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+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 11089 ***
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+A History of the Education of the Colored People of the United States
+from the Beginning of Slavery to the Civil War
+
+
+By
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+1919
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+About two years ago the author decided to set forth in a small volume
+the leading facts of the development of Negro education, thinking that
+he would have to deal largely with the movement since the Civil War.
+In looking over documents for material to furnish a background for
+recent achievements in this field, he discovered that he would write
+a much more interesting book should he confine himself to the
+ante-bellum period. In fact, the accounts of the successful strivings
+of Negroes for enlightenment under most adverse circumstances read
+like beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age.
+
+Interesting as is this phase of the history of the American Negro, it
+has as a field of profitable research attracted only M.B. Goodwin, who
+published in the Special Report of the United States Commissioner
+of Education of 1871 an exhaustive _History of the Schools for the
+Colored Population in the District of Columbia_. In that same document
+was included a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored Population
+in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different States_. But
+although the author of the latter collected a mass of valuable
+material, his report is neither comprehensive nor thorough. Other
+publications touching this subject have dealt either with certain
+localities or special phases.
+
+Yet evident as may be the failure of scholars to treat this neglected
+aspect of our history, the author of this dissertation is far from
+presuming that he has exhausted the subject. With the hope of vitally
+interesting some young master mind in this large task, the undersigned
+has endeavored to narrate in brief how benevolent teachers of both
+races strove to give the ante-bellum Negroes the education through
+which many of them gained freedom in its highest and best sense.
+
+The author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to Dr. J.E.
+Moorland, International Secretary of the Young Men's Christian
+Association, for valuable information concerning the Negroes of Ohio.
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+Washington, D.C. _June 11, 1919._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+     I.--Introduction
+
+    II.--Religion with Letters
+
+   III.--Education as a Right of Man
+
+    IV.--Actual Education
+
+     V.--Better Beginnings
+
+    VI.--Educating the Urban Negro
+
+   VII.--The Reaction
+
+  VIII.--Religion without Letters
+
+    IX.--Learning in Spite of Opposition
+
+     X.--Educating Negroes Transplanted to Free Soil
+
+    XI.--Higher Education
+
+   XII.--Vocational Training
+
+  XIII.--Education at Public Expense
+
+  Appendix: Documents
+
+  Bibliography
+
+  Index
+
+
+
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Brought from the African wilds to constitute the laboring class of
+a pioneering society in the new world, the heathen slaves had to be
+trained to meet the needs of their environment. It required little
+argument to convince intelligent masters that slaves who had some
+conception of modern civilization and understood the language of their
+owners would be more valuable than rude men with whom one could not
+communicate. The questions, however, as to exactly what kind of
+training these Negroes should have, and how far it should go, were to
+the white race then as much a matter of perplexity as they are now.
+Yet, believing that slaves could not be enlightened without developing
+in them a longing for liberty, not a few masters maintained that the
+more brutish the bondmen the more pliant they become for purposes of
+exploitation. It was this class of slaveholders that finally won the
+majority of southerners to their way of thinking and determined that
+Negroes should not be educated.
+
+The history of the education of the ante-bellum Negroes, therefore,
+falls into two periods. The first extends from the time of the
+introduction of slavery to the climax of the insurrectionary movement
+about 1835, when the majority of the people in this country answered
+in the affirmative the question whether or not it was prudent to
+educate their slaves. Then followed the second period, when the
+industrial revolution changed slavery from a patriarchal to an
+economic institution, and when intelligent Negroes, encouraged by
+abolitionists, made so many attempts to organize servile insurrections
+that the pendulum began to swing the other way. By this time most
+southern white people reached the conclusion that it was impossible
+to cultivate the minds of Negroes without arousing overmuch
+self-assertion.
+
+The early advocates of the education of Negroes were of three classes:
+first, masters who desired to increase the economic efficiency of
+their labor supply; second, sympathetic persons who wished to help the
+oppressed; and third, zealous missionaries who, believing that the
+message of divine love came equally to all, taught slaves the English
+language that they might learn the principles of the Christian
+religion. Through the kindness of the first class, slaves had their
+best chance for mental improvement. Each slaveholder dealt with the
+situation to suit himself, regardless of public opinion. Later,
+when measures were passed to prohibit the education of slaves, some
+masters, always a law unto themselves, continued to teach their
+Negroes in defiance of the hostile legislation. Sympathetic persons
+were not able to accomplish much because they were usually reformers,
+who not only did not own slaves, but dwelt in practically free
+settlements far from the plantations on which the bondmen lived.
+
+The Spanish and French missionaries, the first to face this problem,
+set an example which influenced the education of the Negroes
+throughout America. Some of these early heralds of Catholicism
+manifested more interest in the Indians than in the Negroes, and
+advocated the enslavement of the Africans rather than that of the Red
+Men. But being anxious to see the Negroes enlightened and brought into
+the Church, they courageously directed their attention to the teaching
+of their slaves, provided for the instruction of the numerous
+mixed-breed offspring, and granted freedmen the educational privileges
+of the highest classes. Put to shame by this noble example of the
+Catholics, the English colonists had to find a way to overcome the
+objections of those who, granting that the enlightenment of the slaves
+might not lead to servile insurrection, nevertheless feared that their
+conversion might work manumission. To meet this exigency the
+colonists secured, through legislation by their assemblies and formal
+declarations of the Bishop of London, the abrogation of the law that
+a Christian could not be held as a slave. Then allowed access to the
+bondmen, the missionaries of the Church of England, sent out by the
+Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Heathen in Foreign
+Parts, undertook to educate the slaves for the purpose of extensive
+proselyting.
+
+Contemporaneous with these early workers of the Established Church of
+England were the liberal Puritans, who directed their attention to the
+conversion of the slaves long before this sect advocated abolition.
+Many of this connection justified slavery as established by the
+precedent of the Hebrews, but they felt that persons held to service
+should be instructed as were the servants of the household of Abraham.
+The progress of the cause was impeded, however, by the bigoted class
+of Puritans, who did not think well of the policy of incorporating
+undesirable persons into the Church so closely connected then with the
+state. The first settlers of the American colonies to offer Negroes
+the same educational and religious privileges they provided for
+persons of their own race, were the Quakers. Believing in the
+brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God, they taught the colored
+people to read their own "instruction in the book of the law that they
+might be wise unto salvation."
+
+Encouraging as was the aspect of things after these early efforts, the
+contemporary complaints about the neglect to instruct the slaves show
+that the cause lacked something to make the movement general. Then
+came the days when the struggle for the rights of man was arousing the
+civilized world. After 1760 the nascent social doctrine found response
+among the American colonists. They looked with opened eyes at the
+Negroes. A new day then dawned for the dark-skinned race. Men like
+Patrick Henry and James Otis, who demanded liberty for themselves,
+could not but concede that slaves were entitled at least to freedom of
+body. The frequent acts of manumission and emancipation which followed
+upon this change in attitude toward persons of color, turned loose
+upon society a large number of men whose chief needs were education
+and training in the duties of citizenship. To enlighten these freedmen
+schools, missions, and churches were established by benevolent and
+religious workers. These colaborers included at this time the Baptists
+and Methodists who, thanks to the spirit of toleration incident to the
+Revolution, were allowed access to Negroes bond and free.
+
+With all of these new opportunities Negroes exhibited a rapid
+mental development. Intelligent colored men proved to be useful and
+trustworthy servants; they became much better laborers and artisans,
+and many of them showed administrative ability adequate to the
+management of business establishments and large plantations. Moreover,
+better rudimentary education served many ambitious persons of color as
+a stepping-stone to higher attainments. Negroes learned to appreciate
+and write poetry and contributed something to mathematics, science,
+and philosophy. Furthermore, having disproved the theories of
+their mental inferiority, some of the race, in conformity with the
+suggestion of Cotton Mather, were employed to teach white children.
+
+Observing these evidences of a general uplift of the Negroes, certain
+educators advocated the establishment of special colored schools. The
+founding of these institutions, however, must not be understood as a
+movement to separate the children of the races on account of caste
+prejudice. The dual system resulted from an effort to meet the needs
+peculiar to a people just emerging from bondage. It was easily seen
+that their education should no longer be dominated by religion.
+Keeping the past of the Negroes in mind, their friends tried to unite
+the benefits of practical and cultural education. The teachers of
+colored schools offered courses in the industries along with advanced
+work in literature, mathematics, and science. Girls who specialized in
+sewing took lessons in French.
+
+So startling were the rapid strides made by the colored people in
+their mental development after the revolutionary era that certain
+southerners who had not seriously objected to the enlightenment of the
+Negroes began to favor the half reactionary policy of educating them
+only on the condition that they should be colonized. The colonization
+movement, however, was supported also by some white men who, seeing
+the educational progress of the colored people during the period of
+better beginnings, felt that they should be given an opportunity to
+be transplanted to a free country where they might develop without
+restriction.
+
+Timorous southerners, however, soon had other reasons for their
+uncharitable attitude. During the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century two effective forces were rapidly increasing the number of
+reactionaries who by public opinion gradually prohibited the education
+of the colored people in all places except certain urban communities
+where progressive Negroes had been sufficiently enlightened to provide
+their own school facilities. The first of these forces was the
+worldwide industrial movement. It so revolutionized spinning and
+weaving that the resulting increased demand for cotton fiber gave rise
+to the plantation system of the South, which required a larger number
+of slaves. Becoming too numerous to be considered as included in the
+body politic as conceived by Locke, Montesquieu, and Blackstone,
+the slaves were generally doomed to live without any enlightenment
+whatever. Thereafter rich planters not only thought it unwise to
+educate men thus destined to live on a plane with beasts, but
+considered it more profitable to work a slave to death during seven
+years and buy another in his stead than to teach and humanize him with
+a view to increasing his efficiency.
+
+The other force conducive to reaction was the circulation through
+intelligent Negroes of antislavery accounts of the wrongs to colored
+people and the well portrayed exploits of Toussaint L'Ouverture.
+Furthermore, refugees from Haiti settled in Baltimore, Norfolk,
+Charleston, and New Orleans, where they gave Negroes a first-hand
+story of how black men of the West Indies had righted their wrongs. At
+the same time certain abolitionists and not a few slaveholders were
+praising, in the presence of slaves, the bloody methods of the
+French Revolution. When this enlightenment became productive of
+such disorders that slaveholders lived in eternal dread of servile
+insurrection, Southern States adopted the thoroughly reactionary
+policy of making the education of Negroes impossible.
+
+The prohibitive legislation extended over a period of more than a
+century, beginning with the act of South Carolina in 1740. But with
+the exception of the action of this State and that of Georgia the
+important measures which actually proscribed the teaching of Negroes
+were enacted during the first four decades of the nineteenth century.
+The States attacked the problem in various ways. Colored people beyond
+a certain number were not allowed to assemble for social or religious
+purposes, unless in the presence of certain "discreet" white men;
+slaves were deprived of the helpful contact of free persons of color
+by driving them out of some Southern States; masters who had employed
+their favorite blacks in positions which required a knowledge of
+bookkeeping, printing, and the like, were commanded by law to
+discontinue that custom; and private and public teachers were
+prohibited from assisting Negroes to acquire knowledge in any manner
+whatever.
+
+The majority of the people of the South had by this time come to the
+conclusion that, as intellectual elevation unfits men for servitude
+and renders it impossible to retain them in this condition, it should
+be interdicted. In other words, the more you cultivate the minds of
+slaves, the more unserviceable you make them; you give them a higher
+relish for those privileges which they cannot attain and turn what you
+intend for a blessing into a curse. If they are to remain in slavery
+they should be kept in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation,
+and the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes the better
+chance they have to retain their apathy. It had thus been brought to
+pass that the measures enacted to prevent the education of Negroes had
+not only forbidden association with their fellows for mutual help and
+closed up most colored schools in the South, but had in several States
+made it a crime for a Negro to teach his own children.
+
+The contrast of conditions at the close of this period with those
+of former days is striking. Most slaves who were once counted as
+valuable, on account of their ability to read and write the English
+language, were thereafter considered unfit for service in the
+South and branded as objects of suspicion. Moreover, when within a
+generation or so the Negroes began to retrograde because they had been
+deprived of every elevating influence, the white people of the South
+resorted to their old habit of answering their critics with the bold
+assertion that the effort to enlighten the blacks would prove futile
+on account of their mental inferiority. The apathy which these
+bondmen, inured to hardships, consequently developed was referred to
+as adequate evidence that they were content with their lot, and
+that any effort to teach them to know their real condition would be
+productive of mischief both to the slaves and their masters.
+
+The reactionary movement, however, was not confined to the South. The
+increased migration of fugitives and free Negroes to the asylum of
+Northern States, caused certain communities of that section to feel
+that they were about to be overrun by undesirable persons who could
+not be easily assimilated. The subsequent anti-abolition riots in the
+North made it difficult for friends of the Negroes to raise funds to
+educate them. Free persons of color were not allowed to open schools
+in some places, teachers of Negroes were driven from their stations,
+and colored schoolhouses were burned.
+
+Ashamed to play the role of a Christian clergy guarding silence on the
+indispensable duty of saving the souls of the colored people, certain
+of the most influential southern ministers hit upon the scheme of
+teaching illiterate Negroes the principles of Christianity by memory
+training or the teaching of religion without letters. This the clergy
+were wont to call religious instruction. The word instruction,
+however, as used in various documents, is rather confusing. Before the
+reactionary period all instruction of the colored people included the
+teaching of the rudiments of education as a means to convey Christian
+thought. But with the exception of a few Christians the southerners
+thereafter used the word instruction to signify the mere memorizing of
+principles from the most simplified books. The sections of the South
+in which the word instruction was not used in this restricted sense
+were mainly the settlements of Quakers and Catholics who, in defiance
+of the law, persisted in teaching Negroes to read and write. Yet it
+was not uncommon to find others who, after having unsuccessfully used
+their influence against the enactment of these reactionary laws,
+boldly defied them by instructing the Negroes of their communities.
+Often opponents to this custom winked at it as an indulgence to the
+clerical profession. Many Scotch-Irish of the Appalachian Mountains
+and liberal Methodists and Baptists of the Western slave States did
+not materially change their attitude toward the enlightenment of the
+colored people during the reactionary period. The Negroes among
+these people continued to study books and hear religious instruction
+conveyed to maturing minds.
+
+Yet little as seemed this enlightenment by means of verbal
+instruction, some slaveholders became sufficiently inhuman to object
+to it on the grounds that the teaching of religion would lead to the
+teaching of letters. In fact, by 1835 certain parts of the South
+reached the third stage in the development of the education of the
+Negroes. At first they were taught the common branches to enable them
+to understand the principles of Christianity; next the colored people
+as an enlightened class became such a menace to southern institutions
+that it was deemed unwise to allow them any instruction beyond that
+of memory training; and finally, when it was discovered that many
+ambitious blacks were still learning to stir up their fellows, it was
+decreed that they should not receive any instruction at all. Reduced
+thus to the plane of beasts, where they remained for generations,
+Negroes developed bad traits which since their emancipation have been
+removed only with great difficulty.
+
+Dark as the future of the Negro students seemed, all hope was not yet
+gone. Certain white men in every southern community made it possible
+for many of them to learn in spite of opposition. Slaveholders were
+not long in discovering that a thorough execution of the law was
+impossible when Negroes were following practically all the higher
+pursuits of labor in the South. Masters who had children known to be
+teaching slaves protected their benevolent sons and daughters from the
+rigors of the law. Preachers, on finding out that the effort at verbal
+education could not convey Christian truths to an undeveloped mind,
+overcame the opposition in their localities and taught the colored
+people as before. Negroes themselves, regarding learning as forbidden
+fruit, stole away to secret places at night to study under the
+direction of friends. Some learned by intuition without having had the
+guidance of an instructor. The fact is that these drastic laws were
+not passed to restrain "discreet" southerners from doing whatever they
+desired for the betterment of their Negroes. The aim was to cut off
+their communication with northern teachers and abolitionists, whose
+activity had caused the South to believe that if such precaution were
+not taken these agents would teach their slaves principles subversive
+of southern institutions. Thereafter the documents which mention the
+teaching of Negroes to read and write seldom even state that the
+southern white teacher was so much as censured for his benevolence.
+In the rare cases of arrest of such instructors they were usually
+acquitted after receiving a reprimand.
+
+With this winking at the teaching of Negroes in defiance of the law a
+better day for their education brightened certain parts of the
+South about the middle of the nineteenth century. Believing that an
+enlightened laboring class might stop the decline of that section,
+some slaveholders changed their attitude toward the elevation of
+the colored people. Certain others came to think that the policy of
+keeping Negroes in ignorance to prevent servile insurrections was
+unwise. It was observed that the most loyal and subordinate slaves
+were those who could read the Bible and learn the truth for
+themselves. Private teachers of colored persons, therefore, were often
+left undisturbed, little effort was made to break up the Negroes'
+secret schools in different parts, and many influential white men took
+it upon themselves to instruct the blacks who were anxious to learn.
+
+Other Negroes who had no such opportunities were then finding a way of
+escape through the philanthropy of those abolitionists who colonized
+some freedmen and fugitives in the Northwest Territory and promoted
+the migration of others to the East. These Negroes were often
+fortunate. Many of them settled where they could take up land and had
+access to schools and churches conducted by the best white people
+of the country. This migration, however, made matters worse for the
+Negroes who were left in the South. As only the most enlightened
+blacks left the slave States, the bondmen and the indigent free
+persons of color were thereby deprived of helpful contact. The
+preponderance of intelligent Negroes, therefore, was by 1840 on the
+side of the North. Thereafter the actual education of the colored
+people was largely confined to eastern cities and northern communities
+of transplanted freedmen. The pioneers of these groups organized
+churches and established and maintained a number of successful
+elementary schools.
+
+In addition to providing for rudimentary instruction, the free Negroes
+of the North helped their friends to make possible what we now call
+higher education. During the second quarter of the nineteenth century
+the advanced training of the colored people was almost prohibited by
+the refusals of academies and colleges to admit persons of African
+blood. In consequence of these conditions, the long-put-forth efforts
+to found Negro colleges began to be crowned with success before the
+Civil War. Institutions of the North admitted Negroes later for
+various reasons. Some colleges endeavored to prepare them for service
+in Liberia, while others, proclaiming their conversion to the doctrine
+of democratic education, opened their doors to all.
+
+The advocates of higher education, however, met with no little
+opposition. The concentration in northern communities of the crude
+fugitives driven from the South necessitated a readjustment of things.
+The training of Negroes in any manner whatever was then very unpopular
+in many parts of the North. When prejudice, however, lost some of its
+sting, the friends of the colored people did more than ever for
+their education. But in view of the changed conditions most of these
+philanthropists concluded that the Negroes were very much in need
+of practical education. Educators first attempted to provide such
+training by offering classical and vocational courses in what they
+called the "manual labor schools." When these failed to meet the
+emergency they advocated actual vocational training. To make this new
+system extensive the Negroes freely coöperated with their benefactors,
+sharing no small part of the real burden. They were at the same time
+paying taxes to support public schools which they could not attend.
+
+This very condition was what enabled the abolitionists to see that
+they had erred in advocating the establishment of separate schools for
+Negroes. At first the segregation of pupils of African blood was, as
+stated above, intended as a special provision to bring the colored
+youth into contact with sympathetic teachers, who knew the needs of
+their students. When the public schools, however, developed at the
+expense of the state into a desirable system better equipped than
+private institutions, the antislavery organizations in many Northern
+States began to demand that the Negroes be admitted to the public
+schools. After extensive discussion certain States of New England
+finally decided the question in the affirmative, experiencing no great
+inconvenience from the change. In most other States of the North,
+however, separate schools for Negroes did not cease to exist until
+after the Civil War. It was the liberated Negroes themselves who,
+during the Reconstruction, gave the Southern States their first
+effective system of free public schools.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+RELIGION WITH LETTERS
+
+
+The first real educators to take up the work of enlightening American
+Negroes were clergymen interested in the propagation of the gospel
+among the heathen of the new world. Addressing themselves to this
+task, the missionaries easily discovered that their first duty was to
+educate these crude elements to enable them not only to read the truth
+for themselves, but to appreciate the supremacy of the Christian
+religion. After some opposition slaves were given the opportunity to
+take over the Christian civilization largely because of the adverse
+criticism[1] which the apostles to the lowly heaped upon the planters
+who neglected the improvement of their Negroes. Made then a device for
+bringing the blacks into the Church, their education was at first too
+much dominated by the teaching of religion.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241; and _The Penn. Mag.
+of History_, xii., 265.]
+
+Many early advocates of slavery favored the enlightenment of the
+Africans. That it was an advantage to the Negroes to be brought within
+the light of the gospel was a common argument in favor of the slave
+trade.[1] When the German Protestants from Salsburg had scruples about
+enslaving men, they were assured by a message from home stating that
+if they took slaves in faith and with the intention of conducting
+them to Christ, the action would not be a sin, but might prove a
+benediction.[2] This was about the attitude of Spain. The missionary
+movement seemed so important to the king of that country that he at
+first allowed only Christian slaves to be brought to America, hoping
+that such persons might serve as apostles to the Indians.[3] The
+Spaniards adopted a different policy, however, when they ceased their
+wild search for an "El Dorado" and became permanently attached to the
+community. They soon made settlements and opened mines which
+they thought required the introduction of slavery. Thus becoming
+commercialized, these colonists experienced a greed which,
+disregarding the consequences of the future, urged the importation
+of all classes of slaves to meet the demand for cheap labor.[4] This
+request was granted by the King of Spain, but the masters of such
+bondmen were expressly ordered to have them indoctrinated in the
+principles of Christianity. It was the failure of certain Spaniards to
+live up to these regulations that caused the liberal-minded Jesuit,
+Alphonso Sandoval, to register the first protest against slavery in
+America.[5] In later years the change in the attitude of the Spaniards
+toward this problem was noted. In Mexico the ayuntamientos were under
+the most rigid responsibility to see that free children born of slaves
+received the best education that could be given them. They had to
+place them "for that purpose at the public schools and other places of
+instruction wherein they" might "become useful to society."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Proslavery Argument; and Lecky, _History of England_,
+vol. ii., p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Faust, _German Element in United States_, vol. i., pp.
+242-43.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Bancroft, _History of United States_, vol. i., p. 124.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Herrera, _Historia General_, dec. iv., libro ii.; dec.
+v., libro ii.; dec. vii., libro iv.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 389.]
+
+In the French settlements of America the instruction of the Negroes
+did not early become a difficult problem. There were not many Negroes
+among the French. Their methods of colonization did not require many
+slaves. Nevertheless, whenever the French missionary came into contact
+with Negroes he considered it his duty to enlighten the unfortunates
+and lead them to God. As early as 1634 Paul Le Jeune, a Jesuit
+missionary in Canada, rejoiced that he had again become a real
+preceptor in that he was teaching a little Negro the alphabet. Le
+Jeune hoped to baptize his pupil as soon as he learned sufficient to
+understand the Christian doctrine.[1] Moreover, evidence of a general
+interest in the improvement of Negroes appeared in the Code Noir which
+made it incumbent upon masters to enlighten their slaves that they
+might grasp the principles of the Christian religion.[2] To carry
+out this mandate slaves were sometimes called together with white
+settlers. The meeting was usually opened with prayer and the reading
+of some pious book, after which the French children were turned over
+to one catechist, and the slaves and Indians to another. If a large
+number of slaves were found in the community their special instruction
+was provided for in meetings of their own.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 63.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Code Noir, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 62.]
+
+
+After 1716, when Jesuits were taking over slaves in larger numbers,
+and especially after 1726, when Law's Company was importing many to
+meet the demand for laborers in Louisiana, we read of more instances
+of the instruction of Negroes by French Catholics.[1] Writing about
+this task in 1730, Le Petit spoke of being "settled to the instruction
+of the boarders, the girls who live without, and the Negro women."[2]
+In 1738 he said, "I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our
+residence, who are Negroes, and as many others as I can get from their
+masters."[3] Years later François Philibert Watrum, seeing that some
+Jesuits had on their estates one hundred and thirty slaves, inquired
+why the instruction of the Indian and Negro serfs of the French did
+not give these missionaries sufficient to do.[4] Hoping to enable
+the slaves to elevate themselves, certain inhabitants of the French
+colonies requested of their king a decree protecting their title to
+property in such bondmen as they might send to France to be confirmed
+in their instruction and in the exercise of their religion, and to
+have them learn some art or trade from which the colonies might
+receive some benefit by their return from the mother country.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., vol. lxvii., pp. 259 and 343.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. lxviii., p. 201.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. lxix., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. lxx., p. 245.]
+
+The education of Negroes was facilitated among the French and Spanish
+by their liberal attitude toward their slaves. Many of them were
+respected for their worth and given some of the privileges of
+freemen. Estevanecito, an enlightened slave sent by Niza, the Spanish
+adventurer, to explore Arizona, was a favored servant of this
+class.[1] The Latin custom of miscegenation proved to be a still more
+important factor in the education of Negroes in the colonies. As the
+French and Spanish came to America for the purpose of exploitation,
+leaving their wives behind, many of them, by cohabiting with and
+marrying colored women, gave rise to an element of mixed breeds. This
+was especially true of the Spanish settlements. They had more persons
+of this class than any other colonies in America. The Latins, in
+contradistinction to the English, generally liberated their mulatto
+offspring and sometimes recognized them as their equals. Such Negroes
+constituted a class of persons who, although they could not aspire to
+the best in the colony, had a decided advantage over other inhabitants
+of color. They often lived in luxury, and, of course, had a few
+social privileges. The Code Noir granted freedmen the same rights,
+privileges, and immunities as those enjoyed by persons born free, with
+the view that the accomplishment of acquired liberty should have on
+the former the same effect that the happiness of natural liberty
+caused in other subjects.[2] As these mixed breeds were later lost, so
+to speak, among the Latins, it is almost impossible to determine what
+their circumstances were, and what advantages of education they had.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, pp. 27-32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The Code Noir obliged every planter to have his Negroes
+instructed and baptized. It allowed the slave for instruction,
+worship, and rest not only every Sunday, but every festival usually
+observed by the Roman Catholic Church. It did not permit any market to
+be held on Sundays or holidays. It prohibited, under severe penalties,
+all masters and managers from corrupting their female slaves. It did
+not allow the Negro husband, wife, or infant children to be sold
+separately. It forbade them the use of torture, or immoderate and
+inhuman punishments. It obliged the owners to maintain their old and
+decrepit slaves. If the Negroes were not fed and clothed as the law
+prescribed, or if they were in any way cruelly treated, they might
+apply to the Procureur, who was obliged by his office to protect them.
+See Code Noir, pp. 99-100.]
+
+
+The Spanish and French were doing so much more than the English to
+enlighten their slaves that certain teachers and missionaries in the
+British colonies endeavored more than ever to arouse their countrymen
+to discharge their duty to those they held in bondage. These reformers
+hoped to do this by holding up to the members of the Anglican Church
+the praiseworthy example of the Catholics whom the British had for
+years denounced as enemies of Christ. The criticism had its effect.
+But to prosecute this work extensively the English had to overcome
+the difficulty found in the observance of the unwritten law that
+no Christian could be held a slave. Now, if the teaching of slaves
+enabled them to be converted and their Christianization led to
+manumission, the colonists had either to let the institution gradually
+pass away or close all avenues of information to the minds of their
+Negroes. The necessity of choosing either of these alternatives
+was obviated by the enactment of provincial statutes and formal
+declarations by the Bishop of London to the effect that conversion did
+not work manumission.[1] After the solution of this problem English
+missionaries urged more vigorously upon the colonies the duty of
+instructing the slaves. Among the active churchmen working for this
+cause were Rev. Morgan Goodwyn and Bishops Fleetwood, Lowth, and
+Sanderson.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 2: On observing that laws had been passed in Virginia to
+prevent slaves from attending the meetings of Quakers for purposes of
+being instructed, Morgan Goodwyn registered a most earnest protest. He
+felt that prompt attention should be given to the instruction of the
+slaves to prevent the Church from falling into discredit, and to
+obviate the causes for blasphemy on the part of the enemies of the
+Church who would not fail to point out that ministers sent to the
+remotest parts had failed to convert the heathen. Therefore, he
+preached in Westminster Abbey in 1685 a sermon "to stir up and
+provoke" his "Majesty's subjects abroad, and even at home, to use
+endeavors for the propagation of Christianity among their domestic
+slaves and vassals." He referred to the spreading of mammonism and
+irreligion by which efforts to instruct and Christianize the heathen
+were paralyzed. He deplored the fact that the slaves who were the
+subjects of such instruction became the victims of still greater
+cruelty, while the missionaries who endeavored to enlighten them were
+neglected and even persecuted by the masters. They considered the
+instruction of the Negroes an impracticable and needless work of
+popish superstition, and a policy subversive of the interests of
+slaveholders. Bishop Sanderson found it necessary to oppose this
+policy of Virginia which had met the denunciation of Goodwyn. In
+strongly emphasizing this duty of masters, Bishop Fleetwood moved the
+hearts of many planters of North Carolina to allow missionaries access
+to their slaves. Many of them were thereafter instructed and baptized.
+See Goodwyn, _The Negroes and Indians' Advocate_; Hart, _History Told
+by Contemporaries_, vol. i., No. 86; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._,
+1871, p. 363; _An Account of the Endeavors of the Soc._, etc., p. 14.]
+
+Complaints from men of this type led to systematic efforts to
+enlighten the blacks. The first successful scheme for this purpose
+came from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts. It was organized by the members of the Established Church in
+London in 1701[1] to do missionary work among Indians and Negroes.
+To convert the heathen they sent out not only ministers but
+schoolmasters. They were required to instruct the children, to teach
+them to read the Scriptures and other poems and useful books, to
+ground them thoroughly in the Church catechism, and to repeat "morning
+and evening prayers and graces composed for their use at home."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pascoe, _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society
+for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Dalcho, _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p. 39; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The first active schoolmaster of this class was Rev. Samuel Thomas of
+Goose Creek Parish in South Carolina. He took up this work there in
+1695, and in 1705 could count among his communicants twenty Negroes,
+who with several others "well understanding the English tongue" could
+read and write.[1] Rev. Mr. Thomas said: "I have here presumed to give
+an account of one thousand slaves so far as they know of it and are
+desirous of Christian knowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves
+for it, in learning to read, for which they redeem the time from their
+labor. Many of them can read the Bible distinctly, and great numbers
+of them were learning when I left the province."[2] But not only had
+this worker enlightened many Negroes in his parish, but had enlisted
+in the work several ladies, among whom was Mrs. Haig Edwards. The Rev.
+Mr. Taylor, already interested in the cause, hoped that other masters
+and mistresses would follow the example of Mrs. Edwards.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123].
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 13-14.]
+
+Through the efforts of the same society another school was opened in
+New York City in 1704 under Elias Neau.[1] This benefactor is commonly
+known as the first to begin such an institution for the education of
+Negroes; but the school in Goose Creek Parish, South Carolina, was
+in operation at least nine years earlier. At first Neau called the
+Negroes together after their daily toil was over and taught them at
+his house. By 1708 he was instructing thus as many as two hundred.
+Neau's school owes its importance to the fact that not long after its
+beginning certain Negroes who organized themselves to kill off their
+masters were accredited as students of this institution. For this
+reason it was immediately closed.[2] When upon investigating the
+causes of the insurrection, however, it was discovered that only one
+person connected with the institution had taken part in the struggle,
+the officials of the colony permitted Neau to continue his work and
+extended him their protection. After having been of invaluable service
+to the Negroes of New York this school was closed in 1722 by the
+death of its founder. The work of Neau, however, was taken up by Mr.
+Huddlestone. Rev. Mr. Wetmore entered the field in 1726. Later there
+appeared Rev. Mr. Colgan and Noxon, both of whom did much to promote
+the cause. In 1732 came Rev. Mr. Charlton who toiled in this field
+until 1747 when he was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Auchmutty. He had the
+coöperation of Mr. Hildreth, the assistant of his predecessor. Much
+help was obtained from Rev. Mr. Barclay who, at the death of Mr. Vesey
+in 1764, became the rector of the parish supporting the school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 6-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The results obtained in the English colonies during the early period
+show that the agitation for the enlightenment of the Negroes spread
+not only wherever these unfortunates were found, but claimed the
+attention of the benevolent far away. Bishop Wilson of Sodor and Man,
+active in the cause during the first half of the eighteenth century,
+availed himself of the opportunity to aid those missionaries who
+were laboring in the colonies for the instruction of the Indians
+and Negroes. In 1740 he published a pamphlet written in 1699 on the
+_Principles and Duties of Christianity in their Direct Bearing on the
+Uplift of the Heathen_. To teach by example he further aided this
+movement by giving fifty pounds for the education of colored children
+in Talbot County, Maryland.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 364.]
+
+After some opposition this work began to progress somewhat in
+Virginia.[1] The first school established in that colony was for
+Indians and Negroes.[2] In the course of time the custom of teaching
+the latter had legal sanction there. On binding out a "bastard or
+pauper child black or white," churchwardens specifically required
+that he should be taught "to read, write, and calculate as well as to
+follow some profitable form of labor."[3] Other Negroes also had an
+opportunity to learn. Reports of an increase in the number of colored
+communicants came from Accomac County where four or five hundred
+families were instructing their slaves at home, and had their children
+catechized on Sunday. Unusual interest in the cause at Lambeth, in the
+same colony, is attested by an interesting document, setting forth
+in 1724 a proposition for "_Encouraging the Christian Education of
+Indian, Negro, and Mulatto Children_." The author declares it to be
+the duty of masters and mistresses of America to endeavor to educate
+and instruct their heathen slaves in the Christian faith, and
+mentioned the fact that this work had been "earnestly recommended by
+his Majesty's instructions." To encourage the movement it was proposed
+that "every Indian, Negro and Mulatto child that should be baptized
+and afterward brought into the Church and publicly catechized by the
+minister, and should before the fourteenth year of his or her age
+give a distinct account of the creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten
+Commandments," should receive from the minister a certificate which
+would entitle such children to exemption from paying all levies until
+the age of eighteen.[4] The neighboring colony of North Carolina
+also was moved by these efforts despite some difficulties which the
+missionaries there encountered.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, p. 264;
+Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, pp.
+11-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, in J.H.U. Studies,
+Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, pp.
+264-65.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, pp. 389-90.]
+
+This favorable attitude toward the people of color, and the successful
+work among them, caused the opponents of this policy to speak out
+boldly against their enlightenment. Some asserted that the Negroes
+were such stubborn creatures that there could be no such close dealing
+with them, and that even when converted they became saucier than
+pious. Others maintained that these bondmen were so ignorant and
+indocile, so far gone in their wickedness, so confirmed in their
+habit of evil ways, that it was vain to undertake to teach them such
+knowledge. Less cruel slaveholders had thought of getting out of the
+difficulty by the excuse that the instruction of Negroes required more
+time and labor than masters could well spare from their business. Then
+there were others who frankly confessed that, being an ignorant and
+unlearned people themselves, they could not teach others.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: For a summary of this argument see Meade, _Four Sermons
+of Reverend Bacon_, pp. 81-97; also, _A Letter to an American Planter
+from his Friend in London_, p. 5.]
+
+Seeing that many leading planters had been influenced by those opposed
+to the enlightenment of Negroes, Bishop Gibson of London issued an
+appeal in behalf of the bondmen, addressing the clergy and laymen in
+two letters[1] published in London in 1727. In one he exhorted masters
+and mistresses of families to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian faith. In the other epistle he directed
+the missionaries of the colonies to give to this work whatever
+assistance they could. Writing to the slaveholders, he took the
+position that considering the greatness of the profit from the labor
+of the slaves it might be hoped that all masters, those especially who
+were possessed of considerable numbers, should be at some expense in
+providing for the instruction of those poor creatures. He thought
+that others who did not own so many should share in the expense of
+maintaining for them a common teacher.
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 16, 21, and 32; and
+Dalcho, _An Historical Account_, etc., pp. 104 et seq.]
+
+Equally censorious of these neglectful masters was Reverend Thomas
+Bacon, the rector of the Parish Church in Talbot County, Maryland.
+In 1749 he set forth his protest in four sermons on "the great and
+indispensable duty of all Christian masters to bring up their slaves
+in the knowledge and fear of God."[1] Contending that slaves
+should enjoy rights like those of servants in the household of the
+patriarchs, Bacon insisted that next to one's children and brethren
+by blood, one's servants, and especially one's slaves, stood in the
+nearest relation to him, and that in return for their drudgery the
+master owed it to his bondmen to have them enlightened. He believed
+that the reading and explaining of the Holy Scriptures should be made
+a stated duty. In the course of time the place of catechist in each
+family might be supplied out of the intelligent slaves by choosing
+such among them as were best taught to instruct the rest.[2] He was of
+the opinion, too, that were some of the slaves taught to read, were
+they sent to school for that purpose when young, were they given
+the New Testament and other good books to be read at night to their
+fellow-servants, such a course would vastly increase their knowledge
+of God and direct their minds to a serious thought of futurity.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 31 et seq.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 116 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 118.]
+
+With almost equal zeal did Bishops Williams and Butler plead the same
+cause.[1] They deplored the fact that because of their dark skins
+Negro slaves were treated as a species different from the rest of
+mankind. Denouncing the more cruel treatment of slaves as cattle,
+unfit for mental and moral improvement, these churchmen asserted that
+the highest property possible to be acquired in servants could not
+cancel the obligation to take care of the religious instruction of
+those who "despicable as they are in the eyes of man are nevertheless
+the creatures of God."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+On account of these appeals made during the seventeenth and eighteenth
+centuries a larger number of slaves of the English colonies were
+thereafter treated as human beings capable of mental, moral, and
+spiritual development. Some masters began to provide for the
+improvement of these unfortunates, not because they loved them, but
+because instruction would make them more useful to the community. A
+much more effective policy of Negro education was brought forward in
+1741 by Bishop Secker.[1] He suggested the employment of young Negroes
+prudently chosen to teach their countrymen. To carry out such a plan
+he had already sent a missionary to Africa. Besides instructing
+Negroes at his post of duty, this apostle sent three African natives
+to England where they were educated for the work.[2] It was doubtless
+the sentiment of these leaders that caused Dr. Brearcroft to allude to
+this project in a discourse before the Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts in 1741.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Secker, _Works_, vol. v., p. 88.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. vi., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p.6.]
+
+This organization hit upon the plan of purchasing two Negroes named
+Harry and Andrew, and of qualifying them by thorough instruction in
+the principles of Christianity and the fundamentals of education, to
+serve as schoolmasters to their people. Under the direction of Rev.
+Mr. Garden, the missionary who had directed the training of these
+young men, a building costing about three hundred and eight pounds was
+erected in Charleston, South Carolina. In the school which opened in
+this building in 1744 Harry and Andrew served as teachers.[1] In the
+beginning the school had about sixty young students, and had a very
+good daily attendance for a number of years. The directors of the
+institution planned to send out annually between thirty and forty
+youths "well instructed in religion and capable of reading their
+Bibles to carry home and diffuse the same knowledge to their fellow
+slaves."[2] It is highly probable that after 1740 this school was
+attended only by free persons of color. Because the progress of Negro
+education had been rather rapid, South Carolina enacted that year a
+law prohibiting any person from teaching or causing a slave to be
+taught, or from employing or using a slave as a scribe in any manner
+of writing.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123;
+McCrady, _South Carolina_, etc., p. 246; Dalcho, _An Historical
+Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, pp.
+156, 157, 164.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 157 and 164.]
+
+In 1764 the Charleston school was closed for reasons which it is
+difficult to determine. From one source we learn that one of the
+teachers died, and the other having turned out profligate, no
+instructors could be found to continue the work. It does not seem that
+the sentiment against the education of free Negroes had by that time
+become sufficiently strong to cause the school to be discontinued.[1]
+It is evident, however, that with the assistance of influential
+persons of different communities the instruction of slaves continued
+in that colony. Writing about the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Eliza Lucas, a lady of South Carolina, who afterward married Justice
+Pinckney, mentions a parcel of little Negroes whom she had undertaken
+to teach to read.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+The work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts was also effective in communities of the North in which the
+established Church of England had some standing. In 1751 Reverend Hugh
+Neill, once a Presbyterian minister of New Jersey, became a missionary
+of this organization to the Negroes of Pennsylvania. He worked among
+them fifteen years. Dr. Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia,
+devoted a part of his time to the work, and at the death of Neill in
+1766 enlisted as a regular missionary of the Society.[1] It seems,
+however, that prior to the eighteenth century not much had been done
+to enlighten the slaves of that colony, although free persons of
+color had been instructed. Rev. Mr. Wayman, another missionary to
+Pennsylvania about the middle of the eighteenth century, asserted that
+"neither" was "there anywhere care taken for the instruction of Negro
+slaves," the duty to whom he had "pressed upon masters with little
+effect."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+248.]
+
+To meet this need the Society set the example of maintaining
+catechetical lectures for Negroes in St. Peter's and Christ Church of
+Philadelphia, during the incumbency of Dr. Jennings from 1742 to 1762.
+William Sturgeon, a student of Yale, selected to do this work, was
+sent to London for ordination and placed in charge in 1747.[1] In this
+position Rev. Mr. Sturgeon remained nineteen years, rendering such
+satisfactory services in the teaching of Negroes that he deserves to
+be recorded as one of the first benefactors of the Negro race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 241.]
+
+Antedating this movement in Pennsylvania were the efforts of Reverend
+Dr. Thomas Bray. In 1696 he was sent to Maryland by the Bishop of
+London on an ecclesiastical mission to do what he could toward the
+conversion of adult Negroes and the education of their children.[1]
+Bray's most influential supporter was M. D'Alone, the private
+secretary of King William. D'Alone gave for the maintenance of the
+cause a fund, the proceeds of which were first used for the employment
+of colored catechists, and later for the support of the Thomas Bray
+Mission after the catechists had failed to give satisfaction. At the
+death of this missionary the task was taken up by certain followers
+of the good man, known as the "Associates of Doctor Bray."[2] They
+extended their work beyond the confines of Maryland. In 1760 two
+schools for the education of Negroes were maintained in Philadelphia
+by these benefactors. It was the aid obtained from the Dr. Bray fund
+that enabled the abolitionists to establish in that city a permanent
+school which continued for almost a hundred years.[3] About the close
+of the French and Indian War, Rev. Mr. Stewart, a missionary in North
+Carolina, found there a school for the education of Indians and free
+Negroes, conducted by Dr. Bray's Associates. The example of these men
+appealing to him as a wise policy, he directed to it the attention of
+the clergy at home.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252; Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p.
+23; and vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina_, Johns
+Hopkins University Studies, vol. xv., p. 226.]
+
+Not many slaves were found among the Puritans, but the number sufficed
+to bring the question of their instruction before these colonists
+almost as prominently as we have observed it was brought in the case
+of the members of the Established Church of England. Despite the fact
+that the Puritans developed from the Calvinists, believers in the
+doctrine of election which swept away all class distinction, this sect
+did not, like the Quakers, attack slavery as an institution. Yet if
+the Quakers were the first of the Protestants to protest against the
+buying and selling of souls, New England divines were among the first
+to devote attention to the mental, moral, and spiritual development of
+Negroes.[1] In 1675 John Eliot objected to the Indian slave trade, not
+because of the social degradation, but for the reason that he desired
+that his countrymen "should follow Christ his Designe in this matter
+to promote the free passage of Religion" among them. He further
+said: "For to sell Souls for Money seemeth to me to be dangerous
+Merchandise, to sell away from all Means of Grace whom Christ hath
+provided Means of Grace for you is the Way for us to be active in
+destroying their Souls when they are highly obliged to seek their
+Conversion and Salvation." Eliot bore it grievously that the souls of
+the slaves were "exposed by their Masters to a destroying Ignorance
+meerly for the Fear of thereby losing the Benefit of their
+Vassalage."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vol. xiii., p. 265.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Locke, _Anti-slavery Before 1808_, p. 15; Mather, _Life
+of John Eliot_, p. 14; _New Plymouth Colony Records_, vol. x., p.
+452.]
+
+Further interest in the work was manifested by Cotton Mather. He
+showed his liberality in his professions published in 1693 in a set of
+_Rules for the Society of Negroes_, intended to present the claims of
+the despised race to the benefits of religious instruction.[1] Mather
+believed that servants were in a sense like one's children, and that
+their masters should train and furnish them with Bibles and other
+religious books for which they should be given time to read. He
+maintained that servants should be admitted to the religious exercises
+of the family and was willing to employ such of them as were competent
+to teach his children lessons of piety. Coming directly to the issue
+of the day, Mather deplored the fact that the several plantations
+which lived upon the labor of their Negroes were guilty of the
+"prodigious Wickedness of deriding, neglecting, and opposing all
+due Means of bringing the poor Negroes unto God." He hoped that
+the masters, of whom God would one day require the souls of slaves
+committed to their care, would see to it that like Abraham they have
+catechised servants. They were not to imagine that the "Almighty God
+made so many thousands reasonable Creatures for nothing but only to
+serve the Lusts of Epicures, or the Gains of Mammonists."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, p. 137 _et seq_.]
+
+The sentiment of the clergy of this epoch was more directly expressed
+by Richard Baxter, the noted Nonconformist, in his "Directions to
+Masters in Foreign Plantations," incorporated as rules into the
+_Christian Directory_.[1] Baxter believed in natural liberty and
+the equality of man, and justified slavery only on the ground of
+"necessitated consent" or captivity in lawful war. For these reasons
+he felt that they that buy slaves and "use them as Beasts for their
+meer Commodity, and betray, or destroy or neglect their Souls are
+fitter to be called incarnate Devils than Christians, though they be
+no Christians whom they so abuse."[2] His aim here, however, is not to
+abolish the institution of slavery but to enlighten the Africans and
+bring them into the Church.[3] Exactly what effect Baxter had on this
+movement cannot be accurately figured out. The fact, however, that his
+creed was extensively adhered to by the Protestant colonists among
+whom his works were widely read, leads us to think that he influenced
+some masters to change their attitude toward their slaves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438-40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 440.]
+
+The next Puritan of prominence who enlisted among the helpers of the
+African slaves was Chief Justice Sewall, of Massachusetts. In 1701
+he stirred his section by publishing his _Selling of Joseph_, a
+distinctly anti-slavery pamphlet, based on the natural and inalienable
+right of every man to be free.[1] The appearance of this publication
+marked an epoch in the history of the Negroes. It was the first direct
+attack on slavery in New England. The Puritan clergy had formerly
+winked at the continuation of the institution, provided the masters
+were willing to give the slaves religious instruction. In the _Selling
+of Joseph_ Sewall had little to say about their mental and moral
+improvement, but in the _Athenian Oracle_, which expressed his
+sentiments so well that he had it republished in 1705,[2] he met more
+directly the problem of elevating the Negro race. Taking up this
+question, Sewall said: "There's yet less doubt that those who are of
+Age to answer for themselves would soon learn the Principles of our
+Faith, and might be taught the Obligation of the Vow they made in
+Baptism, and there's little Doubt but Abraham instructed his Heathen
+Servants who were of Age to learn, the Nature of Circumcision before
+he circumcised them; nor can we conclude much less from God's own
+noble Testimony of him, 'I know him that he will command his Children
+and his Household, and they shall keep the Way of the Lord.'"[3]
+Sewall believed that the emancipation of the slaves should be promoted
+to encourage Negroes to become Christians. He could not understand
+how any Christian could hinder or discourage them from learning the
+principles of the Christian religion and embracing the faith.
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 91.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 92; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 91; _The Athenian
+Oracle_, vol. ii., pp. 460 _et seq_.]
+
+This interest shown in the Negro race was in no sense general among
+the Puritans of that day. Many of their sect could not favor such
+proselyting,[1] which, according to their system of government,
+would have meant the extension to the slaves of social and political
+privileges. It was not until the French provided that masters should
+take their slaves to church and have them indoctrinated in the
+Catholic faith, that the proposition was seriously considered by many
+of the Puritans. They, like the Anglicans, felt sufficient compunction
+of conscience to take steps to Christianize the slaves, lest the
+Catholics, whom they had derided as undesirable churchmen, should put
+the Protestants to shame.[2] The publication of the Code Noir probably
+influenced the instructions sent out from England to his Majesty's
+governors requiring them "with the assistance of our council to find
+out the best means to facilitate and encourage the conversion of
+Negroes and Indians to the Christian Religion." Everly subsequently
+mentions in his diary the passing of a resolution by the Council Board
+at Windsor or Whitehall, recommending that the blacks in plantations
+be baptized, and meting out severe censure to those who opposed this
+policy.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This good example of the Catholics was in later years
+often referred to by Bishop Porteus. _Works of Bishop Porteus_, vol.
+vi, pp. 168, 173, 177, 178, 401; Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p.
+96.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 96.]
+
+More effective than the efforts of other sects in the enlightenment of
+the Negroes was the work of the Quakers, despite the fact that they
+were not free to extend their operations throughout the colonies. Just
+as the colored people are indebted to the Quakers for registering in
+1688 the first protest against slavery in Protestant America, so are
+they indebted to this denomination for the earliest permanent and
+well-developed schools devoted to the education of their race. As the
+Quakers believed in the freedom of the will, human brotherhood,
+and equality before God, they did not, like the Puritans, find
+difficulties in solving the problem of enlightening the Negroes.
+While certain Puritans were afraid that conversion might lead to the
+destruction of caste and the incorporation of undesirable persons into
+the "Body Politick," the Quakers proceeded on the principle that all
+men are brethren and, being equal before God, should be considered
+equal before the law. On account of unduly emphasizing the relation of
+man to God the Puritans "atrophied their social humanitarian instinct"
+and developed into a race of self-conscious saints. Believing in human
+nature and laying stress upon the relation between man and man the
+Quakers became the friends of all humanity.
+
+Far from the idea of getting rid of an undesirable element by merely
+destroying the institution which supplied it, the Quakers endeavored
+to teach the Negro to be a man capable of discharging the duties of
+citizenship. As early as 1672 their attention was directed to this
+important matter by George Fox.[1] In 1679 he spoke out more boldly,
+entreating his sect to instruct and teach their Indians and Negroes
+"how that Christ, by the Grace of God, tasted death for every man."[2]
+Other Quakers of prominence did not fail to drive home this thought.
+In 1693 George Keith, a leading Quaker of his day, came forward as a
+promoter of the religious training of the slaves as a preparation for
+emancipation.[3] William Penn advocated the emancipation of slaves,[4]
+that they might have every opportunity for improvement. In 1696 the
+Quakers, while protesting against the slave trade, denounced also the
+policy of neglecting their moral and spiritual welfare.[5] The
+growing interest of this sect in the Negroes was shown later by the
+development in 1713 of a definite scheme for freeing and returning
+them to Africa after having been educated and trained to serve as
+missionaries on that continent.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 8; Moore, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p.
