+FEDERAL GOVERNMENT, and of the slaveholding States, at home and
+abroad; and at the very time when a new census has exhibited a large
+increase upon the superior numbers of the free States, it has
+presented the portentous evidence of increased influence and
+ascendancy of the slave-holding power.
+
+Of the prevalence of that power, you have had continual and conclusive
+evidence in the suppression for the space of ten years of the right of
+petition, guarantied, if there could be a guarantee against slavery,
+by the first article amendatory of the Constitution.
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Anti-Slavery Examiner, Part 3 of 4
+by American Anti-Slavery Society
+
+*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ANTI-SLAVERY EXAMINER, PART 3 OF 4 ***
+
+***** This file should be named 11273.txt or 11273.zip *****
+This and all associated files of various formats will be found in:
+        https://www.gutenberg.org/1/1/2/7/11273/
+
+Produced by Stan Goodman, Amy Overmyer, Shawn Wheeler and PG Distributed
+Proofreaders
+
+
+Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions
+will be renamed.
+
+Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no
+one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation
+(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without
+permission and without paying copyright royalties.  Special rules,
+set forth in the General Terms of Use part of this license, apply to
+copying and distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works to
+protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm concept and trademark.  Project
+Gutenberg is a registered trademark, and may not be used if you
+charge for the eBooks, unless you receive specific permission.  If you
+do not charge anything for copies of this eBook, complying with the
+rules is very easy.  You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose
+such as creation of derivative works, reports, performances and
+research.  They may be modified and printed and given away--you may do
+practically ANYTHING with public domain eBooks.  Redistribution is
+subject to the trademark license, especially commercial
+redistribution.
+
+
+
+*** START: FULL LICENSE ***
+
+THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE
+PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK
+
+To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free
+distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work
+(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License (available with this file or online at
+https://gutenberg.org/license).
+
+
+Section 1.  General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic works
+
+1.A.  By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to
+and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property
+(trademark/copyright) agreement.  If you do not agree to abide by all
+the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or destroy
+all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your possession.
+If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound by the
+terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person or
+entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8.
+
+1.B.  "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark.  It may only be
+used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who
+agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement.  There are a few
+things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works
+even without complying with the full terms of this agreement.  See
+paragraph 1.C below.  There are a lot of things you can do with Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this agreement
+and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.  See paragraph 1.E below.
+
+1.C.  The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the Foundation"
+or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection of Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic works.  Nearly all the individual works in the
+collection are in the public domain in the United States.  If an
+individual work is in the public domain in the United States and you are
+located in the United States, we do not claim a right to prevent you from
+copying, distributing, performing, displaying or creating derivative
+works based on the work as long as all references to Project Gutenberg
+are removed.  Of course, we hope that you will support the Project
+Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting free access to electronic works by
+freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm works in compliance with the terms of
+this agreement for keeping the Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with
+the work.  You can easily comply with the terms of this agreement by
+keeping this work in the same format with its attached full Project
+Gutenberg-tm License when you share it without charge with others.
+
+1.D.  The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern
+what you can do with this work.  Copyright laws in most countries are in
+a constant state of change.  If you are outside the United States, check
+the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this agreement
+before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, distributing or
+creating derivative works based on this work or any other Project
+Gutenberg-tm work.  The Foundation makes no representations concerning
+the copyright status of any work in any country outside the United
+States.
+
+1.E.  Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg:
+
+1.E.1.  The following sentence, with active links to, or other immediate
+access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear prominently
+whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work on which the
+phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the phrase "Project
+Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, performed, viewed,
+copied or distributed:
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+1.E.2.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is derived
+from the public domain (does not contain a notice indicating that it is
+posted with permission of the copyright holder), the work can be copied
+and distributed to anyone in the United States without paying any fees
+or charges.  If you are redistributing or providing access to a work
+with the phrase "Project Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the
+work, you must comply either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1
+through 1.E.7 or obtain permission for the use of the work and the
+Project Gutenberg-tm trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or
+1.E.9.
+
+1.E.3.  If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted
+with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution
+must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any additional
+terms imposed by the copyright holder.  Additional terms will be linked
+to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works posted with the
+permission of the copyright holder found at the beginning of this work.
+
+1.E.4.  Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this
+work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm.
+
+1.E.5.  Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this
+electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without
+prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with
+active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm License.
+
+1.E.6.  You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary,
+compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including any
+word processing or hypertext form.  However, if you provide access to or
+distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format other than
+"Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official version
+posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm web site (www.gutenberg.org),
+you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense to the user, provide a
+copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means of obtaining a copy upon
+request, of the work in its original "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other
+form.  Any alternate format must include the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1.
+
+1.E.7.  Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying,
+performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works
+unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9.
+
+1.E.8.  You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing
+access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works provided
+that
+
+- You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from
+     the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method
+     you already use to calculate your applicable taxes.  The fee is
+     owed to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he
+     has agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the
+     Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation.  Royalty payments
+     must be paid within 60 days following each date on which you
+     prepare (or are legally required to prepare) your periodic tax
+     returns.  Royalty payments should be clearly marked as such and
+     sent to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the
+     address specified in Section 4, "Information about donations to
+     the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."
+
+- You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies
+     you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he
+     does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm
+     License.  You must require such a user to return or
+     destroy all copies of the works possessed in a physical medium
+     and discontinue all use of and all access to other copies of
+     Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+- You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of any
+     money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the
+     electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days
+     of receipt of the work.
+
+- You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free
+     distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works.
+
+1.E.9.  If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project Gutenberg-tm
+electronic work or group of works on different terms than are set
+forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing from
+both the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation and Michael
+Hart, the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark.  Contact the
+Foundation as set forth in Section 3 below.