+79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 376.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 6;
+Bancroft, _History of the United States_, vol. ii., p. 401.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+The inevitable result of this liberal attitude toward the Negroes
+was that the Quakers of those colonies where other settlers were
+so neglectful of the enlightenment of the colored race, soon found
+themselves at war with the leaders of the time. In slaveholding
+communities the Quakers were persecuted, not necessarily because they
+adhered to a peculiar faith, not primarily because they had manners
+and customs unacceptable to the colonists, but because in answering
+the call of duty to help all men they incurred the ill will of the
+masters who denounced them as undesirable persons, bringing into
+America spurious doctrines subversive of the institutions of the
+aristocratic settlements.
+
+Their experience in the colony of Virginia is a good example of how
+this worked out. Seeing the unchristian attitude of the preachers in
+most parts of that colony, the Quakers inquired of them, "Who made you
+ministers of the Gospel to white people only, and not to the tawny and
+blacks also?"[1] To show the nakedness of the neglectful clergy there
+some of this faith manifested such zeal in teaching and preaching to
+the Negroes that their enemies demanded legislation to prevent them
+from gaining ascendancy over the minds of the slaves. Accordingly, to
+make the colored people of that colony inaccessible to these workers
+it was deemed wise in 1672 to enact a law prohibiting members of that
+sect from taking Negroes to their meetings. In 1678 the colony enacted
+another measure excluding Quakers from the teaching profession by
+providing that no person should be allowed to keep a school in
+Virginia unless he had taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy.[2]
+Of course, it was inconsistent with the spirit and creed of the
+Quakers to take this oath.
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. i., 532; ii., 48, 165,
+166, 180, 198, and 204. _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_.,
+1871, p. 391.]
+
+The settlers of North Carolina followed the same procedure to check
+the influence of Quakers, who spoke there in behalf of the man of
+color as fearlessly as they had in Virginia. The apprehension of the
+dominating element was such that Governor Tryon had to be instructed
+to prohibit from teaching in that colony any person who had not
+a license from the Bishop of London.[1] Although this order was
+seemingly intended to protect the faith and doctrine of the Anglican
+Church, rather than to prevent the education of Negroes, it operated
+to lessen their chances for enlightenment, since missionaries from
+the Established Church did not reach all parts of the colony.[2] The
+Quakers of North Carolina, however, had local schools and actually
+taught slaves. Some of these could read and write as early as 1731.
+Thereafter, household servants were generally given the rudiments of
+an English education.
+
+[Footnote 1: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, vol. i., p. 389. The
+same instructions were given to Governor Francis Nicholson.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 389, 390.]
+
+It was in the settlements of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New York
+that the Quakers encountered less opposition in carrying out their
+policy of cultivating the minds of colored people. Among these Friends
+the education of Negroes became the handmaiden of the emancipation
+movement. While John Hepburn, William Burling, Elihu Coleman, and
+Ralph Sandiford largely confined their attacks to the injustice of
+keeping slaves, Benjamin Lay was working for their improvement as a
+prerequisite of emancipation.[1] Lay entreated the Friends to "bring
+up the Negroes to some Learning, Reading and Writing and" to "endeavor
+to the utmost of their Power in the sweet love of Truth to instruct
+and teach 'em the Principles of Truth and Religiousness, and learn
+some Honest Trade or Imployment and then set them free. And," says he,
+"all the time Friends are teaching of them let them know that they
+intend to let them go free in a very reasonable Time; and that our
+Religious Principles will not allow of such Severity, as to keep them
+in everlasting Bondage and Slavery."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 32.]
+
+
+The struggle of the Northern Quakers to enlighten the colored people
+had important local results. A strong moral force operated in the
+minds of most of this sect to impel them to follow the example of
+certain leaders who emancipated their slaves.[1] Efforts in this
+direction were redoubled about the middle of the eighteenth century
+when Anthony Benezet,[2] addressing himself with unwonted zeal to the
+uplift of these unfortunates, obtained the assistance of Clarkson and
+others, who solidified the antislavery sentiment of the Quakers and
+influenced them to give their time and means to the more effective
+education of the blacks. After this period the Quakers were also
+concerned with the improvement of the colored people's condition in
+other settlements.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dr. DuBois gives a good account of these efforts in his
+_Suppression of the African Slave Trade_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benezet was a French Protestant. Persecuted on account of
+their religion, his parents moved from France to England and later to
+Philadelphia. He became a teacher in that city in 1742. Thirteen years
+later he was teaching a school established for the education of the
+daughters of the most distinguished families in Philadelphia. He was
+then using his own spelling-book, primer, and grammar, some of the
+first text-books published in America. Known to persecution himself,
+Benezet always sympathized with the oppressed. Accordingly, he
+connected himself with the Quakers, who at that time had before
+them the double task of fighting for religious equality and the
+amelioration of the condition of the Negroes. Becoming interested in
+the welfare of the colored race, Benezet first attacked the slave
+trade, so exposing it in his speeches and writings that Clarkson
+entered the field as an earnest advocate of the suppression of the
+iniquitous traffic. See Benezet, _Observations_, p. 30, and the
+_African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 31.]
+
+What the other sects did for the enlightenment of Negroes during this
+period, was not of much importance. As the Presbyterians, Methodists,
+and Baptists did not proselyte extensively in this country prior to
+the middle of the eighteenth century, these denominations had little
+to do with Negro education before the liberalism and spirit of
+toleration, developed during the revolutionary era, made it possible
+for these sects to reach the people. The Methodists, however, confined
+at first largely to the South, where most of the slaves were found,
+had to take up this problem earlier. Something looking like an attempt
+to elevate the Negroes came from Wesley's contemporary, George
+Whitefield,[1] who, strange to say, was regarded by the Negro race
+as its enemy for having favored the introduction of slavery. He was
+primarily interested in the conversion of the colored people. Without
+denying that "liberty is sweet to those who are born free," he
+advocated the importation of slaves into Georgia "to bring them within
+the reach of those means of grace which would make them partake of a
+liberty far more precious than the freedom of body."[2] While on a
+visit to this country in 1740 he purchased a large tract of land at
+Nazareth, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of founding a school for the
+education of Negroes.[3] Deciding later to go south, he sold the site
+to the Moravian brethren who had undertaken to establish a mission
+for Negroes at Bethlehem in 1738.[4] Some writers have accepted the
+statement that Whitefield commenced the erection of a schoolhouse at
+Nazareth; others maintain that he failed to accomplish anything.[5] Be
+that as it may, accessible facts are sufficient to show that, unwise
+as was his policy of importing slaves, his intention was to improve
+their condition. It was because of this sentiment in Georgia in 1747,
+when slavery was finally introduced there, that the people through
+their representatives in convention recommended that masters should
+educate their young slaves, and do whatever they could to make
+religious impressions upon the minds of the aged. This favorable
+attitude of early Methodists toward Negroes caused them to consider
+the new churchmen their friends and made it easy for this sect to
+proselyte the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 128.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Equally interested in the Negroes were the Moravians who
+settled in the uplands of Pennsylvania and roamed over the hills of
+the Appalachian region as far south as Carolina. A painting of a
+group of their converts prior to 1747 shows among others two Negroes,
+Johannes of South Carolina and Jupiter of New York. See Hamilton,
+_History of the Church known as the Moravian_, p. 80; Plumer,
+_Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 3; Reichel,
+_The Moravians in North Carolina_, p. 139.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1869, p. 374.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+EDUCATION AS A RIGHT OF MAN
+
+
+In addition to the mere diffusion of knowledge as a means to teach
+religion there was a need of another factor to make the education of
+the Negroes thorough. This required force was supplied by the response
+of the colonists to the nascent social doctrine of the eighteenth
+century. During the French and Indian War there were set to work
+certain forces which hastened the social and political upheaval called
+the American Revolution. "Bigoted saints" of the more highly favored
+sects condescended to grant the rising denominations toleration,
+the aristocratic elements of colonial society deigned to look more
+favorably upon those of lower estate, and a large number of leaders
+began to think that the Negro should be educated and freed. To
+acquaint themselves with the claims of the underman Americans
+thereafter prosecuted more seriously the study of Coke, Milton, Locke,
+and Blackstone. The last of these was then read more extensively in
+the colonies than in Great Britain. Getting from these writers strange
+ideas of individual liberty and the social compact theory of man's
+making in a state of nature government deriving its power from the
+consent of the governed, the colonists contended more boldly than ever
+for religious freedom, industrial liberty, and political equality.
+Given impetus by the diffusion of these ideas, the revolutionary
+movement became productive of the spirit of universal benevolence.
+Hearing the contention for natural and inalienable rights, Nathaniel
+Appleton[1] and John Woolman,[2] were emboldened to carry these
+theories to their logical conclusion. They attacked not only the
+oppressors of the colonists but censured also those who denied the
+Negro race freedom of body and freedom of mind. When John Adams heard
+James Otis basing his argument against the writs of assistance on the
+British constitution "founded in the laws of nature," he "shuddered at
+the doctrine taught and the consequences that might be derived from
+such premises."[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 19, 20, 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Works of John Woolman_ in two parts, pp. 58 and 73;
+Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. x., p. 315; Moore,
+_Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+So effective was the attack on the institution of slavery and its
+attendant evils that interest in the question leaped the boundaries
+of religious organizations and became the concern of fair-minded men
+throughout the country. Not only did Northern men of the type of John
+Adams and James Otis express their opposition to this tyranny of men's
+bodies and minds, but Laurens, Henry, Wythe, Mason, and Washington
+pointed out the injustice of such a policy. Accordingly we find
+arrayed against the aristocratic masters almost all the leaders of the
+American Revolution.[1] They favored the policy, first, of suppressing
+the slave trade, next of emancipating the Negroes in bondage, and
+finally of educating them for a life of freedom.[2] While students of
+government were exposing the inconsistency of slaveholding among a
+people contending for political liberty, and men like Samuel Webster,
+James Swan, and Samuel Hopkins attacked the institution on economic
+grounds;[3] Jonathan Boucher,[4] Dr. Rush,[5] and Benjamin Franklin[6]
+were devising plans to educate slaves for freedom; and Isaac Tatem[7]
+and Anthony Benezet[8] were actually in the schoolroom endeavoring to
+enlighten their black brethren.
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Slavery_, etc., p. 82.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Smyth, _Works of
+Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431; Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol.
+ix., p. 163; Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 227;
+Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1794,
+1795, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Webster, _A Sermon Preached before the Honorable
+Council_, etc.; Webster, _Earnest Address to My Country on Slavery_;
+Swan, _A Dissuasion to Great Britain and the Colonies_; Hopkins,
+_Dialogue Concerning Slavery_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Boucher, _A View of the Causes and Consequences of the
+American Revolution_, p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Rush, _An Address to the Inhabitants of_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p. 23; vol. v., p.
+431.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., p. 250; _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of
+Ed_., 1869, p. 375; _African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61; Benezet,
+_Observations_; Benezet, _A Serious Address to the Rulers of
+America_.]
+
+The aim of these workers was not merely to enable the Negroes to take
+over sufficient of Western civilization to become nominal Christians,
+not primarily to increase their economic efficiency, but to enlighten
+them because they are men. To strengthen their position these
+defendants of the education of the blacks cited the customs of the
+Greeks and Romans, who enslaved not the minds and wills, but only the
+bodies of men. Nor did these benefactors fail to mention the cases of
+ancient slaves, who, having the advantages of education, became poets,
+teachers, and philosophers, instrumental in the diffusion of knowledge
+among the higher classes. There was still the idea of Cotton Mather,
+who was willing to treat his servants as part of the family, and to
+employ such of them as were competent to teach his children lessons of
+piety.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, appendix.]
+
+The chief objection of these reformers to slavery was that its victims
+had no opportunity for mental improvement. "Othello," a free person
+of color, contributing to the _American Museum_ in 1788, made the
+institution responsible for the intellectual rudeness of the Negroes
+who, though "naturally possessed of strong sagacity and lively parts,"
+were by law and custom prohibited from being instructed in any kind
+of learning.[1] He styled this policy an effort to bolster up an
+institution that extinguished the "divine spark of the slave, crushed
+the bud of his genius, and kept him unacquainted with the world." Dr.
+McLeod denounced slavery because it "debases a part of the human race"
+and tends "to destroy their intellectual powers."[2] "The slave from
+his infancy," continued he, "is obliged implicitly to obey the will of
+another. There is no circumstance which can stimulate him to exercise
+his intellectual powers." In his arraignment of this system Rev. David
+Rice complained that it was in the power of the master to deprive
+the slaves of all education, that they had not the opportunity for
+instructing conversation, that it was put out of their power to
+learn to read, and that their masters kept them from other means of
+information.[3] Slavery, therefore, must be abolished because it
+infringes upon the natural right of men to be enlightened.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The American Museum_, vol. iv., pp. 415 and 511.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: McLeod, _Negro Slavery_, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Rice, Speech in the Constitutional Convention of
+Kentucky, p. 5.]
+
+During this period religion as a factor in the educational progress of
+the Negroes was not eliminated. In fact, representative churchmen of
+the various sects still took the lead in advocating the enlightenment
+of the colored people. These protagonists, however, ceased to claim
+this boon merely as a divine right and demanded it as a social
+privilege. Some of the clergy then interested had not at first
+seriously objected to the enslavement of the African race, believing
+that the lot of these people would not be worse in this country where
+they might have an opportunity for enlightenment. But when this result
+failed to follow, and when the slavery of the Africans' bodies turned
+out to be the slavery of their minds, the philanthropic and religious
+proclaimed also the doctrine of enlightenment as a right of man.
+Desiring to see Negroes enjoy this privilege, Jonathan Boucher,[1] one
+of the most influential of the colonial clergymen, urged his hearers
+at the celebration of the Peace of 1763 to improve and emancipate
+their slaves that they might "participate in the general joy."
+With the hope of inducing men to discharge the same duty, Bishop
+Warburton[2] boldly asserted a few years later that slaves are
+"rational creatures endowed with all our qualities except that of
+color, and our brethren both by nature and grace." John Woolman,[3] a
+Quaker minister, influenced by the philosophy of John Locke, began to
+preach that liberty is the right of all men, and that slaves, being
+the fellow-creatures of their masters, had a natural right to be
+elevated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jonathan Boucher was a rector of the Established Church
+in Maryland. Though not a promoter of the movement for the political
+rights of the colonists, Boucher was, however, so moved by the spirit
+of uplift of the downtrodden that he takes front rank among those who,
+in emphasizing the rights of servants, caused a decided change in the
+attitude of white men toward the improvement of Negroes. Boucher was
+not an immediate abolitionist. He abhorred slavery, however, to the
+extent that he asserted that if ever the colonies would be improved to
+their utmost capacity, an essential part of that amelioration had
+to be the abolition of slavery. His chief concern then was the
+cultivation of the minds in order to make amends for the drudgery to
+their bodies. See Boucher, _Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 3: An influential minister of the Society of Friends and an
+extensive traveler through the colonies, Woolman had an opportunity to
+do much good in attacking the policy of those who kept their Negroes
+in deplorable ignorance, and in commending the good example of those
+who instructed their slaves in reading. In his _Considerations on the
+Keeping of Slaves_ he took occasion to praise the Friends of North
+Carolina for the unusual interest they manifested in the cause at
+their meetings during his travels in that colony about the year 1760.
+With such workers as Woolman in the field it is little wonder that
+Quakers thereafter treated slaves as brethren, alleviated their
+burdens, enlightened their minds, emancipated and cared for them until
+they could provide for themselves. See _Works of John Woolman_ in two
+parts, pp. 58 and 73.]
+
+Thus following the theories of the revolutionary leaders these
+liberal-minded men promulgated along with the doctrine of individual
+liberty that of the freedom of the mind. The best expression of this
+advanced idea came from the Methodist Episcopal Church, which reached
+the acme of antislavery sentiment in 1784. This sect then boldly
+declared: "We view it as contrary to the golden law of God and the
+prophets, and the inalienable rights of mankind as well as every
+principle of the Revolution to hold in deepest abasement, in a more
+abject slavery than is perhaps to be found in any part of the world,
+except America, so many souls that are capable of the image of
+God."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, pp.
+29 _et seq_.; McTyeire, _History of Methodism_, p. 28.]
+
+Frequently in contact with men who were advocating the right of the
+Negroes to be educated, statesmen as well as churchmen could not
+easily evade the question. Washington did not have much to say about
+it and did little more than to provide for the ultimate liberation of
+his slaves and the teaching of their children to read.[1] Less aid to
+this movement came from John Adams, although he detested slavery to
+the extent that he never owned a bondman, preferring to hire freemen
+at extra cost to do his work.[2] Adams made it clear that he favored
+gradual emancipation. But he neither delivered any inflammatory
+speeches against slaveholders neglectful of the instruction of their
+slaves, nor devised any scheme for their enjoyment of freedom. So was
+it with Hamilton who, as an advocate of the natural rights of man,
+opposed the institution of slavery, but, with the exception of what
+assistance he gave the New York African Free Schools[3] said and did
+little to promote the actual education of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: Lossing, _Life of George Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. viii., p. 379; vol.
+ix., p. 92; vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 57.]
+
+Madison in stating his position on this question was a little more
+definite than some of his contemporaries. Speaking of the necessary
+preparation of the colored people for emancipation he thought it was
+possible to determine the proper course of instruction. He believed,
+however, that, since the Negroes were to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period and to be within the
+jurisdiction of commonwealths recognizing ample authority over them,
+"a competent discipline" could not be impracticable. He said further
+that the "degree in which this discipline" would "enforce the needed
+labor and in which a voluntary industry" would "supply the defect of
+compulsory labor, were vital points on which it" might "not be safe
+to be very positive without some light from actual experiment."[1]
+Evidently he was of the opinion that the training of slaves to
+discharge later the duties of freemen was a difficult task but, if
+well planned and directed, could be made a success.
+
+[Footnote 1: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496.]
+
+No one of the great statesmen of this time was more interested in the
+enlightenment of the Negro than Benjamin Franklin.[1] He was for a
+long time associated with the friends of the colored people and turned
+out from his press such fiery anti-slavery pamphlets as those of Lay
+and Sandiford. Franklin also became one of the "Associates of Dr.
+Bray." Always interested in the colored schools of Philadelphia,
+the philosopher was, while in London, connected with the English
+"gentlemen concerned with the pious design,"[2] serving as chairman of
+the organization for the year 1760. He was a firm supporter of Anthony
+Benezet,[3] and was made president of the Abolition Society of
+Philadelphia which in 1774 founded a successful colored school.[4]
+This school was so well planned and maintained that it continued about
+a hundred years.
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. x., p. 127; and Wickersham, _History of
+Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+John Jay kept up his interest in the Negro race.[1] In the Convention
+of 1787 he coöperated with Gouverneur Morris, advocating the abolition
+of the slave trade and the rejection of the Federal ratio. His efforts
+in behalf of the colored people were actuated by his early conviction
+that the national character of this country could be retrieved only
+by abolishing the iniquitous traffic in human souls and improving
+the Negroes.[2] Showing his pity for the downtrodden people of color
+around him, Jay helped to promote the cause of the abolitionists of
+New York who established and supported several colored schools in
+that city. Such care was exercised in providing for the attendance,
+maintenance, and supervision of these schools that they soon took rank
+among the best in the United States.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _Works of John Jay_, vol. i., p. 136; vol. iii, p.
+331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iii., p. 343.]
+
+More interesting than the views of any other man of this epoch on the
+subject of Negro education were those of Thomas Jefferson. Born of
+pioneer parentage in the mountains of Virginia, Jefferson never
+lost his frontier democratic ideals which made him an advocate of
+simplicity, equality, and universal freedom. Having in mind when he
+wrote the Declaration of Independence the rights of the blacks as well
+as those of whites, this disciple of John Locke, could not but feel
+that the slaves of his day had a natural right to education and
+freedom. Jefferson said so much more on these important questions than
+his contemporaries that he would have been considered an abolitionist,
+had he lived in 1840.
+
+Giving his views on the enlightenment of the Negroes he asserted
+that the minds of the masters should be "apprized by reflection and
+strengthened by the energies of conscience against the obstacles of
+self-interest to an acquiescence in the rights of others." The owners
+would then permit their slaves to be "prepared by instruction and
+habit" for self-government, the honest pursuit of industry, and social
+duty.[1] In his scheme for a modern system of public schools Jefferson
+included the training of the slaves in industrial and agricultural
+branches to equip them for a higher station in life, else he thought
+they should be removed from the country when liberated.[2] Capable of
+mental development, as he had found certain men of color to be, the
+Sage of Monticello doubted at times that they could be made the
+intellectual equals of white men,[3] and did not actually advocate
+their incorporation into the body politic.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. viii., p. 380; and Mayo, _Educational
+Movement in the South_, p. 37.]
+
+[Footnote 3: As to what Jefferson thought of the Negro intellect
+we are still in doubt. Writing in 1791 to Banneker, the Negro
+mathematician and astronomer, he said that nobody wished to see more
+than he such proofs as Banneker exhibited that nature has given to our
+black brethren talents equal to those of men of other colors, and that
+the appearance of a lack of such native ability was owing only to
+their degraded condition in Africa and America. Jefferson expressed
+himself as being ardently desirous of seeing a good system commenced
+for raising the condition both of the body and the mind of the slaves
+to what it ought to be as fast as the "imbecility" of their then
+existence and other circumstances, which could not be neglected, would
+admit. Replying to Grégoire of Paris, who wrote an interesting essay
+on the _Literature of Negroes_, showing the power of their intellect,
+Jefferson assured him that no person living wished more sincerely
+than he to see a complete refutation of the doubts he himself had
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on a par
+with white men. These doubts, he said, were the result of personal
+observations in the limited sphere of his own State where "the
+opportunities for the development of their genius were not favorable,
+and those of exercising it still less so." He said that he had
+expressed them with great hesitation; but "whatever be the degree of
+their talent, it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac
+Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefore
+lord of the person or property of others." In this respect he believed
+they were gaining daily in the opinions of nations, and hopeful
+advances were being made toward their reëstablishment on an equal
+footing with other colors of the human family. He prayed, therefore,
+that God might accept his thanks for enabling him to observe the "many
+instances of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which could
+not fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief." Yet
+a few days later when writing to Joel Barlow, Jefferson referred to
+Bishop Grégoire's essay and expressed his doubt that this pamphlet was
+weighty evidence of the intellect of the Negro. He said that the whole
+did not amount in point of evidence to what they themselves knew of
+Banneker. He conceded that Banneker had spherical knowledge enough to
+make almanacs, but not without the suspicion of aid from Ellicott
+who was his neighbor and friend, and never missed an opportunity of
+puffing him. Referring to the letter he received from Banneker, he
+said it showed the writer to have a mind of very common stature
+indeed. See Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. v., pp. 429 and
+503.]
+
+So much progress in the improvement of slaves was effected with all of
+these workers in the field that conservative southerners in the midst
+of the antislavery agitation contented themselves with the thought
+that radical action was not necessary, as the institution would
+of itself soon pass away. Legislatures passed laws facilitating
+manumission,[1] many southerners emancipated their slaves to give them
+a better chance to improve their condition, regulations unfavorable to
+the assembly of Negroes for the dissemination of information almost
+fell into desuetude, a larger number of masters began to instruct
+their bondmen, and persons especially interested in these unfortunates
+found the objects of their piety more accessible.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Locke, Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 220;
+Johann Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+Not all slaveholders, however, were thus induced to respect this new
+right claimed for the colored people. Georgia and South Carolina
+were exceptional in that they were not sufficiently stirred by the
+revolutionary movement to have much compassion for this degraded
+class. The attitude of the people of Georgia, however, was then more
+favorable than that of the South Carolinians.[1] Nevertheless, the
+Georgia planters near the frontier were not long in learning that the
+general enlightenment of the Negroes would endanger the institution of
+slavery. Accordingly, in 1770, at the very time when radical reformers
+were clamoring for the rights of man, Georgia, following in the wake
+of South Carolina, reënacted its act of 1740 which imposed a penalty
+on any one who should teach or cause slaves to be taught or employ
+them "in any manner of writing whatever."[2] The penalty, however,
+was less than that imposed in South Carolina.[3] The same measure
+terminated the helpful mingling of slaves by providing for their
+dispersion when assembled for the old-time "love feast" emphasized so
+much among the rising Methodists of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: The laws of Georgia were not so harsh as those of South
+Carolina. A larger number of intelligent persons of color were
+found in the rural districts of Georgia. Charleston, however, was
+exceptional in that its Negroes had unusual educational advantages.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statutes of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+Those advocating the imposition of restraints upon Negroes acquiring
+knowledge were not, however, confined to South Carolina and Georgia
+where the malevolent happened to be in the majority. The other States
+had not seen the last of the generation of those who doubted that
+education would fit the slaves for the exalted position of citizens.
+The retrogressives made much of the assertion that adult slaves lately
+imported, were, on account of their attachment to heathen practices
+and idolatrous rites, loath to take over the Teutonic civilization,
+and would at best learn to speak the English language imperfectly
+only.[1] The reformers, who at times admitted this, maintained that
+the alleged difficulties encountered in teaching the crudest element
+of the slaves could not be adduced as an argument against the
+religious instruction of free Negroes and the education of the
+American born colored children.[2] This problem, however, was not a
+serious one in most Northern States, for the reason that the small
+number of slaves in that section obviated the necessity for much
+apprehension as to what kind of education the blacks should have,
+and whether they should be enlightened before or after emancipation.
+Although the Northern people believed that the education of the race
+should be definitely planned, and had much to say about industrial
+education, most of them were of the opinion that ordinary training
+in the fundamentals of useful knowledge and in the principles of
+Christian religion, was sufficient to meet the needs of those
+designated for freedom.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Porteus, _Works of_, vol. vi., p. 177; Warburton, _A
+Sermon_, etc., pp. 25 and 27.]
+
+On the other hand, most southerners who conceded the right of the
+Negro to be educated did not openly aid the movement except with the
+understanding that the enlightened ones should be taken from their
+fellows and colonized in some remote part of the United States or
+in their native land.[1] The idea of colonization, however, was not
+confined to the southern slaveholders, for Thornton, Fothergill, and
+Granville Sharp had long looked to Africa as the proper place for
+enlightened people of color.[2] Feeling that it would be wrong to
+expatriate them, Benezet and Branagan[3] advocated the colonization of
+such Negroes on the public lands west of the Alleghanies. There was
+some talk of giving slaves training in the elements of agriculture
+and then dividing plantations among them to develop a small class of
+tenants. Jefferson, a member of a committee appointed in 1779 by the
+General Assembly of that commonwealth to revise its laws, reported a
+plan providing for the instruction of its slaves in agriculture and
+the handicrafts to prepare them for liberation and colonization under
+the supervision of the home government until they could take care of
+themselves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., pp. 261, 266, 292,
+295, 321, 322, 336, 338, 349, 351, 352, 353, 378.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _Travels_, vol. i., p. 262.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Tyrannical Libertymen_, pp. 10-11; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 31-32; Branagan, _Serious Remonstrance_, p.
+18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iii., p. 296; vol.
+iv., p. 291 and vol. viii., p. 380.]
+
+Without resorting to the subterfuge of colonization, not a few
+slaveholders were still wise enough to show why the improvement of the
+Negroes should be neglected altogether. Vanquished by the logic of
+Daniel Davis[1] and Benjamin Rush,[2] those who had theretofore
+justified slavery on the ground that it gave the bondmen a chance to
+be enlightened, fell back on the theory of African racial inferiority.
+This they said was so well exhibited by the Negroes' lack of
+wisdom and of goodness that continued heathenism of the race was
+justifiable.[3] Answering these inconsistent persons, John Wesley
+inquired: "Allowing them to be as stupid as you say, to whom is that
+stupidity owing? Without doubt it lies altogether at the door of the
+inhuman masters who give them no opportunity for improving their
+understanding and indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or
+fear to attempt any such thing." Wesley asserted, too, that the
+Africans were in no way remarkable for their stupidity while they
+remained in their own country, and that where they had equal motives
+and equal means of improvement, the Negroes were not only not inferior
+to the better inhabitants of Europe, but superior to some of them.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Davis was a logical antislavery agitator. He believed
+that if the slaves had had the means of education, if they had been
+treated with humanity, making slaves of them had been no more than
+doing evil that good might come. He thought that Christianity and
+humanity would have rather dictated the sending of books and teachers
+into Africa and endeavors for their salvation.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benjamin Rush was a Philadelphia physician of Quaker
+parentage. He was educated at the College of New Jersey and at the
+Medical School of Edinburgh, where he came into contact with some of
+the most enlightened men of his time. Holding to the ideals of his
+youth, Dr. Rush was soon associated with the friends of the Negroes on
+his return to Philadelphia. He not only worked for the abolition of
+the slave trade but fearlessly advocated the right of the Negroes
+to be educated. He pointed out that an inquiry into the methods of
+converting Negroes to Christianity would show that the means were
+ill suited to the end proposed. "In many cases," said he, "Sunday
+is appropriated to work for themselves. Reading and writing are
+discouraged among them. A belief is inculcated among some that they
+have no souls. In a word, every attempt to instruct or convert them
+has been constantly opposed by their masters." See Rush, _An Address
+to the Inhabitants_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-97.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wesley, _Thoughts upon Slavery_, p. 92.]
+
+William Pinkney, the antislavery leader of Maryland, believed also
+that Negroes are no worse than white people under similar conditions,
+and that all the colored people needed to disprove their so-called
+inferiority was an equal chance with the more favored race.[1] Others
+like George Buchanan referred to the Negroes' talent for the fine arts
+and to their achievements in literature, mathematics, and philosophy.
+Buchanan informed these merciless aristocrats "that the Africans
+whom you despise, whom you inhumanly treat as brutes and whom you
+unlawfully subject to slavery with tyrannizing hands of despots are
+equally capable of improvement with yourselves."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pinkney, _Speech in Maryland House of Delegates_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Buchanan, _An Oration on the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_, p. 10.]
+
+Franklin considered the idea of the natural inferiority of the
+Negro as a silly excuse. He conceded that most of the blacks were
+improvident and poor, but believed that their condition was not due to
+deficient understanding but to their lack of education. He was very
+much impressed with their achievements in music.[1] So disgusting was
+this notion of inferiority to Abbé Grégoire of Paris that he wrote an
+interesting essay on "Negro Literature" to prove that people of color
+have unusual intellectual power.[2] He sent copies of this pamphlet
+to leading men where slavery existed. Another writer discussing
+Jefferson's equivocal position on this question said that one would
+have thought that "modern philosophy himself" would not have the face
+to expect that the wretch, who is driven out to labor at the dawn of
+day, and who toils until evening with a whip over his head, ought to
+be a poet. Benezet, who had actually taught Negroes, declared "with
+truth and sincerity" that he had found among them as great variety of
+talents as among a like number of white persons. He boldly asserted
+that the notion entertained by some that the blacks were inferior
+in their capacities was a vulgar prejudice founded on the pride or
+ignorance of their lordly masters who had kept their slaves at such a
+distance as to be unable to form a right judgment of them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. vi., p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Grégoire, _La Littérature des Nègres_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ACTUAL EDUCATION
+
+
+Would these professions of interest in the mental development of the
+blacks be translated into action? What these reformers would do to
+raise the standard of Negro education above the plane of rudimentary
+training incidental to religious instruction, was yet to be seen.
+Would they secure to Negroes the educational privileges guaranteed
+other elements of society? The answer, if not affirmative, was
+decidedly encouraging. The idea uppermost in the minds of these
+workers was that the people of color could and should be educated as
+other races of men.
+
+In the lead of this movement were the antislavery agitators.
+Recognizing the Negroes' need of preparation for citizenship, the
+abolitionists proclaimed as a common purpose of their organizations
+the education of the colored people with a view to developing in them
+self-respect, self-support, and usefulness in the community.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. x., p. 127;
+Torrey, _Portraiture of Slavery_, p. 21. See also constitution of
+almost any antislavery society organized during this period.]
+
+The proposition to cultivate the minds of the slaves came as a happy
+solution of what had been a perplexing problem. Many Americans who
+considered slavery an evil had found no way out of the difficulty when
+the alternative was to turn loose upon society so many uncivilized men
+without the ability to discharge the duties of citizenship.[1] Assured
+then that the efforts at emancipation would be tested by experience,
+a larger number of men advocated abolition. These leaders recommended
+gradual emancipation for States having a large slave population, that
+those designated for freedom might first be instructed in the value
+and meaning of liberty to render them comfortable in the use of it.[2]
+The number of slaves in the States adopting the policy of immediate
+emancipation was not considered a menace to society, for the schools
+already open to colored people could exert a restraining influence
+on those lately given the boon of freedom. For these reasons the
+antislavery societies had in their constitutions a provision for
+a committee of education to influence Negroes to attend school,
+superintend their instruction, and emphasize the cultivation of the
+mind as the necessary preparation for "that state in society upon
+which depends our political happiness."[3] Much stress was laid upon
+this point by the American Convention of Abolition Societies in 1794
+and 1795 when the organization expressed the hope that freedmen might
+participate in civil rights as fast as they qualified by education.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456;
+vol. viii., p. 379; Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Monroe,
+_Writings of_, vol. iii., pp. 321, 336, 349, 378; Adams, _Works of
+John Adams_, vol. ix., p. 92 and vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797,
+address.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The constitution of almost any antislavery society of
+that time provided for this work. See _Proc. of Am. Conv._, etc.,
+1795, address.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794, p. 21; and 1795, p. 17; and _Rise and Progress of
+the Testimony of Friends_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This work was organized by the abolitionists but was generally
+maintained by members of the various sects which did more for
+the enlightenment of the people of color through the antislavery
+organizations than through their own.[1] The support of the clergy,
+however, did not mean that the education of the Negroes would continue
+incidental to the teaching of religion. The blacks were to be accepted
+as brethren and trained to be useful citizens. For better education
+the colored people could then look to the more liberal sects, the
+Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians, who prior to
+the Revolution had been restrained by intolerance from extensive
+proselyting. Upon the attainment of religious liberty they were free
+to win over the slaveholders who came into the Methodist and Baptist
+churches in large numbers, bringing their slaves with them.[2] The
+freedom of these "regenerated" churches made possible the rise of
+Negro exhorters and preachers, who to exercise their gifts managed in
+some way to learn to read and write. Schools for the training of such
+leaders were not to be found, but to encourage ambitious blacks to
+qualify themselves white ministers often employed such candidates
+as attendants, allowing them time to observe, to study, and even to
+address their audiences.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The antislavery societies were at first the uniting
+influence among all persons interested in the uplift of the Negroes.
+The agitation had not then become violent, for men considered the
+institution not a sin but merely an evil.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coke, _Journal_, etc., p. 114; Lambert, _Travels_,
+p. 175; Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp. 381, 387 and 816; James,
+_Documentary_, etc., p. 35; Foote, _Sketches of Virginia_, p. 31;
+Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, p. 31; Semple,
+_History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia_, p.
+222.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, and Coke, _Journal_, etc., pp. 16-18.]
+
+It must be observed, however, that the interest of these benevolent
+men was no longer manifested in the mere traditional teaching of
+individual slaves. The movement ceased to be the concern of separate
+philanthropists. Men really interested in the uplift of the colored
+people organized to raise funds, open schools, and supervise their
+education.[1] In the course of time their efforts became more
+systematic and consequently more successful. These educators adopted
+the threefold policy of instructing Negroes in the principles of
+the Christian religion, giving them the fundamentals of the common
+branches, and teaching them the most useful handicrafts.[2] The
+indoctrination of the colored people, to be sure, was still an
+important concern to their teachers, but the accession to their ranks
+of a militant secular element caused the emphasis to shift to other
+phases of education. Seeing the Negroes' need of mental development,
+the Presbyterian Synod of New York and Pennsylvania urged the members
+of that denomination in 1787 to give their slaves "such good education
+as to prepare them for a better enjoyment of freedom."[3] In reply to
+the inquiry as to what could be done to teach the poor black and white
+children to read, the Methodist Conference of 1790 recommended the
+establishment of Sunday schools and the appointment of persons to
+teach gratis "all that will attend and have a capacity to learn."[4]
+The Conference recommended that the Church publish a special text-book
+to teach these children learning as well as piety.[5] Men in the
+political world were also active. In 1788 the State of New Jersey
+passed an act preliminary to emancipation, making the teaching of
+slaves to read compulsory under a penalty of five pounds.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Story of the Negro_, vol. ii, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Laws of New Jersey, 1788.]
+
+With such influence brought to bear on persons in the various walks of
+life, the movement for the effective education of the colored people
+became more extensive. Voicing the sentiment of the different local
+organizations, the American Convention of Abolition Societies of 1794
+urged the branches to have the children of free Negroes and slaves
+instructed in "common literature."[1] Two years later the Abolition
+Society of the State of Maryland proposed to establish an academy to
+offer this kind of instruction. To execute this scheme the American
+Convention thought that it was expedient to employ regular tutors,
+to form private associations of their members or other well-disposed
+persons for the purpose of instructing the people of color in the most
+simple branches of education.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1796, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 41.]
+
+The regular tutors referred to above were largely indentured servants
+who then constituted probably the majority of the teachers of the
+colonies.[1] In 1773 Jonathan Boucher said that two thirds of the
+teachers of Maryland belonged to this class.[2] The contact of Negroes
+with these servants is significant. In the absence of rigid caste
+distinctions they associated with the slaves and the barrier between
+them was so inconsiderable that laws had to be passed to prevent the
+miscegenation of the races. The blacks acquired much useful knowledge
+from servant teachers and sometimes assisted them.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the descriptions of indentured servants in the
+advertisements of colonial newspapers referred to on pages 82-84; and
+Boucher, _A View of the Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 39 and 40.]
+
+Attention was directed also to the fact that neither literary nor
+religious education prepared the Negroes for a life of usefulness.
+Heeding the advice of Kosciuszko, Madison and Jefferson, the advocates
+of the education of the Negroes endeavored to give them such practical
+training as their peculiar needs demanded. In the agricultural
+sections the first duty of the teacher of the blacks was to show them
+how to get their living from the soil. This was the final test of
+their preparation for emancipation. Accordingly, on large plantations
+where much supervision was necessary, trustworthy Negroes were trained
+as managers. Many of those who showed aptitude were liberated and
+encouraged to produce for themselves. Slaves designated for freedom
+were often given small parcels of land for the cultivation of which
+they were allowed some of their time. An important result of this
+agricultural training was that many of the slaves thus favored amassed
+considerable wealth by using their spare time in cultivating crops of
+their own.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 196.]
+
+
+The advocates of useful education for the degraded race had more to
+say about training in the mechanic arts. Such instruction, however,
+was not then a new thing to the blacks of the South, for they had from
+time immemorial been the trustworthy artisans of that section. The aim
+then was to give them such education as would make them intelligent
+workmen and develop in them the power to plan for themselves. In the
+North, where the Negroes had been largely menial servants, adequate
+industrial education was deemed necessary for those who were to be
+liberated.[1] Almost every Northern colored school of any consequence
+then offered courses in the handicrafts. In 1784 the Quakers of
+Philadelphia employed Sarah Dwight to teach the colored girls
+sewing.[2] Anthony Benezet provided in his will that in the school
+to be established by his benefaction the girls should be taught
+needlework.[3] The teachers who took upon themselves the improvement
+of the free people of color of New York City regarded industrial
+training as one of their important tasks.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the _Address of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794; _ibid._, 1795; _ibid._, 1797 _et passim._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1869, p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+None urged this duty upon the directors of these schools more
+persistently than the antislavery organizations. In 1794 the American
+Convention of Abolition Societies recommended that Negroes be
+instructed in "those mechanic arts which will keep them most
+constantly employed and, of course, which will less subject them to
+idleness and debauchery, and thus prepare them for becoming good
+citizens of the United States."[1] Speaking repeatedly on this wise
+the Convention requested the colored people to let it be their special
+care to have their children not only to work at useful trades but also
+to till the soil.[2] The early abolitionists believed that this was
+the only way the freedmen could learn to support themselves.[3]
+In connection with their schools the antislavery leaders had an
+Indenturing Committee to find positions for colored students who had
+the advantages of industrial education.[4] In some communities slaves
+were prepared for emancipation by binding them out as apprentices to
+machinists and artisans until they learned a trade.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, 1794, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1795, p. 29; _ibid._, 1797, pp. 12, 13, and 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 1818, p. 9.]
+
+Two early efforts to carry out this policy are worthy of notice here.
+These were the endeavors of Anthony Benezet and Thaddeus Kosciuszko.
+Benezet was typical of those men, who, having the courage of their
+conviction, not only taught colored people, but gladly appropriated
+property to their education. Benezet died in 1784, leaving
+considerable wealth to be devoted to the purpose of educating Indians
+and Negroes. His will provided that as the estate on the death of
+his wife would not be sufficient entirely to support a school, the
+Overseers of the Public Schools of Philadelphia should join with a
+committee appointed by the Society of Friends, and other benevolent
+persons, in the care and maintenance of an institution such as he
+had planned. Finally in 1787 the efforts of Benezet reached their
+culmination in the construction of a schoolhouse, with additional
+funds obtained from David Barclay of London and Thomas Sidney, a
+colored man of Philadelphia. The pupils of this school were to study
+reading, writing, arithmetic, plain accounts, and sewing.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+With respect to conceding the Negroes' claim to a better education,
+Thaddeus Kosciuszko, the Polish general, was not unlike Benezet. None
+of the revolutionary leaders were more moved with compassion for the
+colored people than this warrior. He saw in education the powerful
+leverage which would place them in position to enjoy the newly won
+rights of man. While assisting us in gaining our independence,
+Kosciuszko acquired here valuable property which he endeavored to
+devote to the enlightenment of the slaves. He authorized Thomas
+Jefferson, his executor, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes and liberating them in the name of Kosciuszko, "in giving them
+an education in trades or otherwise, and in having them instructed for
+their new condition in the duties of morality." The instructors were
+to provide for them such training as would make them "good neighbors,
+good mothers or fathers, good husbands or wives, teaching them the
+duties of citizenship, teaching them to be defenders of their liberty
+and country, and of the good order of society, and whatsoever might
+make them useful and happy."[1] Clearly as this was set forth the
+executor failed to discharge this duty enjoined upon him. The heirs of
+the donor instituted proceedings to obtain possession of the estate,
+which, so far as the author knows, was never used for the purpose for
+which it was intended.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xi., pp. 294-295.]
+
+In view of these numerous strivings we are compelled to inquire
+exactly what these educators accomplished. Although it is impossible
+to measure the results of their early efforts, various records of the
+eighteenth century prove that there was lessening objection to the
+instruction of slaves and practically none to the enlightenment of
+freedmen. Negroes in considerable numbers were becoming well grounded
+in the rudiments of education. They had reached the point of
+constituting the majority of the mechanics in slaveholding
+communities; they were qualified to be tradesmen, trustworthy helpers,
+and attendants of distinguished men, and a few were serving as clerks,
+overseers, and managers.[1] Many who were favorably circumstanced
+learned more than mere reading and writing. In exceptional cases, some
+were employed not only as teachers and preachers to their people, but
+as instructors of the white race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Georgia and South Carolina had to pass laws to prevent
+Negroes from following these occupations for fear that they might
+thereby become too well informed. See Brevard, _Digest of Public
+Statute Laws of S.C._, vol. ii., p. 243; and Marbury and Crawford,
+_Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; manuscripts
+relating to the condition of the colored people of North Carolina,
+Ohio, and Tennessee now in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moorland.]
+
+A more accurate estimate of how far the enlightenment of the Negroes
+had progressed before the close of the eighteenth century, is better
+obtained from the reports of teachers and missionaries who were
+working among them. Appealing to the Negroes of Virginia about 1755,
+Benjamin Fawcett addressed them as intelligent people, commanding
+them to read and study the Bible for themselves and consider "how
+the Papists do all they can to hide it from their fellowmen." "Be
+particularly thankful," said he, "for the Ministers of Christ around
+you, who are faithfully laboring to teach the truth as it is in
+Jesus."[1] Rev. Mr. Davies, then a member of the Society for Promoting
+the Gospel among the Poor, reported that there were multitudes of
+Negroes in different parts of Virginia who were "willingly, eagerly
+desirous to be instructed and embraced every opportunity of
+acquainting themselves with the Doctrine of the Gospel," and though
+they had generally very little help to learn to read, yet to his
+surprise many of them by dint of application had made such progress
+that they could "intelligently read a plain author and especially
+their Bible." Pity it was, he thought, that any of them should be
+without necessary books. Negroes were wont to come to him with such
+moving accounts of their needs in this respect that he could not help
+supplying them.[2] On Saturday evenings and Sundays his home was
+crowded with numbers of those "whose very Countenances still carry the
+air of importunate Petitioners" for the same favors with those who
+came before them. Complaining that his stock was exhausted, and that
+he had to turn away many disappointed, he urged his friends to send
+him other suitable books, for nothing else, thought he, could be a
+greater inducement to their industry to learn to read.
+
+[Footnote 1: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Still more reliable testimony may be obtained, not from persons
+particularly interested in the uplift of the blacks, but from
+slaveholders. Their advertisements in the colonial newspapers furnish
+unconscious evidence of the intellectual progress of the Negroes
+during the eighteenth century. "He's an 'artful,'"[1] "plausible,"[2]
+"smart,"[3] or "sensible fellow,"[4] "delights much in traffic,"[5]
+and "plays on the fife extremely well,"[6] are some of the statements
+found in the descriptions of fugitive slaves. Other fugitives were
+speaking "plainly,"[7] "talking indifferent English,"[8] "remarkably
+good English,"[9] and "exceedingly good English."[10] In some
+advertisements we observe such expressions as "he speaks a little
+French,"[11] "Creole French,"[12] "a few words of High-Dutch,"[13] and
+"tolerable German."[14] Writing about a fugitive a master would often
+state that "he can read print,"[15] "can read writing,"[16] "can read
+and also write a little,"[17] "can read and write,"[18] "can write
+a pretty hand and has probably forged a pass."[19] These conditions
+obtained especially in Charleston, South Carolina, where were
+advertised various fugitives, one of whom spoke French and English
+fluently, and passed for a doctor among his people,[20] another who
+spoke Spanish and French intelligibly,[21] and a third who could read,
+write, and speak both French and Spanish very well.[22]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800; _The
+Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and
+Baltimore Advertiser_, July 23, 1776; _The State Gazette of South
+Carolina_, May 18, 1786; _The State Gazette of North Carolina_, July
+2, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston,
+S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797, and _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Charleston Courier_, June 1, 1804; _The State
+Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20, and 27, 1786; and _The Maryland
+Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Feb. 19 and April 2,
+1783; _State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and May 18, 1786.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advocate_, Oct. 17,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800;
+and _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 20 and
+March 1, 1800; and _The South Carolina Weekly Gazette_, Oct. 24 to 31,
+1759.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _The City Gaz. and Daily Adv._, Jan. 20 and March 1,
+1800; and _S.C. Weekly Gaz._, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _The Newbern Gazette_, May 23 and Aug. 15, 1800; _The
+Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793; _The City
+Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston, S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797; Oct.
+5, 1798; Aug. 23 and Sept. 9, 1799; Aug. 18 and Oct. 3, 1800; and
+March 7, 1801; and _Maryland Gazette_, Dec. 30, 1746; and April 4,
+1754; _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759; and
+Feb. 19, 1783; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Sept. 13
+and Nov. 1, 1784; and _The Carolina Gazette_, Aug. 12, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 26, 1797;
+May 15, 1799; and Oct. 3, 1800; _The State Gazette of South Carolina_,
+Aug. 21, 1786; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug. 26,
+1784; _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 1, 1754; Oct. 28, 1773; and Aug.
+19, 1784; and _The Columbian Herald_, April 30, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 11: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798;
+Aug. 18 and Sept. 18, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South
+Carolina_, Aug. 16, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 12: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 19, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 14: _The State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and 27,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780. _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser_, July
+23, 1776.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21, 1795.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780; and Sept. 20, 1785; and _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21,
+1795; and January 4, 1798; _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802; and
+_The Charleston Courier_, June 29, 1803. _The Norfolk and Portsmouth
+Chronicle_, March 19, 1791.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; and Oct. 27,
+1768; _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct. 1, 1793;
+_The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 19: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 1, 1755 and Feb. 1, 1798;
+_The State Gazette of North Carolina_, April 30, 1789; _The Norfolk
+and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790; _The City Gazette and Daily
+Advertiser_ (Charleston, South Carolina), Jan. 5, 1799; and March 7,
+1801; _The Carolina Gazette_, Feb. 4, 1802; and _The Virginia Herald_
+(Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 5, 1799;
+and March 5, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug.
+16, 1784; and _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Sept.
+20, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _The City Gazette of South Carolina_, Jan. 5, 1799.]
+
+[Footnote 22: The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, South
+Carolina), June 22 and Aug. 8, 1797; April 1 and May 15, 1799.]
+
+Equally convincing as to the educational progress of the colored race
+were the high attainments of those Negroes who, despite the fact that
+they had little opportunity, surpassed in intellect a large number of
+white men of their time. Negroes were serving as salesmen, keeping
+accounts, managing plantations, teaching and preaching, and had
+intellectually advanced to the extent that fifteen or twenty per cent.
+of their adults could then at least read. Most of this talented class
+became preachers, as this was the only calling even conditionally
+open to persons of African blood. Among these clergymen was George
+Leile,[1] who won distinction as a preacher in Georgia in 1782, and
+then went to Jamaica where he founded the first Baptist church of that
+colony. The competent and indefatigable Andrew Bryan[2] proved to be a
+worthy successor of George Leile in Georgia. From 1770 to 1790 Negro
+preachers were in charge of congregations in Charles City, Petersburg,
+and Allen's Creek in Lunenburg County, Virginia.[3] In 1801 Gowan
+Pamphlet of that State was the pastor of a progressive Baptist church,
+some members of which could read, write, and keep accounts.[4] Lemuel
+Haynes was then widely known as a well-educated minister of the
+Protestant Episcopal Church. John Gloucester, who had been trained
+under Gideon Blackburn of Tennessee, distinguished himself in
+Philadelphia where he founded the African Presbyterian Church.[5] One
+of the most interesting of these preachers was Josiah Bishop. By 1791
+he had made such a record in his profession that he was called to
+the pastorate of the First Baptist Church (white) of Portsmouth,
+Virginia.[6] After serving his white brethren a number of years he
+preached some time in Baltimore and then went to New York to take
+charge of the Abyssinian Baptist Church.[7] This favorable condition
+of affairs could not long exist after the aristocratic element in the
+country began to recover some of the ground it had lost during the
+social upheaval of the revolutionary era. It was the objection to
+treating Negroes as members on a plane of equality with all, that led
+to the establishment of colored Baptist churches and to the secession
+of the Negro Methodists under the leadership of Richard Allen in 1794.
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that a larger number of Negroes had to be educated to carry
+on the work of the new churches.
+
+[Footnote 1: He was sometimes called George Sharp. See Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 817.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+The intellectual progress of the colored people of that day, however,
+was not restricted to their clergymen. Other Negroes were learning to
+excel in various walks of life. Two such persons were found in North
+Carolina. One of these was known as Caesar, the author of a collection
+of poems, which, when published in that State, attained a popularity
+equal to that of Bloomfield's.[1] Those who had the pleasure of
+reading the poems stated that they were characterized by "simplicity,
+purity, and natural grace."[2] The other noted Negro of North Carolina
+was mentioned in 1799 by Buchan in his _Domestic Medicine_ as the
+discoverer of a remedy for the bite of the rattlesnake. Buchan learned
+from Dr. Brooks that, in view of the benefits resulting from the
+discovery of this slave, the General Assembly of North Carolina
+purchased his freedom and settled upon him a hundred pounds per
+annum.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _A Tour in the U.S._, p. 109; and Baldwin,
+_Observations_, p. 20.]
+
+To this class of bright Negroes belonged Thomas Fuller, a native
+African, who resided near Alexandria, Virginia, where he startled
+the students of his time by his unusual attainments in mathematics,
+despite the fact that he could neither read nor write. Once acquainted
+with the power of numbers, he commenced his education by counting the
+hairs of the tail of the horse with which he worked the fields. He
+soon devised processes for shortening his modes of calculation,
+attaining such skill and accuracy as to solve the most difficult
+problems. Depending upon his own system of mental arithmetic he
+learned to obtain accurate results just as quickly as Mr. Zerah
+Colburn, a noted calculator of that day, who tested the Negro
+mathematician.[1] The most abstruse questions in relation to time,
+distance, and space were no task for his miraculous memory, which,
+when the mathematician was interrupted in the midst of a long and
+tedious calculation, enabled him to take up some other work and later
+resume his calculation where he left off.[2] One of the questions
+propounded him, was how many seconds of time had elapsed since the
+birth of an individual who had lived seventy years, seven months, and
+as many days. Fuller was able to answer the question in a minute and a
+half.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Needles, _An Historical Memoir_, etc., p. 32.]
+
+Another Negro of this type was James Durham, a native slave of the
+city of Philadelphia. Durham was purchased by Dr. Dove, a physician
+in New Orleans, who, seeing the divine spark in the slave, gave him
+a chance for mental development. It was fortunate that he was thrown
+upon his own resources in this environment, where the miscegenation
+of the races since the early French settlement, had given rise to a
+thrifty and progressive class of mixed breeds, many of whom at that
+time had the privileges and immunities of freemen. Durham was not long
+in acquiring a rudimentary education, and soon learned several modern
+languages, speaking English, French, and Spanish fluently. Beginning
+his medical education early in his career, he finished his course,
+and by the time he was twenty-one years of age became one of the most
+distinguished physicians[1] of New Orleans. Dr. Benjamin Rush, the
+noted physician of Philadelphia, who was educated at the Edinburgh
+Medical College, once deigned to converse professionally with Dr.
+Durham. "I learned more from him than he could expect from me," was
+the comment of the Philadelphian upon a conversation in which he had
+thought to appear as instructor of the younger physician.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 17.]
+
+Most prominent among these brainy persons of color were Phyllis
+Wheatley and Benjamin Banneker. The former was a slave girl brought
+from Africa in 1761 and put to service in the household of John
+Wheatley of Boston. There, without any training but that which she
+obtained from her master's family, she learned in sixteen months to
+speak the English language fluently, and to read the most difficult
+parts of sacred writings. She had a great inclination for Latin and
+made some progress in the study of that language. Led to writing by
+curiosity, she was by 1765 possessed of a style which enabled her to
+count among her correspondents some of the most influential men of her
+time. Phyllis Wheatley's title to fame, however, rested not on her
+general attainments as a scholar but rather on her ability to write
+poetry. Her poems seemed to have such rare merit that men marveled
+that a slave could possess such a productive imagination, enlightened
+mind, and poetical genius. The publishers were so much surprised that
+they sought reassurance as to the authenticity of the poems from such
+persons as James Bowdoin, Harrison Gray, and John Hancock.[1] Glancing
+at her works, the modern critic would readily say that she was not a
+poetess, just as the student of political economy would dub Adam Smith
+a failure as an economist. A bright college freshman who has studied
+introductory economics can write a treatise as scientific as the
+_Wealth of Nations_. The student of history, however, must not
+"despise the day of small things." Judged according to the standards
+of her time, Phyllis Wheatley was an exceptionally intellectual
+person.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 18; Wright, _Poems of
+Phyllis Wheatley_, Introduction.]
+
+The other distinguished Negro, Benjamin Banneker, was born in
+Baltimore County, Maryland, November 9, 1731, near the village of
+Ellicott Mills. Banneker was sent to school in the neighborhood, where
+he learned reading, writing, and arithmetic. Determined to acquire
+knowledge while toiling, he applied his mind to things intellectual,
+cultivated the power of observation, and developed a retentive memory.
+These acquirements finally made him tower above all other American
+scientists of his time with the possible exception of Benjamin
+Franklin. In conformity with his desire to do and create, his tendency
+was toward mathematics. Although he had never seen a clock, watches
+being the only timepieces in the vicinity, he made in 1770 the first
+clock manufactured in the United States,[1] thereby attracting the
+attention of the scientific world. Learning these things, the owner of
+Ellicott Mills became very much interested in this man of inventive
+genius, lent him books, and encouraged him in his chosen field.
+Among these volumes were treatises on astronomy, which Banneker soon
+mastered without any instruction.[2] Soon he could calculate eclipses
+of sun and moon and the rising of each star with an accuracy almost
+unknown to Americans. Despite his limited means, he secured through
+Goddard and Angell of Baltimore the publication of the first almanac
+produced in this country. Jefferson received from Banneker a copy,
+for which he wrote the author a letter of thanks. It appears that
+Jefferson had some doubts about the man's genius, but the fact that
+the philosopher invited Banneker to visit him at Monticello in 1803,
+indicates that the increasing reputation of the Negro must have
+caused Jefferson to change his opinion as to the extent of Banneker's
+attainments and the value of his contributions to mathematics and
+science.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+So favorable did the aspect of things become as a result of this
+movement to elevate the Negroes, that persons observing the conditions
+then obtaining in this country thought that the victory for the
+despised race had been won. Traveling in 1783 in the colony of
+Virginia, where the slave trade had been abolished and schools for
+the education of freedmen established, Johann Schoepf felt that the
+institution was doomed.[1] After touring Pennsylvania five years
+later, Brissot de Warville reported that there existed then a country
+where the blacks were allowed to have souls, and to be endowed with an
+understanding capable of being formed to virtue and useful knowledge,
+and where they were not regarded as beasts of burden in order that
+their masters might have the privilege of treating them as such. He
+was pleased that the colored people by their virtue and understanding
+belied the calumnies which their tyrants elsewhere lavished against
+them, and that in that community one perceived no difference between
+"the memory of a black head whose hair is craped by nature, and that
+of the white one craped by art."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. I., p. 220.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+BETTER BEGINNINGS
+
+
+Sketching the second half of the eighteenth century, we have observed
+how the struggle for the rights of man in directing attention to those
+of low estate, and sweeping away the impediments to religious
+freedom, made the free blacks more accessible to helpful sects and
+organizations. We have also learned that this upheaval left the slaves
+the objects of piety for the sympathetic, the concern of workers in
+behalf of social uplift, a class offered instruction as a prerequisite
+to emancipation. The private teaching of Negroes became tolerable,
+benevolent persons volunteered to instruct them, and some schools
+maintained for the education of white students were thrown open to
+those of African blood. It was the day of better beginnings. In fact,
+it was the heyday of victory for the ante-bellum Negro. Never had his
+position been so advantageous; never was it thus again until the whole
+race was emancipated. Now the question which naturally arises here
+is, to what extent were such efforts general? Were these beginnings
+sufficiently extensive to secure adequate enlightenment to a large
+number of colored people? Was interest in the education of this class
+so widely manifested thereafter as to cause the movement to endure? A
+brief account of these efforts in the various States will answer these
+questions.
+
+In the Northern and Middle States an increasing number of educational
+advantages for the white race made germane the question as to what
+consideration should be shown to the colored people.[1] A general
+admission of Negroes to the schools of these progressive communities
+was undesirable, not because of the prejudice against the race, but on
+account of the feeling that the past of the colored people having been
+different from that of the white race, their training should be in
+keeping with their situation. To meet their peculiar needs many
+communities thought it best to provide for them "special,"
+"individual," or "unclassified" schools adapted to their condition.[2]
+In most cases, however, the movement for separate schools originated
+not with the white race, but with the people of color themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles's Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 241-243 and vol.
+xxiii., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _The Proceedings of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_.]
+
+In New England, Negroes had almost from the beginning of their
+enslavement some chance for mental, moral, and spiritual improvement,
+but the revolutionary movement was followed in that section by a
+general effort to elevate the people of color through the influence
+of the school and church. In 1770 the Rhode Island Quakers were
+endeavoring to give young Negroes such an education as becomes
+Christians. In 1773 Newport had a colored school, maintained by a
+society of benevolent clergymen of the Church of England, with a
+handsome fund for a mistress to teach thirty children reading and
+writing. Providence did not exhibit such activity until the nineteenth
+century. Having a larger black population than any other city in New
+England, Boston was the center of these endeavors. In 1798 a separate
+school for colored children, under the charge of Elisha Sylvester, a
+white man, was established in that city in the house of Primus Hall, a
+Negro of very good standing.[1] Two years later sixty-six free blacks
+of that city petitioned the school committee for a separate school,
+but the citizens in a special town meeting called to consider the
+question refused to grant this request.[2] Undaunted by this refusal,
+the patrons of the special school established in the house of Primus
+Hall, employed Brown and Hall of Harvard College as instructors, until
+1806.[3] The school was then moved to the African Meeting House
+in Belknap Street where it remained until 1835 when, with funds
+contributed by Abiel Smith, a building was erected. An epoch in the
+history of Negro education in New England was marked in 1820, when the
+city of Boston opened its first primary school for the education of
+colored children.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Next to be instructor of this institution was Prince
+Saunders, who was brought to Boston by Dr. Channing and Caleb Bingham
+in 1809. Brought up in the family of a Vermont lawyer, and experienced
+as a diplomatic official of Emperor Christopher of Hayti, Prince
+Saunders was able to do much for the advancement of this work. Among
+others who taught in this school was John B. Russworm, a graduate of
+Bowdoin College, and, later, Governor of the Colony of Cape Palmas in
+Southern Liberia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 357; and _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 271.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Rep. of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+Generally speaking, we can say that while the movement for special
+colored schools met with some opposition in certain portions of New
+England, in other parts of the Northeastern States the religious
+organizations and abolition societies, which were espousing the cause
+of the Negro, yielded to this demand. These schools were sometimes
+found in churches of the North, as in the cases of the schools in
+the African Church of Boston, and the Sunday-school in the African
+Improved Church of New Haven. In 1828 there was in that city another
+such school supported by public-school money; three in Boston; one in
+Salem; and one in Portland, Maine.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+Outside of the city of New York, not so much interest was shown in
+the education of Negroes as in the States which had a larger colored
+population.[1] Those who were scattered through the State were allowed
+to attend white schools, which did not "meet their special needs."[2]
+In the metropolis, where the blacks constituted one-tenth of the
+inhabitants in 1800, however, the mental improvement of the dark race
+could not be neglected. The liberalism of the revolutionary era led
+to the organization in New York of the "Society for Promoting the
+Manumission of Slaves and Protecting such of them as have been or may
+be liberated." This Society ushered in a new day for the free persons
+of color of that city in organizing in 1787 the New York African
+Free School.[3] Among those interested in this organization and its
+enterprises were Melancthon Smith, John Bleecker, James Cogswell,
+Jacob Seaman, White Matlock, Matthew Clarkson, Nathaniel Lawrence, and
+John Murray, Jr.[4] The school opened in 1790 with Cornelius Davis as
+a teacher of forty pupils. In 1791 a lady was employed to instruct the
+girls in needle-work.[5] The expected advantage of this industrial
+training was soon realized.
+
+[Footnote 1: La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Travels_, etc., p. 233.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Am. Conv._, 1798, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 16.]
+
+Despite the support of certain distinguished members of the community,
+the larger portion of the population was so prejudiced against the
+school that often the means available for its maintenance were
+inadequate. The struggle was continued for about fifteen years with an
+attendance of from forty to sixty pupils.[1] About 1801 the community
+began to take more interest in the institution, and the Negroes
+"became more generally impressed with a sense of the advantages and
+importance of education, and more disposed to avail themselves of
+the privileges offered them."[2] At this time one hundred and thirty
+pupils of both sexes attended this school, paying their instructor,
+a "discreet man of color," according to their ability and
+inclination.[3] Many more colored children were then able to attend
+as there had been a considerable increase in the number of colored
+freeholders. As a result of the introduction of the Lancastrian and
+monitorial systems of instruction the enrollment was further increased
+and the general tone of the school was improved. Another impetus was
+given the work in 1810.[4] Having in mind the preparation of slaves
+for freedom, the legislature of the State of New York, made it
+compulsory for masters to teach all minors born of slaves to read the
+Scriptures.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1801, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1801, Report from New York.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1812, p. 7.]
+
+Decided improvement was noted after 1814. The directors then purchased
+a lot on which they constructed a building the following year.[1] The
+nucleus then took the name of the New York "African Free Schools."
+These schools grew so rapidly that it was soon necessary to rent
+additional quarters to accommodate the department of sewing. This work
+had been made popular by the efforts of Misses Turpen, Eliza J. Cox,
+Ann Cox, and Caroline Roe.[2] The subsequent growth of the classes
+was such that in 1820 the Manumission Society had to erect a building
+large enough to accommodate five hundred pupils.[3] The instructors
+were then not only teaching the elementary branches of reading,
+writing, arithmetic, and geography, but also astronomy, navigation,
+advanced composition, plain sewing, knitting, and marking.[4] Knowing
+the importance of industrial training, the Manumission Society then
+had an Indenturing Committee find employment in trades for colored
+children, and had recommended for some of them the pursuit of
+agriculture.[5] The comptrollers desired no better way of measuring
+the success of the system in shaping the character of its students
+than to be able to boast that no pupils educated there had ever been
+convicted of crime.[6] Lafayette, a promoter of the emancipation
+and improvement of the colored people, and a member of the New York
+Manumission Society, visited these schools in 1824 on his return to
+the United States. He was bidden welcome by an eleven-year-old pupil
+in well-chosen and significant words. After spending the afternoon
+inspecting the schools the General pronounced them the "best
+disciplined and the most interesting schools of children" he had ever
+seen.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention of Abolition Soc._,
+1818, P. 9; Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1820.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+The outlook for the education of Negroes in New Jersey was unusually
+bright. Carrying out the recommendations of the Haddonfield Quarterly
+Meeting in 1777, the Quakers of Salem raised funds for the education
+of the blacks, secured books, and placed the colored children of
+the community at school. The delegates sent from that State, to the
+Convention of the Abolition Societies in 1801, reported that there had
+been schools in Burlington, Salem, and Trenton for the education of
+the Negro race, but that they had been closed.[1] It seemed that
+not much attention had been given to this work there, but that the
+interest was increasing. These delegates stated that they did not then
+know of any schools among them exclusively for Negroes. In most parts
+of the State, and most commonly in the northern division, however,
+they were incorporated with the white children in the various small
+schools scattered over the State.[2] There was then in the city of
+Burlington a free school for the education of poor children supported
+by the profits of an estate left for that particular purpose, and made
+equally accessible to the children of both races. Conditions were just
+as favorable in Gloucester. An account from its antislavery society
+shows that the local friends of the indigent had funds of about one
+thousand pounds established for schooling poor children, white and
+black, without distinction. Many of the black children, who were
+placed by their masters under the care of white instructors, received
+as good moral and school education as the lower class of whites.[3]
+Later reports from this State show the same tendency toward democratic
+education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1801, p.
+12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 12, and Quaker Pamphlet, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Conv._, etc., 1801, p. 12.]
+
+The efforts made in this direction in Delaware, were encouraging. The
+Abolition Society of Wilmington had not greatly promoted the special
+education of "the Blacks and the people of color." In 1801, however, a
+school was kept the first day of the week by one of the members of
+the Society, who instructed them gratis in reading, writing, and
+arithmetic. About twenty pupils generally attended and by their
+assiduity and progress showed themselves as "capable as white persons
+laboring under similar disadvantages."[1] In 1802 plans for the
+extension of this system were laid and bore good fruit the following
+year.[2] Seven years later, however, after personal and pecuniary aid
+had for some time been extended, the workers had still to lament that
+beneficial effects had not been more generally experienced, and
+that there was little disposition to aid them in their friendly
+endeavors.[3] In 1816 more important results had been obtained.
+Through a society formed a few years prior to this date for the
+express purpose of educating colored children, a school had been
+established under a Negro teacher. He had a fair attendance of bright
+children, who "by the facility with which they took in instruction
+were silently but certainly undermining the prejudice"[4] against
+their education. A library of religious and moral publications had
+been secured for this institution. In addition to the school in
+Wilmington there was a large academy for young colored women,
+gratuitously taught by a society of young ladies. The course of
+instruction covered reading, writing, and sewing. The work in sewing
+proved to be a great advantage to the colored girls, many of whom
+through the instrumentality of that society were provided with good
+positions.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1802, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1809, p.
+20.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1816, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 1821, p. 18.]
+
+In Pennsylvania the interest of the large Quaker element caused the
+question of educating Negroes to be a matter of more concern to that
+colony than it was to the others. Thanks to the arduous labors of
+the antislavery movement, emancipation was provided for in 1780.
+The Quakers were then especially anxious to see masters give their
+"weighty and solid attention" to qualifying slaves for the liberty
+intended. By the favorable legislation of the State the poor were
+by 1780 allowed the chance to secure the rudiments of education.[1]
+Despite this favorable appearance of things, however, friends of the
+despised race had to keep up the agitation for such a construction of
+the law as would secure to the Negroes of the State the educational
+benefits extended to the indigent. The colored youth of Pennsylvania
+thereafter had the right to attend the schools provided for white
+children, and exercised it when persons interested in the blacks
+directed their attention to the importance of mental improvement.[2]
+But as neither they nor their defenders were numerous outside of
+Philadelphia and Columbia, not many pupils of color in other parts of
+the State attended school during this period. Whatever special effort
+was made to arouse them to embrace their opportunities came chiefly
+from the Quakers.
+
+[Footnote 1: _A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. xv., p. 625.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+Not content with the schools which were already opened to Negroes, the
+friends of the race continued to agitate and raise funds to extend
+their philanthropic operations. With the donation of Anthony Benezet
+the Quakers were able to enlarge their building and increase the scope
+of the work. They added a female department in which Sarah Dwight[1]
+was teaching the girls spelling, reading, and sewing in 1784. The
+work done in Philadelphia was so successful that the place became the
+rallying center for the Quakers throughout the country,[2] and was of
+so much concern to certain members of this sect in London that in
+1787 they contributed five hundred pounds toward the support of this
+school.[3] In 1789 the Quakers organized "The Society for the Free
+Instruction of the Orderly Blacks and People of Color." Taking into
+consideration the "many disadvantages which many well-disposed blacks
+and people of color labored under from not being able to read, write,
+or cast accounts, which would qualify them to act for themselves or
+provide for their families," this society in connection with other
+organizations established evening schools for the education of adults
+of African blood.[4] It is evident then that with the exception of the
+school of the Abolition Society organized in 1774, and the efforts
+of a few other persons generally coöperating like the anti-slavery
+leaders with the Quakers, practically all of the useful education of
+the colored people of this State was accomplished in their schools.
+Philadelphia had seven colored schools in 1797.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 42.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Turner, _The Negro in Pa_., p. 128.]
+
+The next decade was of larger undertakings.[1] The report of the
+Pennsylvania Abolition Society of 1801 shows that there had been an
+increasing interest in Negro education. For this purpose the society
+had raised funds to the amount of $530.50 per annum for three
+years.[2] In 1803 certain other friends of the cause left for this
+purpose two liberal benefactions, one amounting to one thousand
+dollars, and the other to one thousand pounds.[3] With these
+contributions the Quakers and Abolitionists erected in 1809 a handsome
+building valued at four thousand dollars. They named it Clarkson Hall
+in honor of the great friend of the Negro race.[4] In 1807 the Quakers
+met the needs of the increasing population of the city by founding an
+additional institution of learning known as the Adelphi School.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parish, _Remarks on the Slavery_, etc., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1802, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., 1803, p. 13.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 20.]
+
+After the first decade of the nineteenth century the movement for the
+uplift of the Negroes around Philadelphia was checked a little by the
+migration to that city of many freedmen who had been lately liberated.
+The majority of them did not "exhibit that industry, economy, and
+temperance" which were "expected by many and wished by all."[1] Not
+deterred, however, by this seemingly discouraging development, the
+friends of the race toiled on as before. In 1810 certain Quaker women
+who had attempted to establish a school for colored girls in 1795
+apparently succeeded.[2] The institution, however, did not last many
+years. But the Clarkson Hall schools maintained by the Abolition
+Society were then making such progress that the management was
+satisfied that they furnished a decided refutation of the charge that
+the "mental endowments of the descendants of the African race are
+inferior to those possessed by their white brethren."[3] They asserted
+without fear of contradiction that the pupils of that seminary would
+sustain a fair comparison with those of any other institution in which
+the same elementary branches were taught. In 1815 these schools were
+offering free instruction to three hundred boys and girls, and to a
+number of adults attending evening schools. These victories had been
+achieved despite the fact that in regard to some of the objects of the
+Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade "a tide of prejudice,
+popular and legislative, set strongly against them."[4] After 1818,
+however, help was obtained from the State to educate the colored
+children of Columbia and Philadelphia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1809, p. 16, and
+1812, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1812,
+Report from Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1815, Report from Phila.]
+
+The assistance obtained from the State, however, was not taken as a
+pretext for the cessation of the labors on the part of those who had
+borne the burden for more than a century. The faithful friends of the
+colored race remained as active as ever. In 1822 the Quakers in the
+Northern Liberties organized the Female Association which maintained
+one or more schools.[1] That same year the Union Society founded in
+1810 for the support of schools and domestic manufactures for the
+benefit of the "African race and people of color" was conducting three
+schools for adults.[2] The Infant School Society of Philadelphia was
+also doing good work in looking after the education of small colored
+children.[3] In the course of time crowded conditions in the colored
+schools necessitated the opening of additional evening classes and the
+erection of larger buildings.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 2: One of these was at the Sessions House of the Third
+Presbyterian Church; one at Clarkston Schoolhouse, Cherry Street; one
+in the Academy on Locust Street. See _Statistical Inquiry into
+the Condition of the Colored People of Philadelphia_, p. 19; and
+Wickersham, _Education in Pa._, p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Statistical Inquiry_, etc., p. 19.]
+
+At this time Maryland was not raising any serious objection to the
+instruction of slaves, and public sentiment there did not seem to
+interfere with the education of free persons of color. Maryland was
+long noted for her favorable attitude toward her Negroes. We have
+already observed how Banneker, though living in a small place, was
+permitted to attend school, and how Ellicott became interested in this
+man of genius and furnished him with books. Other Negroes of that
+State were enjoying the same privilege. The abolition delegates from
+Maryland reported in 1797 that several children of the Africans and
+other people of color were under a course of instruction, and that an
+academy and qualified teachers for them would be provided.[1] These
+Negroes were then getting light from another source. Having more
+freedom in this State than in some others, the Quakers were allowed to
+teach colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797, p.
+16.]
+
+Most interest in the cause in Maryland was manifested near the cities
+of Georgetown and Baltimore.[1] Long active in the cause of elevating
+the colored people, the influence of the revolutionary movement was
+hardly necessary to arouse the Catholics to discharge their duty of
+enlightening the blacks. Wherever they had the opportunity to give
+slaves religious instruction, they generally taught the unfortunates
+everything that would broaden their horizon and help them to
+understand life. The abolitionists and Protestant churches were also
+in the field, but the work of the early fathers in these cities was
+more effective. These forces at work in Georgetown made it, by the
+time of its incorporation into the District of Columbia, a center
+sending out teachers to carry on the instruction of Negroes. So
+liberal were the white people of this town that colored children were
+sent to school there with white boys and girls who seemed to raise
+no objection.[2] Later in the nineteenth century the efforts made to
+educate the Negroes of the rural districts of Maryland were eclipsed
+by the better work accomplished by the free blacks in Baltimore and
+the District of Columbia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., pp. 195 _et
+seq_., and pp. 352-353.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 353.]
+
+Having a number of antislavery men among the various sects buoyant
+with religious freedom, Virginia easily continued to look with favor
+upon the uplift of the colored people. The records of the Quakers of
+that day show special effort in this direction there about 1764, 1773,
+and 1785. In 1797 the abolitionists of Alexandria, some of whom were
+Quakers, had been doing effective work among the Negroes of that
+section. They had established a school with one Benjamin Davis as a
+teacher. He reported an attendance of one hundred and eight pupils,
+four of whom "could write a very legible hand," "read the Scriptures
+with tolerable facility," and had commenced arithmetic. Eight others
+had learned to read, but had made very little progress in writing.
+Among his less progressive pupils fifteen could spell words of three
+or four syllables and read easy lessons, some had begun to write,
+while the others were chiefly engaged in learning the alphabet and
+spelling monosyllables.[1] It is significant that colored children
+of Alexandria, just as in the case of Georgetown, attended schools
+established for the whites.[2] Their coeducation extended not only
+to Sabbath schools but to other institutions of learning, which some
+Negroes attended during the week.[3] Mrs. Maria Hall, one of the early
+teachers of the District of Columbia, obtained her education in a
+mixed school of Alexandria.[4] Controlled then by aristocratic people
+who did not neglect the people of color, Alexandria also became a sort
+of center for the uplift of the blacks in Northern Virginia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., etc., 1797, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1797, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, p. 17; _ibid._, 1827, p.
+53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Schools for the education of Negroes were established in Richmond,
+Petersburg, and Norfolk. An extensive miscegenation of the races in
+these cities had given rise to a very intelligent class of slaves and
+a considerable number of thrifty free persons of color, in whom the
+best people early learned to show much interest.[1] Of the schools
+organized for them in the central part of the commonwealth, those
+about Richmond seemed to be less prosperous. The abolitionists of
+Virginia, reporting for that city in 1798, said that considerable
+progress had been made in the education of the blacks, and that they
+contemplated the establishment of a school for the instruction of
+Negroes and other persons. They were apprehensive, however, that their
+funds would be scarcely sufficient for this purpose.[2] In 1801, one
+year after Gabriel's Insurrection, the abolitionists of Richmond
+reported that the cause had been hindered by the "rapacious
+disposition which emboldened many tyrants" among them "to trample upon
+the rights of colored people even in the violation of the laws of the
+State." For this reason the complainants felt that, although they
+could not but unite in the opinion with the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies as to the importance of educating the slaves for
+living as freedmen, they were compelled on account of a "domineering
+spirit of power and usurpation"[3] to direct attention to the Negroes'
+bodily comfort.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 393.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, etc., 1798, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., 1801, p. 15.]
+
+This situation, however, was not sufficiently alarming to deter all
+the promoters of Negro education in Virginia. It is remarkable how
+Robert Pleasants, a Quaker of that State who emancipated his slaves
+at his death in 1801, had united with other members of his sect to
+establish a school for colored people. In 1782 they circulated a
+pamphlet entitled "Proposals for Establishing a Free School for the
+Instruction of Children of Blacks and People of Color."[1] They
+recommended to the humane and benevolent of all denominations
+cheerfully to contribute to an institution "calculated to promote
+the spiritual and temporal interests of that unfortunate part of our
+fellow creatures in forming their minds in the principles of virtue
+and religion, and in common or useful literature, writing, ciphering,
+and mechanic arts, as the most likely means to render so numerous a
+people fit for freedom, and to become useful citizens." Pleasants
+proposed to establish a school on a three-hundred-and-fifty-acre
+tract of his own land at Gravelly Hills near Four-Mile Creek, Henrico
+County. The whole revenue of the land was to go toward the support of
+the institution, or, in the event the school should be established
+elsewhere, he would give it one hundred pounds. Ebenezer Maule,
+another friend, subscribed fifty pounds for the same purpose.[2]
+Exactly what the outcome was, no one knows; but the memorial on
+the life of Pleasants shows that he appropriated the rent of the
+three-hundred-and-fifty-acre tract and ten pounds per annum to the
+establishment of a free school for Negroes, and that a few years after
+his death such an institution was in operation under a Friend at
+Gravelly Run.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 216.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 216.]
+
+Such philanthropy, however, did not become general in Virginia. The
+progress of Negro education there was decidedly checked by the rapid
+development of discontent among Negroes ambitious to emulate the
+example of Toussaint L'Ouverture. During the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century that commonwealth tolerated much less enlightenment
+of the colored people than the benevolent element allowed them in the
+other border States. The custom of teaching colored pauper children
+apprenticed by church-wardens was prohibited by statute immediately
+after Gabriel's Insurrection in 1800.[1] Negroes eager to learn were
+thereafter largely restricted to private tutoring and instruction
+offered in Sabbath-schools. Furthermore, as Virginia developed few
+urban communities there were not sufficient persons of color in any
+one place to coöperate in enlightening themselves even as much as
+public sentiment allowed. After 1838 Virginia Negroes had practically
+no chance to educate themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. xvi., p. 124.]
+
+North Carolina, not unlike the border States in their good treatment
+of free persons of color, placed such little restriction on the
+improvement of the colored people that they early attained rank among
+the most enlightened ante-bellum Negroes. This interest, largely
+on account of the zeal of the antislavery leaders and Quakers,[1]
+continued unabated from 1780, the time of their greatest activity,
+to the period of the intense abolition agitation and the servile
+insurrections. In 1815 the Quakers were still exhorting their members
+to establish schools for the literary and religious instruction of
+Negroes.[2] The following year a school for Negroes was opened for
+two days in a week.[3] So successful was the work done by the Quakers
+during this period that they could report in 1817 that most colored
+minors in the Western Quarter had been "put in a way to get a portion
+of school learning."[4] In 1819 some of them could spell and a few
+could write. The plan of these workers was to extend the instruction
+until males could "read, write, and cipher," and until the females
+could "read and write."[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 231; Levi Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 69-71; Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+66.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Thwaites, _Early Travels_, vol. ii., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 232.]
+
+In the course of time, however, these philanthropists met with some
+discouragement. In 1821 certain masters were sending their slaves to
+a Sunday-school opened by Levi Coffin and his son Vestal. Before the
+slaves had learned more than to spell words of two or three syllables
+other masters became unduly alarmed, thinking that such instruction
+would make the slaves discontented.[1] The timorous element threatened
+the teachers with the terrors of the law, induced the benevolent
+slaveholders to prohibit the attendance of their Negroes, and had the
+school closed.[2] Moreover, it became more difficult to obtain aid
+for this cause. Between 1815 and 1825 the North Carolina Manumission
+Societies were redoubling their efforts to raise funds for this
+purpose. By 1819 they had collected $47.00 but had not increased this
+amount more than $2.62 two years later.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 70.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 241.]
+
+The work done by the various workers in North Carolina did not affect
+the general improvement of the slaves, but thanks to the humanitarian
+movement, they were not entirely neglected. In 1830 the General
+Association of the Manumission Societies of that commonwealth
+complained that the laws made no provision for the moral improvement
+of the slaves.[1] Though learning was in a very small degree diffused
+among the colored people of a few sections, it was almost unknown to
+the slaves. They pointed out, too, that the little instruction some of
+the slaves had received, and by which a few had been taught to
+spell, or perhaps to read in "easy places," was not due to any legal
+provision, but solely to the charity "which endureth all things" and
+is willing to suffer reproach for the sake of being instrumental in
+"delivering the poor that cry" and "directing the wanderer in the
+right way."[2] To ameliorate these conditions the association
+recommended among other things the enactment of a law providing for
+the instruction of slaves in the elementary principles of language at
+least so far as to enable them to read the Holy Scriptures.[3] The
+reaction culminated, however, before this plan could be properly
+presented to the people of that commonwealth.
+
+[Footnote 1: An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils
+of Slavery by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, _passim_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._]
+
+During these years an exceptionally bright Negro was serving as a
+teacher not of his own race but of the most aristocratic white people
+of North Carolina. This educator was a freeman named John Chavis. He
+was born probably near Oxford, Granville County, about 1763. Chavis
+was a full-blooded Negro of dark brown color. Early attracting the
+attention of his white neighbors, he was sent to Princeton "to see
+if a Negro would take a collegiate education." His rapid advancement
+under Dr. Witherspoon "soon convinced his friends that the experiment
+would issue favorable."[1] There he took rank as a good Latin and a
+fair Greek scholar.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 73.]
+
+From Princeton he went to Virginia to preach to his own people. In
+1801 he served at the Hanover Presbytery as a "riding missionary under
+the direction of the General Assembly."[1] He was then reported also
+as a regularly commissioned preacher to his people in Lexington. In
+1805 he returned to North Carolina where he often preached to various
+congregations.[2] His career as a clergyman was brought to a close
+in 1831 by the law enacted to prevent Negroes from preaching.[3]
+Thereafter he confined himself to teaching, which was by far his
+most important work. He opened a classical school for white persons,
+"teaching in Granville, Wake, and Chatham Counties."[4] The best
+people of the community patronized this school. Chavis counted among
+his students W.P. Mangum, afterwards United States Senator, P.H.
+Mangum, his brother, Archibald and John Henderson, sons of Chief
+Justice Henderson, Charles Manly, afterwards Governor of that
+commonwealth, and Dr. James L. Wortham of Oxford, North Carolina.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 74; and Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp.
+816-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Paul C. Cameron, a son of Judge Duncan of North Carolina,
+said: "In my boyhood life at my father's home I often saw John Chavis,
+a venerable old negro man, recognized as a freeman and as a preacher
+or clergyman of the Presbyterian Church. As such he was received by my
+father and treated with kindness and consideration, and respected as a
+man of education, good sense and most estimable character." Mr. George
+Wortham, a lawyer of Granville County, said: "I have heard him read
+and explain the Scriptures to my father's family repeatedly. His
+English was remarkably pure, containing no 'negroisms'; his manner was
+impressive, his explanations clear and concise, and his views, as I
+then thought and still think, entirely orthodox. He was said to have
+been an acceptable preacher, his sermons abounding in strong common
+sense views and happy illustrations, without any effort at oratory
+or sensational appeals to the passions of his hearers." See Bassett,
+_Slavery in N.C_., pp. 74-75.]
+
+[Footnote 3: See Chapter VII.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 5: John S. Bassett, Professor of History at Trinity College,
+North Carolina, learned from a source of great respectability that
+Chavis not only taught the children of these distinguished families,
+but "was received as an equal socially and asked to table by the most
+respectable people of the neighborhood." See Bassett, _Slavery in
+North Carolina_, p. 75.]
+
+We have no evidence of any such favorable conditions in South
+Carolina. There was not much public education of the Negroes of that
+State even during the revolutionary epoch. Regarding education as a
+matter of concern to persons immediately interested South Carolinians
+had long since learned to depend on private instruction for the
+training of their youth. Colored schools were not thought of outside
+of Charleston. Yet although South Carolina prohibited the education of
+the slaves in 1740[1] and seemingly that of other Negroes in 1800,[2]
+these measures were not considered a direct attack on the instruction
+of free persons of color. Furthermore, the law in regard to the
+teaching of the blacks was ignored by sympathetic masters. Colored
+persons serving in families and attending traveling men shared with
+white children the advantage of being taught at home. Free persons of
+color remaining accessible to teachers and missionaries interested in
+the propagation of the gospel among the poor still had the opportunity
+to make intellectual advancement.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Laws of 1740 and 1800, and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p.
+1078.]
+
+Although not as reactionary as South Carolina, little could be
+expected of Georgia where slavery had such a firm hold. Unfavorable as
+conditions in that State were, however, they were not intolerable. It
+was still lawful for a slave to learn to read, and free persons of
+color had the privilege of acquiring any knowledge whatsoever.[1] The
+chief incentive to the education of Negroes in that State came from
+the rising Methodists and Baptists who, bringing a simple message to
+plain people, instilled into their minds as never before the idea that
+the Bible being the revelation of God, all men should be taught to
+read that book.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Orr, _Education in the South_.]
+
+In the territory known as Louisiana the good treatment of the mixed
+breeds and the slaves by the French assured for years the privilege
+to attend school. Rev. James Flint, of Salem, Massachusetts, received
+letters from a friend in Louisiana, who, in pointing out conditions
+around him, said: "In the regions where I live masters allow entire
+liberty to the slaves to attend public worship, and as far as my
+knowledge extends, it is generally the case in Louisiana. We have,"
+said he, "regular meetings of the blacks in the building where I
+attend public worship. I have in the past years devoted myself
+assiduously, every Sabbath morning, to the labor of learning them to
+read. I found them quick of apprehension, and capable of grasping the
+rudiments of learning more rapidly than the whites."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Flint, _Recollections of the Last Ten Years_, p. 345.]
+
+Later the problem of educating Negroes in this section became more
+difficult. The trouble was that contrary to the stipulation in the
+treaty of purchase that the inhabitants of the territory of Louisiana
+should be admitted to all the rights and immunities of citizens of the
+United States, the State legislation, subsequent to the transfer of
+jurisdiction, denied the right of education to a large class of mixed
+breeds.[1] Many of these, thanks to the liberality of the French, had
+been freed, and constituted an important element of society. Not a few
+of them had educated themselves, accumulated wealth, and ranked with
+white men of refinement and culture.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Laws of Louisiana.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Alliot, _Collections Historiques_, p. 85; and Thwaites,
+_Early Western Travels_, vol. iv., pp. 320 and 321; vol. xii., p. 69;
+and vol. xix., p. 126.]
+
+Considering the few Negroes found in the West, the interest shown
+there in their mental uplift was considerable. Because of the scarcity
+of slaves in that section they came into helpful contact with their
+masters. Besides, the Kentucky and Tennessee abolitionists, being much
+longer active than those in most slave States, continued to emphasize
+the education of the blacks as a correlative to emancipation.
+Furthermore, the Western Baptists, Methodists, and Scotch-Irish
+Presbyterians early took a stand against slavery, and urged the
+masters to give their servants all the proper advantages for acquiring
+the knowledge of their duty both to man and God. In the large towns
+of Tennessee Negroes were permitted to attend private schools, and in
+Louisville and Lexington there were several well-regulated colored
+schools.
+
+Two institutions for the education of slaves in the West are mentioned
+during these years. In October, 1825, there appeared an advertisement
+for eight or ten Negro slaves with their families to form a community
+of this kind under the direction of an "Emancipating Labor Society"
+of the State of Kentucky. In the same year Frances Wright suggested a
+school on a similar basis. She advertised in the "Genius of Universal
+Emancipation" an establishment to educate freed blacks and mulattoes
+in West Tennessee. This was supported by a goodly number of persons,
+including George Fowler and, it was said, Lafayette. A letter from a
+Presbyterian clergyman in South Carolina says that the first slave
+for this institution went from York District of that State. The
+enterprise, however, was not well supported, and little was heard of
+it in later years. Some asserted it was a money-making scheme for the
+proprietor, and that the Negroes taught there were in reality slaves;
+others went to the press to defend it as a benevolent effort. Both
+sides so muddled the affair that it is difficult to determine exactly
+what the intentions of the founders were.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 152.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EDUCATING THE URBAN NEGRO
+
+
+Such an impetus was given Negro education during the period of better
+beginnings that some of the colored city schools then established have
+existed even until to-day. Negroes learned from their white friends to
+educate themselves. In the Middle and Southern States, however, much
+of the sentiment in favor of developing the intellect of the Negro
+passed away during the early part of the nineteenth century. This
+reform, like many others of that day, suffered when Americans forgot
+the struggle for the rights of man. Recovering from the social
+upheaval of the Revolution, caste soon began to claim its own. To
+discourage the education of the lowest class was natural to the
+aristocrats who on coming to power established governments based on
+the representation of interests, restriction of suffrage, and the
+ineligibility of the poor to office. After this period the work of
+enlightening the blacks in the southern and border States was largely
+confined to a few towns and cities where the concentration of the
+colored population continued.
+
+The rise of the American city made possible the contact of the colored
+people with the world, affording them a chance to observe what the
+white man was doing, and to develop the power to care for themselves.
+The Negroes who had this opportunity to take over the western
+civilization were servants belonging to the families for which they
+worked; slaves hired out by their owners to wait upon persons; and
+watermen, embracing fishermen, boatmen, and sailors. Not a few slaves
+in cities were mechanics, clerks, and overseers. In most of these
+employments the rudiments of an education were necessary, and what the
+master did not seem disposed to teach the slaves so situated, they
+usually learned by contact with their fellowmen who were better
+informed. Such persons were the mulattoes resulting from
+miscegenation, and therefore protected from the rigors of the slave
+code; house servants, rewarded with unusual privileges for fidelity
+and for manifesting considerable interest in things contributing to
+the economic good of their masters; and slaves who were purchasing
+their freedom.[1] Before the close of the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century not much was said about what these classes learned
+or taught. It was then the difference in circumstances, employment,
+and opportunities for improvement that made the urban Negro more
+intelligent than those who had to toil in the fields. Yet, the
+proportion did not differ very much from that of the previous
+period, as the first Negroes were not chiefly field hands but to a
+considerable extent house servants, whom masters often taught to read
+and write.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 117.]
+
+Urban Negroes had another important advantage in their opportunity to
+attend well-regulated Sunday-schools. These were extensively organized
+in the towns and cities of this country during the first decades of
+the last century. The "Sabbath-school" constituted an important factor
+in Negro education. Although cloaked with the purpose of bringing the
+blacks to God by giving them religious instruction the institution
+permitted its workers to teach them reading and writing when they were
+not allowed to study such in other institutions.[1] Even the radical
+slaveholder was slow to object to a policy which was intended to
+facilitate the conversion of men's souls. All friends especially
+interested in the mental and spiritual uplift of the race hailed this
+movement as marking an epoch in the elevation of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the reports of almost any abolition society of the
+first quarter of the nineteenth century. _Special Report of the U.S.
+Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 200; and Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious
+Instruction of Negroes_.]
+
+In the course of time racial difficulties caused the development of
+the colored "Sabbath-school" to be very much like that of the American
+Negro Church. It began as an establishment in the white churches,
+then moved to the colored chapels, where white persons assisted as
+teachers, and finally became an organization composed entirely of
+Negroes. But the separation here, as in the case of the church,
+was productive of some good. The "Sabbath-schools," which at first
+depended on white teachers to direct their work, were thereafter
+carried on by Negroes, who studied and prepared themselves to perform
+the task given up by their former friends. This change was easily made
+in certain towns and cities where Negroes already had churches of
+their own. Before 1815 there was a Methodist church in Charleston,
+South Carolina, with a membership of eighteen hundred, more than one
+thousand of whom were persons of color. About this time, Williamsburg
+and Augusta had one each, and Savannah three colored Baptist churches.
+By 1822 the Negroes of Petersburg had in addition to two churches of
+this denomination, a flourishing African Missionary Society.[1] In
+Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston the free
+blacks had experienced such a rapid religious development that colored
+churches in these cities were no longer considered unusual.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 73 and 74.]
+
+The increase in the population of cities brought a larger number of
+these unfortunates into helpful contact with the urban element of
+white people who, having few Negroes, often opposed the institution of
+slavery. But thrown among colored people brought in their crude state
+into sections of culture, the antislavery men of towns and cities
+developed from theorists, discussing a problem of concern to persons
+far away, into actual workers striving by means of education to pave
+the way for universal freedom.[1] Large as the number of abolitionists
+became and bright as the future of their cause seemed, the more the
+antislavery men saw of the freedmen in congested districts, the more
+inclined the reformers were to think that instant abolition was an
+event which they "could not reasonably expect, and perhaps could not
+desire." Being in a state of deplorable ignorance, the slaves did not
+possess sufficient information "to render their immediate emancipation
+a blessing either to themselves or to society."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: As some masters regarded the ignorance of the slaves as
+an argument against their emancipation, the antislavery men's problem
+became the education of the master as well as that of the slave.
+Believing that intellectual and moral improvement is a "safe and
+permanent basis on which the arch of freedom could be erected," Jesse
+Torrey, harking back to Jefferson's proposition, recommended that
+it begin by instructing the slaveholders, overseers, their sons and
+daughters, hitherto deprived of the blessing of education. Then he
+thought that such enlightened masters should see to it that every
+slave less than thirty years of age should be taught the art of
+reading sufficiently for receiving moral and religious instruction
+from books in the English language. In presenting this scheme Torrey
+had the idea of most of the antislavery men of that day, who advocated
+the education of slaves because they believed that, whenever the
+slaves should become qualified by intelligence and moral cultivation
+for the rational enjoyment of liberty and the performance of the
+various social duties, enlightened legislators would listen to the
+voice of reason and justice and the spirit of the social organization,
+and permit the release of the slave without banishing him as a traitor
+from his native land. See Torrey's _Portraiture of Domestic Slavery_,
+p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Sidney, _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States_, p. 5; and Adams, _Anti-slavery_,
+etc., pp. 40, 43, 65, and 66.]
+
+Yet in the same proportion that antislavery men convinced masters of
+the wisdom of the policy of gradual emancipation, they increased their
+own burden of providing extra facilities of education, for liberated
+Negroes generally made their way from the South to urban communities
+of the Northern and Middle States. The friends of the colored people,
+however, met this exigency by establishing additional schools and
+repeatedly entreating these migrating freedmen to avail themselves
+of their opportunities. The address of the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies in 1819 is typical of these appeals.[1] They
+requested free persons of color to endeavor as much as possible to use
+economy in their expenses, to save something from their earnings
+for the education of their children ... and "let all those who by
+attending to this admonition have acquired means, send their children
+to school as soon as they are old enough, where their morals will
+be an object of attention as well as their improvement in school
+learning." Then followed some advice which would now seem strange.
+They said, "Encourage, also, those among you who are qualified as
+teachers of schools, and when you are able to pay, never send your
+children to free schools; for this may be considered as robbing the
+poor of their opportunities which are intended for them alone."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+22.]
+
+The concentration of the colored population in cities and towns where
+they had better educational advantages tended to make colored city
+schools self-supporting. There developed a class of self-educating
+Negroes who were able to provide for their own enlightenment. This
+condition, however, did not obtain throughout the South. Being a
+proslavery farming section of few large towns and cities, that part of
+the country did not see much development of the self-sufficient class.
+What enlightenment most urban blacks of the South experienced resulted
+mainly from private teaching and religious instruction. There were
+some notable exceptions, however. A colored "Santo Dominican" named
+Julian Troumontaine taught openly in Savannah up to 1829 when such
+an act was prohibited by law. He taught clandestinely thereafter,
+however, until 1844.[1] In New Orleans, where the Creoles and freedmen
+counted early in the nineteenth century as a substantial element in
+society, persons of color had secured to themselves better facilities
+of education. The people of this city did not then regard it as a
+crime for Negroes to acquire an education, their white instructors
+felt that they were not condescending in teaching them, and children
+of Caucasian blood raised no objection to attending special and
+parochial schools accessible to both races. The educational privileges
+which the colored people there enjoyed, however, were largely paid for
+by the progressive freedmen themselves.[2] Some of them educated their
+children in France.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Many of the mixed breeds of New Orleans were leading
+business men.]
+
+Charleston, South Carolina, furnished a good example of a center of
+unusual activity and rapid strides of self-educating urban Negroes.
+Driven to the point of doing for themselves, the free people of color
+of this city organized in 1810 the "Minor Society" to secure to their
+orphan children the benefits of education.[1] Bishop Payne, who
+studied later under Thomas Bonneau, attended the school founded by
+this organization. Other colored schools were doing successful work.
+Enjoying these unusual advantages the Negroes of Charleston were
+early in the nineteenth century ranked by some as economically and
+intellectually superior to any other such persons in the United
+States. A large portion of the leading mechanics, fashionable tailors,
+shoe manufacturers, and mantua-makers were free blacks, who enjoyed "a
+consideration in the community far more than that enjoyed by any of
+the colored population in the Northern cities."[2] As such positions
+required considerable skill and intelligence, these laborers had of
+necessity acquired a large share of useful knowledge. The favorable
+circumstances of the Negroes in certain liberal southern cities like
+Charleston were the cause of their return from the North to the South,
+where they often had a better opportunity for mental as well
+as economic improvement.[3] The return of certain Negroes from
+Philadelphia to Petersburg, Virginia, during the first decade of the
+nineteenth century, is a case in evidence.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 1078.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. xlix., p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Notions of the Americans_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wright, _Views of Society and Manners in America_, p.
+73.]
+
+The successful strivings of the race in the District of Columbia
+furnish us with striking examples of Negroes making educational
+progress. When two white teachers, Henry Potter and Mrs. Haley,
+invited black children to study with their white pupils, the colored
+people gladly availed themselves of this opportunity.[1] Mrs. Maria
+Billings, the first to establish a real school for Negroes in
+Georgetown, soon discovered that she had their hearty support. She had
+pupils from all parts of the District of Columbia, and from as far as
+Bladensburg, Maryland. The tuition fee in some of these schools was
+a little high, but many free blacks of the District of Columbia
+were sufficiently well established to meet these demands. The rapid
+progress made by the Bell and Browning families during this period
+was of much encouragement to the ambitious colored people, who were
+laboring to educate their children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 195
+_et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 195.]
+
+The city Negroes, however, were learning to do more than merely attend
+accessible elementary schools. In 1807 George Bell, Nicholas
+Franklin, and Moses Liverpool, former slaves, built the first colored
+schoolhouse in the District of Columbia. Just emerging from bondage,
+these men could not teach themselves, but employed a white man to
+take charge of the school.[1] It was not a success. Pupils of color
+thereafter attended the school of Anne Maria Hall, a teacher from
+Prince George County, Maryland, and those of teachers who instructed
+white children.[2] The ambitious Negroes of the District of Columbia,
+however, were not discouraged by the first failure to provide their
+own educational facilities. The Bell School which had been closed and
+used as a dwelling, opened again in 1818 under the auspices of an
+association of free people of color of the city of Washington called
+the "Resolute Beneficial Society." The school was declared open then
+"for the reception of free people of color and others that ladies
+and gentlemen may think proper to send to be instructed in reading,
+writing, arithmetic, English grammar, or other branches of education
+apposite to their capacities, by steady, active and experienced
+teachers, whose attention is wholly devoted to the purpose described."