+
+1.F.
+
+1.F.1.  Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable
+effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread
+public domain works in creating the Project Gutenberg-tm
+collection.  Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may contain
+"Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate or
+corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other intellectual
+property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or other medium, a
+computer virus, or computer codes that damage or cannot be read by
+your equipment.
+
+1.F.2.  LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right
+of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project
+Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project
+Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all
+liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal
+fees.  YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT
+LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE
+PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH F3.  YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE
+TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE
+LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR
+INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH
+DAMAGE.
+
+1.F.3.  LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a
+defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can
+receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a
+written explanation to the person you received the work from.  If you
+received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium with
+your written explanation.  The person or entity that provided you with
+the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in lieu of a
+refund.  If you received the work electronically, the person or entity
+providing it to you may choose to give you a second opportunity to
+receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund.  If the second copy
+is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing without further
+opportunities to fix the problem.
+
+1.F.4.  Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth
+in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS' WITH NO OTHER
+WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO
+WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTIBILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE.
+
+1.F.5.  Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied
+warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of damages.
+If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement violates the
+law of the state applicable to this agreement, the agreement shall be
+interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or limitation permitted by
+the applicable state law.  The invalidity or unenforceability of any
+provision of this agreement shall not void the remaining provisions.
+
+1.F.6.  INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the
+trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone
+providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in accordance
+with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the production,
+promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works,
+harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, including legal fees,
+that arise directly or indirectly from any of the following which you do
+or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this or any Project Gutenberg-tm
+work, (b) alteration, modification, or additions or deletions to any
+Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any Defect you cause.
+
+
+Section  2.  Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of
+electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of computers
+including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers.  It exists
+because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations from
+people in all walks of life.
+
+Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the
+assistance they need, is critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's
+goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will
+remain freely available for generations to come.  In 2001, the Project
+Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure
+and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future generations.
+To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation
+and how your efforts and donations can help, see Sections 3 and 4
+and the Foundation web page at https://www.pglaf.org.
+
+
+Section 3.  Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive
+Foundation
+
+The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non profit
+501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the
+state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal
+Revenue Service.  The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification
+number is 64-6221541.  Its 501(c)(3) letter is posted at
+https://pglaf.org/fundraising.  Contributions to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent
+permitted by U.S. federal laws and your state's laws.
+
+The Foundation's principal office is located at 4557 Melan Dr. S.
+Fairbanks, AK, 99712., but its volunteers and employees are scattered
+throughout numerous locations.  Its business office is located at
+809 North 1500 West, Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887, email
+business@pglaf.org.  Email contact links and up to date contact
+information can be found at the Foundation's web site and official
+page at https://pglaf.org
+
+For additional contact information:
+     Dr. Gregory B. Newby
+     Chief Executive and Director
+     gbnewby@pglaf.org
+
+Section 4.  Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg
+Literary Archive Foundation
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without wide
+spread public support and donations to carry out its mission of
+increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be
+freely distributed in machine readable form accessible by the widest
+array of equipment including outdated equipment.  Many small donations
+($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt
+status with the IRS.
+
+The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating
+charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United
+States.  Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a
+considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up
+with these requirements.  We do not solicit donations in locations
+where we have not received written confirmation of compliance.  To
+SEND DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any
+particular state visit https://pglaf.org
+
+While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we
+have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition
+against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who
+approach us with offers to donate.
+
+International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make
+any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from
+outside the United States.  U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff.
+
+Please check the Project Gutenberg Web pages for current donation
+methods and addresses.  Donations are accepted in a number of other
+ways including including checks, online payments and credit card
+donations.  To donate, please visit: https://pglaf.org/donate
+
+
+Section 5.  General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic
+works.
+
+Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project Gutenberg-tm
+concept of a library of electronic works that could be freely shared
+with anyone.  For thirty years, he produced and distributed Project
+Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of volunteer support.
+
+Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed
+editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the U.S.
+unless a copyright notice is included.  Thus, we do not necessarily
+keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper edition.
+
+Each eBook is in a subdirectory of the same number as the eBook's
+eBook number, often in several formats including plain vanilla ASCII,
+compressed (zipped), HTML and others.
+
+Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks replace the old file and take over
+the old filename and etext number.  The replaced older file is renamed.
+VERSIONS based on separate sources are treated as new eBooks receiving
+new filenames and etext numbers.
+
+Most people start at our Web site which has the main PG search facility:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org
+
+This Web site includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm,
+including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary
+Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to
+subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks.
+
+EBooks posted prior to November 2003, with eBook numbers BELOW #10000,
+are filed in directories based on their release date.  If you want to
+download any of these eBooks directly, rather than using the regular
+search system you may utilize the following addresses and just
+download by the etext year.
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/etext06
+
+    (Or /etext 05, 04, 03, 02, 01, 00, 99,
+     98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90)
+
+EBooks posted since November 2003, with etext numbers OVER #10000, are
+filed in a different way.  The year of a release date is no longer part
+of the directory path.  The path is based on the etext number (which is
+identical to the filename).  The path to the file is made up of single
+digits corresponding to all but the last digit in the filename.  For
+example an eBook of filename 10234 would be found at:
+
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/1/0/2/3/10234
+
+or filename 24689 would be found at:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/2/4/6/8/24689
+
+An alternative method of locating eBooks:
+     https://www.gutenberg.org/GUTINDEX.ALL
+
+
diff --git a/old/11273.zip b/old/11273.zip
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..318ca46
--- /dev/null
+++ b/old/11273.zip