+The founders presumed that free colored families would embrace the
+advantages thus presented to them either by subscription to the funds
+of the Society or by sending their children to the school. Since the
+improvement of the intellect and the morals of the colored youth were
+the objects of the institution, the patronage of benevolent ladies
+and gentlemen was solicited. They declared, too, that "to avoid
+disagreeable occurrences no writing was to be done by the teacher for
+a slave, neither directly nor indirectly to serve the purpose of a
+slave on any account whatever."[3] This school was continued until
+1822 under Mr. Pierpont, of Massachusetts, a relative of the poet.
+He was succeeded two years later by John Adams, a shoemaker, who was
+known as the first Negro to teach in the District of Columbia.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 197.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Daily National Intelligencer_, August 29, 1818.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Of equal importance was the colored seminary established by Henry
+Smothers, a pupil of Mrs. Billings. Like her, he taught first in
+Georgetown. He began his advanced work near the Treasury building,
+having an attendance of probably one hundred and fifty pupils,
+generally paying tuition. The fee, however, was not compulsory.
+Smothers taught for about two years, and then was succeeded by John
+Prout, a colored man of rare talents, who later did much in opposition
+to the scheme of transporting Negroes to Africa before they had the
+benefits of education.[1] The school was then called the "Columbian
+Institute." Prout was later assisted by Mrs. Anne Maria Hall.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Other schools of importance were springing up from year
+to year. As early as 1824 Mrs. Mary Wall, a member of the Society
+of Friends, had opened a school for Negroes and received so many
+applications that many had to be refused. From this school came many
+well-prepared colored men, among whom were James Wormley and John
+Thomas Johnson. Another school was established by Thomas Tabbs, who
+received "a polished education from the distinguished Maryland family
+to which he belonged." Mr. Tabbs came to Washington before the War
+of 1812 and began teaching those who came to him when he had a
+schoolhouse, and when he had none he went from house to house,
+stopping even under the trees to teach wherever he found pupils who
+were interested. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+pp. 212, 213, and 214.]
+
+Of this self-educative work of Negroes some of the best was
+accomplished by colored women. With the assistance of Father Vanlomen,
+the benevolent priest then in charge of the Holy Trinity Church, Maria
+Becraft, the most capable colored woman in the District of Columbia at
+that time, established there the first seminary for the education of
+colored girls. She had begun to teach in a less desirable section, but
+impressed with the unusual beauty and strong character of this girl,
+Father Vanlomen had her school transferred to a larger building on
+Fayette Street where she taught until 1831. She then turned over her
+seminary to girls she had trained, and became a teacher in a convent
+at Baltimore as a Sister of Providence.[1] Other good results were
+obtained by Louisa Parke Costin, a member of one of the oldest
+colored families in the District of Columbia. Desiring to diffuse the
+knowledge she acquired from white teachers in the early mixed schools
+of the District, she decided to teach. She opened her school just
+about the time that Henry Smothers was making his reputation as an
+educator. She died in 1831, after years of successful work had crowned
+her efforts. Her task was then taken up by her sister, Martha, who had
+been trained in the Convent Seminary of Baltimore.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 204.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 203.]
+
+Equally helpful was the work of Arabella Jones. Educated at the St.
+Frances Academy at Baltimore, she was well grounded in the English
+branches and fluent in French. She taught on the "Island," calling her
+school "The St. Agnes Academy."[1] Another worker of this class
+was Mary Wormley, once a student in the Colored Female Seminary of
+Philadelphia under Sarah Douglass. This lady began teaching about
+1830, getting some assistance from Mr. Calvert, an Englishman.[2] The
+institution passed later into the hands of Thomas Lee, during the
+incumbency of whom the school was closed by the "Snow Riot." This
+was an attempt on the part of the white people to get rid of the
+progressive Negroes of the District of Columbia. Their excuse for
+such drastic action was that Benjamin Snow, a colored man running a
+restaurant in the city, had made unbecoming remarks about the wives
+of the white mechanics.[3] John F. Cook, one of the most influential
+educators produced in the District of Columbia, was driven out of the
+city by this mob. He then taught at Lancaster, Pa.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 201.]
+
+While the colored schools of the District of Columbia suffered as a
+result of this disturbance, the Negroes then in charge of them were
+too ambitious, too well-educated to discontinue their work. The
+situation, however, was in no sense encouraging. With the exception of
+the churches of the Catholics and Quakers who vied with each other in
+maintaining a benevolent attitude toward the education of the colored
+people,[1] the churches of the District of Columbia, in the Sabbath
+schools of which Negroes once sat in the same seats with white
+persons, were on account of this riot closed to the darker race.[2]
+This expulsion however, was not an unmixed evil, for the colored
+people themselves thereafter established and directed a larger number
+of institutions of learning.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The Catholics admitted the colored people to their
+churches on equal footing with others when they were driven to the
+galleries of the Protestant churches. Furthermore, they continued
+to admit them to their parochial schools. The Sisters of Georgetown
+trained colored girls, and the parochial school of the Aloysius Church
+at one time had as many as two hundred and fifty pupils of color. Many
+of the first colored teachers of the District of Columbia obtained
+their education in these schools. See _Special Report of U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 218 _et. seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Sp. Report_, etc. 187, pp. 217, 218, 219, 220, 221.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, pp. 220-222.]
+
+The colored schools of the District of Columbia soon resumed their
+growth recovering most of the ground they had lost and exhibiting
+evidences of more systematic work. These schools ceased to be
+elementary classes, offering merely courses in reading and writing,
+but developed into institutions of higher grade supplied with
+competent teachers. Among other useful schools then flourishing in
+this vicinity were those of Alfred H. Parry, Nancy Grant, Benjamin
+McCoy, John Thomas Johnson, James Enoch Ambush, and Dr. John H.
+Fleet.[1] John F. Cook returned from Pennsylvania and reopened his
+seminary.[2] About this time there flourished a school established by
+Fannie Hampton. After her death the work was carried on by Margaret
+Thompson until 1846. She then married Charles Middleton and became
+his assistant teacher. He was a free Negro who had been educated in
+Savannah, Georgia, while attending school with white and colored
+children. He founded a successful school about the time that Fleet and
+Johnson[3] retired. Middleton's school,
+however, owes its importance to the fact that it was connected with
+the movement for free colored public schools started by Jesse E. Dow,
+an official of the city, and supported by Rev. Doctor Wayman, then
+pastor of the Bethel Church.[4] Other colaborers with these teachers
+were Alexander Cornish, Richard Stokes, and Margaret Hill.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 212,
+213, and 283.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 200.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Compelled to leave Washington in 1838 because of the
+persecution of free persons of color, Johnson stopped in Pittsburg
+where he entered a competitive teacher examination with two white
+aspirants and won the coveted position. He taught in Pittsburg
+several years, worked on the Mississippi a while, returned later to
+Washington, and in 1843 constructed a building in which he opened
+another school. It was attended by from 150 to 200 students, most of
+whom belonged to the most prominent colored families of the District
+of Columbia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p.
+214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, pp. 214-215.]
+
+Then came another effort on a large scale. This was the school of
+Alexander Hays, an emancipated slave of the Fowler family of Maryland.
+Hays succeeded his wife as a teacher. He soon had the support of such
+prominent men as Rev. Doctor Sampson, William Winston Seaton and R.S.
+Coxe. Joseph T. and Thomas H. Mason and Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher were
+Hays's contemporaries. The last two were teachers from England.
+On account of the feeling then developing against white persons
+instructing Negroes, these philanthropists saw their schoolhouses
+burned, themselves expelled from the white churches, and finally
+driven from the city in 1858.[1] Other white men and women were
+teaching colored children during these years. The most prominent of
+these were Thomas Tabbs, an erratic philanthropist, Mr. Nutall, an
+Englishman; Mr. Talbot, a successful tutor stationed near the present
+site of the Franklin School; and Mrs. George Ford, a Virginian,
+conducting a school on New Jersey Avenue between K and L Streets.[2]
+The efforts of Miss Myrtilla Miner, their contemporary, will be
+mentioned elsewhere.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Besides the classes taught by these workers there was
+the Eliza Ann Cook private school; Miss Washington's school; a select
+primary school; a free Catholic school maintained by the St. Vincent
+de Paul Society, an association of colored Catholics in connection
+with St. Matthew's Church. This institution was organized by the
+benevolent Father Walter at the Smothers School. Then there were
+teachers like Elizabeth Smith, Isabella Briscoe, Charlotte Beams,
+James Shorter, Charlotte Gordon, and David Brown. Furthermore, various
+churches, parochial, and Sunday-schools were then sharing the burden
+of educating the Negro population of the District of Columbia. See
+_Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 214, 215, 216,
+217, 218 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 3: O'Connor, Myrtilla Miner, p. 80.]
+
+The Negroes of Baltimore were almost as self-educating as those of the
+District of Columbia. The coming of the refugees and French Fathers
+from Santo Domingo to Baltimore to escape the revolution[1] marked an
+epoch in the intellectual progress of the colored people of that city.
+Thereafter their intellectual class had access to an increasing black
+population, anxious to be enlightened. Given this better working
+basis, they secured from the ranks of the Catholics additional
+catechists and teachers to give a larger number of illiterates the
+fundamentals of education. Their untiring co-worker in furnishing
+these facilities, was the Most Reverend Ambrose Maréchal, Archbishop
+of Baltimore from 1817 to 1828.[2] These schools were such an
+improvement over those formerly opened to Negroes that colored youths
+of other towns and cities thereafter came to Baltimore for higher
+training.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drewery, _Slave Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+The coming of these refugees to Baltimore had a direct bearing on the
+education of colored girls. Their condition excited the sympathy of
+the immigrating colored women. These ladies had been educated both in
+the Island of Santo Domingo and in Paris. At once interested in the
+uplift of this sex, they soon constituted the nucleus of the society
+that finally formed the St. Frances Academy for girls in connection
+with the Oblate Sisters of Providence Convent in Baltimore, June 5,
+1829.[1] This step was sanctioned by the Reverend James Whitefield,
+the successor of Archbishop Maréchal, and was later approved by the
+Holy See. The institution was located on Richmond Street in a building
+which on account of the rapid growth of the school soon gave way to
+larger quarters. The aim of the institution was to train girls, all
+of whom "would become mothers or household servants, in such solid
+virtues and religious and moral principles as modesty, honesty, and
+integrity."[2] To reach this end they endeavored to supply the school
+with cultivated and capable teachers. Students were offered courses in
+all the branches of "refined and useful education, including all that
+is regularly taught in well regulated female seminaries."[3] This
+school was so well maintained that it survived all reactionary attacks
+and became a center of enlightenment for colored women.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 206.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 206.]
+
+At the same time there were other persons and organizations in the
+field. Prominent among the first of these workers was Daniel Coker,
+known to fame as a colored Methodist missionary, who was sent to
+Liberia. Prior to 1812 he had in Baltimore an academy which certain
+students from Washington attended when they had no good schools of
+their own, and when white persons began to object to the co-education
+of the races. Because of these conditions two daughters of George
+Bell, the builder of the first colored schoolhouse in the District of
+Columbia, went to Baltimore to study under Coker.[1] An adult Negro
+school in this city had 180 pupils in 1820. There were then in the
+Baltimore Sunday-schools about 600 Negroes. They had formed themselves
+into a Bible association which had been received into the connection
+of the Baltimore Bible Society.[2] In 1825 the Negroes there had a day
+and a night school, giving courses in Latin and French. Four years
+later there appeared an "African Free School" with an attendance of
+from 150 to 175 every Sunday.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Anti-Slavery_, etc., pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+By 1830 the Negroes of Baltimore had several special schools of their
+own.[1] In 1835 there was behind the African Methodist Church in Sharp
+Street a school of seventy pupils in charge of William Watkins.[2] W.
+Livingston, an ordained clergyman of the Episcopal Church, had then a
+colored school of eighty pupils in the African Church at the corner of
+Saratoga and Ninth Streets.[3] A third school of this kind was kept by
+John Fortie at the Methodist Bethel Church in Fish Street. Five or six
+other schools of some consequence were maintained by free women of
+color, who owed their education to the Convent of the Oblate Sisters
+of Providence.[4] Observing these conditions, an interested person
+thought that much more would have been accomplished in that community,
+if the friends of the colored people had been able to find workers
+acceptable to the masters and at the same time competent to teach the
+slaves.[5] Yet another observer felt that the Negroes of Baltimore had
+more opportunities than they embraced.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _America, Historical_, etc., vol. i., p.
+438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 438; Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave
+Trade_, pp. 54, 55, and 56; and Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_,
+p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_, p. 33; and
+Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, pp. 85 and 92.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 54.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 37.]
+
+These conditions, however, were so favorable in 1835 that when
+Professor E.A. Andrews came to Baltimore to introduce the work of
+the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+People,[1] he was informed that the education of the Negroes of that
+city was fairly well provided for. Evidently the need was that the
+"systematic and sustained exertions" of the workers should spring
+from a more nearly perfect organization "to give efficiency to their
+philanthropic labors."[2] He was informed that as his society was of
+New England, it would on account of its origin in the wrong quarter,
+be productive of mischief.[3] The leading people of Baltimore
+thought that it would be better to accomplish this task through the
+Colonization Society, a southern organization carrying out the very
+policy which the American Union proposed to pursue.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: On January 14, 1835, a convention of more than one
+hundred gentlemen from ten different States assembled in Boston and
+organized the "American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the
+Colored Race." Among these workers were William Reed, Daniel Noyes,
+J.W. Chickering, J.W. Putnam, Baron Stow, B.B. Edwards, E.A. Andrews,
+Charles Scudder, Joseph Tracy, Samuel Worcester, and Charles Tappan.
+The gentlemen were neither antagonistic to the antislavery nor to the
+colonization societies. They aimed to do that which had been neglected
+in giving the Negroes proper preparation for freedom. Knowing that
+the actual emancipation of an oppressed race cannot be effected by
+legislation, they hoped to provide religious and literary instruction
+for all colored children that they might "ameliorate their economic
+condition" and prepare themselves for higher usefulness. See the
+_Exposition of the Object and Plans of the American Union_, pp.
+11-14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, p. 57.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 188.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _Slavery_, etc., p. 56.]
+
+The instruction of ambitious blacks in this city was not confined to
+mere rudimentary training. The opportunity for advanced study was
+offered colored girls in the Convent of the Oblate Sisters of
+Providence. These Negroes, however, early learned to help themselves.
+In 1835 considerable assistance came from Nelson Wells, one of their
+own color. He left to properly appointed trustees the sum of $10,000,
+the income of which was to be appropriated to the education of free
+colored children.[1] With this benefaction the trustees concerned
+established in 1835 what they called the Wells School. It offered
+Negroes free instruction long after the Civil War.
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 353.]
+
+In seeking to show how these good results were obtained by the
+Negroes' coöperative power and ability to supply their own needs, we
+are not unmindful of the assistance which they received. To say that
+the colored people of Baltimore, themselves, provided all these
+facilities of education would do injustice to the benevolent element
+of that city. Among its white people were found so much toleration
+of opinion on slavery and so much sympathy with the efforts for its
+removal, that they not only permitted the establishment of Negro
+churches, but opened successful colored schools in which white men
+and women assisted personally in teaching. Great praise is due
+philanthropists of the type of John Breckenridge and Daniel Raymond,
+who contributed their time and means to the cause and enlisted the
+efforts of others. Still greater credit should be given to William
+Crane, who for forty years was known as an "ardent, liberal, and wise
+friend of the black man." At the cost of $20,000 he erected in the
+central part of the city an edifice exclusively for the benefit of
+the colored people. In this building was an auditorium, several
+large schoolrooms, and a hall for entertainments and lectures. The
+institution employed a pastor and two teachers[1] and it was often
+mentioned as a high school.
+
+[Footnote 1: A contributor to the _Christian Chronicle_ found in this
+institution a pastor, a principal of the school, and an assistant,
+all of superior qualifications. The classes which this reporter heard
+recite grammar and geography convinced him of the thoroughness of the
+work and the unusual readiness of the colored people to learn. See
+_The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 91.]
+
+In northern cities like Philadelphia and New York, where benevolent
+organizations provided an adequate number of colored schools, the free
+blacks did not develop so much of the power to educate themselves. The
+Negroes of these cities, however, cannot be considered exceptions to
+the rule. Many of those of Philadelphia were of the most ambitious
+kind, men who had purchased their freedom or had developed sufficient
+intelligence to delude their would-be captors and conquer the
+institution of slavery. Settled in this community, the thrifty class
+accumulated wealth which they often used, not only to defray the
+expenses of educating their own children, but to provide educational
+facilities for the poor children of color.
+
+Gradually developing the power to help themselves, the free people
+of color organized a society which in 1804 opened a school with John
+Trumbull as teacher.[1] About the same time the African Episcopalians
+founded a colored school at their church.[2] A colored man gave three
+hundred pounds of the required funds to build the first colored
+schoolhouse in Philadelphia.[3] In 1830 one fourth of the twelve
+hundred colored children in the schools of that city paid for their
+instruction, whereas only two hundred and fifty were attending the
+public schools in 1825.[4] The fact that some of the Negroes were able
+and willing to share the responsibility of enlightening their people
+caused a larger number of philanthropists to come to the rescue
+of those who had to depend on charity. Furthermore, of the many
+achievements claimed for the colored schools of Philadelphia none were
+considered more significant than that they produced teachers qualified
+to carry on this work. Eleven of the sixteen colored schools in
+Philadelphia in 1822 were taught by teachers of African descent. In
+1830 the system was practically in the hands of Negroes.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 129.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 130.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 377.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1825, p.
+13.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1830, p.8; and
+Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+The statistics of later years show how successful these early efforts
+had been. By 1849 the colored schools of Philadelphia had developed
+to the extent that they seemed like a system. According to the
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of Colored People in and about
+Philadelphia_, published that year, there were 1643 children of color
+attending well-regulated schools. The larger institutions were mainly
+supported by State and charitable organizations of which the Society
+of Friends and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society were the most
+important. Besides supporting these institutions, however, the
+intelligent colored men of Philadelphia had maintained smaller schools
+and organized a system of lyceums and debating clubs, one of which had
+a library of 1400 volumes. Moreover, there were then teaching in the
+colored families and industrial schools of Philadelphia many men and
+women of both races.[1] Although these instructors restricted their
+work to the teaching of the rudiments of education, they did much to
+help the more advanced schools to enlighten the Negroes who came to
+that city in large numbers when conditions became intolerable for
+the free people of color in the slave States. The statistics of the
+following decade show unusual progress. In the year 1859 there were
+in the colored public schools of Philadelphia, 1031 pupils; in the
+charity schools, 748; in the benevolent schools, 211; in private
+schools, 331; in all, 2321, whereas in 1849 there were only 1643.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: About the middle of the nineteenth century colored
+schools of various kinds arose in Philadelphia. With a view to giving
+Negroes industrial training their friends opened "The School for the
+Destitute" at the House of Industry in 1848. Three years later Sarah
+Luciana was teaching a school of seventy youths at this House of
+Industry, and the Sheppard School, another industrial institution,
+was in operation in 1850 in a building bearing the same name. In 1849
+arose the "Corn Street Unclassified School" of forty-seven children
+in charge of Sarah L. Peltz. "The Holmesburg Unclassified School" was
+organized in 1854. Other institutions of various purposes were "The
+House of Refuge," "The Orphans' Shelter," and "The Home for
+Colored Children." See Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.
+
+Among those then teaching in private schools of Philadelphia were
+Solomon Clarkson, Robert George, John Marshall, John Ross, Jonathan
+Tudas, and David Ware. Ann Bishop, Virginia Blake, Amelia Bogle, Anne
+E. Carey, Sarah Ann Douglass, Rebecca Hailstock, Emma Hall, Emmeline
+Higgins, Margaret Johnson, Martha Richards, Dinah Smith, Mary Still,
+and one Peterson were teaching in families. See _Statistical Inquiry_,
+etc., 1849, p. 19; and Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, in 1859.]
+
+Situated like those of Philadelphia, the free blacks of New York City
+did not have to maintain their own schools. This was especially true
+after 1832 when the colored people had qualified themselves to take
+over the schools of the New York Manumission Society. They then got
+rid of all the white teachers, even Andrews, the principal, who had
+for years directed this system. Besides, the economic progress of
+certain Negroes there made possible the employment of the increasing
+number of colored teachers, who had availed themselves of the
+opportunities afforded by the benevolent schools. The stigma then
+attached to one receiving seeming charity through free schools
+stimulated thrifty Negroes to have their children instructed either in
+private institutions kept by friendly white teachers or by teachers of
+their own color.[1] In 1812 a society of the free people of color was
+organized to raise a fund, the interest of which was to sustain a
+free school for orphan children.[2] This society succeeded later in
+establishing and maintaining two schools. At this time there were
+in New York City three other colored schools, the teachers of which
+received their compensation from those who patronized them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the Address of the American Convention, 1819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1812, p. 7.
+
+Certain colored women were then organized to procure and make for
+destitute persons of color. See Andrews, _History of the New York
+African Free Schools_, p. 58.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 58.]
+
+Whether from lack of interest in their welfare on the part of the
+public, or from the desire of the Negroes to share their own burdens,
+the colored people of Rhode Island were endeavoring to provide for
+the education of their children during the first decades of the last
+century. _The Newport Mercury_ of March 26, 1808, announced that the
+African Benevolent Society had opened there a school kept by Newport
+Gardner, who was to instruct all colored people "inclined to attend."
+The records of the place show that this school was in operation eight
+years later.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _History of Ed. in R.I._, p. 30.]
+
+In Boston, where were found more Negroes than in most New England
+communities, the colored people themselves maintained a separate
+school after the revolutionary era. In the towns of Salem, Nantucket,
+New Bedford, and Lowell the colored schools failed to make much
+progress after the first quarter of the nineteenth century on account
+of the more liberal construction of the laws which provided for
+democratic education. This the free blacks were forced to advocate for
+the reason that the seeming onerous task of supporting a dual system
+often caused the neglect, and sometimes the extinction of the separate
+schools. Furthermore, either the Negroes of some of these towns were
+too scarce or the movement to furnish them special facilities of
+education started too late to escape the attacks of the abolitionists.
+Seeing their mistake of first establishing separate schools, they
+began to attack caste in public education.
+
+In the eastern cities where colored school systems thereafter
+continued, the work was not always successful. The influx of fugitives
+in the rough sometimes jeopardized their chances for education by
+menacing liberal communities with the trouble of caring for an
+undesirable class. The friends of the Negroes, however, received more
+encouragement during the two decades immediately preceding the Civil
+War. There was a change in the attitude of northern cities toward
+the uplift of the colored refugees. Catholics, Protestants, and
+abolitionists often united their means to make provision for the
+education of accessible Negroes, although these friends of the
+oppressed could not always agree on other important schemes. Even the
+colonizationists, the object of attack from the ardent antislavery
+element, considerably aided the cause. They educated for work in
+Liberia a number of youths, who, given the opportunity to attend
+good schools, demonstrated the capacity of the colored people. More
+important factors than the colonizationists were the free people of
+color. Brought into the rapidly growing urban communities, these
+Negroes began to accumulate sufficient wealth to provide permanent
+schools of their own. Many of these were later assimilated by
+the systems of northern cities when their separate schools were
+disestablished.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE REACTION
+
+
+Encouraging as had been the movement to enlighten the Negroes, there
+had always been at work certain reactionary forces which impeded the
+intellectual progress of the colored people. The effort to enlighten
+them that they might be emancipated to enjoy the political rights
+given white men, failed to meet with success in those sections where
+slaves were found in large numbers. Feeling that the body politic, as
+conceived by Locke and Montesquieu, did not include the slaves, many
+citizens opposed their education on the ground that their mental
+improvement was inconsistent with their position as persons held to
+service. For this reason there was never put forward any systematic
+effort to elevate the slaves. Every master believed that he had a
+divine right to deal with the situation as he chose. Moreover, even
+before the policy of mental and moral improvement of the slaves could
+be given a trial, some colonists, anticipating the "evils of the
+scheme," sought to obviate them by legislation. Such we have observed
+was the case in Virginia,[1] South Carolina,[2] and Georgia.[3] To
+control the assemblies of slaves, North Carolina,[4] Delaware,[5] and
+Maryland[6] early passed strict regulations for their inspection.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of S.C._, vol.
+ii., p.243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of North Carolina_, vol. i., pp. 126, 563, and
+741.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 352.]
+
+The actual opposition of the masters to the mental improvement of
+Negroes, however, did not assume sufficiently large proportions to
+prevent the intellectual progress of that race, until two forces then
+at work had had time to become effective in arousing southern planters
+to the realization of what a danger enlightened colored men would
+be to the institution of slavery. These forces were the industrial
+revolution and the development of an insurrectionary spirit among
+slaves, accelerated by the rapid spreading of the abolition agitation.
+The industrial revolution was effected by the multiplication of
+mechanical appliances for spinning and weaving which so influenced the
+institution of slavery as seemingly to doom the Negroes to heathenism.
+These inventions were the spinning jenny, the steam engine, the power
+loom, the wool-combing machine, and the cotton gin. They augmented
+the output of spinning mills, and in cheapening cloth, increased the
+demand by bringing it within the reach of the poor. The result was
+that a revolution was brought about not only in Europe, but also in
+the United States to which the world looked for this larger supply of
+cotton fiber.[1] This demand led to the extension of the plantation
+system on a larger scale. It was unfortunate, however, that many of
+the planters thus enriched, believed that the slightest amount of
+education, merely teaching slaves to read, impaired their value
+because it instantly destroyed their contentedness. Since they did not
+contemplate changing their condition, it was surely doing them an ill
+service to destroy their acquiescence in it. This revolution then had
+brought it to pass that slaves who were, during the eighteenth century
+advertised as valuable on account of having been enlightened, were in
+the nineteenth century considered more dangerous than useful.
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Rise of the New West_, pp. 45, 46, 47, 48,
+and 49; and Hammond, _Cotton Industry_, chaps. i. and ii.]
+
+With the rise of this system, and the attendant increased importation
+of slaves, came the end of the helpful contact of servants with their
+masters. Slavery was thereby changed from a patriarchal to an economic
+institution. Thereafter most owners of extensive estates abandoned the
+idea that the mental improvement of slaves made them better servants.
+Doomed then to be half-fed, poorly clad, and driven to death in this
+cotton kingdom, what need had the slaves for education? Some planters
+hit upon the seemingly more profitable scheme of working newly
+imported slaves to death during seven years and buying another supply
+rather than attempt to humanize them.[1] Deprived thus of helpful
+advice and instruction, the slaves became the object of pity not only
+to abolitionists of the North but also to some southerners. Not a
+few of these reformers, therefore, favored the extermination of the
+institution. Others advocated the expansion of slavery not to extend
+the influence of the South, but to disperse the slaves with a view to
+bringing about a closer contact between them and their masters.[2]
+This policy was duly emphasized during the debate on the admission of
+the State of Missouri.
+
+[Footnote 1: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 32;
+Kemble, Journal, p. 28; Martineau, _Society in America_, vol. i., p.
+308; Weld, _Slavery_, etc., p. 41.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Annals of Congress, First Session, vol. i., pp. 996 _et
+seq._ and 1296 _et seq._]
+
+Seeking to direct the attention of the world to the slavery of men's
+bodies and minds the abolitionists spread broadcast through the South
+newspapers, tracts, and pamphlets which, whether or not they had much
+effect in inducing masters to improve the condition of their slaves,
+certainly moved Negroes themselves. It hardly required enlightenment
+to convince slaves that they would be better off as freemen than as
+dependents whose very wills were subject to those of their masters.
+Accordingly even in the seventeenth century there developed in the
+minds of bondmen the spirit of resistance. The white settlers of the
+colonies held out successfully in putting down the early riots of
+Negroes. When the increasing intelligent Negroes of the South,
+however, observed in the abolition literature how the condition of the
+American slaves differed from that of the ancient servants and even
+from what it once had been in the United States; when they fully
+realized their intolerable condition compared with that of white men,
+who were clamoring for liberty and equality, there rankled in the
+bosom of slaves that insurrectionary passion productive of the daring
+uprisings which made the chances for the enlightenment of colored
+people poorer than they had ever been in the history of this country.
+
+The more alarming insurrections of the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century were the immediate cause of the most reactionary measures.
+It was easily observed that these movements were due to the mental
+improvement of the colored people during the struggle for the rights
+of man. Not only had Negroes heard from the lips of their masters
+warm words of praise for the leaders of the French Revolution but had
+developed sufficient intelligence themselves to read the story of the
+heroes of the world, who were then emboldened to refresh the tree
+of liberty "with the blood of patriots and tyrants."[1] The
+insurrectionary passion among the colored people was kindled, too,
+around Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and New Orleans by certain
+Negroes who to escape the horrors of the political upheaval in Santo
+Domingo,[2] immigrated into this country in 1793. The education of the
+colored race had paved the way for the dissemination of their ideas of
+liberty and equality. Enlightened bondmen persistently made trouble
+for the white people in these vicinities. Negroes who could not read,
+learned from others the story of Toussaint L'Ouverture, whose example
+colored men were then ambitious to emulate.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iv., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+The insurrection of Gabriel in Virginia and that of South Carolina in
+the year 1800 are cases in evidence. Unwilling to concede that slaves
+could have so well planned such a daring attack, the press of the
+time insisted that two Frenchmen were the promoters of the affair in
+Virginia.[1] James Monroe said there was no evidence that any white
+man was connected with it.[2] It was believed that the general
+tendency of the Negroes toward an uprising had resulted from French
+ideas which had come to the slaves through intelligent colored men.[3]
+Observing that many Negroes were sufficiently enlightened to see
+things as other men, the editor of the _Aurora_ asserted that in
+negotiating with the "Black Republic" the United States and Great
+Britain had set the seal of approval upon servile insurrection.[4]
+Others referred to inflammatory handbills which Negroes extensively
+read.[5] Discussing the Gabriel plot in 1800, Judge St. George Tucker
+said: "Our sole security then consists in their ignorance of this
+power (doing us mischief) and their means of using it--a security
+which we have lately found is not to be relied on, and which, small as
+it is, every day diminishes. Every year adds to the number of those
+who can read and write; and the increase in knowledge is the principal
+agent in evolving the spirit we have to fear."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800; and _The
+Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., p. 217.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Educated Negroes then constituted an alarming element in
+Massachusetts, Virginia, and South Carolina. See _The New York Daily
+Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 4: See _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, Oct. 7, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Letter of St. George Tucker in Joshua Coffin's _Slave
+Insurrections._]
+
+Camden was disturbed by an insurrection in 1816 and Charleston in
+1822 by a formidable plot which the officials believed was due to the
+"sinister" influences of enlightened Negroes.[1] The moving spirit of
+this organization was Denmark Vesey. He had learned to read and write,
+had accumulated an estate worth $8000, and had purchased his freedom
+in 1800[2] Jack Purcell, an accomplice of Vesey, weakened in the
+crisis and confessed. He said that Vesey was in the habit of reading
+to him all the passages in the newspapers, that related to Santo
+Domingo and apparently every accessible pamphlet that had any
+connection with slavery.[3] One day he read to Purcell the speeches of
+Mr. King on the subject of slavery and told Purcell how this friend of
+the Negro race declared he would continue to speak, write, and publish
+pamphlets against slavery "the longest day he lived," until the
+Southern States consented to emancipate their slaves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_
+(Charleston, South Carolina), August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_,
+August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., August 21, 1822.]
+
+The statement of the Governor of South Carolina also shows the
+influence of the educated Negro. This official felt that Monday, the
+slave of Mr. Gill, was the most daring conspirator. Being able to read
+and write he "attained an extraordinary and dangerous influence over
+his fellows." "Permitted by his owner to occupy a house in the central
+part of this city, he was afforded hourly opportunities for the
+exercise of his skill on those who were attracted to his shop by
+business or favor." "Materials were abundantly furnished in the
+seditious pamphlets brought into the State by equally culpable
+incendiaries, while the speeches of the oppositionists in Congress to
+the admission of Missouri gave a serious and imposing effect to his
+machinations."[1] It was thus brought home to the South that the
+enlightened Negro was having his heart fired with the spirit of
+liberty by his perusal of the accounts of servile insurrections and
+the congressional debate on slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald_, Aug. 30, 1822.]
+
+Southerners of all types thereafter attacked the policy of educating
+Negroes.[1] Men who had expressed themselves neither one way nor the
+other changed their attitude when it became evident that abolition
+literature in the hands of slaves would not only make them
+dissatisfied, but cause them to take drastic measures to secure
+liberty. Those who had emphasized the education of the Negroes to
+increase their economic efficiency were largely converted. The
+clergy who had insisted that the bondmen were entitled to, at least,
+sufficient training to enable them to understand the principles of the
+Christian religion, were thereafter willing to forego the benefits
+of their salvation rather than see them destroy the institution of
+slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgson, _Whitney's Remarks during a Journey through
+North America_, p. 184.]
+
+In consequence of this tendency, State after State enacted more
+stringent laws to control the situation. Missouri passed in 1817 an
+act so to regulate the traveling and assembly of slaves as to make
+them ineffective in making headway against the white people by
+insurrection. Of course, in so doing the reactionaries deprived
+them of the opportunities of helpful associations and of attending
+schools.[1] By 1819 much dissatisfaction had arisen from the seeming
+danger of the various colored schools in Virginia. The General
+Assembly, therefore, passed a law providing that there should be no
+more assemblages of slaves, or free Negroes, or mulattoes, mixing or
+associating with such slaves for teaching them reading and writing.[2]
+The opposition here seemed to be for the reasons that Negroes were
+being generally enlightened in the towns of the State and that white
+persons as teachers in these institutions were largely instrumental in
+accomplishing this result. Mississippi even as a Territory had tried
+to meet the problem of unlawful assemblies. In the year 1823 it was
+declared unlawful for Negroes above the number of five to meet for
+educational purposes.[3] Only with the permission of their masters
+could slaves attend religious worship conducted by a recognized white
+minister or attended by "two discreet and reputable persons."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Missouri Territory_, etc., p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Tate, _Digest of the Laws of Virginia_, pp. 849-850.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Poindexter, _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi_, p.
+390.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 390.]
+
+The problem in Louisiana was first to keep out intelligent persons who
+might so inform the slaves as to cause them to rise. Accordingly in
+1814[1] the State passed a law prohibiting the immigration of free
+persons of color into that commonwealth. This precaution, however, was
+not deemed sufficient after the insurrectionary Negroes of New Berne,
+Tarborough, and Hillsborough, North Carolina,[2] had risen, and David
+Walker of Massachusetts had published to the slaves his fiery appeal
+to arms.[3] In 1830, therefore, Louisiana enacted another measure,
+providing that whoever should write, print, publish, or distribute
+anything having the tendency to produce discontent among the slaves,
+should on conviction thereof be imprisoned at hard labor for life or
+suffer death at the discretion of the court. It was provided, too,
+that whoever used any language or became instrumental in bringing into
+the State any paper, book, or pamphlet inducing this discontent should
+suffer practically the same penalty. All persons who should teach, or
+permit or cause to be taught, any slave to read or write, should be
+imprisoned not less than one month nor more than twelve.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bullard and Curry, _A New Digest of the Statute Laws of
+the State of Louisiana_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Walker mentioned "our wretchedness in consequence
+of slavery, our wretchedness in consequence of ignorance, our
+wretchedness in consequence of the preachers of the religion of Jesus
+Christ, and our wretchedness in consequence of the colonization plan."
+See _Walker's Appeal_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Acts passed at the Ninth Session of the Legislature of
+Louisiana, p. 96.]
+
+Yielding to the demand of slaveholders, Georgia passed a year later a
+law providing that any Negro who should teach another to read or write
+should be punished by fine and whipping. If a white person should so
+offend, he should be punished with a fine not exceeding $500 and with
+imprisonment in the common jail at the discretion of the committing
+magistrate.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1] Dawson, _A Compilation of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, etc., p. 413.
+
+In Virginia where the prohibition did not then extend to freedmen,
+there was enacted in 1831 a law providing that any meeting of free
+Negroes or mulattoes for teaching them reading or writing should be
+considered an unlawful assembly. To break up assemblies for this
+purpose any judge or justice of the peace could issue a warrant to
+apprehend such persons and inflict corporal punishment not exceeding
+twenty lashes. White persons convicted of teaching Negroes to read
+or write were to be fined fifty dollars and might be imprisoned two
+months. For imparting such information to a slave the offender was
+subject to a fine of not less than ten nor more than one hundred
+dollars.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1]_Laws of Virginia_, 1830-1831, p. 108, Sections 5 and 6.
+
+The whole country was again disturbed by the insurrection in
+Southampton County, Virginia, in 1831. The slave States then had a
+striking example of what the intelligent Negroes of the South might
+eventually do. The leader of this uprising was Nat Turner. Precocious
+as a youth he had learned to read so easily that he did not remember
+when he first had that attainment.[1] Given unusual social and
+intellectual advantages, he developed into a man of considerable
+"mental ability and wide information." His education was chiefly
+acquired in the Sunday-schools in which "the text-books for the small
+children were the ordinary speller and reader, and that for the older
+Negroes the Bible."[2] He had received instruction also from his
+parents and his indulgent young master, J.C. Turner.
+
+[Footnote 1] Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 27.
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 28.]
+
+When Nat Turner appeared, the education of the Negro had made the way
+somewhat easier for him than it was for his predecessors. Negroes who
+could read and write had before them the revolutionary ideas of the
+French, the daring deeds of Toussaint L'Ouverture, the bold attempt of
+General Gabriel, and the far-reaching plans of Denmark Vesey. These
+were sometimes written up in the abolition literature, the circulation
+of which was so extensive among the slaves that it became a national
+question.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: These organs were _The Albany Evening Journal, The New
+York Free Press, The Genius of Universal Emancipation_, and _The
+Boston Liberator_. See _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+Trying to account for this insurrection the Governor of the State lays
+it to the charge of the Negro preachers who were in position to foment
+much disorder on account of having acquired "great ascendancy over the
+minds" of discontented slaves. He believed that these ministers were
+in direct contact with the agents of abolition, who were using colored
+leaders as a means to destroy the institutions of the South. The
+Governor was cognizant of the fact that not only was the sentiment of
+the incendiary pamphlets read but often the words.[1] To prevent the
+"enemies" in other States from communicating with the slaves of that
+section he requested that the laws regulating the assembly of Negroes
+be more rigidly enforced and that colored preachers be silenced. The
+General Assembly complied with this request.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Laws of Virginia_, 1831-1832, p. 20.]
+
+The aim of the subsequent reactionary legislation of the South was to
+complete the work of preventing the dissemination of information
+among Negroes and their reading of abolition literature. This they
+endeavored to do by prohibiting the communication of the slaves with
+one another, with the better informed free persons of color, and with
+the liberal white people; and by closing all the schools theretofore
+opened to Negroes. The States passed laws providing for a more
+stringent regulation of passes, defining unlawful assemblies, and
+fixing penalties for the same. Other statutes prohibited religious
+worship, or brought it under direct supervision of the owners of the
+slaves concerned, and proscribed the private teaching of slaves in any
+manner whatever.
+
+Mississippi, which already had a law to prevent the mental improvement
+of the slaves, enacted in 1831 another measure to remove from them the
+more enlightened members of their race. All free colored persons were
+to leave the State in ninety days. The same law provided, too, that
+no Negro should preach in that State unless to the slaves of his
+plantation and with the permission of the owner.[1] Delaware saw fit
+to take a bold step in this direction. The act of 1831 provided that
+no congregation or meeting of free Negroes or mulattoes of more than
+twelve persons should be held later than twelve o'clock at night,
+except under the direction of three respectable white persons who were
+to attend the meeting. It further provided that no free Negro should
+attempt to call a meeting for religious worship, to exhort or preach,
+unless he was authorized to do so by a judge or justice of the peace,
+upon the recommendation of five "respectable and judicious citizens."
+[2] This measure tended only to prevent the dissemination of
+information among Negroes by making it impossible for them to
+assemble. It was not until 1863 that the State of Delaware finally
+passed a positive measure to prevent the assemblages of colored
+persons for instruction and all other meetings except for religious
+worship and the burial of the dead.[3] Following the example of
+Delaware in 1832, Florida passed a law prohibiting all meetings of
+Negroes except those for divine worship at a church or place attended
+by white persons.[4] Florida made the same regulations more stringent
+in 1846 when she enjoyed the freedom of a State.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1] Hutchinson, _Code of Mississippi_, p. 533.
+
+[Footnote 2] _Laws of Delaware_, 1832, pp. 181-182.
+
+[Footnote 3] _Ibid._, 1863, p. 330 _et seq._
+
+[Footnote 4: _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of
+Florida, 1832_, p. 145.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Acts of Florida, 1846_, ch. 87, sec. 9.]
+
+Alabama had some difficulty in getting a satisfactory law. In 1832
+this commonwealth enacted a law imposing a fine of from $250 to $500
+on persons who should attempt to educate any Negro whatsoever. The act
+also prohibited the usual unlawful assemblies and the preaching or
+exhorting of Negroes except in the presence of five "respectable
+slaveholders" or unless the officiating minister was licensed by some
+regular church of which the persons thus exhorted were members.[1] It
+soon developed that the State had gone too far. It had infringed upon
+the rights and privileges of certain creoles, who, being residents
+of the Louisiana Territory when it was purchased in 1803, had been
+guaranteed the rights of citizens of the United States. Accordingly in
+1833 the Mayor and the Aldermen of Mobile were authorized by law to
+grant licenses to such persons as they might deem suitable to instruct
+for limited periods, in that city and the counties of Mobile and
+Baldwin, the free colored children, who were descendants of colored
+creoles residing in the district in 1803.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clay, _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama_, p.
+543.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 323.]
+
+Another difficulty of certain commonwealths had to be overcome.
+Apparently Georgia had already incorporated into its laws provisions
+adequate to the prevention of the mental improvement of Negroes. But
+it was discovered that employed as they had been in various positions
+either requiring knowledge, or affording its acquirement, Negroes
+would pick up the rudiments of education, despite the fact that they
+had no access to schools. The State then passed a law imposing a
+penalty not exceeding one hundred dollars for the employment of any
+slave or free person of color "in setting up type or other labor about
+a printing office requiring a knowledge of reading and writing."[1]
+In 1834 South Carolina saw the same danger. In addition to enacting a
+more stringent law for the prevention of the teaching of Negroes by
+white or colored friends, and for the destruction of their schools,
+it provided that persons of African blood should not be employed as
+clerks or salesmen in or about any shop or store or house used for
+trading.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 555; and
+Prince, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 658.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Laws of South Carolina, 1834.]
+
+North Carolina was among the last States to take such drastic measures
+for the protection of the white race. In this commonwealth the whites
+and blacks had lived on liberal terms. Negroes had up to this time
+enjoyed the right of suffrage there. Some attended schools open to
+both races. A few even taught white children.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; and
+testimonies of various ex-slaves.]
+
+The intense feeling against Negroes engendered by the frequency
+of insurrections, however, sufficed to swing the State into the
+reactionary column by 1835. An act passed by the Legislature that year
+prohibited the public instruction of Negroes, making it impossible
+for youth of African descent to get any more education than what
+they could in their own family circle.[1] The public school system
+established thereafter specifically provided that its benefits should
+not extend to any descendant from Negro ancestors to the fourth
+generation inclusive.[2] Bearing so grievously this loss of their
+social status after they had toiled up from poverty, many ambitious
+free persons of color, left the State for more congenial communities.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Revised Statutes of North Carolina_, 578.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of North Carolina, 1835_, C.6, S.2.]
+
+The States of the West did not have to deal so severely with their
+slaves as was deemed necessary in Southern States. Missouri found it
+advisable in 1833 to amend the law of 1817[1] so as to regulate more
+rigorously the traveling and the assembling of slaves. It was not
+until 1847, however, that this commonwealth specifically provided
+that no one should keep or teach any school for the education of
+Negroes.[2] Tennessee had as early as 1803 a law governing the
+movement of slaves but exhibited a little more reactionary spirit in
+1836 in providing that there should be no circulation of seditious
+books or pamphlets which might lead to insurrection or rebellion
+among Negroes.[3] Tennessee, however, did not positively forbid the
+education of colored people. Kentucky had a system of regulating the
+egress and regress of slaves but never passed any law prohibiting
+their instruction. Yet statistics show that although the education of
+Negroes was not penalized, it was in many places made impossible by
+public sentiment. So was it in the State of Maryland, which did not
+expressly forbid the instruction of anyone.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the Territory of Missouri_, p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of the State of Missouri_, 1847, pp. 103 and 104.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Public Acts passed at the First Session of the General
+Assembly of the State of Tennessee_, p. 145, chap. 44.]
+
+These reactionary results were not obtained without some opposition.
+The governing element of some States divided on the question. The
+opinions of this class were well expressed in the discussion between
+Chancellor Harper and J.B. O'Neal of the South Carolina bar. The
+former said that of the many Negroes whom he had known to be capable
+of reading, he had never seen one read anything but the Bible. He
+thought that they imposed this task upon themselves as a matter
+of duty. Because of the Negroes' "defective comprehension and the
+laborious nature of this employment to them"[1] he considered such
+reading an inefficient method of religious instruction. He, therefore,
+supported the oppressive measures of the South. The other member
+of the bar maintained that men could not reflect as Christians and
+justify the position that slaves should not be permitted to read the
+Bible. "It is in vain," added he, "to say there is danger in it. The
+best slaves of the State are those who can and do read the Scriptures.
+Again, who is it that teaches your slaves to read? It is generally
+done by the children of the owners. Who would tolerate an indictment
+against his son or daughter for teaching a slave to read? Such laws
+look to me as rather cowardly."[2] This attorney was almost of
+the opinion of many others who believed that the argument that to
+Christianize and educate the colored people of a slave commonwealth
+had a tendency to elevate them above their masters and to destroy the
+"legitimate distinctions" of the community, could be admitted only
+where the people themselves were degraded.
+
+[Footnote 1: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 2: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 279.]
+
+After these laws had been passed, American slavery extended not
+as that of the ancients, only to the body, but also to the mind.
+Education was thereafter regarded as positively inconsistent with the
+institution. The precaution taken to prevent the dissemination of
+information was declared indispensable to the system. The situation in
+many parts of the South was just as Berry portrayed it in the Virginia
+House of Delegates in 1832. He said: "We have as far as possible
+closed every avenue by which light may enter their [the slaves']
+minds. If we could extinguish the capacity to see the light, our work
+would be completed; they would then be on a level with the beasts of
+the field and we should be safe! I am not certain that we would not
+do it, if we could find out the process, and that on the plea of
+necessity."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 23; and Goodell, _Slave
+Code_, p. 323.]
+
+It had then come to pass that in the South, where once were found
+a considerable number of intelligent Negroes, they had become
+exceedingly scarce or disappeared from certain sections altogether. On
+plantations of hundreds of slaves it was common to discover that
+not one of them had the mere rudiments of education. In some large
+districts it was considered almost a phenomenon to find a Negro who
+could read the Bible or sign his name.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1:_Ibid._, pp. 323-324.]
+
+The reactionary tendency was in no sense confined to the Southern
+States. Laws were passed in the North to prevent the migration of
+Negroes to that section. Their education at certain places was
+discouraged. In fact, in the proportion that the conditions in the
+South made it necessary for free blacks to flee from oppression, the
+people of the North grew less tolerant on account of the large number
+of those who crowded the towns and cities of the free States near the
+border. The antislavery societies at one time found it necessary to
+devote their time to the amelioration of the economic condition of the
+refugees to make them acceptable to the white people rather than to
+direct their attention to mere education.[1] Not a few northerners,
+dreading an influx of free Negroes, drove them even from communities
+to which they had learned to, repair for education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_.]
+
+The best example of this intolerance was the opposition encountered
+by Prudence Crandall, a well-educated young Quaker lady, who had
+established a boarding-school at Canterbury, Connecticut. Trouble
+arose when Sarah Harris, a colored girl, asked admission to this
+institution.[1] For many reasons Miss Crandall hesitated to admit her
+but finally yielded. Only a few days thereafter the parents of the
+white girls called on Miss Crandall to offer their objections to
+sending their children to school with a "nigger."[2] Miss Crandall
+stood firm, the white girls withdrew, and the teacher advertised for
+young women of color. The determination to continue the school on this
+basis incited the townsmen to hold an indignation meeting. They passed
+resolutions to protest through a committee of local officials against
+the establishment of a school of this kind in that community. At this
+meeting Andrew T. Judson denounced the policy of Miss Crandall, while
+the Rev. Samuel J. May ably defended it. Judson was not only opposed
+to the establishment of such a school in Canterbury but in any part of
+the State. He believed that colored people, who could never rise
+from their menial condition in the United States, should not to
+be encouraged to expect to elevate themselves in Connecticut. He
+considered them inferior servants who should not be treated as equals
+of the Caucasians, but should be sent back to Africa to improve
+themselves and Christianize the natives.[3] On the contrary, Mr. May
+thought that there would never be fewer colored people in this country
+than were found here then and that it would be unjust to exile them.
+He asserted that white people should grant Negroes their rights or
+lose their own and that since education is the primal, fundamental
+right of all men, Connecticut was the last place where this should be
+denied.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 30.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 32 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 33; and _Special Report of
+the U.S. Com. of Ed._, pp. 328 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Miss Crandall and her pupils were threatened with violence.
+Accommodation at the local stores was denied her. The pupils were
+insulted. The house was besmeared and damaged. An effort was made to
+invoke the law by which the selectmen might warn any person not an
+inhabitant of the State to depart under penalty of paying $1.67 for
+every week he remained after receiving such notice.[1] This failed,
+but Judson and his followers were still determined that the "nigger
+school" should never be allowed in Canterbury nor any town of the
+State. They appealed to the legislature. Setting forth in its preamble
+that the evil to be obviated was the increase of the black population
+of the commonwealth, that body passed a law providing that no person
+should establish a school for the instruction of colored people who
+were not inhabitants of the State of Connecticut, nor should any one
+harbor or board students brought to the State for this purpose without
+first obtaining, in writing, the consent of a majority of the civil
+authority and of the selectmen of the town.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 331;
+and May, _Letters to A.T. Judson, Esq., and Others_, p. 5.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+The enactment of this law caused Canterbury to go wild with joy. Miss
+Crandall was arrested on the 27th of June, and committed to await her
+trial at the next session of the Supreme Court. She and her friends
+refused to give bond that the officials might go the limit in
+imprisoning her. Miss Crandall was placed in a murderer's cell. Mr.
+May, who had stood by her, said when he saw the door locked and the
+key taken out, "The deed is done, completely done. It cannot be
+recalled. It has passed into the history of our nation and age." Miss
+Crandall was tried the 23d of August, 1833, at Brooklyn, the county
+seat of the county of Windham. The jury failed to agree upon a
+verdict, doubtless because Joseph Eaton, who presided, had given it as
+his opinion that the law was probably unconstitutional. At the second
+trial before Judge Dagget of the Supreme Court, who was an advocate of
+the law, Miss Crandall was convicted. Her counsel, however, filed a
+bill of exceptions and took an appeal to the Court of Errors. The
+case came up on the 22d of July, 1834. The nature of the law was ably
+discussed by W.W. Ellsworth and Calvin Goddard, who maintained that
+it was unconstitutional, and by A.T. Judson and C.F. Cleveland, who
+undertook to prove its constitutionality. The court reserved its
+decision, which was never given. Finding that there were defects in
+the information prepared by the attorney for the State, the indictment
+was quashed. Because of subsequent attempts to destroy the building,
+Mr. May and Miss Crandall decided to abandon the school.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 26.]
+
+
+It resulted then that even in those States to which free blacks had
+long looked for sympathy, the fear excited by fugitives from the more
+reactionary commonwealths had caused northerners so to yield to the
+prejudices of the South that they opposed insuperable obstacles to the
+education of Negroes for service in the United States. The colored
+people, as we shall see elsewhere, were not allowed to locate their
+manual labor college at New Haven[1] and the principal of the Noyes
+Academy at Canaan, New Hampshire, saw his institution destroyed
+because he decided to admit colored students.[2] These fastidious
+persons, however, raised no objection to the establishment of schools
+to prepare Negroes to expatriate themselves under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Alexander, _A History of Colonization on the Western
+Continent_, p. 348.]
+
+Observing these conditions the friends of the colored people could
+not be silent. The abolitionists led by Caruthers, May, and Garrison
+hurled their weapons at the reactionaries, branding them as
+inconsistent schemers. After having advanced the argument of the
+mental inferiority of the colored race they had adopted the policy
+of educating Negroes on the condition that they be removed from the
+country.[1] Considering education one of the rights of man, the
+abolitionists persistently rebuked the North and South for their
+inhuman policy. On every opportune occasion they appealed to the world
+in behalf of the oppressed race, which the hostile laws had removed
+from humanizing influences, reduced to the plane of beasts, and made
+to die in heathenism.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay,_An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26; Johns Hopkins University
+Studies, Series xvi., p. 319; and _Proceedings of the New York State
+Colonization Society_, 1831, p. 6.]
+
+In reply to the abolitionists the protagonists of the reactionaries
+said that but for the "intrusive and intriguing interference of
+pragmatical fanatics"[1] such precautionary enactments would never
+have been necessary. There was some truth in this statement; for
+in certain districts these measures operated not to prevent the
+aristocratic people of the South from enlightening the Negroes, but to
+keep away from them what they considered undesirable instructors.
+The southerners regarded the abolitionists as foes in the field,
+industriously scattering the seeds of insurrection which could then
+be prevented only by blocking every avenue through which they could
+operate upon the minds of the slaves. A writer of this period
+expressed it thus: "It became necessary to check or turn aside the
+stream which instead of flowing healthfully upon the Negro is
+polluted and poisoned by the abolitionists and rendered the source
+of discontent and excitement."[2] He believed that education thus
+perverted would become equally dangerous to the master and the slave,
+and that while fanaticism continued its war upon the South the
+measures of necessary precaution and defense had to be continued. He
+asserted, however, that education would not only unfit the Negro for
+his station in life and prepare him for insurrection, but would prove
+wholly impracticable in the performance of the duties of a laborer.[3]
+The South has not yet learned that an educated man is a better laborer
+than an ignorant one.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _An Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col.
+Soc_., p. 31; and _The South Vindicated from the Treason and
+Fanaticism of the Abolitionists_, p. 68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+the Abolitionists_, p. 69.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+RELIGION WITHOUT LETTERS
+
+
+Stung by the effective charge of the abolitionists that the
+reactionary legislation of the South consigned the Negroes to
+heathenism, slaveholders considering themselves Christians, felt that
+some semblance of the religious instruction of these degraded people
+should be devised. It was difficult, however, to figure out exactly
+how the teaching of religion to slaves could be made successful and at
+the same time square with the prohibitory measures of the South. For
+this reason many masters made no effort to find a way out of the
+predicament. Others with a higher sense of duty brought forward a
+scheme of oral instruction in Christian truth or of religion without
+letters. The word instruction thereafter signified among the
+southerners a procedure quite different from what the term meant in
+the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when Negroes were taught to
+read and write that they might learn the truth for themselves.
+
+Being aristocratic in its bearing, the Episcopal Church in the South
+early receded from the position of cultivating the minds of the
+colored people. As the richest slaveholders were Episcopalians, the
+clergy of that denomination could hardly carry out a policy which
+might prove prejudicial to the interests of their parishioners.
+Moreover, in their propaganda there was then nothing which required
+the training of Negroes to instruct themselves. As the qualifications
+of Episcopal ministers were rather high even for the education of the
+whites of that time, the blacks could not hope to be active churchmen.
+This Church, therefore, soon limited its work among the Negroes of
+the South to the mere verbal instruction of those who belonged to the
+local parishes. Furthermore, because this Church was not exceedingly
+militant, and certainly not missionary, it failed to grow rapidly. In
+most parts it suffered from the rise of the more popular Methodists
+and Baptists into the folds of which slaves followed their masters
+during the eighteenth century.
+
+The adjustment of the Methodist and Baptist churches in the South to
+the new work among the darker people, however, was after the first
+quarter of the nineteenth century practically easy. Each of these
+denominations had once strenuously opposed slavery, the Methodists
+holding out longer than the Baptists. But the particularizing force
+of the institution soon became such that southern churches of these
+connections withdrew most of their objections to the system and, of
+course, did not find it difficult to abandon the idea of teaching
+Negroes to read.[1] Moreover, only so far as it was necessary to
+prepare men to preach and exhort was there an urgent need for literary
+education among these plain and unassuming missionaries. They came,
+not emphasizing the observance of forms which required so much
+development of the intellect, but laying stress upon the quickening
+of man's conscience and the regeneration of his soul. In the States,
+however, where the prohibitory laws were not so rigidly enforced,
+the instruction received in various ways from workers of these
+denominations often turned out to be more than religion without
+letters.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of Methodism_, etc., p. 132; Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _South-side View_, p. 59.]
+
+The Presbyterians found it more difficult to yield on this point. For
+decades they had been interested in the Negro race and had in 1818
+reached the acme of antislavery sentiment.[1] Synod after synod
+denounced the attitude of cruel masters toward their slaves and took
+steps to do legally all they could to provide religious instruction
+for the colored people.[2] When public sentiment and reactionary
+legislation made the instruction of the Negroes of the South
+impracticable the Presbyterians of New York and New Jersey were active
+in devising schemes for the education of the colored people at points
+in the North.[3] Then came the crisis of the prolonged abolition
+agitation which kept the Presbyterian Church in an excited state from
+1818 to 1830 and resulted in the recession of that denomination from
+the position it had formerly taken against slavery.[4] Yielding to the
+reactionaries in 1835, this noble sect which had established schools
+for Negroes, trained ambitious colored men for usefulness, and
+endeavored to fit them for the best civil and religious emoluments,
+thereafter became divided. The southern connection lost much of its
+interest in the dark race, and fell back on the policy of the verbal
+instruction and memory training of the blacks that they might never
+become thoroughly enlightened as to their condition.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 814-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 815.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Enormity of the Slave Trade_, etc. p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 816, 817.]
+
+Despite the fact that southern Methodists and Presbyterians generally
+ceased to have much anti-slavery ardor, there continued still in
+the western slave States and in the mountains of Virginia and North
+Carolina, a goodly number of these churchmen, who suffered no
+diminution of interest in the enlightenment of Negroes. In the States
+of Kentucky and Tennessee friends of the race were often left free to
+instruct them as they wished. Many of the people who settled those
+States came from the Scotch-Irish stock of the Appalachian Mountains,
+where early in the nineteenth century the blacks were in some cases
+treated as equals of the whites.[1]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, P. 31; _The New England Antislavery
+Almanac_, 1841, p. 31; and _The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p.
+16.]
+
+The Quakers, and many Catholics, however, were as effective as the
+mountaineers in elevating Negroes. They had for centuries labored
+to promote religion and education among their colored brethren. So
+earnest were these sects in working for the uplift of the Negro race
+that the reactionary movement failed to swerve them from their course.
+When the other churches adopted the policy of mere verbal training,
+the Quakers and Catholics adhered to their idea that the Negroes
+should be educated to grasp the meaning of the Christian religion just
+as they had been during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.[1]
+This favorable situation did not mean so much, however, since with the
+exception of the Catholics in Maryland and Louisiana and the Quakers
+in Pennsylvania, not many members of these sects lived in communities
+of a large colored population. Furthermore, they were denied access to
+the Negroes in most southern communities, even when they volunteered
+to work as missionaries among the colored people.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp.
+217-221.]
+
+[Footnote 2: In several Southern States special laws were enacted to
+prevent the influx of such Christian workers.]
+
+How difficult it was for these churchmen to carry out their policy
+of religion without letters may be best observed by viewing the
+conditions then obtaining. In most Southern States in which Negro
+preachers could not be deterred from their mission by public
+sentiment, they were prohibited by law from exhorting their fellows.
+The ground for such action was usually said to be incompetency and
+liability to abuse their office and influence to the injury of the
+laws and peace of the country. The elimination of the Christian
+teachers of the Negro race, and the prevention of the immigration of
+workers from the Northern States rendered the blacks helpless
+and dependent upon a few benevolent white ministers of the slave
+communities. During this period of unusual proselyting among the
+whites, these preachers could not minister to the needs of their own
+race.[1] Besides, even when there was found a white clergyman who was
+willing to labor among these lowly people, he often knew little about
+the inner workings of their minds, and failing to enlighten their
+understanding, left them the victims of sinful habits, incident to the
+institution of slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 175.]
+
+To a civilized man the result was alarming. The Church as an
+institution had ceased to be the means by which the Negroes of the
+South could be enlightened. The Sabbath-schools in which so many
+colored people there had learned to read and write had by 1834
+restricted their work to oral instruction.[1] In places where the
+blacks once had the privilege of getting an elementary education, only
+an inconceivable fraction of them could rise above illiteracy. Most of
+these were freedmen found in towns and cities. With the exception of
+a few slaves who were allowed the benefits of religious instruction,
+these despised beings were generally neglected and left to die
+like heathen. In 1840 there were in the South only fifteen colored
+Sabbath-schools, with an attendance of about 1459.
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodell, _Slave Code_, p. 324.]
+
+There had never been any regular daily instruction in Christian
+truths, but after this period only a few masters allowed field hands
+to attend family prayers. Some sections went beyond this point,
+prohibiting by public sentiment any and all kinds of religious
+instruction.[1] In South Carolina a formal remonstrance signed by over
+300 planters and citizens was presented to a Methodist preacher chosen
+by a conference of that State as a "cautious and discreet person"[2]
+especially qualified to preach to slaves, and pledged to confine
+himself to verbal instruction. In Falmouth, Virginia, several white
+ladies began to meet on Sunday afternoons to teach Negro children the
+principles of the Christian religion. They were unable to continue
+their work a month before the local officials stopped them, although
+these women openly avowed that they did not intend to teach reading
+and writing.[3] Thus the development of the religious education of
+the Negroes in certain parts of the South had been from literary
+instruction as a means of imparting Christian truth to the policy
+of oral indoctrination, and from this purely memory teaching to no
+education at all.
+
+[Footnote 1: The cause of this drastic policy was not so much race
+hatred as the fear that any kind of instruction might cause the
+Negroes to assert themselves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Olmsted, _Back Country_, pp. 105, 108.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Conway, _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_, p. 5.]
+
+Thereafter the chief privilege allowed the slaves was to congregate
+for evening prayers conducted by themselves under the surveillance
+of a number of "discreet persons." The leader chosen to conduct the
+services, would in some cases read a passage from the Scriptures and
+"line a hymn," which the slaves took up in their turn and sang in a
+tune of their own suitable to the meter. In case they had present no
+one who could read, or the law forbade such an exercise, some exhorter
+among the slaves would be given an opportunity to address the people,
+basing his remarks as far as his intelligence allowed him on some
+memorized portion of the Bible. The rest of the evening would be
+devoted to individual prayers and the singing of favorite hymns,
+developed largely from the experience of slaves, who while bearing
+their burdens in the heat of the day had learned to sing away their
+troubles.
+
+For this untenable position the slave States were so severely
+criticized by southern and northern friends of the colored people that
+the ministers of that section had to construct a more progressive
+policy. Yet whatever might be the arguments of the critics of the
+South to prove that the enlightenment of Negroes was not a danger, it
+was clear after the Southampton insurrection in 1831 that two factors
+in Negro education would for some time continue generally eliminated.
+These were reading matter and colored preachers.
+
+Prominent among the southerners who endeavored to readjust their
+policy of enlightening the black population, were Bishop William
+Meade,[1] Bishop William Capers,[2] and Rev. C.C. Jones.[3] Bishop
+Meade was a native of Virginia, long noted for its large element of
+benevolent slaveholders who never lost interest in their Negroes. He
+was fortunate in finishing his education at Princeton, so productive
+then of leaders who fought the institution of slavery.[4] Immediately
+after his ordination in the Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Meade
+assumed the role of a reformer. He took up the cause of the colored
+people, devoting no little of his time to them when he was in
+Alexandria and Frederick in 1813 and 1814.[5] He began by preaching to
+the Negroes on fifteen plantations, meeting them twice a day, and in
+one year reported the baptism of forty-eight colored children.[6]
+Early a champion of the colonization of the Negroes, he was sent on a
+successful mission to Georgia in 1818 to secure the release of certain
+recaptured Africans who were about to be sold. Going and returning
+from the South he was active in establishing auxiliaries of the
+American Colonization Society. He helped to extend its sphere also
+into the Middle States and New-England.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, pp. 64-65.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of Bishop William Capers_, p. 294.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, Introductory Chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid_., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Niles Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 165-166.]
+
+Bishop Meade was a representative of certain of his fellow-churchmen
+who were passing through the transitory stage from the position of
+advocating the thorough education of Negroes to that of recommending
+mere verbal instruction. Agreeing at first with Rev. Thomas Bacon,
+Bishop Meade favored the literary training of Negroes, and advocated
+the extermination of slavery.[1] Later in life he failed to urge
+his followers to emancipate their slaves, and did not entreat his
+congregation to teach them to read. He was then committed to the
+policy of only lessening their burden as much as possible without
+doing anything to destroy the institution. Thereafter he advocated the
+education and emancipation of the slaves only in connection with the
+scheme of colonization, to which he looked for a solution of these
+problems.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade,_Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, p. 2; and Goodell,
+_The Southern Platform_, pp. 64, 65.]
+
+[Footnote 2:_Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+Wishing to give his views on the religious instruction of Negroes, the
+Bishop found in Rev. Thomas Bacon's sermons that "every argument which
+was likely to convince and persuade was so forcibly exerted, and that
+every objection that could possibly be made, so fully answered, and
+in fine everything that ought to be said so well said, and the same
+things so happily confirmed ..." that it was deemed "best to refer
+the reader for the true nature and object of the book to the book
+itself."[1] Bishop Meade had uppermost in his mind Bacon's logical
+arraignment of those who neglected to teach their Negroes the
+Christian religion. Looking beyond the narrow circle of his own sect,
+the bishop invited the attention of all denominations to this subject
+in which they were "equally concerned." He especially besought "the
+ministers of the gospel to take it into serious consideration as a
+matter for which they also will have to give an account. Did not
+Christ," said he, "die for these poor creatures as well as for any
+other, and is it not given in charge of the minister to gather his
+sheep into the fold?"[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, pp. 31,32, 81, 90,
+93, 95, 104, and 105.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 104.]
+
+Another worker in this field was Bishop William Capers of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church of South Carolina. A southerner to the
+manner born, he did not share the zeal of the antislavery men who
+would educate Negroes as a preparation for manumission.[1] Regarding
+the subject of abolition as one belonging to the State and entirely
+inappropriate to the Church, he denounced the principles of the
+religious abolitionists as originating in false philosophy. Capers
+endeavored to prove that the relation of slave and master is
+authorized by the Holy Scriptures. He was of the opinion, however,
+that certain abuses which might ensue, were immoralities to be
+prevented or punished by all proper means, both by the Church
+discipline and the civil law.[2] Believing that the neglect of the
+spiritual needs of the slaves was a reflection on the slaveholders, he
+set out early in the thirties to stir up South Carolina to the duty of
+removing this stigma.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 295.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+His plan of enlightening the blacks did not include literary
+instruction. His aim was to adapt the teaching of Christian truth to
+the condition of persons having a "humble intellect and a limited
+range of knowledge by means of constant and patient reiteration."[1]
+The old Negroes were to look to preachers for the exposition of these
+principles while the children were to be turned over to catechists
+who would avail themselves of the opportunity of imparting these
+fundamentals to the young at the time their minds were in the plastic
+state. Yet all instructors and preachers to Negroes had to be careful
+to inculcate the performance of the duty of obedience to their masters
+as southerners found them stated in the Holy Scriptures. Any one who
+would hesitate to teach these principles of southern religion should
+not be employed to instruct slaves. The bishop was certain that such
+a one could not then be found among the preachers of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church of South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 298.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 296.]
+
+Bishop Capers was the leading spirit in the movement instituted in
+that commonwealth about 1829 to establish missions to the slaves. So
+generally did he arouse the people to the performance of this duty
+that they not only allowed preachers access to their Negroes but
+requested that missionaries be sent to their plantations. Such
+petitions came from C.C. Pinckney, Charles Boring, and Lewis
+Morris.[1] Two stations were established in 1829 and two additional
+ones in 1833. Thereafter the Church founded one or two others every
+year until 1847 when there were seventeen missions conducted by
+twenty-five preachers. At the death of Bishop Capers in 1855 the
+Methodists of South Carolina had twenty-six such establishments, which
+employed thirty-two preachers, ministering to 11,546 communicants
+of color. The missionary revenue raised by the local conference had
+increased from $300 to $25,000 a year.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+[Footnote 2; _African Repository_, vol. xxiv., p. 157.]
+
+The most striking example of this class of workers was the Rev. C.C.
+Jones, a minister of the Presbyterian Church. Educated at Princeton
+with men actually interested in the cause of the Negroes, and located
+in Georgia where he could study the situation as it was, Jones became
+not a theorist but a worker. He did not share the discussion of the
+question as to how to get rid of slavery. Accepting the institution as
+a fact, he endeavored to alleviate the sufferings of the unfortunates
+by the spiritual cultivation of their minds. He aimed, too, not to
+take into his scheme the solution of the whole problem but to appeal
+to a special class of slaves, those of the plantations who were left
+in the depths of ignorance as to the benefits of right living. In this
+respect he was like two of his contemporaries, Rev. Josiah Law[1] of
+Georgia and Bishop Polk of Louisiana.[2] Denouncing the policy of
+getting all one could out of the slaves and of giving back as little
+as possible, Jones undertook to show how their spiritual improvement
+would exterminate their ignorance, vulgarity, idleness, improvidence,
+and irreligion; Jones thought that if the circumstances of the Negroes
+were changed, they would equal, if not excel, the rest of the human
+family "in majesty of intellect, elegance of manners, purity of
+morals, and ardor of piety."[3] He feared that white men might cherish
+a contempt for Negroes that would cause them to sink lower in the
+scale of intelligence, morality, and religion. Emphasizing the fact
+that as one class of society rises so will the other, Jones advocated
+the mingling of the classes together in churches, to create kindlier
+feelings among them, increase the tendency of the blacks to
+subordination, and promote in a higher degree their mental and
+religious improvement. He was sure that these benefits could never
+result from independent church organization.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Rev. Josiah Law was almost as successful as Jones in
+carrying the gospel to the neglected Negroes. His life is a large
+chapter in the history of Christianity among the slaves of that
+commonwealth. See Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Rhodes, _History of the U.S_., vol. i., p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 106, 217.]
+
+Meeting the argument of those who feared the insubordination of
+Negroes, Jones thought that the gospel would do more for the obedience
+of slaves and the peace of the community than weapons of war. He
+asserted that the very effort of the masters to instruct their slaves
+created a strong bond of union between them and their masters.[1]
+History, he believed, showed that the direct way of exposing the
+slaves to acts of insubordination was to leave them in ignorance and
+superstition to the care of their own religion.[2] To disprove the
+falsity of the charge that literary instruction given in Neau's school
+in New York was the cause of a rising of slaves in 1709, he produced
+evidence that it was due to their opposition to becoming Christians.
+The rebellions in South Carolina from 1730 to 1739, he maintained,
+were fomented by the Spaniards in St. Augustine. The upheaval in New
+York in 1741 was not due to any plot resulting from the instruction
+of Negroes in religion, but rather to a delusion on the part of the
+whites. The rebellions in Camden in 1816 and in Charleston in 1822
+were not exceptions to the rule. He conceded that the Southampton
+Insurrection in Virginia in 1831 originated under the color of
+religion. It was pointed out, however, that this very act itself was
+a proof that Negroes left to work out their own salvation, had fallen
+victims to "ignorant and misguided teachers" like Nat Turner. Such
+undesirable leaders, thought he, would never have had the opportunity
+to do mischief, if the masters had taken it upon themselves to
+instruct their slaves.[3] He asserted that no large number of slaves
+well instructed in the Christian religion and taken into the churches
+directed by white men had ever been found guilty of taking part in
+servile insurrections.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., pp. 212, 274.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, etc., p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Plumer, _Thoughts_, etc., p. 4.]
+
+To meet the arguments of these reformers the slaveholders found among
+laymen and preachers able champions to defend the reactionary policy.
+Southerners who had not gone to the extreme in the prohibition of the
+instruction of Negroes felt more inclined to answer the critics of
+their radical neighbors. One of these defenders thought that the
+slaves should have some enlightenment but believed that the domestic
+element of the system of slavery in the Southern States afforded
+"adequate means" for the improvement, adapted to their condition and
+the circumstances of the country; and furnished "the natural, safe,
+and effectual means"[1] of the intellectual and moral elevation of the
+Negro race. Another speaking more explicitly, said that the fact
+that the Negro is such per se carried with it the "inference or the
+necessity that his education--the cultivation of his faculties, or the
+development of his intelligence, must be in harmony with itself." In
+other words, "his instruction must be an entirely different thing from
+the training of the Caucasian," in regard to whom "the term education
+had widely different significations." For this reason these defenders
+believed that instead of giving the Negro systematic instruction he
+should be placed in the best position possible for the development of
+his imitative powers--"to call into action that peculiar capacity for
+copying the habits, mental and moral, of the superior race."[2] They
+referred to the facts that slaves still had plantation prayers and
+preaching by numerous members of their own race, some of whom could
+read and write, that they were frequently favored by their masters
+with services expressly for their instruction, that Sabbath-schools
+had been established for the benefit of the young, and finally that
+slaves were received into the churches which permitted them to hear
+the same gospel and praise the same God.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of
+Slavery_, pp. 228 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Van Evrie, _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy of Slavery_, p. 228.]
+
+Seeing even in the policy of religious instruction nothing but danger
+to the position of the slave States, certain southerners opposed it
+under all circumstances. Some masters feared that verbal instruction
+would increase the desire of slaves to learn. Such teaching might
+develop into a progressive system of improvement, which, without any
+special effort in that direction, would follow in the natural order of
+things.[1] Timorous persons believed that slaves thus favored would
+neglect their duties and embrace seasons of religious worship for
+originating and executing plans for insubordination and villainy. They
+thought, too, that missionaries from the free States would thereby
+be afforded an opportunity to come South and inculcate doctrines
+subversive of the interests and safety of that section.[2] It would
+then be only a matter of time before the movement would receive such
+an impetus that it would dissolve the relations of society as then
+constituted and revolutionize the civil institutions of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 192; Olmsted, _Back
+Country_, pp. 106-108.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 106.]
+
+The black population of certain sections, however, was not reduced
+to heathenism. Although often threatening to execute the reactionary
+laws, many of which were never intended to be rigidly enforced,
+the southerners did not at once eliminate the Negro as a religious
+instructor.[1] It was fortunate that a few Negroes who had learned the
+importance of early Christian training, organized among themselves
+local associations. These often appointed an old woman of the
+plantation to teach children too young to work in the fields, to say
+prayers, repeat a little catechism, and memorize a few hymns.[2] But
+this looked too much like systematic instruction. In some States it
+was regarded as productive of evils destructive to southern
+society and was, therefore, discouraged or prohibited.[3] To local
+associations organized by kindly slaveholders there was less
+opposition because the chief aim always was to restrain strangers and
+undesirable persons from coming South to incite the Negroes to servile
+insurrection. Two good examples of these local organizations were
+the ones found in Liberty and McIntosh counties, Georgia. The
+constitutions of these bodies provided that the instruction should be
+altogether oral, embracing the general principles of the Christian
+religion as understood by orthodox Christians.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the testimonies of ex-slaves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 114, 117.]
+
+[Footnote 3: While the laws in certain places were not so drastic as
+to prohibit religious assemblies, the same was effected by patrols and
+mobs.]
+
+[Footnote 4: The Constitution of the Liberty County Association for
+the Religious Instruction of Negroes, Article IV.]
+
+Directing their efforts thereafter toward mere verbal teaching,
+religious workers depended upon the memory of the slave to retain
+sufficient of the truths and principles expounded to effect his
+conversion. Pamphlets, hymn books, and catechisms especially adapted
+to the work were written by churchmen, and placed in the hands of
+discreet missionaries acceptable to the slaveholders. Among other
+publications of this kind were Dr. Capers's Short Catechism for the
+Use of Colored Members on _Trial in the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+South Carolina; A Catechism to be Used by Teachers in the Religious
+Instruction of Persons of Color in the Episcopal Church of South
+Carolina_; Dr. Palmer's _Cathechism_; Rev. John Mine's _Catechism_;
+and C.C. Jones's _Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine and Practice
+Designed for the Original Instruction of Colored People._ Bishop Meade
+was once engaged in collecting such literature addressed particularly
+to slaves in their stations. These extracts were to be read to them
+on proper occasions by any member of the family.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, p. 2.]
+
+Yet on the whole it can be safely stated that there were few
+societies formed in the South to give the Negroes religious and moral
+instruction. Only a few missionaries were exclusively devoted to work
+among them. In fact, after the reactionary period no propaganda of
+any southern church included anything which could be designated as
+systematic instruction of the Negroes.[1] Even owners, who took
+care to feed, clothe, and lodge their slaves well and treated
+them humanely, often neglected to do anything to enlighten their
+understanding as to their responsibility to God. [Footnote 1:
+Madison's Works, vol. in., p. 314; Olmsted, _Back Country_, p. 107;
+Birney, _The American Churches_, etc., p. 6; and Jones, _Religious
+Instruction_, etc., p. 100.]
+
+Observing closely these conditions one would wonder little that many
+Negroes became low and degraded. The very institution of slavery
+itself produced shiftless, undependable beings, seeking relief
+whenever possible by giving the least and getting the most from their
+masters. When the slaves were cut off from the light of the gospel by
+the large plantation system, they began to exhibit such undesirable
+traits as insensibility of heart, lasciviousness, stealing, and lying.
+The cruelty of the "Christian" master to the slaves made the latter
+feel that such a practice was not altogether inhuman. Just as the
+white slave drivers developed into hopeless brutes by having human
+beings to abuse, so it turned out with certain Negroes in their
+treatment of animals and their fellow-creatures in bondage. If some
+Negroes were commanded not to commit adultery, such a prohibition did
+not extend to the slave women forced to have illicit relations with
+masters who sold their mulatto offspring as goods and chattels. If the
+bondmen were taught not to steal the aim was to protect the supplies
+of the local plantation. Few masters raised any serious objection to
+the act of their half-starved slaves who at night crossed over to some
+neighboring plantation to secure food. Many white men made it their
+business to dispose of property stolen by Negroes.
+
+In the strait in which most slaves were, they had to lie for
+protection. Living in an environment where the actions of almost any
+colored man were suspected as insurrectionary, Negroes were frequently
+called upon to tell what they knew and were sometimes forced to say
+what they did not know. Furthermore, to prevent the slaves from
+coöperating to rise against their masters, they were often taught to
+mistreat and malign each other to keep alive a feeling of hatred. The
+bad traits of the American Negroes resulted then not from an instinct
+common to the natives of Africa, but from the institutions of the
+South and from the actual teaching of the slaves to be low and
+depraved that they might never develop sufficient strength to become a
+powerful element in society.
+
+As this system operated to make the Negroes either nominal Christians
+or heathen, the anti-slavery men could not be silent.[1] James G.
+Birney said that the slaveholding churches like indifferent observers,
+had watched the abasement of the Negroes to a plane of beasts without
+remonstrating with legislatures against the iniquitous measures.[2]
+Moreover, because there was neither literary nor systematic oral
+instruction of the colored members of southern congregations, uniting
+with the Church made no change in the condition of the slaves. They
+were thrown back just as before among their old associates, subjected
+to corrupting influences, allowed to forego attendance at public
+worship on Sundays, and rarely encouraged to attend family prayers.[3]
+In view of this state of affairs Birney was not surprised that it
+was only here and there that one could find a few slaves who had an
+intelligent view of Christianity or of a future life.
+
+[Footnote 1: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_, p. 394.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Birney, _American Churches_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 7.]
+
+William E. Charming expressed his deep regret that the whole lot of
+the slave was fitted to keep his mind in childhood and bondage. To
+Channing it seemed shameful that, although the slave lived in a land
+of light, few beams found their way to his benighted understanding. He
+was given no books to excite his curiosity. His master provided for
+him no teacher but the driver who broke him almost in childhood to the
+servile tasks which were to fill up his life. Channing complained that
+when benevolence would approach the slave with instruction it was
+repelled. Not being allowed to be taught, the "voice which would speak
+to him as a man was put to silence." For the lack of the privilege
+to learn the truth "his immortal spirit was systematically crushed
+despite the mandate of God to bring all men unto Him."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Channing, _Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+Discussing the report that slaves were taught religion, Channing
+rejoiced that any portion of them heard of that truth "which gives
+inward freedom."[1] He thought, however, that this number was very
+small. Channing was certain that most slaves were still buried in
+heathen ignorance. But extensive as was this so-called religious
+instruction, he did not see how the teaching of the slave to be
+obedient to his master could exert much power in raising one to the
+divinity of man. How slavery which tends to debase the mind of
+the bondman could prepare it for spiritual truth, or how he could
+comprehend the essential principles of love on hearing it from the
+lips of his selfish and unjust owner, were questions which no defender
+of the system ever answered satisfactorily for Channing. Seeing then
+no hope for the elevation of the Negro as a slave, he became a more
+determined abolitionist.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 78.]
+
+William Jay, a son of the first Chief Justice of the United States,
+and an abolition preacher of the ardent type, later directed his
+attention to these conditions. The keeping of human beings in heathen
+ignorance by a people professing to reverence the obligation of
+Christianity seemed to him an unpardonable sin. He believed that the
+natural result of this "compromise of principle, this suppression
+of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity," had been the adoption of
+expediency as a standard of right and wrong in the place of the
+revealed will of God.[1] "Thus," continued he, "good men and
+good Christians have been tempted by their zeal for the American
+Colonization Society to countenance opinions and practices
+inconsistent with justice and humanity."[2] Jay charged to this
+disastrous policy of neglect the result that in 1835 only 245,000 of
+the 2,245,144 slaves had a saving knowledge of the religion of
+Christ. He deplored the fact that unhappily the evil influence of the
+reactionaries had not been confined to their own circles but had to a
+lamentable extent "vitiated the moral sense" of other communities.
+The proslavery leaders, he said, had reconciled public opinion to the
+continuance of slavery, and had aggravated those sinful prejudices
+which subjected the free blacks to insult and persecution and denied
+them the blessings of education and religious instruction.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26.]
+
+Among the most daring of those who censured the South for its
+reactionary policy was Rev. John G. Fee, an abolition minister of
+the gospel of Kentucky. Seeing the inevitable result in States where
+public opinion and positive laws had made the education of Negroes
+impossible, Fee asserted that in preventing them from reading God's
+Word and at the same time incorporating them into the Church as
+nominal Christians, the South had weakened the institution. Without
+the means to learn the principles of religion it was impossible for
+such an ignorant class to become efficient and useful members.[1]
+Excoriating those who had kept their servants in ignorance to secure
+the perpetuity of the institution of slavery, Fee maintained that
+sealing up the mind of the slave, lest he should see his wrongs, was
+tantamount to cutting off the hand or foot in order to prevent his
+escape from forced and unwilling servitude.[2] "If by our practice,
+our silence, or our sloth," said he, "we perpetuate a system which
+paralyzes our hands when we attempt to convey to them the bread of
+life, and which inevitably consigns the great mass of them to unending
+perdition, can we be guiltless in the sight of Him who hath made us
+stewards of His grace? This is sinful. Said the Saviour: 'Woe unto you
+lawyers! for ye have taken away the key of knowledge: ye entered not
+in yourselves, and them that were entering in ye hindered."'[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 148.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 149.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+LEARNING IN SPITE OF OPPOSITION
+
+
+Discouraging as these conditions seemed, the situation was not
+entirely hopeless. The education of the colored people as a public
+effort had been prohibited south of the border States, but there was
+still some chance for Negroes of that section to acquire knowledge.
+Furthermore, the liberal white people of that section considered these
+enactments, as we have stated above, not applicable to southerners
+interested in the improvement of their slaves but to mischievous
+abolitionists. The truth is that thereafter some citizens disregarded
+the laws of their States and taught worthy slaves whom they desired to
+reward or use in business requiring an elementary education. As these
+prohibitions in slave States were not equally stringent, white and
+colored teachers of free blacks were not always disturbed. In fact,
+just before the middle of the nineteenth century there was so much
+winking at the violation of the reactionary laws that it looked as if
+some Southern States might recede from their radical position and let
+Negroes be educated as they had been in the eighteenth century.
+
+The ways in which slaves thereafter acquired knowledge are
+significant. Many picked it up here and there, some followed
+occupations which were in themselves enlightening, and others learned
+from slaves whose attainments were unknown to their masters. Often
+influential white men taught Negroes not only the rudiments of
+education but almost anything they wanted to learn. Not a few slaves
+were instructed by the white children whom they accompanied to school.
+While attending ministers and officials whose work often lay open to
+their servants, many of the race learned by contact and observation.
+Shrewd Negroes sometimes slipped stealthily into back streets, where
+they studied under a private teacher, or attended a school hidden from
+the zealous execution of the law.
+
+The instances of Negroes struggling to obtain an education read like
+the beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age. Sometimes Negroes
+of the type of Lott Carey[1] educated themselves. James Redpath
+discovered in Savannah that in spite of the law great numbers
+of slaves had learned to read well. Many of them had acquired a
+rudimentary knowledge of arithmetic. "But," said he, "blazon it to the
+shame of the South, the knowledge thus acquired has been snatched from
+the spare records of leisure in spite of their owners' wishes and
+watchfulness."[2] C.G. Parsons was informed that although poor masters
+did not venture to teach their slaves, occasionally one with a thirst
+for knowledge secretly learned the rudiments of education without any
+instruction.[3] While on a tour through parts of Georgia, E.P. Burke
+observed that, notwithstanding the great precaution which was taken
+to prevent the mental improvement of the slaves, many of them "stole
+knowledge enough to enable them to read and write with ease."[4]
+Robert Smalls[5] of South Carolina and Alfred T. Jones[6] of Kentucky
+began their education in this manner.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mott, _Biographical Sketches_, p. 87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Redpath, _Roving Editor_, etc., p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 126.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 152.]
+
+Probably the best example of this class was Harrison Ellis of Alabama.
+At the age of thirty-five he had acquired a liberal education by his
+own exertions. Upon examination he proved himself a good Latin and
+Hebrew scholar and showed still greater proficiency in Greek. His
+attainments in theology were highly satisfactory. _The Eufaula
+Shield_, a newspaper of that State, praised him as a man courteous in
+manners, polite in conversation, and manly in demeanor. Knowing how
+useful Ellis would be in a free country, the Presbyterian Synod of
+Alabama purchased him and his family in 1847 at a cost of $2500 that
+he might use his talents in elevating his own people in Liberia.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxi., p. 296.]
+
+Intelligent Negroes secretly communicated to their fellow men what
+they knew. Henry Banks of Stafford County, Virginia, was taught by
+his brother-in-law to read, but not write.[1] The father of Benedict
+Duncan, a slave in Maryland, taught his son the alphabet.[2] M.W.
+Taylor of Kentucky received his first instruction from his mother.
+H.O. Wagoner learned from his parents the first principles of the
+common branches.[3] A mulatto of Richmond taught John H. Smythe when
+he was between the ages of five and seven.[4] The mother of Dr. C.H.
+Payne of West Virginia taught him to read at such an early age that
+he does not remember when he first developed that power.[5] Dr. E.C.
+Morris, President of the National Baptist Convention, belonged to a
+Georgia family, all of whom were well instructed by his father.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, etc., p. 72.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 110.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 679.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 873.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+The white parents of Negroes often secured to them the educational
+facilities then afforded the superior race. The indulgent teacher of
+J. Morris of North Carolina was his white father, his master.[1]
+W.J. White acquired his education from his mother, who was a white
+woman.[2] Martha Martin, a daughter of her master, a Scotch-Irishman
+of Georgia, was permitted to go to Cincinnati to be educated, while
+her sister was sent to a southern town to learn the milliner's
+trade.[3] Then there were cases like that of Josiah Settle's white
+father. After the passage of the law forbidding free Negroes to remain
+in the State of Tennessee, he took his children to Hamilton, Ohio,
+to be educated and there married his actual wife, their colored
+mother.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This is based on an account given by his son.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Crisis_, vol. v., p. 119.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 143.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 539.]
+
+The very employment of slaves in business establishments accelerated
+their mental development. Negroes working in stores often acquired
+a fair education by assisting clerks. Some slaves were clerks
+themselves. Under the observation of E.P. Burke came the notable case
+of a young man belonging to one of the best families of Savannah. He
+could read, write, cipher, and transact business so intelligently
+that his master often committed important trusts to his care.[1] B.K.
+Bruce, while still a slave, educated himself when he was working at
+the printer's trade in Brunswick, Missouri. Even farther south where
+slavery assumed its worst form, we find that this condition obtained.
+Addressing to the New Orleans _Commercial Bulletin_ a letter on
+African colonization, John McDonogh stated that the work imposed on
+his slaves required some education for which he willingly provided. In
+1842 he had had no white man over his slaves for twenty years. He had
+assigned this task to his intelligent colored manager who did his work
+so well that the master did not go in person once in six months to see
+what his slaves were doing. He says, "They were, besides, my men of
+business, enjoyed my confidence, were my clerks, transacted all my
+affairs, made purchases of materials, collected my rents, leased my
+houses, took care of my property and effects of every kind, and
+that with an honesty and fidelity which was proof against every
+temptation."[2] Traveling in Mississippi in 1852, Olmsted found
+another such group of slaves all of whom could read, whereas the
+master himself was entirely illiterate. He took much pride, however,
+in praising his loyal, capable, and intelligent Negroes.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 86.
+
+Frances Anne Kemble gives in her journal an interesting account of her
+observations in Georgia. She says: "I must tell you that I have been
+delighted, surprised, and the very least perplexed, by the sudden
+petition on the part of our young waiter, Aleck, that I will teach him
+to read. He is a very intelligent lad of about sixteen, and preferred
+his request with urgent humility that was very touching. I will do it;
+and yet, it is simply breaking the laws of the government under which
+I am living. Unrighteous laws are made to be broken--perhaps--but
+then you see, I am a woman, and Mr.---- stands between me and the
+penalty--. I certainly intend to teach Aleck to read; and I'll teach
+every other creature that wants to learn." See Kemble, _Journal_, p.
+34.]
+
+[Footnote 2: McDonogh, "Letter on African Colonization."]
+
+[Footnote 3: Olmsted, _Cotton Kingdom_, vol. ii., p. 70.]
+
+White persons deeply interested in Negroes taught them regardless
+of public opinion and the law. Dr. Alexander T. Augusta of Virginia
+learned to read while serving white men as a barber.[1] A prominent
+white man of Memphis taught Mrs. Mary Church Terrell's mother French
+and English. The father of Judge R.H. Terrell was well-grounded
+in reading by his overseer during the absence of his master from
+Virginia.[2] A fugitive slave from Essex County of the same State was
+not allowed to go to school publicly, but had an opportunity to learn
+from white persons privately.[3] The master of Charles Henry Green, a
+slave of Delaware, denied him all instruction, but he was permitted
+to study among the people to whom he was hired.[4] M.W. Taylor of
+Kentucky studied under attorneys J.B. Kinkaid and John W. Barr, whom
+he served as messenger.[5] Ignoring his master's orders against
+frequenting a night school, Henry Morehead of Louisville learned to
+spell and read sufficiently well to cause his owner to have the school
+unceremoniously closed.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 258.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This is based on the statements of Judge and Mrs.
+Terrell.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 96.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 933.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 180.]
+
+The educational experiences of President Scarborough and of Bishop
+Turner show that some white persons were willing to make unusual
+sacrifices to enlighten Negroes. President Scarborough began to attend
+school in his native home in Bibb County, Georgia, at the age of six
+years. He went out ostensibly to play, keeping his books concealed
+under his arm, but spent six or eight hours each day in school until
+he could read well and had mastered the first principles of geography,
+grammar, and arithmetic. At the age of ten he took regular lessons in
+writing under an old South Carolinian, J.C. Thomas, a rebel of the
+bitterest type. Like Frederick Douglass, President Scarborough
+received much instruction from his white playmates.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 410.]
+
+Bishop Turner of Newberry Court House, in South Carolina, purchased
+a spelling book and secured the services of an old white lady and a
+white boy, who in violation of the State law taught him to spell as
+far as two syllables.[1] The white boy's brother stopped him from
+teaching this lad of color, pointing out that such an instructor was
+liable to arrest. For some time he obtained help from an old colored
+gentleman, a prodigy in sounds. At the age of thirteen his mother
+employed a white lady to teach him on Sundays, but she was soon
+stopped by indignant white persons of the community. When he attained
+the age of fifteen he was employed by a number of lawyers in whose
+favor he ingratiated himself by his unusual power to please people.
+Thereafter these men in defiance of the law taught him to read and
+write and explained anything he wanted to know about arithmetic,
+geography, and astronomy.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bishop Turner says that when he started to learn there
+were among his acquaintances three colored men who had learned to read
+the Bible in Charleston. See Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 806.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 806.]
+
+Often favorite slaves were taught by white children. By hiding books
+in a hayloft and getting the white children to teach him, James W.
+Sumler of Norfolk, Virginia, obtained an elementary education.[1]
+While serving as overseer for his Scotch-Irish master, Daniel
+J. Lockhart of the same commonwealth learned to read under the
+instruction of his owner's boys. They were not interrupted in their
+benevolent work.[2] In the same manner John Warren, a slave of
+Tennessee, acquired a knowledge of the common branches.[3] John
+Baptist Snowden of Maryland was secretly instructed by his owner's
+children.[4] Uncle Cephas, a slave of Parson Winslow of Tennessee,
+reported that the white children taught him on the sly when they came
+to see Dinah, who was a very good cook. He was never without books
+during his stay with his master.[5] One of the Grimké Sisters taught
+her little maid to read while brushing her young mistress's locks.[6]
+Robert Harlan, who was brought up in the family of Honorable J.M.
+Harlan, acquired the fundamentals of the common branches from Harlan's
+older sons.[7] The young mistress of Mrs. Ann Woodson of Virginia
+instructed her until she could read in the first reader.[8] Abdy
+observed in 1834 that slaves of Kentucky had been thus taught to read.
+He believed that they were about as well off as they would have
+been, had they been free.[9] Giving her experiences on a Mississippi
+plantation, Susan Dabney Smedes stated that the white children
+delighted in teaching the house servants. One night she was formally
+invited with the master, mistress, governess, and guests by a
+twelve-year-old school mistress to hear her dozen pupils recite
+poetry. One of the guests was quite astonished to see his servant
+recite a piece of poetry which he had learned for this occasion.[10]
+Confining his operations to the kitchen, another such teacher of this
+plantation was unusually successful in instructing the adult male
+slaves. Five of these Negroes experienced such enlightenment that they
+became preachers.[11]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 97.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Snowden, _Autobiography_, p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Albert, _The House of Bondage_, p. 125.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Birney, _The Grimké Sisters_, p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 8: This fact is stated in one of her letters.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A._,
+1833-1834. P. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Smedes, _A Southern Planter_, pp. 79-80.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Ibid., p. 80.]
+
+Planters themselves sometimes saw to the education of their slaves.
+Ephraim Waterford was bound out in Virginia until he was twenty-one on
+the condition that the man to whom he was hired should teach him to
+read.[1] Mrs. Isaac Riley and Henry Williamson, of Maryland, did not
+attend school but were taught by their master to spell and read but
+not to write.[2] The master and mistress of Williamson Pease, of
+Hardman County, Tennessee, were his teachers.[3] Francis Fredric began
+his studies under his master in Virginia. Frederick Douglass was
+indebted to his kind mistress for his first instruction.[4] Mrs.
+Thomas Payne, a slave in what is now West Virginia, was fortunate
+in having a master who was equally benevolent.[5] Honorable I.T.
+Montgomery, now the Mayor of Mound Bayou, Mississippi, was, while a
+slave of Jefferson Davis's brother, instructed in the common branches
+and trained to be the confidential accountant of his master's
+plantation.[6] While on a tour among the planters of East Georgia,
+C.G. Parsons discovered that about 5000 of the 400,000 slaves there
+had been taught to read and write. He remarked, too, that such slaves
+were generally owned by the wealthy slaveholders, who had them
+schooled when the enlightenment of the bondmen served the purposes of
+their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 133.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 123.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Lee, _Slave Life in Virginia and Kentucky_, p. x.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+The enlightenment of the Negroes, however, was not limited to what
+could be accomplished by individual efforts. In many southern
+communities colored schools were maintained in defiance of public
+opinion or in violation of the law. Patrick Snead of Savannah was sent
+to a private institution until he could spell quite well and then to
+a Sunday-school for colored children.[1] Richard M. Hancock wrote of
+studying in a private school in Newbern, North Carolina;[2] John S.
+Leary went to one in Fayetteville eight years;[3] and W.A. Pettiford
+of this State enjoyed similar advantages in Granville County during
+the fifties. He then moved with his parents to Preston County where he
+again had the opportunity to attend a special school.[4] About 1840,
+J.F. Boulder was a student in a mixed school of white and colored
+pupils in Delaware.[5] Bishop J.M. Brown, a native of the same
+commonwealth, attended a private school taught by a friendly woman of
+the Quaker sect.[6] John A. Hunter, of Maryland, was sent to a school
+for white children kept by the sister of his mistress, but his second
+master said that Hunter should not have been allowed to study and
+stopped his attendance.[7] Francis L. Cardozo of Charleston, South
+Carolina, entered school there in 1842 and continued his studies until
+he was twelve years of age.[8] During the fifties J.W. Morris of the
+same city attended a school conducted by the then distinguished Simeon
+Beard.[9] In the same way T. McCants Stewart[10] and the Grimké
+brothers [11] were able to begin their education there prior to
+emancipation.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 99.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 432.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 469]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 708.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Ibid., 930.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, 428]
+
+[Footnote 9: Ibid., p. 162]
+
+[Footnote 10: Ibid., p. 1052]
+
+[Footnote 11: This is their own statement.]
+
+More schools for slaves existed than white men knew of, for it was
+difficult to find them. Fredrika Bremer heard of secret schools for
+slaves during her visit to Charleston, but she had extreme difficulty
+in finding such an institution. When she finally located one and
+gained admission into its quiet chamber, she noticed in a wretched
+dark hole a "half-dozen poor children, some of whom had an aspect that
+testified great stupidity and mere animal life."[1] She was informed,
+too, that there were in Georgia and Florida planters who had
+established schools for the education of the children of their slaves
+with the intention of preparing them for living as "good free human
+beings."[2] Frances Anne Kemble noted such instances in her diary.[3]
+The most interesting of these cases was discovered by the Union Army
+on its march through Georgia. Unsuspected by the slave power and
+undeterred by the terrors of the law, a colored woman by the name of
+Deveaux had for thirty years conducted a Negro school in the city of
+Savannah.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 491; Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p.
+85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Kemble, _Journal_, etc., p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 340.]
+
+The city Negroes of Virginia continued to maintain schools despite
+the fact that the fear of servile insurrection caused the State to
+exercise due vigilance in the execution of the laws. The father of
+Richard De Baptiste of Fredericksburg made his own residence a school
+with his children and a few of those of his relatives as pupils.
+The work was begun by a Negro and continued by an educated
+Scotch-Irishman, who had followed the profession of teaching in his
+native land. Becoming suspicious that a school of this kind was
+maintained at the home of De Baptiste, the police watched the place
+but failed to find sufficient evidence to close the institution before
+it had done its work.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+In 1854 there was found in Norfolk, Virginia, what the radically
+proslavery people considered a dangerous white woman. It was
+discovered that one Mrs. Douglass and her daughter had for three years
+been teaching a school maintained for the education of Negroes.[1] It
+was evident that this institution had not been run so clandestinely
+but that the opposition to the education of Negroes in that city had
+probably been too weak to bring about the close of the school at an
+earlier date. Mrs. Douglass and her pupils were arrested and brought
+before the court, where she was charged with violating the laws of the
+State. The defendant acknowledged her guilt, but, pleading ignorance
+of the law, was discharged on the condition that she would not commit
+the same "crime" again. Censuring the court for this liberal decision
+the _Richmond Examiner_ referred to it as offering "a very convenient
+way of getting out of the scrape." The editor emphasized the fact
+that the law of Virginia imposed on such offenders the penalty of one
+hundred dollars fine and imprisonment for six months, and that its
+positive terms "allowed no discretion in the community magistrate."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 251; and Lyman,
+_Leaven for Doughfaces_, p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _13th Annual Report of the American and Foreign
+Antislavery Societies_, 1853, p. 143.]
+
+All such schools, however, were not secretly kept. Writing from
+Charleston in 1851 Fredrika Bremer made mention of two colored
+schools. One of these was a school for free Negroes kept with open
+doors by a white master. Their books which she examined were the same
+as those used in American schools for white children.[1] The Negroes
+of Lexington, Kentucky, had in 1830 a school in which thirty colored
+children were taught by a white man from Tennessee.[2] This gentleman
+had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to the uplift of
+his "black brethren."[3] Travelers noted that colored schools were
+found also in Richmond, Maysville, Danville, and Louisville decades
+before the Civil War.[4] William H. Gibson, a native of Baltimore, was
+after 1847 teaching at Louisville in a day and night school with
+an enrollment of one hundred pupils, many of whom were slaves with
+written permits from their masters to attend.[5] Some years later W.H.
+Stewart of that city attended the schools of Henry Adams, W.H. Gibson,
+and R.T.W. James. Robert Taylor began his studies there in Robert
+Lane's school and took writing from Henry Adams.[6] Negroes had
+schools in Tennessee also. R.L. Perry was during these years attending
+a school at Nashville.[7] An uncle of Dr. J.E. Moorland spent some
+time studying medicine in that city.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A_.,
+1833-34, p. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 346-348.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_; Dabney, _Journal of a Tour
+through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185; _Niles Register_, vol. lxxii.,
+p. 322; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 631.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 603.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 629.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 620.]
+
+Many of these opportunities were made possible by the desire to
+teach slaves religion. In fact the instruction of Negroes after the
+enactment of prohibitory laws resembled somewhat the teaching of
+religion with letters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
+Thousands of Negroes like Edward Patterson and Nat Turner learned
+to read and write in Sabbath-schools. White men who diffused such
+information ran the gauntlet of mobs, but like a Baptist preacher of
+South Carolina who was threatened with expulsion from his church, if
+he did not desist, they worked on and overcame the local prejudice.
+When preachers themselves dared not undertake this task it was often
+done by their children, whose benevolent work was winked at as an
+indulgence to the clerical profession. This charity, however, was
+not restricted to the narrow circle of the clergy. Believing with
+churchmen that the Bible is the revelation of God, many laymen
+contended that no man should be restrained from knowing his Maker
+directly.[1] Negroes, therefore, almost worshiped the Bible, and
+their anxiety to read it was their greatest incentive to learn. Many
+southerners braved the terrors of public opinion and taught their
+Negroes to read the Scriptures. To this extent General Coxe of
+Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught about one hundred of his adult
+slaves.[2] While serving as a professor of the Military Institute
+at Lexington, Stonewall Jackson taught a class of Negroes in a
+Sunday-school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Orr, "An Address on the Need of Education in the South,
+1879."]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is made by several of General Coxe's
+slaves who are still living.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _School Journal_, vol. lxxx., p. 332.]
+
+Further interest in the cause was shown by the Evangelical Society
+of the Synods of North Carolina and Virginia in 1834.[1] Later
+Presbyterians of Alabama and Georgia urged masters to enlighten their
+slaves.[2] The attitude of many mountaineers of Kentucky was well set
+forth in the address of the Synod of 1836, proposing a plan for the
+instruction and emancipation of the slaves.[3] They complained that
+throughout the land, so far as they could learn, there was but one
+school in which slaves could be taught during the week. The light
+of three or four Sabbath-schools was seen "glittering through the
+darkness" of the black population of the whole State. Here and there
+one found a family where humanity impelled the master, mistress, or
+children, to the laborious task of private instruction. In consequence
+of these undesirable conditions the Synod recommended that "slaves be
+instructed in the common elementary branches of education."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. x., pp. 174, 205, and 245.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. xi., pp. 140 and 268.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Goodell, _Slave Code_, pp. 323-324.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Enormity of the Slave Trade, etc_., p. 74.]
+
+Some of the objects of such charity turned out to be interesting
+characters. Samuel Lowry of Tennessee worked and studied privately
+under Rev. Mr. Talbot of Franklin College, and at the age of sixteen
+was sufficiently advanced to teach with success. He united with the
+Church of the Disciples and preached in that connection until 1859.[1]
+In some cases colored preachers were judged sufficiently informed,
+not only to minister to the needs of their own congregations, but to
+preach to white churches. There was a Negro thus engaged in the State
+of Florida.[2] Another colored man of unusual intelligence and much
+prominence worked his way to the front in Giles County, Tennessee. In
+1859 he was the pastor of a Hard-shell Baptist Church, the membership
+of which was composed of the best white people in the community. He
+was so well prepared for his work that out of a four days' argument
+on baptism with a white minister he emerged victor. From this
+appreciative congregation he received a salary of from six to seven
+hundred dollars a year.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., pp. 488-491.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Richmond Enquirer_, July, 1859; and _Afr.
+Repository_, vol. xxxv., p. 255.]
+
+Statistics of this period show that the proportionately largest number
+of Negroes who learned in spite of opposition were found among the
+Scotch-Irish of Kentucky and Tennessee. Possessing few slaves, and
+having no permanent attachment to the institution, those mountaineers
+did not yield to the reactionaries who were determined to keep the
+Negroes in heathendom. Kentucky and Tennessee did not expressly forbid
+the education of the colored people.[1] Conditions were probably
+better in Kentucky than in Tennessee. Traveling in Kentucky about this
+time, Abdy was favorably impressed with that class of Negroes who
+though originally slaves saved sufficient from their earnings to
+purchase their freedom and provide for the education of their
+children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1830 one-twelfth of the population of Lexington
+consisted of free persons of color, who since 1822 had had a Baptist
+church served by a member of their own race and a school in which
+thirty-two of their children were taught by a white man from
+Tennessee. He had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to
+the uplift of his colored brethren. One of these free Negroes in
+Lexington had accumulated wealth to the amount of $20,000. In
+Louisville, also a center of free colored population, efforts were
+being made to educate ambitious Negroes. Travelers noted that colored
+schools were found there generations before the Civil War and
+mentioned the intelligent and properly speaking colored preachers,
+who were bought and supported by their congregations. Charles Dabney,
+another traveler through this State in 1837, observed that the slaves
+of this commonwealth were taught to read and believed that they were
+about as well off as they would have been had they been free. See
+Dabney, _Journal of a Tour through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Tour_, etc., 1833-1834, pp. 346-348.]
+
+It was the desire to train up white men to carry on the work of their
+liberal fathers that led John G. Fee and his colaborers to establish
+Berea College in Kentucky. In the charter of this institution was
+incorporated the declaration that "God has made of one blood all
+nations that dwell upon the face of the earth." No Negroes were
+admitted to this institution before the Civil War, but they came in
+soon thereafter, some being accepted while returning home wearing
+their uniforms.[1] The State has since prohibited the co-education of
+the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Catalogue of Berea College, 1896-1897.]
+
+The centers of this interest in the mountains of Tennessee were
+Maryville and Knoxville. Around these towns were found a goodly number
+of white persons interested in the elevation of the colored people.
+There developed such an antislavery sentiment in the former town that
+half of the students of the Maryville Theological Seminary became
+abolitionists by 1841.[1] They were then advocating the social uplift
+of Negroes through the local organ, the _Maryville Intelligencer_.
+From this nucleus of antislavery men developed a community with ideals
+not unlike those of Berea.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Some of the liberal-mindedness of the people of Kentucky
+and Tennessee was found in the State of Missouri. The question of
+slavery there, however, was so ardently discussed and prominently kept
+before the people that while little was done to help the Negroes, much
+was done to reduce them to the plane of beasts. There was not so much
+of the tendency to wink at the violation of the law on the part of
+masters in teaching their slaves. But little could be accomplished by
+private teachers in the dissemination of information among Negroes
+after the free persons of color had been excluded from the State.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, p. 48; and the _New England Antislavery
+Almanac_ for 1841, p. 31.]
+
+The Knoxville people who advocated the enlightenment of the Negroes
+expressed their sentiment through the _Presbyterian Witness_. The
+editor felt that there was not a solitary argument that might be urged
+in favor of teaching a white man that might not as properly be urged
+in favor of enlightening a man of color. "If one has a soul that will
+never die," said he, "so has the other. Has one susceptibilities of
+improvement, mentally, socially, and morally? So has the other. Is one
+bound by the laws of God to improve the talents he has received from
+the Creator's hands? So is the other. Is one embraced in the command
+'Search the Scriptures'? So is the other."[1] He maintained that
+unless masters could lawfully degrade their slaves to the condition of
+beasts, they were just as much bound to teach them to read the Bible
+as to teach any other class of their population.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 16.]
+
+But great as was the interest of the religious element, the movement
+for the education of the Negroes of the South did not again become a
+scheme merely for bringing them into the church. Masters had more
+than one reason for favoring the enlightenment of the slaves. Georgia
+slaveholders of the more liberal class came forward about the middle
+of the nineteenth century, advocating the education of Negroes as a
+means to increase their economic value, and to attach them to their
+masters. This subject was taken up in the Agricultural Convention
+at Macon in 1850, and was discussed again in a similar assembly
+the following year. After some opposition the Convention passed a
+resolution calling on the legislature to enact a law authorizing the
+education of slaves. The petition was presented by Mr. Harlston, who
+introduced the bill embodying this idea, piloted it through the lower
+house, but failed by two or three votes to secure the sanction of the
+senate.[1] In 1855 certain influential citizens of North Carolina[2]
+memorialized their legislature asking among other things that the
+slaves be taught to read. This petition provoked some discussion, but
+did not receive as much attention as that of Georgia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 339]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117-118.]
+
+In view of this renewed interest in the education of the Negroes
+of the South we are anxious to know exactly what proportion of
+the colored population had risen above the plane of illiteracy.
+Unfortunately this cannot be accurately determined. In the first
+place, it was difficult to find out whether or not a slave could read
+or write when such a disclosure would often cause him to be dreadfully
+punished or sold to some cruel master of the lower South. Moreover,
+statistics of this kind are scarce and travelers who undertook to
+answer this question made conflicting statements. Some persons of that
+day left records which indicate that only a few slaves succeeded in
+acquiring an imperfect knowledge of the common branches, whereas
+others noted a larger number of intelligent servants. Arfwedson
+remarked that the slaves seldom learned to read; yet elsewhere
+he stated that he sometimes found some who had that ability.[1]
+Abolitionists like May, Jay, and Garrison would make it seem that the
+conditions in the South were such that it was almost impossible for a
+slave to develop intellectual power.[2] Rev. C.C. Jones[3] believed
+that only an inconsiderable fraction of the slaves could read.
+Witnesses to the contrary, however, are numerous. Abdy, Smedes,
+Andrews, Bremer, and Olmsted found during their stay in the South
+many slaves who had experienced unusual spiritual and mental
+development.[4] Nehemiah Adams, giving the southern view of slavery
+in 1854, said that large numbers of the slaves could read and
+were furnished with the Scriptures.[5] Amos Dresser, who traveled
+extensively in the Southwest, believed that one out of every fifty
+could read and write.[6] C.G. Parsons thought that five thousand
+out of the four hundred thousand slaves of Georgia had these
+attainments.[7] These figures, of course, would run much higher were
+the free people of color included in the estimates. Combining the two
+it is safe to say that ten per cent. of the adult Negroes had the
+rudiments of education in 1860, but the proportion was much less than
+it was near the close of the era of better beginnings about 1825.
+
+[Footnote 1: Arfwedson, _The United States and Canada_, p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See their pamphlets, addresses, and books referred to
+elsewhere.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Redpath, _The Roving Editor_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Adams, _South-Side View of Slavery_, pp. 52 and 59.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Dresser, _The Narrative of Amos Dresser_, p. 27; Dabney,
+_Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 248.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+EDUCATING NEGROES TRANSPLANTED TO FREE SOIL
+
+
+While the Negroes of the South were struggling against odds to acquire
+knowledge, the more ambitious ones were for various reasons making
+their way to centers of light in the North. Many fugitive slaves
+dreaded being sold to planters of the lower South, the free blacks of
+some of the commonwealths were forced out by hostile legislation,
+and not a few others migrated to ameliorate their condition. The
+transplanting of these people to the Northwest took place largely
+between 1815 and 1850. They were directed mainly to Columbia and
+Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Greenwich, New Jersey; and Boston,
+Massachusetts, in the East; and to favorable towns and colored
+communities in the Northwest.[1] The fugitives found ready helpers
+in Elmira, Rochester, Buffalo, New York; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania;
+Gallipolis, Portsmouth, Akron, and Cincinnati, Ohio; and Detroit,
+Michigan.[2] Colored settlements which proved attractive to these
+wanderers had been established in Ohio, Indiana, and Canada. That most
+of the bondmen in quest of freedom and opportunity should seek the
+Northwest had long been the opinion of those actually interested in
+their enlightenment. The attention of the colored people had been
+early directed to this section as a more suitable place for their
+elevation than the jungles of Africa selected by the American
+Colonization Society. The advocates of Western colonization believed
+that a race thus degraded could be elevated only in a salubrious
+climate under the influences of institutions developed by Western
+nations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 32 and 37.]
+
+The rôle played by the Negroes in this migration exhibited the
+development of sufficient mental ability to appreciate this truth.
+It was chiefly through their intelligent fellows that prior to the
+reaction ambitious slaves learned to consider the Northwest Territory
+the land of opportunity. Furthermore, restless freedmen, denied
+political privileges and prohibited from teaching their children, did
+not always choose to go to Africa. Many of them went north of the Ohio
+River and took up land on the public domain. Observing this longing
+for opportunity, benevolent southerners, who saw themselves hindered
+in carrying out their plan for educating the blacks for citizenship,
+disposed of their holdings and formed free colonies of their slaves in
+the same section. White men of this type thus made possible a new era
+of uplift for the colored race by coming north in time to aid the
+abolitionists, who had for years constituted a small minority
+advocating a seemingly hopeless cause.
+
+A detailed description of these settlements has no place in this
+dissertation save as it has a bearing on the development of education
+among the colored people. These settlements, however, are important
+here in that they furnish the key to the location of many of the early
+colored churches and schools of the North and West. Philanthropists
+established a number of Negroes near Sandy Lake in Northwestern
+Pennsylvania.[1] There was a colored settlement near Berlin
+Crossroads, Ohio.[2] Another group of pioneering Negroes emigrating
+to this State found homes in the Van Buren township of Shelby County.
+Edward Coles, a Virginian, who in 1818 emigrated to Illinois, of which
+he later became Governor, made a settlement on a larger scale. He
+brought his slaves to Edwardsville, where they constituted a community
+known as "Coles' Negroes."[3] The settlement made by Samuel Gist, an
+Englishman possessing extensive plantations in Hanover, Amherst, and
+Henrico Counties, Virginia, was still more significant. He provided in
+his will that his slaves should be freed and sent to the North. It was
+further directed "that the revenue from his plantation the last year
+of his life be applied in building schoolhouses and churches for their
+accommodation," and "that all money coming to him in Virginia be
+set aside for the employment of ministers and teachers to instruct
+them."[4] In 1818, Wickham, the executor of this estate, purchased
+land and established these Negroes in what was called the Upper and
+Lower Camps of Brown County, Ohio.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Langston,_From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capitol_, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Davidson and Stuvé,_A Complete History of Illinois_, pp.
+321-322; and Washburne, _Sketch of Edward Cole, Second Governor of
+Illinois_, pp. 44 and 53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _History of Brown County_, pp. 313 _et seq._; and Lane,
+_Fifty Years and over of Akron and Summit County, Ohio_, pp. 579-580.]
+
+Augustus Wattles, a native of Connecticut, made a settlement of
+Negroes in Mercer County early in the nineteenth century.[1] About the
+year 1834 many of the freedmen, then concentrating at Cincinnati, were
+induced to take up 30,000 acres of land in the same vicinity.[2] John
+Harper of North Carolina manumitted his slaves in 1850 and had them
+sent to this community.[3] John Randolph of Roanoke freed his slaves
+at his death, and provided for the purchase of farms for them in
+Mercer County.[4] The Germans, however, would not allow them to take
+possession of these lands. Driven later from Shelby County[5] also,
+these freedmen finally found homes in Miami County.[7] Then there was
+one Saunders, a slaveholder of Cabell County, now West Virginia, who
+liberated his slaves and furnished them homes in free territory. They
+finally made their way to Cass County, Michigan, where philanthropists
+had established a prosperous colored settlement and supplied it
+with missionaries and teachers. The slaves of Theodoric H. Gregg
+of Dinwiddie County, Virginia, were liberated in 1854 and sent to
+Ohio,[7] where some of them were educated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Manuscript in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moreland.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The African Repository_, vol. xxii., pp. 322-323.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 465.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 466.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 723.]
+
+Many free persons of color of Virginia and Kentucky went north about
+the middle of the nineteenth century. The immediate cause in Virginia
+was the enactment in 1838 of a law prohibiting the return of such
+colored students as had been accustomed to go north to attend school
+after they were denied this privilege in that State.[1] Prominent
+among these seekers of better opportunities were the parents
+of Richard De Baptiste. His father was a popular mechanic of
+Fredericksburg, where he for years maintained a secret school.[2] A
+public opinion proscribing the teaching of Negroes was then rendering
+the effort to enlighten them as unpopular in Kentucky as it was in
+Virginia. Thanks to a benevolent Kentuckian, however, an important
+colored settlement near Xenia, Greene County, Ohio, was then taking
+shape. The nucleus of this group was furnished about 1856 by Noah
+Spears, who secured small farms there for sixteen of his former
+bondmen.[3] The settlement was not only sought by fugitive slaves
+and free Negroes, but was selected as the site for Wilberforce
+University.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 492; and _Acts of the
+General Assembly of Virginia_, 1848, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158).]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 373; and
+_Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+During the same period, and especially from 1820 to 1835, a more
+continuous and effective migration of southern Negroes was being
+promoted by the Quakers of Virginia and North Carolina.[1] One of
+their purposes was educational. Convinced that the "buying, selling,
+and holding of men in slavery" is a sin, these Quakers with a view to
+future manumission had been "careful of the moral and intellectual
+training of such as they held in servitude."[2] To elevate their
+slaves to the plane of men, southern Quakers early hit upon the scheme
+of establishing in the Northwest such Negroes as they had by education
+been able to equip for living as citizens. When the reaction in the
+South made it impossible for the Quakers to continue their policy of
+enlightening the colored people, these philanthropists promoted the
+migration of the blacks to the Northwest Territory with still greater
+zeal. Most of these settlements were made in Hamilton, Howard, Wayne,
+Randolph, Vigo, Gibson, Grant, Rush, and Tipton Counties, Indiana, and
+in Darke County, Ohio.[3] Prominent among these promoters was Levi
+Coffin, the Quaker Abolitionist of North Carolina, and reputed
+President of the Underground Railroad. He left his State and settled
+among Negroes at Newport, Indiana.[4] Associated with these leaders
+also were Benjamin Lundy of Tennessee and James G. Birney, once a
+slaveholder of Huntsville, Alabama. The latter manumitted his slaves
+and apprenticed and educated some of them in Ohio.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158); and Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony, etc.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Rural Negro Communities in Indiana" (_Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., pp. 162-166); and Bassett, _Slavery in North
+Carolina_, pp. 67 and 68.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 106.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Birney, _James G. Birney and His Times_, p. 139.]
+
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that it effected an unequal distribution of intelligent
+Negroes. The most ambitious and enlightened ones were fleeing to free
+territory. As late as 1840 there were more intelligent blacks in the
+South than in the North.[1] The number of southern colored people who
+could read was then decidedly larger than that of such persons found
+in the free States. The continued migration of Negroes to the North,
+despite the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, made this
+distribution more unequal. While the free colored population of the
+slave States increased only 23,736 from 1850 to 1860, that of the
+free States increased 29,839. In the South only Delaware, Georgia,
+Maryland, and North Carolina showed a noticeable increase in the
+number of free persons of color during the decade immediately
+preceding the Civil War. This element of the population had only
+slightly increased in Alabama, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee,
+Virginia, Louisiana, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. The
+number of free Negroes of Florida remained practically constant. Those
+of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Texas diminished. In the North, of
+course, the tendency was in the other direction. With the exception of
+Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, which had about the same
+free colored population in 1860 as they had in 1850, there was a
+general increase in the number of Negroes in the free States. Ohio
+led in this respect having had during this period an increase of
+11,394.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction of the Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+On comparing the educational statistics of these sections this truth
+becomes more apparent. In 1850 there were 4,354 colored children
+attending school in the South, but by 1860 this number had dropped
+to 3,651. Slight increases were noted only in Alabama, Missouri,
+Delaware, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. Georgia
+and Mississippi had then practically deprived all Negroes of this
+privilege. The former, which reported one colored child as attending
+school in 1850, had just seven in 1860; the latter had none in 1850
+and only two in 1860. In all other slave States the number of pupils
+of African blood had materially decreased.[1] In the free States there
+were 22,107 colored children in school in 1850, and 28,978 in 1860.
+Most of these were in New Jersey, Ohio, New York, and Pennsylvania,
+which in 1860 had 2,741; 5,671; 5,694; and 7,573, respectively.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE
+  UNITED STATES IN 1850
+
+                             ATTENDING         ADULTS UNABLE
+                               SCHOOL             TO READ
+  STATE      Population Males Females Total Males Females  Total
+
+  Alabama         2,265    33      35    68    108      127     235
+  Arkansas          608     6       5    11     61       55     116
+  California        962     1       0     1     88       29     117
+  Connecticut     7,693   689     575  1,264   292      273     567
+  Delaware       18,073    92      95    187 2,724    2,921   5,645
+  Florida           932    29      37     66   116      154     270
+  Georgia         2,931     1       0      1   208      259     467
+  Illinois        5,436   162     161    323   605      624   1,229
+  Indiana        11,262   484     443    927 1,024    1,146   2,170
+  Iowa              333    12       5     17    15       18      33
+  Kentucky       10,011   128     160    288 1,431    1,588   3,029
+  Louisiana      17,462   629     590  1,219 1,038    2,351   3,389
+  Maine           1,356   144     137    281    77       58     135
+  Maryland       74,723   886     730  1,616 9,422   11,640  21,062
+  Massachusetts   9,064   726     713  1,439   375      431     806
+  Michigan        2,583   106     101    207   201      168     369
+  Mississippi       930     0       0      0    75       48     123
+  Missouri        2,618    23      17     40   271      226     497
+  New Hampshire     520    41      32     73    26       26      52
+  New Jersey     23,810 1,243   1,083  2,326 2,167    2,250   4,417
+  New York       49,069 2,840   2,607  5,447 3,387    4,042   7,429
+  North Carolina 27,463   113     104    217 3,099    3,758   6,857
+  Ohio           25,279 1,321   1,210  2,531 2,366    2,624   4,990
+  Pennsylvania   53,626 3,385   3,114  6,499  4,115   5,229   9,344**
+                                         [** was 6,344 in error.**]
+  Rhode Island    3,670   304     247    551    130     137     267
+  South Carolina  8,960    54      26     80    421     459     880
+  Tennessee       6,422    40      30     70    506     591   1,097
+  Texas             397    11       9     20     34      24      58
+  Vermont           718    58      32     90     32      19      51
+  Virginia       54,333    37      27     64  5,141   6,374  11,515
+  Wisconsin         635    32      35     67     55      37      92
+  District of
+  Columbia       10,059    232    235    467  1,106   2,108   3,214
+  Minnesota          30      0      2      2      0       0       0
+  New Mexico        207      0      0      0      0       0       0
+  Oregon             24      2      0      2      3       2       5
+  Utah               22      0      0      0      1       0       1
+
+  Total         434,495 13,864 12,597 26,461 40,722  49,800  90,522
+
+  See Sixth Census of the United States, 1850.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+The report on illiteracy shows further the differences resulting from
+the divergent educational policies of the two sections. In 1850 there
+were in the slave States 58,444 adult free Negroes who could not read,
+and in 1860 this number had reached 59,832. In all such commonwealths
+except Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, and Mississippi there was an
+increase in illiteracy among the free blacks. These States, however,
+were hardly exceptional, because Arkansas and Mississippi had suffered
+a decrease in their free colored population, that of Florida had
+remained the same, and the difference in the case of Louisiana was
+very slight. The statistics of the Northern States indicate just the
+opposite trend. Notwithstanding the increase of persons of color
+resulting from the influx of the migrating element, there was in all
+free States exclusive of California, Illinois, Minnesota, Michigan,
+Ohio, and Pennsylvania a decrease in the illiteracy of Negroes. But
+these States hardly constitute exceptions; for California, Wisconsin,
+and Minnesota had very few colored inhabitants in 1850, and the others
+had during this decade received so many fugitives in the rough that
+race prejudice and its concomitant drastic legislation impeded the
+educational progress of their transplanted freedmen.[1] In the
+Northern States where this condition did not obtain, the benevolent
+whites had, in coöperation with the Negroes, done much to reduce
+illiteracy among them during these years.
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED
+STATES IN 1860
+
+  STATE          Population| ATTENDING SCHOOL   | ADULTS UNABLE TO READ
+                           +----- +----- +------ +-------- +------- +----
+  --
+                            Males               | Males
+                                 Females        |       Females
+                                          Total |                 Total
+  ---------------- +-------- +----- +------- +------- +------- +-------
+  +------
+  Alabama            2,690    48      65    114     192     263     455
+  Arkansas             144     3       2      5      10      13      23
+  California         4,086    69      84    153     497     207     704
+  Connecticut        8,627   737     641  1,378     181     164     345
+  Delaware          19,829   122     128    250   3,056   3,452   6,508
+  Florida              932     3       6      9      48      72     120
+  Georgia            3,500     3       4      7     255     318     573
+  Illinois           7,628   264     347    611     632     695   1,327
+  Indiana           11,428   570     552  1,122     869     904   1,773
+  Iowa               1,069    77      61    138      92      77     169
+  Kansas               625     8       6     14      25      38      63
+  Kentucky          10,684   102     107    209   1,113   1,350   2,463
+  Louisiana         18,647   153     122    275     485     717   1,202
+  Maine              1,327   148     144    292      25      21      46
+  Maryland          83,942    687    668  1,355   9,904  11,795  21,699
+  Massachusetts      9,602    800    815  1,615     291     368     659
+  Michigan           6,797    555    550  1,105     558     486   1,044
+  Minnesota            259      8     10     18       6       6      12
+  Mississippi          773      0      2      2      50      60     110
+  Missouri           3,572     76     79    155     371     514     885
+  New Hampshire        494     49     31     80      15      19      34
+  New Jersey        25,318  1,413  1,328  2,741   1,720   2,085   3,805
+  New York          49,005  2,955  2,739  5,694   2,653   3,260   5,913
+  North Carolina    30,463     75     58    133   3,067   3,782   6,849
+  Ohio              36,673  2,857  2,814  5,671   2,995   3,191   6,186
+  Oregon               128      0      0      2       7       5      12
+  Pennsylvania      56,949  3,882  3,691  7,573   3,893   5,466   9,359
+  Rhode Island       3,952    276    256    532     119     141     260
+  South Carolina     9,914    158    207    365     633     783   1,416
+  Tennessee          7,300     28     24     52     743     952   1,695
+  Texas                355      4      7     11      25      37      62
+  Vermont              709     65     50    115      27      20      47
+  Virginia          58,042     21     20     41   5,489   6,008  12,397
+  Wisconsin          1,171     62     50    112      53      45      98
+
+  TERRITORIES
+
+  Colorado              46              No returns
+  Dakota                 0      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  District Columbia 11,131    315    363    678   1,131   2,224   3,375
+  Nebraska              67      1      1      2       6       7      13
+  Nevada                45      0      0      0       6       1       7
+  New Mexico            85      0      0      0      12      15      27
+  Utah                  30      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  Washington            30      0      0      0       1       0       1
+
+  Total            488,070 16,594 16,035 32,629  41,275  50,461  91,736
+
+  See Seventh Census of the United States, vol. 1.]
+
+How the problem of educating these people on free soil was solved can
+be understood only by keeping in mind the factors of the migration.
+Some of these Negroes had unusual capabilities. Many of them had
+in slavery either acquired the rudiments of education or developed
+sufficient skill to outwit the most determined pursuers. Owing so
+much to mental power, no man was more effective than the successful
+fugitive in instilling into the minds of his people the value of
+education. Not a few of this type readily added to their attainments
+to equip themselves for the best service. Some of them, like Reverend
+Josiah Henson, William Wells Brown, and Frederick Douglass, became
+leaders, devoting their time not only to the cause of abolition, but
+also to the enlightenment of the colored people. Moreover, the free
+Negroes migrating to the North were even more effective than the
+fugitive slaves in advancing the cause of education.[1] A larger
+number of the former had picked up useful knowledge. In fact, the
+prohibition of the education of the free people of color in the South
+was one of the reasons they could so readily leave their native
+homes.[2] The free blacks then going to the Northwest Territory proved
+to be decidedly helpful to their benefactors in providing colored
+churches and schools with educated workers, who otherwise would have
+been brought from the East at much expense.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugee from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107).]
+
+On perusing this sketch the educator naturally wonders exactly what
+intellectual progress was made by these groups on free soil. This
+question cannot be fully answered for the reason that extant records
+give no detailed account of many colored settlements which underwent
+upheaval or failed to endure. In some cases we learn simply that a
+social center flourished and was then destroyed. On "Black Friday,"
+January 1, 1830, eighty Negroes were driven out of Portsmouth, Ohio,
+at the request of one or two hundred white citizens, set forth in an
+urgent memorial.[1] After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law of
+1850 the colored population of Columbia, Pennsylvania, dropped from
+nine hundred and forty-three to four hundred and eighty-seven.[2] The
+Negro community in the northwestern part of that State was broken up
+entirely.[3] The African Methodist and Baptist churches of Buffalo
+lost many communicants. Out of a membership of one hundred and
+fourteen, the colored Baptist church of Rochester lost one hundred and
+twelve, including its pastor. About the same time eighty-four members
+of the African Baptist church of Detroit crossed into Canada.[4] The
+break-up of these churches meant the end of the day and Sunday-schools
+which were maintained in them. Moreover, the migration of these
+Negroes aroused such bitter feeling against them that their
+schoolhouses were frequently burned. It often seemed that it was just
+as unpopular to educate the blacks in the North as in the South. Ohio,
+Illinois, and Oregon enacted laws to prevent them from coming into
+those commonwealths.
+
+[Footnote 1: Evans, _A History of Scioto County, Ohio_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 250.]
+
+We have, however, sufficient evidence of large undertakings to educate
+the colored people then finding homes in less turbulent parts beyond
+the Ohio. In the first place, almost every settlement made by the
+Quakers was a center to which Negroes repaired for enlightenment.
+In other groups where there was no such opportunity, they had the
+coöperation of certain philanthropists in providing facilities for
+their mental and moral development. As a result, the free blacks had
+access to schools and churches in Hamilton, Howard, Randolph, Vigo,
+Gibson, Rush, Tipton, Grant, and Wayne counties, Indiana,[1] and
+Madison, Monroe, and St. Clair counties, Illinois. There were colored
+schools and churches in Logan, Clark, Columbiana, Guernsey, Jefferson,
+Highland, Brown, Darke, Shelby, Green, Miami, Warren, Scioto, Gallia,
+Ross, and Muskingum counties, Ohio.[2] Augustus Wattles said that with
+the assistance of abolitionists he organized twenty-five such schools
+in Ohio counties after 1833.[3] Brown County alone had six. Not many
+years later a Negro settlement in Gallia County, Ohio, was paying a
+teacher fifty dollars a quarter.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 165; Boone, _The History of Education in
+Indiana_, p. 237; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, pp. 590 and 948.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 948; and Hickok, _The Negro in
+Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Howe, _Historical Collections of Ohio_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 89.]
+
+Still better colored schools were established in Pittsburgh,
+Pennsylvania, and in Springfield, Columbus, and Cincinnati, Ohio.
+While the enlightenment of the few Negroes in Pittsburgh did not
+require the systematic efforts put forth to elevate the race
+elsewhere, much was done to provide them educational facilities in
+that city. Children of color first attended the white schools there
+just as they did throughout the State of Pennsylvania.[1] But when
+larger numbers of them collected in this gateway to the Northwest,
+either race feeling or the pressing needs of the migrating freedmen
+brought about the establishment of schools especially adapted to their
+instruction. Such efforts were frequent after 1830.[2] John Thomas
+Johnson, a teacher of the District of Columbia, moved to Pittsburgh
+in 1838 and became an instructor in a colored school of that city.[3]
+Cleveland had an "African School" as early as 1832. John Malvin, the
+moving spirit of the enterprise in that city, organized about that
+time "The School Fund Society" which established other colored schools
+in Cincinnati, Columbus, and Springfield.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Life of Martin R. Delaney_, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 88.]
+
+The concentration of the freedmen and fugitives at Cincinnati was
+followed by efforts to train them for higher service. The Negroes
+themselves endeavored to provide their own educational facilities in
+opening in 1820 the first colored school in that city. This school
+did not continue long, but another was established the same year.
+Thereafter one Mr. Wing, who kept a private institution, admitted
+persons of color to his evening classes. On account of a lack of
+means, however, the Negroes of Cincinnati did not receive any
+systematic instruction before 1834. After that year the tide turned in
+favor of the free blacks of that section, bringing to their assistance
+a number of daring abolitionists, who helped them to educate
+themselves. Friends of the race, consisting largely of the students of
+Lane Seminary, had then organized colored Sunday and evening schools,
+and provided for them scientific and literary lectures twice a week.
+There was a permanent colored school in Cincinnati in 1834. In 1835
+the Negroes of that city contributed $150 of the $1000 expended for
+their education. Four years later, however, they raised $889.03 for
+this purpose, and thanks to their economic progress, this sacrifice
+was less taxing than that of 1835.[1] In 1844 Rev. Hiram Gilmore
+opened there a high school which among other students attracted P.B.S.
+Pinchback, later Governor of Louisiana. Mary E. Miles, a graduate
+of the Normal School at Albany, New York, served as an assistant of
+Gilmore after having worked among her people in Massachusetts and
+Pennsylvania.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 83.]
+
+[Footnote 1: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+132.]
+
+The educational advantages given these people were in no sense
+despised. Although the Negroes of the Northwest did not always keep
+pace with their neighbors in things industrial they did not permit
+the white people to outstrip them much in education. The freedmen
+so earnestly seized their opportunity to acquire knowledge and
+accomplished so much in a short period that their educational progress
+served to disabuse the minds of indifferent whites of the idea that
+the blacks were not capable of high mental development.[1] The
+educational work of these centers, too, tended not only to produce men
+capable of ministering to the needs of their environment, but to serve
+as a training center for those who would later be leaders of their
+people. Lewis Woodson owed it to friends in Pittsburgh that he became
+an influential teacher. Jeremiah H. Brown, T. Morris Chester, James T.
+Bradford, M.R. Delany, and Bishop Benjamin T. Tanner obtained much
+of their elementary education in the early colored schools of that
+city.[2] J.C. Corbin, a prominent educator before and after the Civil
+War, acquired sufficient knowledge at Chillicothe, Ohio, to qualify in
+1848 as an assistant in Rev. Henry Adams's school in Louisville.[3]
+John M. Langston was for a while one of Corbin's fellow-students at
+Chillicothe before the former entered Oberlin. United States Senator
+Hiram Revels of Mississippi spent some time in a Quaker seminary in
+Union County, Indiana.[4] Rev. J.T. White, one of the leading spirits
+of Arkansas during the Reconstruction, was born and educated in Clark
+County in that State.[5] Fannie Richards, still a teacher at Detroit,
+Michigan, is another example of the professional Negro equipped
+for service in the Northwest before the Rebellion.[6] From other
+communities of that section came such useful men as Rev. J.W. Malone,
+an influential minister of Iowa; Rev. D.R. Roberts, a very successful
+pastor of Chicago; Bishop C.T. Shaffer of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church; Rev. John G. Mitchell, for many years the Dean of
+the Theological Department of Wilberforce University; and President
+S.T. Mitchell, once the head of the same institution.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the accounts of various
+western freedmen.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 829.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 948.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 590.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 1023.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 169.]
+
+In the colored settlements of Canada the outlook for Negro education
+was still brighter. This better opportunity was due to the high
+character of the colonists, to the mutual aid resulting from the
+proximity of the communities, and to the coöperation of the Canadians.
+The previous experience of most of these adventurers as sojourners in
+the free States developed in them such noble traits that they did not
+have to be induced to ameliorate their condition. They had already
+come under educative influences which prepared them for a larger task
+in Canada. Fifteen thousand of sixty thousand Negroes in Canada in
+1860 were free born.[1] Many of those, who had always been free, fled
+to Canada[2] when the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 made it possible
+for even a dark-complexioned Caucasian to be reduced to a state of
+bondage. Fortunately, too, these people settled in the same section.
+The colored settlements at Dawn, Colchester, Elgin, Dresden, Windsor,
+Sandwich, Queens, Bush, Wilberforce, Hamilton, St. Catherines,
+Chatham, Riley, Anderton, Maiden, Gonfield, were all in Southern
+Ontario. In the course of time the growth of these groups produced a
+population sufficiently dense to facilitate coöperation in matters
+pertaining to social betterment. The uplift of the refugees was made
+less difficult also by the self-denying white persons who were their
+first teachers and missionaries. While the hardships incident to this
+pioneer effort all but baffled the ardent apostle to the lowly, he
+found among the Canadian whites so much more sympathy than among the
+northerners that his work was more agreeable and more successful than
+it would have been in the free States. Ignoring the request that the
+refugees be turned from Canada as undesirables, the white people of
+that country protected and assisted them.[3] Canadians later underwent
+some change in their attitude toward their newcomers, but these
+British-Americans never exhibited such militant opposition to the
+Negroes as sometimes developed in the Northern States.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 247-250.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 201 and 233.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 233.]
+
+The educational privileges which the refugees hoped to enjoy in
+Canada, however, were not easily exercised. Under the Canadian law
+they could send their children to the common schools, or use their
+proportionate share of the school funds in providing other educational
+facilities.[1] But conditions there did not at first redound to the
+education of the colored children.[2] Some were too destitute to
+avail themselves of these opportunities; others, unaccustomed to this
+equality of fortune, were timid about having their children mingle
+with those of the whites, and not a few clad their youths so poorly
+that they became too unhealthy to attend regularly[3]. Besides, race
+prejudice was not long in making itself the most disturbing factor.
+In 1852 Benjamin Drew found the minds of the people of Sandwich much
+exercised over the question of admitting Negroes into the public
+schools. The same feeling was then almost as strong in Chatham,
+Hamilton, and London[4]. Consequently, "partly owing to this
+prejudice, and partly to their own preference, the colored people,
+acting under the provision of the law that allowed them to have
+separate schools, set up their own schools in Sandwich and in many
+other parts of Ontario"[5]. There were separate schools at Colchester,
+Amherstburg, Sandwich, Dawn, and Buxton[6]. It was doubtless because
+of the rude behavior of white pupils toward the children of the blacks
+that their private schools flourished at London, Windsor, and other
+places[7]. The Negroes, themselves, however, did not object to the
+coeducation of the races. Where there were a few white children
+in colored settlements they were admitted to schools maintained
+especially for pupils of African descent.[8] In Toronto no distinction
+in educational privileges was made, but in later years there
+flourished an evening school for adults of color.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drew said: "The prejudice against the African race is
+here [Canada] strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy
+school taxes on the colored people. Some three or four years since a
+trustee assessed a school tax on some of the wealthy citizens of that
+class. They sent their children at once into the public school. As
+these sat down the white children near them deserted the benches: and
+in a day or two the white children were wholly withdrawn, leaving the
+schoolhouse to the teacher and his colored pupils. The matter was
+at last 'compromised': a notice 'Select School' was put on the
+schoolhouse: the white children were selected _in_ and the black were
+selected _out_." See Drew's. _A North-side View of Slavery_, etc., p.
+341.]
+
+
+[Footnote 3: Mitchell, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 140, 164, and
+165.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 341.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, Appendix, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Ibid_., p. 15.]
+
+The most helpful schools, however, were not those maintained by the
+state. Travelers in Canada found the colored mission schools with
+a larger attendance and doing better work than those maintained at
+public expense.[1] The rise of the mission schools was due to the
+effort to "furnish the conditions under which whatever appreciation
+of education there was native in a community of Negroes, or whatever
+taste for it could be awakened there," might be "free to assert itself
+unhindered by real or imagined opposition."[2] There were no such
+schools in 1830, but by 1838 philanthropists had established the first
+mission among the Canadian refugees.[3] The English Colonial Church
+and School Society organized schools at London, Amherstburg, and
+Colchester. Certain religious organizations of the United States sent
+ten or more teachers to these settlements.[4] In 1839 these workers
+were conducting four schools while Rev. Hiram Wilson, their inspector,
+probably had several other institutions under his supervision.[5] In
+1844 Levi Coffin found a large school at Isaac Rice's mission at Fort
+Maiden or Amherstburg.[6] Rice had toiled among these people six
+years, receiving very little financial aid, and suffering unusual
+hardships.[7] Mr. E. Child, a graduate of Oneida Institute, was later
+added to the corps of mission teachers.[8] In 1852 Mrs. Laura S.
+Haviland was secured to teach the school of the colony of "Refugees'
+Home," where the colored people had built a structure "for school and
+meeting purposes."[9] On Sundays the schoolhouses and churches were
+crowded by eager seekers, many of whom lived miles away. Among these
+earnest students a traveler saw an aged couple more than eighty
+years old.[10] These elementary schools broke the way for a higher
+institution at Dawn, known as the Manual Labor Institute.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+341, and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Father Henson's Story of His Own Life_, p. 209.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 6: "While at this place we made our headquarters at Isaac J.
+Rice's missionary buildings, where he had a large school for colored
+children. He had labored here among the colored people, mostly
+fugitives, for six years. He was a devoted, self-denying worker, had
+received very little pecuniary help, and had suffered many privations.
+He was well situated in Ohio as pastor of a Presbyterian Church, and
+had fine prospects before him, but believed that the Lord called him
+to this field of missionary labor among the fugitive slaves, who
+came here by hundreds and by thousands, poor, destitute, ignorant,
+suffering from all the evil influences of slavery. We entered into
+deep sympathy with him and his labors, realizing the great need there
+was here for just such an institution as he had established. He had
+sheltered at his missionary home many hundred of fugitives till other
+homes for them could be found. This was the great landing point, the
+principal terminus of the Underground Railroad of the West." See
+Coffin's _Reminiscences_, p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., pp. 249-251.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 202.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 196, 201.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 193.]
+
+With these immigrants, however, this was not a mere passive
+participation in the work of their amelioration. From the very
+beginning the colored people partly supported their schools. Without
+the coöperation of the refugees the large private schools at London,
+Chatham, and Windsor could not have succeeded. The school at Chatham
+was conducted by Alfred Whipper,[1] a colored man, that at Windsor by
+Mary E. Bibb, the wife of Henry Bibb,[2] the founder of the Refugees'
+Home Settlement, and that at Sandwich by Mary Ann Shadd, of
+Delaware.[3] Moreover, the majority of these colonists showed
+increasing interest in this work of social uplift.[4] Foregoing their
+economic opportunities many of the refugees congregated in towns of
+educational facilities. A large number of them left their first abodes
+to settle near Dresden and Dawn because of the advantages offered
+by the Manual Labor Institute. Besides, the Negroes organized "True
+Bands" which effected among other things the improvement of schools
+and the increase of their attendance[5].
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 322.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+131.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, pp. 70, 71, 108, and
+110.]
+
+[Footnote 5: According to Drew a True Band was composed of colored
+persons of both sexes, associated for their own improvement. "Its
+objects," says he, "are manifold: mainly these:--the members are to
+take a general interest in each other's welfare; to pursue such plans
+and objects as may be for their mutual advantage; to improve all
+schools, and to induce their race to send their children into the
+schools; to break down all prejudice; to bring all churches as far as
+possible into one body, and not let minor differences divide them; to
+prevent litigation by referring all disputes among themselves to a
+committee; to stop the begging system entirely (that is, going to the
+United States and thereby representing that the fugitives are starving
+and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which the fugitives
+never receive the benefit,--misrepresenting the character of the
+fugitives for industry and underrating the advance of the country,
+which supplies abundant work for all at fair wages); to raise such
+funds among themselves as may be necessary for the poor, the sick,
+and the destitute fugitive newly arrived; and prepare themselves
+ultimately to bear their due weight of political power." See Drew, _A
+North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+The good results of these schools were apparent. In the same degree
+that the denial to slaves of mental development tended to brutalize
+them the teaching of science and religion elevated the fugitives in
+Canada. In fact, the Negroes of these settlements soon had ideals
+differing widely from those of their brethren less favorably
+circumstanced. They believed in the establishment of homes, respected
+the sanctity of marriage, and exhibited in their daily life a moral
+sense of the highest order. Travelers found the majority of them
+neat, orderly, and intelligent[1]. Availing themselves of their
+opportunities, they quickly qualified as workers among their fellows.
+An observer reported in 1855 that a few were engaged in shop keeping
+or were employed as clerks, while a still smaller number devoted
+themselves to teaching and preaching.[2] Before 1860 the culture of
+these settlements was attracting the colored graduates of northern
+institutions which had begun to give men of African blood an
+opportunity to study in their professional schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: According to the report of the Freedmen's Inquiry
+Commission published by S.G. Howe, an unusually large proportion of
+the colored population believed in education. He says: "Those from the
+free States had very little schooling in youth; those from the slave
+States, none at all. Considering these things it is rather remarkable
+that so many can now read and write. Moreover, they show their esteem
+for instruction by their desire to obtain it for their children. They
+all wish to have their children go to school, and they send them all
+the time that they can be spared.
+
+"Canada West has adopted a good system of public instruction, which
+is well administered. The common schools, though inferior to those of
+several of the States of the United States, are good. Colored children
+are admitted to them in most places; and where a separate school is
+open for them, it is as well provided by the government with teachers
+and apparatus as the other schools are. Notwithstanding the growing
+prejudice against blacks, the authorities evidently mean to deal
+justly by them in regard to instruction; and even those who advocate
+separate schools, promise that they shall be equal to white schools.
+
+"The colored children in the mixed schools do not differ in their
+general appearance and behavior from their white comrades. They are
+usually clean and decently clad. They look quite as the whites; and
+are perhaps a little more mirthful and roguish. The association
+is manifestly beneficial to the colored children." See Howe, _The
+Refugees_, etc., p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 226.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+HIGHER EDUCATION
+
+
+The development of the schools and churches established for these
+transplanted freedmen made more necessary than ever a higher education
+to develop in them the power to work out their own salvation. It
+was again the day of thorough training for the Negroes. Their
+opportunities for better instruction were offered mainly by the
+colonizationists and abolitionists.[1] Although these workers had
+radically different views as to the manner of elevating the colored
+people, they contributed much to their mental development. The more
+liberal colonizationists endeavored to furnish free persons of
+color the facilities for higher education with the hope that their
+enlightenment would make them so discontented with this country
+that they would emigrate to Liberia. Most southern colonizationists
+accepted this plan but felt that those permanently attached to this
+country should be kept in ignorance; for if they were enlightened,
+they would either be freed or exterminated. During the period of
+reaction, when the elevation of the race was discouraged in the North
+and prohibited in most parts of the South, the colonizationists
+continued to secure to Negroes, desiring to expatriate themselves,
+opportunities for education which never would have been given those
+expecting to remain in the United States.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: The views of the abolitionists at that time were well
+expressed by Garrison in his address to the people of color in the
+convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830. He encouraged them to
+get as much education as possible for themselves and their offspring,
+to toil long and hard for it as for a pearl of great price. "An
+ignorant people," said he, "can never occupy any other than a degraded
+place in society; they can never be truly free until they are
+intelligent. It is an old maxim that knowledge is power; and not only
+is it power but rank, wealth, dignity, and protection. That capital
+brings highest return to a city, state, or nation (as the case may
+be) which is invested in schools, academies, and colleges. If I had
+children, rather than that they should grow up in ignorance, I would
+feed upon bread and water: I would sell my teeth, or extract the blood
+from my veins." See _Minutes of the Proceedings of the Convention for
+the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1830, pages 10, 11.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+213-214; and _The African Repository_, under the captions of
+"Education in Liberia," and "African Education Societies," _passim_.]
+
+The policy of promoters of African colonization, however, did not
+immediately become unprogressive. Their plan of education differed
+from previous efforts in that the objects of their philanthropy were
+to be given every opportunity for mental growth. The colonizationists
+had learned from experience in educating Negroes that it was necessary
+to begin with the youth.[1] These workers observed, too, that the
+exigencies of the time demanded more advanced and better endowed
+institutions to prepare colored men to instruct others in science and
+religion, and to fit them for "civil offices in Liberia and Hayti."[2]
+To execute this scheme the leaders of the colonization movement
+endeavored to educate Negroes in "mechanic arts, agriculture, science,
+and Biblical literature."[3] Exceptionally bright youths were to
+be given special training as catechists, teachers, preachers, and
+physicians.[4] A southern planter offered a plantation for the
+establishment of a suitable institution of learning,[5] a few masters
+sent their slaves to eastern schools to be educated, and men organized
+"education societies" in various parts to carry out this work at
+shorter range. In 1817 colonizationists opened at Pasippany, New
+Jersey, a school to give a four-year course to "African youth" who
+showed "talent, discretion, and piety" and were able to read and
+write.[6] Twelve years later another effort was made to establish a
+school of this kind at Newark in that State,[7] while other promoters
+of that faith were endeavoring to establish a similar institution at
+Hartford, Connecticut,[8] all hoping to make use of the Kosciuszko
+fund.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. xxviii., pp. 271, 347; Child, _An Appeal_,
+p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Report of the Proceedings at the Organization of the
+African Education Society_, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 276, and Griffin, _A
+Plea for Africa_, p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _African Repository_, vol. iv., pp. 186, 193, and 375;
+and vol. vi., pp. 47, 48, 49, and _Report of the Proceedings of the
+African Education Society_, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., pp. 7 and 8 and _African Repository_, vol. iv.,
+p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 9: What would become of this plan depended upon the changing
+fortunes of the men concerned. Kosciuszko died in 1817; and as Thomas
+Jefferson refused to take out letters testamentary under this will,
+Benjamin Lincoln Lear, a trustee of the African Education Society, who
+intended to apply for the whole fund, was appointed administrator of
+it. The fund amounted to about $16,000. Later Kosciuszko Armstrong
+demanded of the administrator $3704 bequeathed to him by T. Kosciuszko
+in a will alleged to have been executed in Paris in 1806. The bill was
+dismissed by the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, and the
+decision of the lower Court was confirmed by the United States Supreme
+Court in 1827 on the grounds that the said will had not been admitted
+to probate anywhere. To make things still darker just about the
+time the trustees of the African Education Society were planning to
+purchase a farm and select teachers and mechanics to instruct the
+youth, the heirs of General Kosciuszko filed a bill against Mr.
+Lear in the Supreme Court of the United States on the ground of the
+invalidity of the will executed by Kosciuszko in 1798. The death of
+Mr. Lear in 1832 and that of William Wirt, the Attorney-General of
+the United States, soon thereafter, caused a delay in having the case
+decided. The author does not know exactly what use was finally made of
+this fund. See _African Repository_, vol. it., pp. 163, 233; also 7
+Peters, 130, and 8 Peters, 52.]
+
+The schemes failed, however, on account of the unyielding opposition
+of the free Negroes and abolitionists. They could see no philanthropy
+in educating persons to prepare for doom in a deadly climate. The
+convention of the free people of color assembled in Philadelphia in
+1830, denounced the colonization movement as an evil, and urged their
+fellows not to support it. Pointing out the impracticability of such
+schemes, the convention encouraged the race to take steps toward its
+elevation in this country.[1] Should the colored people be properly
+educated, the prejudice against them would not continue such as to
+necessitate their expatriation. The delegates hoped to establish a
+Manual Labor College at New Haven that Negroes might there acquire
+that "classical knowledge which promotes genius and causes man to soar
+up to those high intellectual enjoyments and acquirements which place
+him in a situation to shed upon a country and people that scientific
+grandeur which is imperishable by time, and drowns in oblivion's cup
+their moral degradation."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 68; and _Minutes of the Proceedings of the
+Third Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, pp.
+9, 10, and 11.]
+
+Influential abolitionists were also attacking this policy of the
+colonizationists. William Jay, however, delivered against them such
+diatribes and so wisely exposed their follies that the advocates
+of colonization learned to consider him as the arch enemy of their
+cause.[1] Jay advocated the education of the Negroes for living
+where they were. He could not see how a Christian could prohibit or
+condition the education of any individual. To do such a thing was
+tantamount to preventing him from having a direct revelation of God.
+How these "educators" could argue that on account of the hopelessness
+of the endeavors to civilize the blacks they should be removed to a
+foreign country, and at the same time undertake to provide for them
+there the same facilities for higher education that white men enjoyed,
+seemed to Jay to be facetiously inconsistent.[2] If the Africans could
+be elevated in their native land and not in America, it was due to the
+Caucasians' sinful condition, for which the colored people should not
+be required to suffer the penalty of expatriation.[3] The desirable
+thing to do was to influence churches and schools to admit students of
+color on terms of equality with all other races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Reese, _Letters to Honorable William Jay._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jay, _Inquiry_, p. 26; and _Letters_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 22.]
+
+Encountering this opposition, the institutions projected by the
+colonization society existed in name only. Exactly how and why the
+organization failed to make good with its educational policy is well
+brought out by the wailing cry of one of its promoters. He asserted
+that "every endeavor to divert the attention of the community or even
+a portion of the means which the present so imperatively calls for,
+from the colonization society to measures calculated to bind the
+colored population to this country and seeking to raise them to a
+level with the whites, whether by founding colleges or in any other
+way, tends directly in the proportion that it succeeds, to counteract
+and thwart the whole plan of colonization."[1] The colonizationists,
+therefore, desisted from their attempt to provide higher education for
+any considerable number of the belated race. Seeing that they could
+not count on the support of the free persons of color, they feared
+that those thus educated would be induced by the abolitionists to
+remain in the United States. This would put the colonizationists in
+the position of increasing the intelligent element of the colored
+population, which was then regarded as a menace to slavery.
+Consequently these timorous "educators" did practically nothing
+during the reactionary period to carry out their plan of establishing
+colleges.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col. Soc._,
+p. 31.]
+
+Thereafter the colonizationists found it advisable to restrict their
+efforts to individual cases. Not much was said about what they were
+doing, but now and then appeared notices of Negroes who had been
+privately prepared in the South or publicly in the North for
+professional work in Liberia. Dr. William Taylor and Dr. Fleet were
+thus educated in medicine in the District of Columbia.[1] In the
+same way John V. DeGrasse, of New York, and Thomas J. White,[2] of
+Brooklyn, were allowed to complete the Medical Course at Bowdoin in
+1849. Garrison Draper, who had acquired his literary education at
+Dartmouth, studied law in Baltimore under friends of the colonization
+cause, and with a view to going to Liberia passed the examination of
+the Maryland Bar in 1857.[3] In 1858 the Berkshire Medical School
+graduated two colored doctors, who were gratuitously educated by the
+American Colonization Society. The graduating class thinned out,
+however, and one of the professors resigned because of their
+attendance.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, and
+_African Repository_, vol. x., p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxv., p. 384.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+Not all colonizationists, however, had submitted to this policy of
+mere individual preparation of those emigrating to Liberia. Certain of
+their organizations still believed that it was only through educating
+the free people of color sufficiently to see their humiliation that a
+large number of them could be induced to leave this country. As long
+as they were unable to enjoy the finer things of life, they could not
+be expected to appreciate the value and use of liberty. It was
+argued that instead of remaining in this country to wage war on its
+institutions, the highly enlightened Negroes would be glad to go to a
+foreign land.[1] By this argument some colonizationists were induced
+to do more for the general education of the free blacks than they
+had considered it wise to do during the time of the bold attempts at
+servile insurrection.[2] In fact, many of the colored schools of the
+free States were supported by ardent colonizationists.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237; and
+_African Repository_, vol. xxx., p. 195.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 195.]
+
+
+The later plan of most colonizationists, however, was to educate the
+emigrating Negroes after they settled in Liberia. Handsome sums
+were given for the establishment of schools and colleges in which
+professorships were endowed for men educated at the expense of
+churches and colonization societies.[1] The first institution of
+consequence in this field was the Alexander High School. To this
+school many of the prominent men of Liberia owed the beginning of
+their liberal education. The English High School at Monrovia, the
+Baptist Boarding School at Bexley, and the Protestant Episcopal High
+School at Cape Palmas also offered courses in higher branches.[2]
+Still better opportunities were given by the College of West Africa
+and Liberia College. The former was founded in 1839 as the head of a
+system of schools established by the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+every county of the Republic.[3] Liberia College was at the request
+of its founders, the directors of the American Colonization Society,
+incorporated by the legislature of the country in 1851. As it took
+some time to secure adequate funds, the main building was not
+completed, and students were not admitted before 1862.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, under the caption of "Education in
+Liberia" in various volumes; and Alexander, _A History of Col._, pp.
+348, 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 348.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 6.]
+
+Though the majority of the colored students scoffed at the idea of
+preparing for work in Liberia their education for service in the
+United States was not encouraged. No Negro had graduated from a
+college before 1828, when John B. Russworm, a classmate of Hon. John
+P. Hale, received his degree from Bowdoin.[1] During the thirties
+and forties, colored persons, however well prepared, were generally
+debarred from colleges despite the protests of prominent men. We have
+no record that as many as fifteen Negroes were admitted to higher
+institutions in this country before 1840. It was only after much
+debate that Union College agreed to accept a colored student on
+condition that he should swear that he had no Negro blood in his
+veins.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dyer, Speech in Congress on the Progress of the Negro,
+1914.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Clarke, _The Condition of the Free People of Color_,
+1859, p. 3, and the _Sixth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 11.]
+
+Having had such a little to encourage them to expect a general
+admission into northern institutions, free blacks and abolitionists
+concluded that separate colleges for colored people were necessary.
+The institution demanded for them was thought to have an advantage
+over the aristocratic college in that labor would be combined with
+study, making the stay at school pleasant and enabling the poorest
+youth to secure an education.[1] It was the kind of higher institution
+which had already been established in several States to meet the needs
+of the illiterate whites. Such higher training for the Negroes was
+considered necessary, also, because their intermediate schools were
+after the reaction in a languishing state. The children of color were
+able to advance but little on account of having nothing to stimulate
+them. The desired college was, therefore, boomed as an institution to
+give the common schools vigor, "to kindle the flame of emulation,"
+"to open to beginners discerning the mysteries of arithmetic other
+mysteries beyond," and above all to serve them as Yale or Harvard did
+as the capstone of the educational system of the other race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Convention of Free People of
+Color held in Philadelphia in 1836_, pp. 7 and 8; _Ibid., Fourth
+Annual Convention_, p. 26; _Proceedings of the New England Antislavery
+Society_, 1836, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+of the Free People of Color_, 1836; Garrison's Address.]
+
+In the course of time these workers succeeded in various communities.
+The movement for the higher education of the Negroes of the District
+of Columbia centered largely around the academy established by Miss
+Myrtilla Miner, a worthy young woman of New York. After various
+discouragements in seeking a special preparation for life's work, she
+finally concluded that she should devote her time to the moral and
+intellectual improvement of Negroes.[1] She entered upon her career in
+Washington in 1851 assisted by Miss Anna Inman, a native of New York,
+and a member of the Society of Friends. After teaching the girls
+French one year Miss Inman returned to her home in Southfield, Rhode
+Island.[2] Finding it difficult to get a permanent location, Miss
+Miner had to move from place to place among colored people who were
+generally persecuted and threatened with conflagration for having a
+white woman working among them. Driven to the extremity of building
+a schoolhouse for her purpose, she purchased a lot with money raised
+largely by Quakers of New York, Philadelphia, and New England, and
+by Harriet Beecher Stowe.[3] Miss Miner had also the support of Mrs.
+Means, an aunt of the wife of President Franklin Pierce, and of United
+States Senator W.H. Seward.[4] Effective opposition, however, was not
+long in developing. Articles appeared in the newspapers protesting
+against this policy of affording Negroes "a degree of instruction so
+far above their social and political condition which must continue in
+this and every other slaveholding community."[5] Girls were insulted,
+teachers were abused along the streets, and for lack of police
+surveillance the house was set afire in 1860. It was sighted, however,
+in time to be saved.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: O'Connor, _Myrtilla Miner_, pp. 11, 12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 207.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 208.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 208, 209, and 210.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The National Intelligencer._]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 209.]
+
+Undisturbed by these efforts to destroy the institution, Miss Miner
+persisted in carrying out her plan for the higher education of colored
+girls of the District of Columbia. She worked during the winter, and
+traveled during the summer to solicit friends and contributions to
+keep the institution on that higher plane where she planned it should
+be. She had the building well equipped with all kinds of apparatus,
+utilized the ample ground for the teaching of horticulture, collected
+a large library, and secured a number of paintings and engravings with
+which she enlightened her pupils on the finer arts. In addition to the
+conventional teaching of seminaries of that day, Miss Miner provided
+lectures on scientific and literary subjects by the leading men of
+that time, and trained her students to teach.[1] She hoped some day to
+make the seminary a first-class teachers' college. During the Civil
+War, however, it was difficult for her to find funds, and health
+having failed her in 1858 she died in 1866 without realizing this
+dream.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Those who assisted her were Helen Moore, Margaret Clapp,
+Anna H. Searing, Amanda Weaver, Anna Jones, Matilda Jones, and Lydia
+Mann, the sister of Horace Mann, who helped Miss Miner considerably
+in 1856 at the time of her failing health. Emily Holland was her firm
+supporter when the institution was passing through the crisis, and
+stood by her until she breathed her last. See _Special Report of the
+U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+
+Earlier in the nineteenth century the philanthropists of Pennsylvania
+had planned to establish for Negroes several higher institutions.
+Chief among these was the Institute for Colored Youth. The founding
+of an institution of this kind had been made possible by Richard
+Humphreys, a Quaker, who, on his death in 1832, devised to a Board
+of Trustees the sum of $10,000 to be used for the education of the
+descendants of the African race.[1] As the instruction of Negroes was
+then unpopular, no steps were taken to carry out this plan until 1839.
+The Quakers then appointed a Board and undertook to execute this
+provision of Humphreys's will. In conformity with the directions of
+the donor, the Board of Trustees endeavored to give the colored
+youth the opportunity to obtain a good education and acquire useful
+knowledge of trades and commercial occupations. Humphreys desired that
+"they might be enabled to obtain a comfortable livelihood by their
+own industry, and fulfill the duties of domestic and social life
+with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious men."[2]
+Accordingly they purchased a tract of land in Philadelphia County and
+taught a number of boys the principles of farming, shoemaking, and
+other useful occupations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+
+Another stage in the development of this institution was reached in
+1842, the year of its incorporation. It then received several small
+contributions and the handsome sum of $18,000 from another Quaker,
+Jonathan Zane. As it seemed by 1846 that the attempt to combine the
+literary with the industrial work had not been successful, it was
+decided to dispose of the industrial equipment and devote the funds of
+the institution to the maintenance of an evening school. An effort at
+the establishment of a day school was made in 1850, but it was not
+effected before 1852. A building was then erected in Lombard Street
+and the school known thereafter as the Institute for Colored Youth was
+opened with Charles L. Reason of New York in charge. Under him the
+institution was at once a success in preparing advanced pupils of
+both sexes for the higher vocations of teaching and preaching. The
+attendance soon necessitated increased accommodations for which Joseph
+Dawson and other Quakers liberally provided in later years.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 380.]
+
+This favorable tendency in Pennsylvania led to the establishment of
+Avery College at Alleghany City. The necessary fund was bequeathed by
+Rev. Charles Avery, a rich man of that section, who left an estate of
+about $300,000 to be applied to the education and Christianization of
+the African race.[1] Some of this fund was devoted to missionary
+work in Africa, large donations were made to colored institutions of
+learning, and another portion was appropriated to the establishment
+of Avery College. This institution was incorporated in 1849. Soon
+thereafter it advertised for students, expressing willingness to make
+every provision without regard to religious proclivities. The school
+had a three-story brick building, up-to-date apparatus for teaching
+various branches of natural science, a library of all kinds
+of literature, and an endowment of $25,000 to provide for its
+maintenance. Rev. Philotas Dean, the only white teacher connected with
+this institution, was its first principal. He served until 1856 when
+he was succeeded by his assistant, M.H. Freeman, who in 1863 was
+succeeded by George B. Vashon. Miss Emma J. Woodson was an assistant
+in the institution from 1856 to 1867. After the din of the Civil War
+had ceased the institution took on new life, electing a new corps of
+teachers, who placed the work on a higher plane. Among these were Rev.
+H.H. Garnett, president, B.K. Sampson, Harriet C. Johnson, and Clara
+G. Toop.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., p. 156.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 381.]
+
+It was due also to the successful forces at work in Pennsylvania that
+the Ashmun Institute, now Lincoln University, was established in that
+State. The need of higher education having come to the attention of
+the Presbytery of New Castle, that body decided to establish within
+its limits an institution for the "scientific, classical, and
+theological education of the colored youth of the male sex." In 1853
+the Synod approved the plans of the founders and provided that the
+institution should be under the supervision and control of the
+Presbytery or Synod within whose bounds it might be located. A
+committee to solicit funds, find a site, and secure a charter for the
+school was appointed. They selected for the location Hensonville,
+Chester County, Pennsylvania.[1] The legislature incorporated the
+institution in 1854 with John M. Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, Robert P.
+DuBois, James Latta, John B. Spottswood, James Crowell, Samuel J.
+Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, John M. Kelton, and William Wilson as
+trustees. Sufficient buildings and equipment having been provided by
+1856, the doors of this institution were opened to young colored men
+seeking preparation for work in this country and Liberia.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 382.]
+
+An equally successful plan of workers in the West resulted in the
+founding of the first higher institution to be controlled by Negroes.
+Having for some years believed that the colored people needed a
+college for the preparation of teachers and preachers, the Cincinnati
+Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in session in 1855
+appointed Rev. John F. Wright as general agent to execute this design.
+Addressing themselves immediately to this task Rev. Mr. Wright and his
+associates solicited from philanthropic persons by 1856 the amount of
+$13,000. The agents then made the purchase payment on the beautiful
+site of Tawawa Springs, long known as the healthy summer resort near
+Xenia, Ohio.[1] That same year the institution was incorporated as
+Wilberforce University. From 1856 to 1862 the school had a fair
+student body, consisting of the mulatto children of southern
+slaveholders.[2] When these were kept away, however, by the operations
+of the Civil War, the institution declined so rapidly that it had to
+be closed for a season. Thereafter the trustees appealed again to the
+African Methodist Episcopal Church which in 1856 had declined the
+invitation to coöperate with the founders. The colored Methodists had
+adhered to their decision to operate Union Seminary, a manual labor
+school, which they had started near Columbus, Ohio.[3] The proposition
+was accepted, however, in 1862. For the amount of the debt of $10,000
+which the institution had incurred while passing through the crisis,
+Rev. Daniel A. Payne and his associates secured the transfer of
+the property to the African Methodist Episcopal Church. These new
+directors hoped to develop a first-class university, offering courses
+in law, medicine, literature, and theology. The debt being speedily
+removed the school showed evidences of new vigor, but was checked in
+its progress by an incendiary, who burned the main building while the
+teachers and pupils were attending an emancipation celebration at
+Xenia, April 14, 1865. With the amount of insurance received and
+donations from friends, the trustees were able to construct a more
+commodious building which still marks the site of these early
+labors.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+372-373.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _History of Greene County, Ohio_, chapter on Wilberforce;
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+A brighter day for the higher education of the colored people at home,
+however, had begun to dawn during the forties. The abolitionists
+were then aggressively demanding consideration for the Negroes. Men
+"condescended" to reason together about slavery and the treatment of
+the colored people. The northern people ceased to think that they had
+nothing to do with these problems. When these questions were openly
+discussed in the schools of the North, students and teachers gradually
+became converted to the doctrine of equality in education. This
+revolution was instituted by President C.B. Storrs, of Western Reserve
+College, then at Hudson, Ohio. His doctrine in regard to the training
+of the mind "was that men are able to be made only by putting youth
+under the responsibilities of men." He, therefore, encouraged the free
+discussion of all important subjects, among which was the appeal of
+the Negroes for enlightenment. This policy gave rise to a spirit of
+inquiry which permeated the whole school. The victory, however, was
+not easy. After a long struggle the mind of the college was carried by
+irresistible argument in favor of fair play for colored youth. This
+institution had two colored students as early as 1834.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 42.]
+
+Northern institutions of learning were then reaching the third stage
+in their participation in the solution of the Negro problem. At first
+they had to be converted even to allow a free discussion of the
+question; next the students on being convinced that slavery was a sin,
+sought to elevate the blacks thus degraded; and finally these workers,
+who had been accustomed to instructing the neighboring colored people,
+reached the conclusion that they should be admitted to their schools
+on equal footing with the whites. Geneva College, then at Northfield,
+Ohio, now at Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, was being moved in this
+manner.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-slavery
+Society_, 1834. p. 43.]
+
+Lane Seminary, however, is the best example of a school which passed
+through the three stages of this revolution. This institution was
+peculiar in that the idea of establishing it originated with a
+southerner, a merchant of New Orleans. It was founded largely by funds
+of southern Presbyterians, was located in Cincinnati about a mile from
+slave territory, and was attended by students from that section.[1]
+When the right of free discussion swept the country many of the
+proslavery students were converted to abolition. To southerners it
+seemed that the seminary had resolved itself into a society for the
+elevation of the free blacks. Students established Sabbath-schools,
+organized Bible classes, and provided lectures for Negroes ambitious
+to do advanced work. Measures were taken to establish an academy for
+colored girls, and a teacher was engaged. But these noble efforts put
+forth so near the border States soon provoked firm opposition from
+the proslavery element. Some of the students had gone so far in the
+manifestation of their zeal that the institution was embarrassed by
+the charge of promoting the social equality of the races.[2] Rather
+than remain in Cincinnati under restrictions, the reform element of
+the institution moved to the more congenial Western Reserve where a
+nucleus of youth and their instructors had assumed the name of Oberlin
+College. This school did so much for the education of Negroes before
+the Civil War that it was often spoken of as an institution for the
+education of the people of color.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 43.]
+
+Interest in the higher education of the neglected race, however, was
+not confined to a particular commonwealth. Institutions of other
+States were directing their attention to this task. Among others were
+a school in New York City founded by a clergyman to offer Negroes an
+opportunity to study the classics,[1] New York Central College at
+McGrawville, Oneida Institute conducted by Beriah Green at Whitesboro,
+Thetford Academy of Vermont, and Union Literary Institute in the
+center of the communities of freedmen transplanted to Indiana. Many
+other of our best institutions were opening their doors to students of
+African descent. By 1852 colored students had attended the Institute
+at Easton, Pennsylvania; the Normal School of Albany, New York;
+Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine; Rutland College, Vermont; Jefferson
+College, Pennsylvania; Athens College, Athens, Ohio; Franklin College,
+New Athens, Ohio; and Hanover College near Madison, Indiana. Negroes
+had taken courses at the Medical School of the University of New York;
+the Castleton Medical School in Vermont; the Berkshire Medical School,
+Pittsfield, Massachusetts; the Rush Medical School in Chicago; the
+Eclectic Medical School of Philadelphia; the Homeopathic College of
+Cleveland; and the Medical School of Harvard University. Colored
+preachers had been educated in the Theological Seminary at Gettysburg,
+Pennsylvania; the Dartmouth Theological School; and the Theological
+Seminary of Charleston, South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 530.]
+
+[Footnote 2: These facts are taken from M.R. Delany's _The Condition,
+Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United
+States Practically Considered_, published in 1852; the _Reports of
+the Antislavery and Colonization Societies_, and _The African
+Repository_.]
+
+Prominent among those who brought about this change in the attitude
+toward the education of the free blacks was Gerrit Smith, one of
+the greatest philanthropists of his time. He secured privileges for
+Negroes in higher institutions by extending aid to such as would open
+their doors to persons of color. In this way he became a patron of
+Oneida Institute, giving it from $3,000 to $4,000 in cash and 3,000
+acres of land in Vermont. Because of the hospitality of Oberlin to
+colored students he gave the institution large sums of money and
+20,000 acres of land in Virginia valued at $50,000. New York Central
+College which opened its doors alike to both races obtained from him
+several donations.[1] This gentleman proceeded on the presumption that
+it is the duty of the white people to elevate the colored and that the
+education of large numbers of them is indispensable to the uplift of
+the degraded classes.[2] He wanted them to have the opportunity for
+obtaining either a common or classical education; and hoped that they
+would go out from our institutions well educated for any work to
+which they might be called in this country or abroad.[3] He himself
+established a colored school at Peterboro, New York. As this
+institution offered both industrial and literary courses we shall
+have occasion to mention it again. Both a cause and result of the
+increasing interest in the higher education of Negroes was that these
+unfortunates had made good with what little training they had. Many
+had by their creative power shown what they could do in business,[4]
+some had convinced the world of the inventive genius of the man of
+color,[5] others had begun to rank as successful lawyers,[6] not a
+few had become distinguished physicians,[7] and scores of intelligent
+Negro preachers were ministering to the spiritual needs of their
+people.[8] S.R. Ward, a scholar of some note, was for a few years the
+pastor of a white church at Courtlandville, New York. Robert Morris
+had been honored by the appointment as Magistrate by the Governor of
+Massachusetts, and in New Hampshire another man of African blood had
+been elected to the legislature.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Among these were John B. Smith, Coffin Pitts, Robert
+Douglas, John P. Bell, Augustus Washington, Alexander S. Thomas, Henry
+Boyd, P.H. Ray, and L.T. Wilcox.]
+
+[Footnote 5: A North Carolina Negro had discovered a cure for
+snakebite; Henry Blair, a slave of Maryland, had invented a
+corn-planter; and Roberts of Philadelphia had made a machine for
+lifting railway cars from the tracks.]
+
+[Footnote 6: The most noted of these lawyers were Robert Morris,
+Malcolm B. Allen, G.B. Vashon, and E.G. Walker.]
+
+[Footnote 7: The leading Negroes of this class were T. Joiner White,
+Peter Ray, John DeGrasse, David P. Jones, J. Gould Bias, James Ulett,
+Martin Delany, and John R. Peck. James McCrummill, Joseph Wilson,
+Thos. Kennard, and Wm. Nickless were noted colored dentists of
+Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 8: The prominent colored preachers of that day were Titus
+Basfield, B.F. Templeton, W.T. Catto, Benjamin Coker, John B. Vashon,
+Robert Purvis, David Ruggles, Philip A. Bell, Charles L. Reason,
+William Wells Brown, Samuel L. Ward, James McCune Smith, Highland
+Garnett, Daniel A. Payne, James C. Pennington, M. Haines, and John F.
+Cook.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+Thanks to the open doors of liberal schools, the race could boast of a
+number of efficient educators.[1] There were Martin H. Freeman, John
+Newton Templeton, Mary E. Miles, Lucy Stratton, Lewis Woodson, John
+F. Cook, Mary Ann Shadd, W.H. Allen, and B.W. Arnett. Professor C.L.
+Reason, a veteran teacher of New York City, was then so well educated
+that in 1844 he was called to the professorship of Belles-Lettres and
+the French Language in New York Central College. Many intelligent
+Negroes who followed other occupations had teaching for their
+avocation. In fact almost every colored person who could read and
+write was a missionary teacher among his people.
+
+[Footnote 1: James B. Russworm, an alumnus of Bowdoin, was the first
+Negro to receive a degree from a college in this country.]
+
+In music, literature, and journalism the Negroes were also doing well.
+Eliza Greenfield, William Jackson, John G. Anderson, and William Appo
+made their way in the musical world. Lemuel Haynes, a successful
+preacher to a white congregation, took up theology about 1815. Paul
+Cuffee wrote an interesting account of Sierra Leone. Rev. Daniel
+Coker published a book on slavery in 1810. Seven years later came
+the publication of the _Law and Doctrine of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church_ and the _Standard Hymnal_ written by Richard Allen.
+In 1836 Rev. George Hogarth published an addition to this volume and
+in 1841 brought forward the first magazine of the sect. Edward W.
+Moore, a colored teacher of white children in Tennessee, wrote an
+arithmetic. C.L. Remond of Massachusetts was then a successful
+lecturer and controversialist. James M. Whitefield, George Horton,
+and Frances E.W. Harper were publishing poems. H.H. Garnett and J.C.
+Pennington, known to fame as preachers, attained success also as
+pamphleteers. R.B. Lewis, M.R. Delany, William Nell, and Catto
+embellished Negro history; William Wells Brown wrote his _Three Years
+in Europe_; and Frederick Douglass, the orator, gave the world his
+creditable autobiography. More effective still were the journalistic
+efforts of the Negro intellect pleading its own cause. [1] Colored
+newspapers varying from the type of weeklies like _The North Star_ to
+that of the modern magazine like _The Anglo-African_ were published in
+most large towns and cities of the North.
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1827 John B. Russworm and Samuel B. Cornish began the
+publication of _The Freedom's Journal_, appearing afterward as
+_Rights to All_. Ten years later P.A. Bell was publishing _The Weekly
+Advocate_. From 1837 to 1842 Bell and Cornish edited _The Colored
+Man's Journal_, while Samuel Ruggles sent from his press _The Mirror
+of Liberty_. In 1847, one year after the appearance of Thomas Van
+Rensselaer's _Ram's Horn_, Frederick Douglass started _The North Star_
+at Rochester, while G. Allen and Highland Garnett were appealing to
+the country through _The National Watchman_ of Troy, New York. That
+same year Martin R. Delany brought out _The Pittsburg Mystery_, and
+others _The Elevator_ at Albany, New York. At Syracuse appeared The
+_Impartial Citizen_ established by Samuel R. Ward in 1848, three years
+after which L.H. Putnam came before the public in New York City with
+_The Colored Man's Journal_. Then came _The Philadelphia Freeman_,
+_The Philadelphia Citizen_, _The New York Phalanx_, _The Baltimore
+Elevator_, and _The Cincinnati Central Star_. Of a higher order was
+_he Anglo-African_, a magazine published in New York in 1859 by Thomas
+Hamilton, who was succeeded in editorship by Robert Hamilton and
+Highland Garnett. In 1852 there were in existence _The Colored
+American_, _The Struggler_, _The Watchman_, _The Ram's Horn_, _The
+Demosthenian Shield_, _The National Reformer_, _The Pittsburg
+Mystery_, _The Palladium of Liberty_, _The Disfranchised American_,
+_The Colored Citizen_, _The National Watchman_, _The Excelsior_,
+_The Christian Herald_, _The Farmer_, _The Impartial Citizen_, _The
+Northern Star_ of Albany, and The _North Star_ of Rochester.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+VOCATIONAL TRAINING
+
+
+Having before them striking examples of highly educated colored men
+who could find no employment in the United States, the free Negroes
+began to realize that their preparation was not going hand in hand
+with their opportunities. Industrial education was then emphasized as
+the proper method of equipping the race for usefulness. The advocacy
+of such training, however, was in no sense new. The early anti-slavery
+men regarded it as the prerequisite to emancipation, and the
+abolitionists urged it as the only safe means of elevating the
+freedmen. But when the blacks, converted to this doctrine, began to
+enter the higher pursuits of labor during the forties and fifties,
+there started a struggle which has been prolonged even into our day.
+Most northern white men had ceased to oppose the enlightenment of the
+free people of color but still objected to granting them economic
+equality. The same investigators that discovered increased facilities
+of conventional education for Negroes in 1834 reported also that there
+existed among the white mechanics a formidable prejudice against
+colored artisans.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+In opposing the encroachment of Negroes on their field of labor the
+northerners took their cue from the white mechanics in the South. At
+first laborers of both races worked together in the same room and at
+the same machine.[1] But in the nineteenth century, when more white
+men in the South were condescending to do skilled labor and trying to
+develop manufactures, they found themselves handicapped by competition
+with the slave mechanics. Before 1860 most southern mechanics,
+machinists, local manufacturers, contractors, and railroad men with
+the exception of conductors were Negroes.[2] Against this custom
+of making colored men such an economic factor the white mechanics
+frequently protested.[3] The riots against Negroes occurring in
+Cincinnati, Philadelphia, New York, and Washington during the thirties
+and forties owed their origin mainly to an ill feeling between the
+white and colored skilled laborers.[4] The white artisans prevailed
+upon the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Georgia to enact
+measures hostile to their rivals.[5] In 1845 the State of Georgia made
+it a misdemeanor for a colored mechanic to make a contract for the
+repair or the erection of buildings.[6] The people of Georgia,
+however, were not unanimously in favor of keeping the Negro artisan
+down. We have already observed that at the request of the Agricultural
+Convention of that State in 1852 the legislature all but passed a bill
+providing for the education of slaves to increase their efficiency and
+attach them to their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _Slave States of America_, vol. ii., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32, 33.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 34,
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 365.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 339.]
+
+It was unfortunate that the free people of color in the North had
+not taken up vocational training earlier in the century before the
+laboring classes realized fraternal consciousness. Once pitted against
+the capitalists during the Administration of Andrew Jackson the
+working classes learned to think that their interests differed
+materially from those of the rich, whose privileges had multiplied at
+the expense of the poor. Efforts toward effecting organizations to
+secure to labor adequate protection began to be successful during
+Van Buren's Administration. At this time some reformers were boldly
+demanding the recognition of Negroes by all helpful groups. One of the
+tests of the strength of these protagonists was whether or not they
+could induce the mechanics of the North to take colored workmen to
+supply the skilled laborers required by the then rapid economic
+development of our free States. Would the whites permit the blacks
+to continue as their competitors after labor had been elevated above
+drudgery? To do this meant the continuation of the custom of taking
+youths of African blood as apprentices. This the white mechanics of
+the North generally refused to do.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention of the Free
+People of Color_, p. 18.]
+
+The friends of the colored race, however, were not easily discouraged
+by that "vulgar race prejudice which reigns in the breasts of working
+classes."[1] Arthur Tappan, Gerrit Smith, and William Lloyd Garrison
+made the appeal in behalf of the untrained laborers.[2] Although they
+knew the difficulties encountered by Negroes seeking to learn trades,
+and could daily observe how unwilling master mechanics were to receive
+colored boys as apprentices, the abolitionists persisted in saying
+that by perseverance these youths could succeed in procuring
+profitable situations.[3] Garrison believed that their failure to find
+employment at trades was not due so much to racial differences as to
+their lack of training. Speaking to the free people of color in their
+convention in Philadelphia in 1831, he could give them no better
+advice than that "wherever you can, put your children to trades. A
+good trade is better than a fortune, because when once obtained it
+cannot be taken away." Discussing the matter further, he said: "Now,
+there can be no reason why your sons should fail to make as ingenious
+and industrious mechanics, as any white apprentices; and when they
+once get trades, they will be able to accumulate money; money begets
+influence, and influence respectability. Influence, wealth, and
+character will certainly destroy those prejudices which now separate
+you from society."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is based on articles appearing in _The
+Liberator_ from time to time.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. II.]
+
+To expect the coöperation of the white working classes in thus
+elevating the colored race turned out to be a delusion. They reached
+the conclusion that in making their headway against capital they had a
+better chance without Negroes than with them. White mechanics of the
+North not only refused to accept colored boys as apprentices, but
+would not even work for employers who persisted in hiring Negroes.
+Generally refused by the master mechanics of Cincinnati, a colored
+cabinet-maker finally found an Englishman who was willing to hire him,
+but the employees of the shop objected, refusing to allow the newcomer
+even to work in a room by himself.[1] A Negro who could preach in a
+white church of the North would have had difficulty in securing the
+contract to build a new edifice for that congregation. A colored man
+could then more easily get his son into a lawyer's office to learn law
+than he could "into a blacksmith shop to blow the bellows and wield
+the sledge hammer."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, June 13, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass_,
+p. 248.]
+
+Left then in a quandary as to what they should do, northern Negroes
+hoped to use the then popular "manual labor schools" to furnish the
+facilities for both practical and classical education. These schools
+as operated for the whites, however, were not primarily trade schools.
+Those which admitted persons of African descent paid more attention to
+actual industrial training for the reason that colored students could
+not then hope to acquire such knowledge as apprentices. This tendency
+was well shown by the action of the free Negroes through their
+delegates in the convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830.
+Conversant with the policy of so reshaping the educational system of
+the country as to carry knowledge even to the hovels, these leaders
+were easily won to the scheme of reconstructing their schools "on the
+manual labor system." In this they saw the redemption of the free
+Negroes of the North. These gentlemen were afraid that the colored
+people were not paying sufficient attention to the development of the
+power to use their hands skillfully.[1] One of the first acts of the
+convention was to inquire as to how fast colored men were becoming
+attached to mechanical pursuits,[2] and whether or not there was any
+prospect that a manual labor school for the instruction of the youth
+would shortly be established. The report of the committee, to which
+the question was referred, was so encouraging that the convention
+itself decided to establish an institution of the kind at New Haven,
+Connecticut. They appealed to their fellows for help, called
+the attention of philanthropists to this need of the race, and
+commissioned William Lloyd Garrison to solicit funds in Great
+Britain.[3] Garrison found hearty supporters among the friends of
+freedom in that country. Some, who had been induced to contribute
+to the Colonization Society, found it more advisable to aid the new
+movement. Charles Stewart of Liverpool wrote Garrison that he could
+count on his British co-workers to raise $1000 for this purpose.[4] At
+the same time Americans were equally active. Arthur Tappan subscribed
+$1000 on the condition that each of nineteen other persons should
+contribute the same amount.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26; and _The Liberator_,
+October 22, 1831; and _The Abolitionist_, November, 1833 (p. 191).]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 27.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Abolitionist_ (November 1833), p. 191.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Liberator_, October 22, 1831.]
+
+Before these well-laid plans could mature, however, unexpected
+opposition developed in New Haven. Indignation meetings were held,
+protests against this project were filed, and the free people of color
+were notified that the institution was not desired in Connecticut.[1]
+It was said that these memorialists feared that a colored college so
+near to Yale might cause friction between the two student bodies, and
+that the school might attract an unusually large number of undesirable
+Negroes. At their meeting the citizens of New Haven resolved "That the
+founding of colleges for educating colored people is an unwarrantable
+and dangerous undertaking to the internal concerns of other states and
+ought to be discouraged, and that the mayor, aldermen, common council,
+and freemen will resist the movement by every lawful means."[2] In
+view of such drastic action the promoters had to abandon their plan.
+No such protests were made by the citizens of New Haven, however, when
+the colonizationists were planning to establish there a mission school
+to prepare Negroes to leave the country.
+
+[Footnote 1: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. iv., p. 406; and _The Liberator_, July 9,
+1831.]
+
+The movement, however, was not then stopped by this outburst of race
+prejudice in New Haven. Directing attention to another community, the
+New England Antislavery Society took up this scheme and collected
+funds to establish a manual labor school. When the officials had on
+hand about $1000 it was discovered that they could accomplish their
+aim by subsidizing the Noyes Academy of Canaan, New Hampshire, and
+making such changes as were necessary to subserve the purposes
+intended.[1] The plan was not to convert this into a colored school.
+The promoters hoped to maintain there a model academy for the
+co-education of the races "on the manual labor system." The treasurer
+of the Antislavery Society was to turn over certain moneys to this
+academy to provide for the needs of the colored students, who then
+numbered fourteen of the fifty-two enrolled. But although it had
+been reported that the people of the town were in accord with the
+principal's acceptance of this proposition, there were soon evidences
+to the contrary. Fearing imaginary evils, these modern Canaanites
+destroyed the academy, dragging the building to a swamp with a hundred
+yoke of oxen.[2] The better element of the town registered against
+this outrage only a slight protest. H.H. Garnett and Alexander
+Crummell were among the colored students who sought education at this
+academy.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, July 4, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34; and Monroe,
+_Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+This work was more successful in the State of New York. There,
+too, the cause was championed by the abolitionists.[1] After the
+emancipation of all Negroes in that commonwealth by 1827 the New York
+Antislavery Society devoted more time to the elevation of the free
+people of color. The rapid rise of the laboring classes in this
+swiftly growing city made it evident to their benefactors that they
+had to be speedily equipped for competition with white mechanics or be
+doomed to follow menial employments. The only one of that section to
+offer Negroes anything like the opportunity for industrial training,
+however, was Gerrit Smith.[2] He was fortunate in having sufficient
+wealth to carry out the plan. In 1834 he established in Madison
+County, New York, an institution known as the Peterboro Manual Labor
+School. The working at trades was provided not altogether to teach the
+mechanic arts, but to enable the students to support themselves while
+attending school. As a compensation for instruction, books, room,
+fuel, light, and board furnished by the founder, the student was
+expected to labor four hours daily at some agricultural or mechanical
+employment "important to his education."[3] The faculty estimated the
+four hours of labor as worth on an average of about 12-1/2 cents for
+each student.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+Efforts were then being made for the establishment of another
+institution near Philadelphia. These endeavors culminated in the
+above-mentioned benefaction of Richard Humphreys, by the will of
+whom $10,000 was devised to establish a school for the purpose of
+instructing "descendants of the African race in school learning in
+the various branches of the mechanical arts and trades and
+agriculture."[1] In 1839 members of the Society of Friends organized
+an association to establish a school such as Humphreys had planned.
+The founders believed that "the most successful method of elevating
+the moral and intellectual character of the descendants of Africa, as
+well as of improving their social condition, is to extend to them the
+benefits of a good education, and to instruct them in the knowledge of
+some useful trade or business, whereby they may be enabled to obtain a
+comfortable livelihood by their own industry; and through these means
+to prepare them for fulfilling the various duties of domestic and
+social life with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious
+men."[2] Directing their attention first to things practical the
+association purchased in 1839 a piece of land in Bristol township,
+Philadelphia County, where they offered boys instruction in farming,
+shoemaking, and other useful trades. Their endeavors, so far as
+training in the mechanic arts was concerned, proved to be a failure.
+In 1846, therefore, the management decided to discontinue this
+literary, agricultural, and manual labor experiment. The trustees then
+sold the farm and stock, apprenticed the male students to mechanical
+occupations, and opened an evening school. Thinking mainly of
+classical education thereafter, the trustees of the fund finally
+established the Institute for Colored Youth of which we have spoken
+elsewhere.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+Some of the philanthropists who promoted the practical education
+of the colored people were found in the Negro settlements of the
+Northwest. Their first successful attempt in that section was the
+establishment of the Emlen Institute in Mercer County, Ohio. The
+founding of this institution was due manly to the efforts of Augustus
+Wattles who was instrumental in getting a number of emigrating
+freedmen to leave Cincinnati and settle in this county about 1835.[1]
+Wattles traveled in almost every colored neighborhood of the State and
+laid before them the benefits of permanent homes and the education for
+their children. On his first journey he organized, with the assistance
+of abolitionists, twenty-five schools for colored children. Interested
+thereafter in providing a head for this system he purchased for
+himself ninety acres of land in Mercer County to establish a manual
+labor institution. He sustained a school on it at his own expense,
+till the 11th of November, 1842. Wattles then visited Philadelphia
+where he became acquainted with the trustees of the late Samuel Emlen,
+a Friend of New Jersey. He had left by his will $20,000 "for the
+support and education in school learning and mechanic arts and
+agriculture of boys of African and Indian descent whose parents
+would give such youths to the Institute."[2] The means of the two
+philanthropists were united. The trustees purchased a farm and
+appointed Wattles as superintendent of the establishment, calling it
+Emlen Institute. Located in a section where the Negroes had sufficient
+interest in education to support a number of elementary schools, this
+institution once had considerable influence.[3] It was removed to
+Bucks County, Pennsylvania, in 1858 and then to Warminster in the same
+county in 1873.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 254.]
+
+Another school of this type was founded in the Northwest. This was the
+Union Literary Institute of Spartanburg, Indiana. The institution owes
+its origin to a group of bold, antislavery men who "in the heat of
+the abolition excitement"[1] stood firm for the Negro. They soon had
+opposition from the proslavery leaders who impeded the progress of
+the institution. But thanks to the indefatigable Ebenezer Tucker,
+its first principal, the "Nigger School" weathered the storm. The
+Institute, however, was founded to educate both races. Its charter
+required that no distinction should be made on account of race, color,
+rank, or religion. Accordingly, although the student body was from
+the beginning of the school partly white, the board of trustees
+represented denominations of both races. Accessible statistics do not
+show that colored persons ever constituted more than one-third of
+the students.[2] It was one of the most durable of the manual labor
+schools, having continued after the Civil War, carrying out to some
+extent the original designs of its founders. As the plan to continue
+it as a private institution proved later to be impracticable the
+establishment was changed into a public school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: According to the _Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education_ in 1893 the colored students then
+constituted about one-third of those then registered at this
+institution. See p. 1944 of this report.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Records of the United States Bureau of Education.]
+
+Scarcely less popular was the British and American Manual Labor
+Institute of the colored settlements in Upper Canada. This school was
+projected by Rev. Hiram Wilson and Josiah Henson as early as 1838, but
+its organization was not undertaken until 1842. The refugees were then
+called together to decide upon the expenditure of $1500 collected in
+England by James C. Fuller, a Quaker. They decided to establish at
+Dawn "a manual labor school, where children could be taught those
+elements of knowledge which are usually the occupations of a grammar
+school, and where boys could be taught in addition the practice of
+some mechanic art, and the girls could be instructed in those domestic
+arts which are the proper occupation and ornament of their sex."[1] A
+tract of three hundred acres of land was purchased, a few buildings
+were constructed, and pupils were soon admitted. The managers
+endeavored to make the school, "self-supporting by the employment of
+the students for certain portions of the time on the land."[2] The
+advantage of schooling of this kind attracted to Dresden and Dawn
+sufficient refugees to make these prosperous settlements. Rev. Hiram
+Wilson, the first principal of the institution, began with fourteen
+"boarding scholars" when there were no more than fifty colored persons
+in all the vicinity. In 1852 when the population of this community
+had increased to five hundred there were sixty students attending
+the school. Indian and white children were also admitted. Among the
+students there were also adults varying later in number from
+fifty-six to one hundred and sixteen.[3] This institution became very
+influential among the Negroes of Canada. Travelers mentioned the
+Institute in accounting for the prosperity and good morals of the
+refugees.[4] Unfortunately, however, after the year 1855 when the
+school reached its zenith, it began to decline on account of bad
+feeling probably resulting from a divided management.
+
+[Footnote 1: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, pp. 73, 74.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 309; and Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 249, 250.]
+
+Studying these facts concerning the manual labor system of education,
+the student of education sees that it was not generally successful.
+This may be accounted for in various ways. One might say that colored
+people were not desired in the higher pursuits of labor and that their
+preparation for such vocations never received the support of the rank
+and file of the Negroes of the North. They saw then, as they often
+do now, the seeming impracticability of preparing themselves for
+occupations which they apparently had no chance to follow. Moreover,
+bright freedmen were not at first attracted to mechanical occupations.
+Ambitious Negroes who triumphed over slavery and made their way to the
+North for educational advantages hoped to enter the higher walks of
+life. Only a few of the race had the foresight of the advocates of
+industrial training. The majority of the enlightened class desired
+that they be no longer considered as "persons occupying a menial
+position, but as capable of the highest development of man."[1]
+Furthermore, bitterly as some white men hated slavery, and deeply as
+they seemingly sympathized with the oppressed, they were loath to
+support a policy which they believed was fatal to their economic
+interests.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention_,
+etc., p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Fifth Report of the American Antislavery Society_,
+p. 115; Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+The chief reason for the failure of the new educational policy was
+that the managers of the manual labor schools made the mistakes often
+committed by promoters of industrial education of our day. At first
+they proceeded on the presumption that one could obtain a classical
+education while learning a trade and at the same time earn sufficient
+to support himself at school. Some of the managers of industrial
+schools have not yet learned that students cannot produce articles for
+market. The best we can expect from an industrial school to-day is a
+good apprentice.
+
+Another handicap was that at that time conditions were seldom
+sufficiently favorable to enable the employer to derive profit enough
+from students' work to compensate for the maintenance of the youth
+at a manual labor school. Besides, such a school could not be
+far-reaching in its results because it could not be so conducted as to
+accommodate a large number of students. With a slight change in its
+aims the manual labor schools might have been more successful in
+the large urban communities, but the aim of their advocates was to
+establish them in the country where sufficient land for agricultural
+training could be had, and where students would not be corrupted by
+the vices of the city.
+
+It was equally unfortunate that the teachers who were chosen to carry
+out this educational policy lacked the preparation adequate to
+their task. They had any amount of spirit, but an evident lack of
+understanding as to the meaning of this new education. They failed
+to unite the qualifications for both the industrial and academic
+instruction. It was the fault that we find to-day in our industrial
+schools. Those who were responsible for the literary training knew
+little of and cared still less for the work in mechanic arts, and
+those who were employed to teach trades seldom had sufficient
+education to impart what they knew. The students, too, in their
+efforts to pursue these uncorrelated courses seldom succeeded in
+making much advance in either. We have no evidence that many Negroes
+were equipped for higher service in the manual labor schools.
+Statistics of 1850 and 1860 show that there was an increase in the
+number of colored mechanics, especially in Philadelphia, Cincinnati,
+Columbus, the Western Reserve, and Canada.[1] But this was probably
+due to the decreasing prejudice of the local white mechanics toward
+the Negro artisans fleeing from the South rather than to formal
+industrial training.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clarke, _Present Condition of the Free People of Color of
+the United States_, 1859, pp. 9, 10, 11, 13, and 29.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 9, 10, and 23.]
+
+Schools of this kind tended gradually to abandon the idea of combining
+labor and learning, leaving such provisions mainly as catalogue
+fictions. Many of the western colleges were founded as manual
+labor schools, but the remains of these beginnings are few and
+insignificant. Oberlin, which was once operated on this basis, still
+retains the seal of "Learning and Labor," with a college building in
+the foreground and a field of grain in the distance. A number of our
+institutions have recitations now in the forenoon that students may
+devote the afternoon to labor. In some schools Monday instead of
+Saturday is the open day of the week because this was wash-day for the
+manual labor colleges. Even after the Civil War some schools had their
+long vacation in the winter instead of the summer because the latter
+was the time for manual labor. The people of our day know little about
+this unsuccessful system.
+
+It is evident, therefore, that the leaders who had up to that time
+dictated the policy of the social betterment of the colored people had
+failed to find the key to the situation. This task fell to the lot
+of Frederick Douglass, who, wiser in his generation than most of his
+contemporaries, advocated actual vocational training as the greatest
+leverage for the elevation of the colored people. Douglass was given
+an opportunity to bring his ideas before the public on the occasion of
+a visit to Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. She was then preparing to go
+to England in response to an invitation from her admirers, who were
+anxious to see this famous author of _Uncle Tom's Cabin_ and to give
+her a testimonial. Thinking that she would receive large sums of money
+in England she desired to get Mr. Douglass's views as to how it could
+be most profitably spent for the advancement of the free people of
+color. She was especially interested in those who had become free by
+their own exertions. Mrs. Stowe informed her guest that several had
+suggested the establishment of an educational institution pure and
+simple, but that she had not been able to concur with them, thinking
+that it would be better to open an industrial school. Douglass was
+opposed both to the establishment of such a college as was suggested,
+and to that of an ordinary industrial school where pupils should
+merely "earn the means of obtaining an education in books." He desired
+what we now call the vocational school, "a series of workshops where
+colored men could learn some of the handicrafts, learn to work in
+iron, wood, and leather, while incidentally acquiring a plain English
+education."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Under Douglass's leadership the movement had a new goal. The learning
+of trades was no longer to be subsidiary to conventional education.
+Just the reverse was true. Moreover, it was not to be entrusted to
+individuals operating on a small scale; it was to be a public effort
+of larger scope. The aim was to make the education of Negroes so
+articulate with their needs as to improve their economic condition.
+Seeing that despite the successful endeavors of many freedmen to
+acquire higher education that the race was still kept in penury,
+Douglass believed that by reconstructing their educational policy the
+friends of the race could teach the colored people to help themselves.
+Pecuniary embarrassment, he thought, was the cause of all evil to
+the blacks, "for poverty kept them ignorant and their lack of
+enlightenment kept them degraded." The deliverance from these evils,
+he contended, could be effected not by such a fancied or artificial
+elevation as the mere diffusion of information by institutions beyond
+the immediate needs of the poor. The awful plight of the Negroes, as
+he saw it, resulted directly from not having the opportunity to learn
+trades, and from "narrowing their limits to earn a livelihood."
+Douglass deplored the fact that even menial employments were rapidly
+passing away from the colored people. Under the caption of "Learn
+Trades or Starve," he tried to drive home the truth that if the
+free people of color did not soon heed his advice, foreigners then
+immigrating in large numbers would elbow them from all lucrative
+positions. In his own words, "every day begins with the lesson and
+ends with the lesson that colored men must find new employments, new
+modes of usefulness to society, or that they must decay under the
+pressing wants to which their condition is bringing them."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Douglass believed in higher education and looked forward to that stage
+in the development of the Negroes when high schools and colleges could
+contribute to their progress. He knew, however, that it was foolish
+to think that persons accustomed to the rougher and harder modes of
+living could in a single leap from their low condition reach that of
+professional men. The attainment of such positions, he thought, was
+contingent upon laying a foundation in things material by passing
+"through the intermediate gradations of agriculture and the mechanic
+arts."[1] He was sure that the higher institutions then open to the
+colored people would be adequate to the task of providing for them all
+the professional men they then needed, and that the facilities for
+higher education so far as the schools and colleges in the free States
+were concerned would increase quite in proportion to the future needs
+of the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 249.]
+
+Douglass deplored the fact that education and emigration had gone
+together. As soon as a colored man of genius like Russworm, Garnett,
+Ward, or Crummell appeared, the so-called friends of the race reached
+the conclusion that he could better serve his race elsewhere. Seeing
+themselves pitted against odds, such bright men had had to seek
+more congenial countries. The training of Negroes merely to aid the
+colonization scheme would have little bearing on the situation at home
+unless its promoters could transplant the majority of the free people
+of color. The aim then should be not to transplant the race but to
+adopt a policy such as he had proposed to elevate it in the United
+States.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times_, p. 250.]
+
+Vocational education, Douglass thought, would disprove the so-called
+mental inferiority of the Negroes. He believed that the blacks should
+show by action that they were equal to the whites rather than depend
+on the defense of friends who based their arguments not on facts but
+on certain admitted principles. Believing in the mechanical genius of
+the Negroes he hoped that in the establishment of this institution
+they would have an opportunity for development. In it he saw a benefit
+not only to the free colored people of the North, but also to the
+slaves. The strongest argument used by the slaveholder in defense of
+his precious institution was the low condition of the free people of
+color of the North. Remove this excuse by elevating them and you
+will hasten the liberation of the slaves. The best refutation of
+the proslavery argument is the "presentation of an industrious,
+enterprising, thrifty, and intelligent free black population."[1] An
+element of this kind, he believed, would rise under the fostering care
+of vocational teachers.
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 251.]
+
+With Douglass this proposition did not descend to the plane of mere
+suggestion. Audiences which he addressed from time to time were
+informed as to the necessity of providing for the colored people
+facilities of practical education.[1] The columns of his paper
+rendered the cause noble service. He entered upon the advocacy of it
+with all the zeal of an educational reformer, endeavoring to show how
+this policy would please all concerned. Anxious fathers whose minds
+had been exercised by the inquiry as to what to do with their sons
+would welcome the opportunity to have them taught trades. It would be
+in line with the "eminently practical philanthropy of the Negroes'
+trans-Atlantic friends." America would scarcely object to it as an
+attempt to agitate the mind on slavery or to destroy the Union. "It
+could not be tortured into a cause for hard words by the American
+people," but the noble and good of all classes would see in the effort
+"an excellent motive, a benevolent object, temperately, wisely, and
+practically manifested."[2] The leading free people of color heeded
+this message. Appealing to them through their delegates assembled in
+Rochester in 1853, Douglass secured a warm endorsement of his plan in
+eloquent speeches and resolutions passed by the convention.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxix., p. 136.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Life and Times of_, p. 252.]
+
+This great enterprise, like all others, was soon to encounter
+opposition. Mrs. Stowe was attacked as soliciting money abroad for her
+own private use. So bitter were these proslavery diatribes that Henry
+Ward Beecher and Frederick Douglass had some difficulty in convincing
+the world that her maligners had no grounds for this vicious
+accusation. Furthermore, on taking up the matter with Mrs. Stowe after
+her return to the United States, Douglass was disappointed to learn
+that she had abandoned her plan to found a vocational institution.
+He was never able to see any force in the reasons for the change of
+policy; but believed that Mrs. Stowe acted conscientiously, although
+her action was decidedly embarrassing to him both at home and
+abroad.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+EDUCATION AT PUBLIC EXPENSE
+
+
+The persistent struggle of the colored people to have their children
+educated at public expense shows how resolved they were to be
+enlightened. In the beginning Negroes had no aspiration to secure such
+assistance. Because the free public schools were first regarded as a
+system to educate the poor, the friends of the free blacks turned
+them away from these institutions lest men might reproach them with
+becoming a public charge. Moreover, philanthropists deemed it wise to
+provide separate schools for Negroes to bring them into contact with
+sympathetic persons, who knew their peculiar needs. In the course of
+time, however, when the stigma of charity was removed as a result
+of the development of the free schools at public expense, Negroes
+concluded that it was not dishonorable to share the benefits of
+institutions which they were taxed to support.[1] Unable then to cope
+with systems thus maintained for the education of the white youth, the
+directors of colored schools requested that something be appropriated
+for the education of Negroes. Complying with these petitions boards
+of education provided for colored schools which were to be partly or
+wholly supported at public expense. But it was not long before the
+abolitionists saw that they had made a mistake in carrying out this
+policy. The amount appropriated to the support of the special schools
+was generally inadequate to supply them with the necessary equipment
+and competent teachers, and in most communities the white people
+had begun to regard the co-education of the races as undesirable.
+Confronted then with this caste prejudice, one of the hardest
+struggles of the Negroes and their sympathizers was that for
+democratic education.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Negroes of Baltimore were just prior to the Civil War
+paying $500 in taxes annually to support public schools which their
+children could not attend.]
+
+The friends of the colored people in Pennsylvania were among the first
+to direct the attention of the State to the duty of enlightening the
+blacks as well as the whites. In 1802, 1804, and 1809, respectively,
+the State passed, in the interest of the poor, acts which although
+interpreted to exclude Negroes from the benefits therein provided,
+were construed, nevertheless, by friends of the race as authorizing
+their education at public expense. Convinced of the truth of this
+contention, officials in different parts of the State began to yield
+in the next decade. At Columbia, Pennsylvania, the names of such
+colored children as were entitled to the benefits of the law for the
+education of the poor were taken in 1818 to enable them to attend the
+free public schools. Following the same policy, the Abolition Society
+of Philadelphia, seeing that the city had established public schools
+for white children in 1818, applied two years later for the share of
+the fund to which the children of African descent were entitled by
+law. The request was granted. The Comptroller opened in Lombard Street
+in 1822 a school for children of color, maintained at the expense of
+the State. This furnished a precedent for other such schools which
+were established in 1833, and 1841.[1] Harrisburg had a colored school
+early in the century, but upon the establishment of the Lancastrian
+school in that city in the thirties, the colored as well as the
+white children were required to attend it or pay for their education
+themselves.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 379.]
+
+In 1834 the legislature of Pennsylvania established a system of public
+schools, but the claims of the Negroes to public education were
+neither guaranteed nor denied.[1] The school law of 1854, however,
+seems to imply that the benefits of the system had always been
+understood to extend to colored children.[2] This measure provided
+that the comptrollers and directors of the several school districts of
+the State could establish within their respective districts separate
+schools for Negro and mulatto children wherever they could be so
+located as to accommodate twenty or more pupils. Another provision was
+that wherever such schools should "be established and kept open four
+months in the year" the directors and comptrollers should not be
+compelled to admit colored pupils to any other schools of that
+district. The law was interpreted to mean that wherever such
+accommodations were not provided the children of Negroes could attend
+the other schools. Such was the case in the rural districts where a
+few colored children often found it pleasant and profitable to attend
+school with their white friends.[3] The children of Robert B. Purvis,
+however, were turned away from the public schools of Philadelphia
+on the ground that special educational facilities for them had been
+provided.[4] It was not until 1881 that Pennsylvania finally swept
+away all the distinctions of caste from her public school system.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pa_., p. 291, sections
+1-23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stroud and Brightly, _Purdon's Digest_, p. 1064, section
+23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+As the colored population of New Jersey was never large, there was not
+sufficient concentration of such persons in that State to give rise
+to the problems which at times confronted the benevolent people of
+Pennsylvania. Great as had been the reaction, the Negroes of New
+Jersey never entirely lost the privilege of attending school with
+white students. The New Jersey Constitution of 1844 provided that the
+funds for the support of the public schools should be applied for the
+equal benefit of all the people of that State.[1] Considered then
+entitled to the benefits of this fund, colored pupils were early
+admitted into the public schools without any social distinction.[2]
+This does not mean that there were no colored schools in that
+commonwealth. Negroes in a few settlements like that of Springtown had
+their own schools.[3] Separate schools were declared illegal by an act
+of the General Assembly in 1881.
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. v., p.
+2604.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Southern Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 390.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 400.]
+
+Certain communities of New York provided separate schools for colored
+pupils rather than admit them to those open to white children. On
+recommendation of the superintendent of schools in 1823 the State
+adopted the policy of organizing schools exclusively for colored
+people.[1] In places where they already existed, the State could aid
+the establishment as did the New York Common Council in 1824, when it
+appropriated a portion of its fund to the support of the African Free
+Schools.[2] In 1841 the New York legislature authorized any district,
+with the approbation of the school commissioners, to establish a
+separate school for the colored children in their locality. The
+superintendent's report for 1847 shows that schools for Negroes had
+been established in fifteen counties in the State, reporting an
+enrollment of 5000 pupils. For the maintenance of these schools
+the sum of $17,000 had been annually expended. Colored pupils were
+enumerated by the trustees in their annual reports, drew public money
+for the district in which they resided, and were equally entitled
+with white children to the benefit of the school fund. In the rural
+districts colored children were generally admitted to the common
+schools. Wherever race prejudice, however, was sufficiently violent to
+exclude them from the village school, the trustees were empowered
+to use the Negroes' share of the public money to provide for their
+education elsewhere. At the same time indigent Negroes were to be
+exempted from the payment of the "rate bill" which fell as a charge
+upon the other citizens of the district.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 48.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+248.]
+
+Some trouble had arisen from making special appropriations for
+incorporated villages. Such appropriations, the superintendent had
+observed, excited prejudice and parsimony; for the trustees of some
+villages had learned to expend only the special appropriations for
+the education of the colored pupils, and to use the public money
+in establishing and maintaining schools for the white children. He
+believed that it was wrong to argue that Negroes were any more a
+burden to incorporated villages than to cities or rural districts, and
+that they were, therefore, entitled to every allowance of money to
+educate them.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+249.]
+
+In New York City much had already been done to enlighten the Negroes
+through the schools of the Manumission Society. But as the increasing
+population of color necessitated additional facilities, the
+Manumission Society obtained from the fund of the Public School
+Society partial support of its system. The next step was to unite the
+African Free Schools with those of the Public School Society to reduce
+the number of organizations participating in the support of Negro
+education. Despite the argument of some that the two systems should
+be kept separate, the property and schools of the Manumission Society
+were transferred to the New York Public School Society in 1834.[2]
+Thereafter the schools did not do as well as they had done before. The
+administrative part of the work almost ceased, the schools lost in
+efficiency, and the former attendance of 1400 startlingly dropped. An
+investigation made in 1835 showed that many Negroes, intimidated by
+frequent race riots incident to the reactionary movement, had left the
+city, while others kept their children at home for safety. It seemed,
+too, that they looked upon the new system as an innovation, did not
+like the action of the Public School Society in reducing their schools
+of advanced grade to that of the primary, and bore it grievously that
+so many of the old teachers in whom they had confidence, had been
+dropped. To bring order out of chaos the investigating committee
+advised the assimilation of the separate schools to the white.
+Thereupon the society undertook to remake the colored schools,
+organizing them into a system which offered instruction in primary,
+intermediate, and grammar departments. The task of reconstruction,
+however, was not completed until 1853, when the property of the
+colored schools was transferred to the Board of Education of New
+York.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+The second transfer marked an epoch in the development of Negro
+education in New York. The Board of Education proceeded immediately
+to perfect the system begun at the time of the first change. The new
+directors reclassified the lower grades, opened other grammar schools,
+and established a normal school according to the recommendation of
+the investigating committee of 1835. Supervision being more rigid
+thereafter, the schools made some progress, but failed to accomplish
+what was expected of them. They were carelessly intrusted for
+supervision to the care of ward officers, some of whom partly
+neglected this duty, while others gave the work no attention whatever.
+It was unfortunate, too, that some of these schools were situated in
+parts of the city where the people were not interested in the uplift
+of the despised race, and in a few cases in wards which were almost
+proslavery. Better results followed after the colored schools were
+brought under the direct supervision of the Board of Education.
+
+Before the close of the Civil War the sentiment of the people of the
+State of New York had changed sufficiently to permit colored children
+to attend the regular public schools in several communities. This,
+however, was not general. It was, therefore, provided in the revised
+code of that State in 1864 that the board of education of any city or
+incorporated village might establish separate schools for children and
+youth of African descent provided such schools be supported in the
+same manner as those maintained for white children. The last vestige
+of caste in the public schools of New York was not exterminated until
+1900, in the administration of Theodore Roosevelt as Governor of New
+York. The legislature then passed an act providing that no one should
+be denied admittance to any public school on account of race, color,
+or previous condition of servitude.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of New York_, 1900, ch. 492.]
+
+In Rhode Island, where the black population was proportionately larger
+than in some other New England States, special schools for persons of
+color continued. These efforts met with success at Newport. In the
+year 1828 a separate school for colored children was established at
+Providence and placed in charge of a teacher receiving a salary of
+$400 per annum.[1] A decade later another such school was opened on
+Pond Street in the same city. About this time the school law of Rhode
+Island was modified so as to make it a little more favorable to the
+people of color. The State temporarily adopted a rule by which the
+school fund was thereafter not distributed, as formerly, according
+to the number of inhabitants below the age of sixteen. It was to be
+apportioned, thereafter, according to the number of white persons
+under the age of ten years, "together with five-fourteenths of the
+said [colored] population between the ages of ten and twenty-four
+years." This law remained in force between the years 1832 and 1845.
+Under the new system these schools seemingly made progress. In 1841
+they were no longer giving the mere essentials of reading and writing,
+but combined the instruction of both the grammar and the primary
+grades.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 169.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 51.]
+
+Thereafter Rhode Island had to pass through the intense antislavery
+struggle which had for its ultimate aim both the freedom of the Negro
+and the democratization of the public schools. Petitions were sent to
+the legislature, and appeals were made to representatives asking for
+a repeal of those laws which permitted the segregation of the colored
+children in the public schools. But intense as this agitation became,
+and urgently as it was put before the public, it failed to gain
+sufficient momentum to break down the barriers prior to 1866 when the
+legislature of Rhode Island passed an act abolishing separate schools
+for Negroes.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Laws of the State of Rhode Island_, 1865-66, p.
+49.]
+
+Prior to the reactionary movement the schools of Connecticut were,
+like most others in New England at that time, open alike to black and
+white. It seems, too, that colored children were well received and
+instructed as thoroughly as their white friends. But in 1830, whether
+on account of the increasing race prejudice or the desire to do for
+themselves, the colored people of Hartford presented to the School
+Society of that city a petition that a separate school for persons of
+color be established with a part of the public school fund which might
+be apportioned to them according to their number. Finding this request
+reasonable, the School Society decided to take the necessary steps to
+comply with it. As such an agreement would have no standing at law
+the matter was recommended to the legislature of the State, which
+authorized the establishment in that commonwealth of several separate
+schools for persons of color.[1] This arrangement, however, soon
+proved unsatisfactory. Because of the small number of Negroes in
+Connecticut towns, they found their pro rata inadequate to the
+maintenance of separate schools. No buildings were provided for them,
+such schools as they had were not properly supervised, the teachers
+were poorly paid, and with the exception of a little help from a few
+philanthropists, the white citizens failed to aid the cause. In 1846,
+therefore, the pastor of the colored Congregational Church sent to the
+School Society of Hartford a memorial calling attention to the fact
+that for lack of means the colored schools had been unable to secure
+suitable quarters and competent teachers. Consequently the education
+of their children had been exceedingly irregular, deficient, and
+onerous. The School Society had done nothing for these institutions
+but to turn over to them every year their small share of the public
+fund. These gentlemen then decided to raise by taxation an amount
+adequate to the support of two better equipped schools and proceeded
+at once to provide for its collection and expenditure.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+The results gave general satisfaction for a while. But as it was a
+time when much was being done to develop the public schools of New
+England, the colored people of Hartford could not remain contented.
+They saw the white pupils housed in comfortable buildings and
+attending properly graded classes, while their own children continued
+to be crowded into small insanitary rooms and taught as unclassified
+students. The Negroes, therefore, petitioned for a more suitable
+building and a better organization of their schools. As this request
+came at the time when the abolitionists were working hard to
+exterminate caste from the schools of New England, the School
+Committee called a meeting of the memorialists to decide whether they
+desired to send their children to the white or separate schools.[1]
+They decided in favor of the latter, provided that the colored people
+should have a building adequate to their needs and instruction of the
+best kind.[2] Complying with this decision the School Society erected
+the much-needed building in 1852. To provide for the maintenance of
+the separate schools the property of the citizens was taxed at such a
+rate as to secure to the colored pupils of the city benefits similar
+to those enjoyed by the white pupils.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+Ardent antislavery men believed that this segregation in the schools
+was undemocratic. They asserted that the colored people would never
+have made such a request had the teachers of the public schools taken
+the proper interest in them. The Negroes, too, had long since been
+convinced that the white people would not maintain separate schools
+with the same equipment which they gave their own. This arrangement,
+however, continued until 1868. The legislature then passed an act
+declaring that the schools of the State should be open to all persons
+alike between the ages of four and sixteen, and that no person should
+be denied instruction in any public school in his school district on
+account of race or color.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Acts of the General Assembly of Conn_., 1868, p.
+296.]
+
+In the State of Massachusetts the contest was most ardent. Boston
+opened its first primary school for colored children in 1820. In other
+towns like Salem and Nantucket, New Bedford and Lowell, where the
+colored population was also considerable, the same policy was carried
+out.[1] Some years later, however, both the Negroes and their friends
+saw the error of their early advocacy of the establishment of special
+schools to escape the stigma of receiving charity. After the change
+in the attitude toward the public free schools and the further
+development of caste in American education, there arose in
+Massachusetts a struggle between leaders determined to restrict the
+Negroes' privileges to the use of poorly equipped separate schools and
+those contending for equality in education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 35.]
+
+Basing their action on the equality of men before the law, the
+advocates of democratic education held meetings from which went
+frequent and urgent petitions to school committees until Negroes were
+accepted in the public schools in all towns in Massachusetts except
+Boston.[1] Children of African blood were successfully admitted to the
+New Bedford schools on equality with the white youth in 1838.[2] In
+1846 the school committee of that town reported that the colored
+pupils were regular in their attendance, and as successful in their
+work as the whites. There were then ninety in all in that system; four
+in the high school, forty in grammar schools, and the remainder in the
+primary department, all being scattered in such a way as to have one
+to four in twenty-one to twenty-eight schools. At Lowell the children
+of a colored family were not only among the best in the schools but
+the greatest favorites in the system.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 20, and _Niles Register_, vol. lxvi., p.
+320.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 25.]
+
+The consolidation of the colored school of Salem with the others of
+that city led to no disturbance. Speaking of the democracy of these
+schools in 1846 Mr. Richard Fletcher said: "The principle of perfect
+equality is the vital principle of the system. Here all classes of
+the community mingle together. The rich and the poor meet on terms of
+equality and are prepared by the same instruction to discharge the
+duties of life. It is the principle of equality cherished in the free
+schools on which our government and free institutions rest. Destroy
+this principle in the schools and the people would soon cease to be
+free." At Nantucket, however, some trouble was experienced because of
+the admission of pupils of color in 1843. Certain patrons criticized
+the action adversely and withdrew fourteen of their children from the
+South Grammar School. The system, however, prospered thereafter rather
+than declined.[1] Many had no trouble in making the change.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 23.]
+
+These victories having been won in other towns of the State by 1846,
+it soon became evident that Boston would have to yield. Not only were
+abolitionists pointing to the ease with which this gain had been made
+in other towns, but were directing attention to the fact that in these
+smaller communities Negroes were both learning the fundamentals and
+advancing through the lower grades into the high school. Boston, which
+had a larger black population than all other towns in Massachusetts
+combined, had never seen a colored pupil prepared for a secondary
+institution in one of its public schools. It was, therefore, evident
+to fair-minded persons that in cities of separate systems Negroes
+would derive practically no benefit from the school tax which they
+paid.
+
+This agitation for the abolition of caste in the public schools
+assumed its most violent form in Boston during the forties. The
+abolitionists then organized a more strenuous opposition to the caste
+system. Why Sarah Redmond and the other children of a family paying
+tax to support the schools of Boston should be turned away from a
+public school simply because they were persons of color was a problem
+too difficult for a fair-minded man.[1] The war of words came,
+however, when in response to a petition of Edmund Jackson, H.J.
+Bowditch, and other citizens for the admission of colored people to
+the public schools in 1844, the majority of the school committee
+refused the request. Following the opinion of Chandler, their
+solicitor, they based their action of making distinction in the
+public schools on the natural distinction of the races, which "no
+legislature, no social customs, can efface," and which "renders a
+promiscuous intermingling in the public schools disadvantageous both
+to them and to the whites."[2] Questioned as to any positive law
+providing for such discrimination, Chandler gave his opinion that the
+School Committee of Boston, under the authority perhaps of the City
+Council, had a legal right to establish and maintain special primary
+schools for the blacks. He believed, too, that in the exercise of
+their lawful discretionary power they could exclude white pupils from
+certain schools and colored pupils from certain other schools when,
+in their judgment, the best interests of all would thereby be
+promoted.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 30.]
+
+Encouraged by the fact that colored children were indiscriminately
+admitted to the schools of Salem, Nantucket, New Bedford, and Lowell,
+in fact, of every city in Massachusetts but Boston, the friends of
+the colored people fearlessly attacked the false legal theories of
+Solicitor Chandler. The minority of the School Committee argued that
+schools are the common property of all, and that each and all are
+legally entitled without "let or hindrance" to the equal benefits of
+all advantages they might confer.[1] Any action, therefore, which
+tended to restrict to any individual or class the advantages and
+benefits designed for all, was an illegal use of authority, and an
+arbitrary act used for pernicious purposes.[2] Their republican
+system, the minority believed, conferred civil equality and legal
+rights upon every citizen, knew neither privileged nor degraded
+classes, made no distinctions, and created no differences between rich
+and poor, learned and ignorant, or white and black, but extended to
+all alike its protection and benefits.[3] The minority considered it a
+merit of the school system that it produced the fusion of all classes,
+promoted the feeling of brotherhood, and the habits of equality. The
+power of the School Committee, therefore, was limited and constrained
+by the general spirit of the civil policy and by the letter and spirit
+of the laws which regulated the system.[4] It was further maintained
+that to debar the colored youth from these advantages, even if they
+were assured the same external results, would be a sore injustice and
+would serve as the surest means of perpetuating a prejudice which
+should be deprecated and discountenanced by all intelligent and
+Christian men.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc. pp. 4 and 5.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 3 _et. seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+To the sophistry of Chandler, Wendell Phillips also made a logical
+reply. He asserted that as members of a legal body, the School
+Committee should have eyes only for such distinctions among their
+fellow-citizens as the law recognized and pointed out. Phillips
+believed that they had precedents for the difference of age and sex,
+for regulation of health, etc., but that when they opened their eyes
+to the varied complexion, to difference of race, to diversity of
+creed, to distinctions of caste, they would seek in vain through the
+laws and institutions of Massachusetts for any recognition of their
+prejudice. He deplored the fact that they had attempted to foist into
+the legal arrangements of the land a principle utterly repugnant
+to the State constitution, and that what the sovereignty of the
+constitution dared not attempt a school committee accomplished. To
+Phillips it seemed crassly inconsistent to say that races permitted to
+intermarry should be debarred by Mr. Chandler's "sapient committee"
+from educational contact.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This agitation continued until 1855 when the opposition had grown too
+strong to be longer resisted. The legislature of Massachusetts then
+enacted a law providing that in determining the qualifications of a
+scholar to be admitted to any public school no distinction should
+be made on account of the race, color, or religious opinion of the
+applicant. It was further provided that a child excluded from school
+for any of these reasons might bring suit for damages against the
+offending town.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Acts and Resolves of the General Court of Mass_., 1855,
+ch. 256.]
+
+In other towns of New England, where the black population was
+considerable, separate schools were established. There was one even in
+Portland, Maine.[1] Efforts in this direction were made in Vermont and
+New Hampshire, but because of the scarcity of the colored people these
+States did not have to resort to such segregation. The Constitution of
+Vermont was interpreted as extending to Negroes the benefits of the
+Bill of Rights, making all men free and equal. Persons of color,
+therefore, were regarded as men entitled to all the privileges of
+freemen, among which was that of education at the expense of the
+State.[2] The framers of the Constitution of New Hampshire were
+equally liberal in securing this right to the dark race.[3] But when
+the principal of an academy at Canaan admitted some Negroes to his
+private institution, a mob, as we have observed above, broke up the
+institution by moving the building to a swamp, while the officials of
+the town offered no resistance. Such a spirit as this accounts for the
+rise of separate schools in places where the free blacks had the right
+to attend any institution of learning supported by the State.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. vi., p.
+3762.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 2471.]
+
+
+The problem of educating the Negroes at public expense was perplexing
+also to the minds of the people of the West. The question became
+more and more important in Ohio as the black population in that
+commonwealth increased. The law of 1825 provided that moneys raised
+from taxation of half a mill on the dollar should be appropriated to
+the support of common schools in the respective counties and that
+these schools should be "open to the youth of every class and grade
+without distinction."[1] Some interpreted this law to include Negroes.
+To overcome the objection to the partiality shown by school officials
+the State passed another law in 1829. It excluded colored people from
+the benefits of the new system, and returned them the amount accruing
+from the school tax on their property.[2] Thereafter benevolent
+societies and private associations maintained colored schools in
+Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and the southern counties of Ohio.[3]
+But no help came from the cities and the State before 1849 when the
+legislature passed a law authorizing the establishment of schools for
+children of color at public expense.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. xxiii., pp. 37 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. liii., pp. 117-118.]
+
+The Negroes of Cincinnati soon discovered that they had not won a
+great victory. They proceeded at once to elect trustees, organized a
+system, and employed teachers, relying on the money allotted them
+by the law on the basis of a per capita division of the school fund
+received by the Board of Education of Cincinnati. So great was the
+prejudice that the school officials refused to turn over the required
+funds on the grounds that the colored trustees were not electors,
+and therefore could not be office holders qualified to receive and
+disburse public funds.[1] Under the leadership of John I. Gaines the
+trustees called indignation meetings, and raised sufficient money to
+employ Flamen Ball, an attorney, to secure a writ of mandamus. The
+case was contested by the city officials even in the Supreme Court of
+the State which decided against the officious whites.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp. 371,
+372.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+Unfortunately it turned out that this decision did not mean very much
+to the Negroes. There were not many of them in certain settlements and
+the per capita division of the fund did not secure to them sufficient
+means to support schools. Even if the funds had been adequate to pay
+teachers, they had no schoolhouses. Lawyers of that day contended that
+the Act of 1849 had nothing to do with the construction of buildings.
+After a short period of accomplishing practically nothing material,
+the law was amended so as to transfer the control of such colored
+schools to the managers of the white system.[1] This was taken as a
+reflection on the standing of the blacks of the city and tended to
+make them refuse to coöperate with the white board. On account of the
+failure of this body to act effectively prior to 1856, the people of
+color were again given power to elect their own trustees.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the State of Ohio_, vol. liii., p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 118.]
+
+During the contest for the control of the colored schools certain
+Negroes of Cincinnati were endeavoring to make good their claim that
+their children had a right to attend any school maintained by the
+city. Acting upon this contention a colored patron sent his son to a
+public school, which on account of his presence became the center of
+unusual excitement.[1] Miss Isabella Newhall, the teacher to whom he
+went, immediately complained to the Board of Education, requesting
+that he be expelled on account of his race. After "due deliberation"
+the Board of Education decided by a vote of fifteen to ten that he
+would have to withdraw from that school. Thereupon two members of that
+body, residing in the district of the timorous teacher, resigned.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855.]
+
+[Footnote 2: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855; and Carlier,
+_L'Esclavage_, etc., p. 339.]
+
+Thereafter some progress in the development of separate schools in
+Cincinnati was noted. By 1855 the Board of Education of that city had
+established four public schools for the instruction of Negro youths.
+The colored pupils were showing their appreciation by regular
+attendance, manly deportment, and rapid progress in the acquisition of
+knowledge. Speaking of these Negroes in 1855, John P. Foote said that
+they shared with the white citizens that respect for education,
+and the diffusion of knowledge, which has ever been one of their
+"characteristics," and that they had, therefore, been more generally
+intelligent than free persons of color not only in other States but in
+all other parts of the world.[1] It was in appreciation of the worth
+of this class of progressive Negroes that in 1858 Nicholas Longworth
+built a comfortable school-house for them in Cincinnati, leasing it
+with the privilege of purchasing it in fourteen years.[2] They met
+these requirements within the stipulated time, and in 1859 secured
+through other agencies the construction of another building in the
+western portion of the city.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 92.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 372.]
+
+The agitation for the admission of colored children to the public
+schools was not confined to Cincinnati alone, but came up throughout
+the section north of the Ohio River.[1] Where the black population was
+large enough to form a social center of its own, Negroes and their
+friends could more easily provide for the education of colored
+children. In settlements, however, in which just a few of them were
+found, some liberal-minded man usually asked the question why persons
+taxed to support a system of free schools should not share its
+benefits. To strengthen their position these benevolent men referred
+to the rapid progress of the belated people, many of whom within
+less than a generation from their emergence from slavery had become
+intelligent, virtuous, and respectable persons, and in not a few
+cases had accumulated considerable wealth.[2] Those who insisted that
+children of African blood should be debarred from the regular public
+schools had for their defense the so-called inequality of the races.
+Some went so far as to concede the claims made for the progressive
+blacks, and even to praise those of their respective communities.[3]
+But great as their progress had been, the advocates of the restriction
+of their educational privileges considered it wrong to claim for them
+equality with the Caucasian race. They believed that society would
+suffer from an intermingling of the children of the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, ch. iii.; and Boone,
+_History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 93.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 92.]
+
+In Indiana the problem of educating Negroes was more difficult. R.G.
+Boone says that, "nominally for the first few years of the educational
+experience of the State, black and white children had equal privileges
+in the few schools that existed."[1] But this could not continue long.
+Abolitionists were moving the country, and freedmen soon found enemies
+as well as friends in the Ohio valley. Indiana, which was in 1824 so
+very "solicitous for a system of education which would guard against
+caste distinction," provided in 1837 that the white inhabitants alone
+of each congressional township should constitute the local school
+corporation.[2] In 1841 a petition was sent to the legislature
+requesting that a reasonable share of the school fund be appropriated
+to the education of Negroes, but the committee to which it was
+referred reported that legislation on that subject was inexpedient.[3]
+With the exception of prohibiting the immigration of such persons into
+that State not much account of them was taken until 1853. Then the
+legislature amended the law authorizing the establishment of schools
+in townships so as to provide that in all enumerations the children
+of color should not be taken, that the property of the blacks and
+mulattoes should not be taxed for school purposes, and that their
+children should not derive any benefit from the common schools of that
+State.[4] This provision had really been incorporated into the former
+law, but was omitted by oversight on the part of the engrossing
+clerk.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Ed. in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1837,
+p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1855,
+p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+A resolution of the House instructing the educational committee to
+report a bill for the establishment of schools for the education of
+the colored children of the State was overwhelmingly defeated in 1853.
+Explaining their position the opponents said that it was held "to be
+better for the weaker party that no privilege be extended to them,"
+as the tendency to such "might be to induce the vain belief that the
+prejudice of the dominant race could ever be so mollified as to break
+down the rugged barriers that must forever exist between their social
+relations." The friends of the blacks believed that by elevating them
+the sense of their degradation would be keener, and so the greater
+would be their anxiety to seek another country, where with the spirit
+of men they "might breathe fresh air of social as well as political
+liberty."[1] This argument, however, availed little. Before the Civil
+War the Negroes of Indiana received help in acquiring knowledge from
+no source but private and mission schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+In Illinois the situation was better than in Indiana, but far from
+encouraging. The constitution of 1847 restricted the benefits of the
+school law to white children, stipulating the word white throughout
+the act so as to make clear the intention of the legislators.[1] It
+seemed to some that, in excluding the colored children from the public
+schools, the law contemplated the establishment of separate schools
+in that it provided that the amount of school taxes collected from
+Negroes should be returned. Exactly what should be done with such
+money, however, was not stated in the act. But even if that were the
+object in view, the provision was of little help to the people of
+color for the reason that the clause providing for the return of
+school taxes was seldom executed. In the few cases in which it was
+carried out the fund thus raised was not adequate to the support of
+a special school, and generally there were not sufficient colored
+children in a community to justify such an outlay. In districts having
+control of their local affairs, however, the children of Negroes were
+often given a chance to attend school.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Constitution of Illinois, in the _Journal of the
+Constitution of the State of Illinois_, 1847, p. 344.]
+
+As this scant consideration given Negroes of Illinois left one-half
+of the six thousand of their children out of the pale of education,
+earnest appeals were made that the restrictive word white be stricken
+from the school law. The friends of the colored people sought to show
+how inconsistent this system was with the spirit of the constitution
+of the State, which, interpreted as they saw it, guaranteed all
+persons equality.[1] They held meetings from which came renewed
+petitions to their representatives, entreating them to repeal or amend
+the old school law. It was not so much a question as to whether or not
+there should be separate schools as it was whether or not the people
+of color should be educated. The dispersed condition of their children
+made it impossible for the State to provide for them in special
+schools the same educational facilities as those furnished the youth
+of Caucasian blood. Chicago tried the experiment in 1864, but failing
+to get the desired result, incorporated the colored children into
+the white schools the following year.[2] The State Legislature had
+sufficient moral courage to do away with these caste distinctions in
+1874.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, Const. of
+Illinois.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 343.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Starr and Curtis, _Annotated Statutes of Illinois_, ch.
+105, p. 2261.]
+
+In other States of the West and the North where few colored people
+were found, the solution of the problem was easier. After 1848 Negroes
+were legal voters in the school meetings of Michigan. Colored
+children were enumerated with others to determine the basis for the
+apportionment of the school funds, and were allowed to attend the
+public schools. Wisconsin granted Negroes equal school privileges.[1]
+After the adoption of a free constitution in 1857, Iowa "determined no
+man's rights by the color of his skin." Wherever the word white had
+served to restrict the privileges of persons of color it was stricken
+out to make it possible for them not only to bear arms and to vote but
+to attend public schools.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 400.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Journal of the Constitutional Convention of the State of
+Iowa_, 1857, p. 3 of the Constitution.]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+
+The following resolutions on the subject treated in this part
+(the instruction of Negroes) are from the works of Dr. Cotton
+Mather.--Bishop William Meade.
+
+1st. I would always remember, that my servants are in some sense my
+children, and by taking care that they want nothing which may be good
+for them, I would make them as my children; and so far as the methods
+of instituting piety into the mind which I use with my children,
+may be properly and prudently used with my servants, they shall be
+partakers in them--Nor will I leave them ignorant of anything, wherein
+I may instruct them to be useful to their generation.
+
+2d. I will see that my servants be furnished with bibles and be able
+and careful to read the lively oracles. I will put bibles and other
+good and proper books into their hands; will allow them time to read
+and assure myself that they do not misspend this time--If I can
+discern any wicked books in their hands, I will take away those
+pestilential instruments of wickedness.
+
+3d. I will have my servants present at the religious exercises of my
+family; and will drop, either in the exhortations, in the prayers or
+daily sacrifices of the family such pages as may have a tendency to
+quicken a sense of religion in them.
+
+4th. The article of catechising, as far as the age or state of the
+servants will permit it to be done with decency, shall extend to them
+also,--And they shall be concerned in the conferences in which I may
+be engaged with my family, in the repetition of the public sermons. If
+any of them when they come to me shall not have learned the catechism,
+I will take care that they do it, and will give them a reward when
+they have accomplished it.
+
+5th. I will be very inquisitive and solicitous about the company
+chosen by my servants; and with all possible earnestness will rescue
+them from the snares of evil company, and forbid their being the
+companions of fools.
+
+6th. Such of my servants as may be capable of the task, I will employ
+to teach lessons of piety to my children, and will recompense them for
+so doing. But I would, by a particular artifice, contrive them to be
+such lessons, as may be for their own edification too.
+
+7th. I will sometimes call my servants alone; talk to them about the
+state of their souls; tell them to close with their only servant,
+charge them to do well and "lay hold on eternal life," and show them
+very particularly how they may render all they do for me a service to
+the glorious Lord; how they may do all from a principle of obedience
+to him, and become entitled to the "reward of the heavenly
+inheritance."
+
+To those resolutions did I add the following pages as an appendix:
+
+Age is nearly sufficient, with some masters to obliterate every letter
+and action in the history of a meritorious life, and old services are
+generally buried under the ruins of an old carcase. It is a barbarous
+inhumanity in men towards their servants, to account their small
+failings as crimes, without allowing their past services to have been
+virtues; gracious God, keep thy servants from such base ingratitude!
+
+But then O servants, if you would obtain "the reward of inheritance,"
+each of you should set yourself to enquire "how shall I approve myself
+such a servant, that the Lord may bless the house of my master, the
+more for my being in it?" Certainly there are many ways by which
+servants may become blessings. Let your studies with your continual
+prayers for the welfare of the family to which you belong: and the
+example of your sober carriage render you such. If you will but
+remember four words and attempt all that is comprised in them,
+Obedience, Honesty, Industry, and Piety, you will be the blessings and
+Josephs of the families in which you live. Let these four words be
+distinctly and frequently recollected; and cheerfully perform all your
+business from this consideration--that it is obedience to heaven, and
+from thence will leave a recompense. It was the observation even of a
+pagan, "That a master may receive a benefit from a servant"; and "what
+is done with the affection of a friend, ceases to be the act of a mere
+servant." Even the maid-servants of a house may render a great service
+to it, by instructing the infants and instilling into their minds the
+lessons of goodness.--In the Appendix of Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons
+Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+EDIT DU ROI
+
+Concernant les Esclaves Négres des Colonies, qui seront amenés, ou
+envoyés en France. Donné à Paris au mois d'Octobre 1716.
+
+I. Nous avons connu la nécessité qu'il y a d'y soutenir l'exécution
+de l'édit du mars 1685, qui en maintenant la discipline de l'Eglise
+Catholique, Apostolique et Romaine, pourvoit à ce qui concerne l'état
+et la qualité des Esclaves Nègres, qu'on entretient dans lesdites
+colonies pour la culture des terres; et comme nous avons été informés
+que plusieurs habitans de nos Isles de l'Amérique désirent envoyer
+en France quelques-uns de leur Esclaves pour les confirmer dans les
+Instructions et dans les Exercices de notre Religion, et pour leur
+faire apprendre en même tems quelque Art et Métier dont les colonies
+recevroient beaucoup d'utilité par le retour de ces Esclaves; mais que
+les habitans craignaient que les Esclaves ne pretendent être libres en
+arrivant en France, ce qui pourroit causer auxdits habitans une perte
+considérable, et les détourner d'un objet aussi pieux et aussi utile.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+II. Si quelques-uns des habitans de nos colonies, ou officiers
+employés sur l'Etat desdites colonies, veulent amener en France avec
+eux des Esclaves Nègres, de l'un & de l'autre sexe, en qualité de
+domestique ou autrement pour les fortifier davantage dans notre
+Religion, tant par les instructions qu'ils recevront, que par
+l'exemple de nos autre sujets, et pour leur faire apprendre en même
+tems quelque Art et Métier, dont les colonies puissent retirer de
+l'utilité, par le retour de ces Esclaves, lesdits propriétaires
+seront tenus d'en obtenir la permission des Gouverneurs Généraux, ou
+Commandans dans chaque Isle, laquelle permission contiendra le nom du
+propriétaire, celui des Esclaves, leur age & leur signalement.--Code
+Noir ou Recueil d'édits, declarations, et arrêts concernant des
+Esclaves Nègres Discipline el le commerce des Esclaves Nègres des
+isles françaises de l'Amérique (in Recueil de règlemens, edits,
+declarations, et arrêts concernant le commerce, l'administration de
+la justice et la police des colonies françaises de l'Amérique et les
+Engages avec le Code Noir et l'addition audit Code) (Jefferson's
+copy). A Paris chez les Libraires Associés, 1745.
+
+
+A PROPOSITION FOR ENCOURAGING THE CHRISTIAN EDUCATION OF INDIAN,
+NEGRO, AND MULATTO CHILDREN AT LAMBETH, VIRGINIA, 1724
+
+"It being a duty of Christianity very much neglected by masters and
+mistresses of this country (America) to endeavor the good instruction
+and education of their heathen slaves in the Christian faith,--the
+said duty being likewise earnestly recommended by his Majesty's
+instructions,--for the facilitating thereof among the young slaves
+that are born among us; it is, therefore, humbly proposed that every
+Indian, Negro, or mulatto child that shall be baptized and afterward
+brought to church and publicly catechized by the minister in church,
+and shall, before the fourteenth year of his or her age, give a
+distinct account of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments,
+and whose master or mistress shall receive a certificate from the
+minister that he or she hath so done, such Indian, Negro or mulatto
+child shall be exempted from paying all levies till the age of
+eighteen years."--Bishop William Meade's _Old Churches, Ministers, and
+Families of Virginia_, vol. i., p. 265.
+
+
+PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Masters and Mistresses of Families in the English Plantations
+abroad; exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian Faith. (About 1727.)
+
+The care of the Plantations abroad being committed to the Bishop of
+London as to Religious Affairs; I have thought it my duty to make
+particular Inquiries into the State of Religion in those Parts, and to
+learn among other Things, what numbers of slaves are employed within
+the several Governments, and what Means are used for their Instruction
+in the Christian Faith: I find the Numbers are prodigiously great; and
+am not a little troubled to observe how small a Progress has been made
+in a Christian country, towards the delivering those poor Creatures
+from the Pagan Darkness and Superstition in which they were bred,
+and the making them Partakers in the Light of the Gospel, and the
+Blessings and Benefits belonging to it. And what is yet more to be
+lamented, I find there has not only been very little Progress made
+in the work but that all Attempts toward it have been by too many
+industriously discouraged and hindered; partly by magnifying the
+Difficulties of the Work beyond what they really are; and partly by
+mistaken Suggestions of the Change which Baptism would make in the
+Condition of the Negroes, to the Loss and Disadvantage of their
+Masters.
+
+As to the Difficulties; it may be pleaded, That the Negroes are grown
+Persons when they come over, and that having been accustomed to the
+Pagan Rites and Idolatries of their own Country, they are prejudiced
+against all other Religions, and more particularly against the
+Christian, as forbidding all that Licentiousness which is usually
+practiced among the Heathens.... But a farther Difficulty is that they
+are utter Strangers to our Language, and we to theirs; and the Gift of
+Tongues being now ceased, there is no Means left of instructing them
+in the Doctrines of the Christian Religion. And this, I own is a real
+Difficulty, as long as it continues, and as far as it reaches. But, if
+I am rightly informed, many of the Negroes, who are grown Persons when
+they come over, do of themselves obtain so much of our Language, as
+enables them to understand, and to be understood, in Things which
+concern the ordinary Business of Life, and they who can go so far of
+their own Accord, might doubtless be carried much farther, if proper
+Methods and Endeavors were used to bring them to a competent Knowledge
+of our Language, with a pious view to instructing them in the
+Doctrines of our Religion. At least, some of them, who are more
+capable and more serious than the rest, might be easily instructed
+both in our Language and Religion, and then be made use of to convey
+Instruction to the rest in their own Language. And this, one would
+hope, may be done with great Ease, wherever there is a hearty and
+sincere Zeal of the Work.
+
+But what Difficulties there may be in instructing those who are
+grown-up before they are brought over; there are not the like
+Difficulties in the Case of their Children, who are born and bred in
+our Plantations, who have never been accustomed to Pagan Rites and
+Superstitions, and who may easily be trained up, like all other
+Children, to any Language whatsoever, and particularly to our own; if
+the making them good Christians be sincerely the Desire and
+Intention of those, who have Property in them, and Government over
+them.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina_, pp. 104-106.
+
+
+ANOTHER PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Missionaries in the English Plantations (about 1727).
+
+DEAR BROTHER,
+
+Having understood by many Letters from the Plantations, and by the
+Accounts of Persons who have come from thence, that very little
+progress hath hitherto been made in the conversion of the Negroes to
+the Christian Faith; I have thought it proper for me to lay before
+Masters and Mistresses the Obligations they are under, and to promote
+and encourage that pious and necessary Work....
+
+As to those Ministers who have Negroes of their own; I cannot but
+esteem it their indispensable Duty to use their best Endeavors to
+instruct them in the Christian Religion, in order to their being
+baptised; both because such Negroes are their proper and immediate
+Care, and because it is in vain to hope that other Masters and
+Mistresses will exert themselves in this Work, if they see it wholly
+neglected, or but coldly pursued, in the Families of the Clergy ...
+
+I would also hope that the Schoolmasters in the several Parishes,
+part of whose Business it is to instruct Youth in the Principles of
+Christianity, might contribute somewhat towards the carrying on of
+this Work; by being ready to bestow upon it some of their Leisure
+Time, and especially on the Lord's Day, when both they and the Negroes
+are most at liberty and the Clergy are taken up with the public Duties
+of their Function.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South
+Carolina_, pages 112-114.
+
+
+AN EXTRACT FROM A SERMON PREACHED BY BISHOP SECKER OF LONDON IN 1741
+
+"The next Object of the Society's Concern, were the poor Negroes.
+These unhappy Wretches learn in their Native Country, the grossest
+Idolatry, and the most savage Dispositions: and then are sold to the
+best Purchaser: sometimes by their Enemies, who would else put them
+to Death; sometimes by the nearest Friends, who are either unable or
+unwilling to maintain them. Their Condition in our Colonies, though it
+cannot well be worse than it would have been at Home, is yet nearly as
+hard as possible: their Servitude most laborious, their Punishments
+most severe. And thus many thousands of them spend their whole
+Days, one Generation after another, undergoing with reluctant Minds
+continual Toil in this World, and comforted with no Hopes of Reward
+in a better. For it is not to be expected that Masters, too commonly
+negligent of Christianity themselves, will take much Pains to teach it
+their slaves; whom even the better Part of them are in a great Measure
+habituated to consider, as they do their Cattle, merely with a view
+to the Profit arising from them. Not a few, therefore, have openly
+opposed their Instruction, from an Imagination now indeed proved and
+acknowledged to be groundless, that Baptism would entitle them to
+Freedom. Others by obliging them to work on Sundays to provide
+themselves Necessaries, leave them neither Time to learn Religion, nor
+any Prospect of being able to subsist, if once the Duty of resting on
+that Day become Part of their Belief. And some, it may be feared,
+have been averse to their becoming Christians because after that,
+no Pretence will remain for not treating them like Men. When these
+Obstacles are added to the fondness they have for their old Heathenish
+Rites, and the strong Prejudices they must have against Teachers from
+among those, whom they serve so unwillingly; it cannot be wondered,
+if the Progress made in their Conversion prove slow. After some
+Experience of this kind, Catechists were appointed in two Places, by
+Way of Trial for Their Instruction alone: whose Success, where it
+was least, hath been considerable; and so great in the Plantation
+belonging to the Society that out of two hundred and thirty, at
+least seventy are now Believers in Christ. And there is lately an
+Improvement to this Scheme begun to be executed, by qualifying and
+employing young Negroes, prudently chosen, to teach their Countrymen:
+from which in the Opinion of the best Judges, we may reasonably
+promise ourselves, that this miserable People, the Generality of whom
+have hitherto sat in Darkness, will see great Light."--Seeker's _A
+Sermon Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, 1741.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE SERMONS OF REV. THOMAS BACON ADDRESSED TO MASTERS
+AND SERVANTS ABOUT 1750
+
+"Next to our children and brethren by blood, our servants, and
+especially our slaves, are certainly in the nearest relation to us.
+They are an immediate and necessary part of our households, by whose
+labors and assistance we are enabled to enjoy the gifts of Providence
+in ease and plenty; and surely we owe them a return of what is just
+and equal for the drudgery and hardships they go through in our
+service....
+
+"It is objected, They are such stubborn creatures, there is no dealing
+with them.
+
+"_Answer_. Supposing this to be true of most of them (which I believe
+will scarcely be insisted on:) may it not fairly be asked, whence doth
+this stubbornness proceed?--Is it from nature?--That cannot be:--for I
+think it is generally acknowledged that _new Negroes_, or those born
+in and imported from the coast of _Guinea_, prove the best and most
+tractable servants. Is it then from education?--for one or the other
+it must proceed from.--But pray who had the care of bringing up those
+that were born here?--Was it not ourselves?--And might not an early
+care, of instilling good principles into them when young, have
+prevented much of that stubbornness and untractableness you complain
+of in country-born negroes?--These, you cry out, are wickeder than the
+others:--and, pray, where did they learn that wickedness?--Was it
+not among ourselves?--for those who come immediately from their own
+country, you say, have more simplicity and honesty. A sad reproach
+to a Christian people indeed! that such poor ignorant heathens shall
+bring better morals and dispositions from home with them, that they
+can learn or actually do contract amongst us!
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"It is objected,--they are so ignorant and unteachable, they cannot be
+brought to any knowledge in these matters.
+
+"_Answer_. This objection seems to have little or no truth in it, with
+respect to the bulk of them.--Their ignorance, indeed, about matters
+of religion, is not to be disputed;--they are sunk in it to a sad and
+lamentable degree, which has been shown to be chiefly owing to
+the negligence of their owners.--But that they are so stupid and
+unteachable, as that they cannot be brought to any competent knowledge
+in these matters, is false, and contrary to fact and experience. In
+regard to their work, they learn it, and grow dexterous enough in a
+short time. Many of them have learned trades and manufactures, which
+they perform well, and with sufficient ingenuity:--whence it is
+plain they are not unteachable; do not want natural parts and
+capacities.--Most masters and mistresses will complain of their art
+and cunning in contriving to deceive them.--Is it reasonable to deny
+then they can learn what is good, when it is owned at the same time
+they can be so artful in what is bad?--Their ignorance, therefore,
+if born in the country, must absolutely be the fault of their
+owners:--and such as are brought here from Africa may, surely, be
+taught something of advantage to their own future state, as well as to
+work for their masters' present gain.--The difference plainly consists
+in this;--that a good deal of pains is taken to shew them how to
+labour, and they are punished if they neglect it.--This sort of
+instruction their owners take care to give them every day, and look
+well to it that it be duly followed.--But no such pains are taken in
+the other case.--They are generally left to themselves, whether they
+will serve God, or worship Devils--whether they become christians, or
+remain heathens as long as they live: as if either their souls were
+not worth the saving, or as if we were under no obligation of giving
+them any instruction:--which is the true reason why so many of them
+who are grown up, and lived many years among us, are as entirely
+ignorant of the principles of religion, as if they had never come into
+a christian country:--at least, as to any good or practical purposes.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"I have dwelt the longer upon this head, because it is of the utmost
+importance, and seems to be but little considered among us.--For there
+is too much reason to fear, that the many vices and immoralities so
+common among white people;--the lewdness, drunkenness, quarrelling,
+abusiveness, swearing, lying, pride, backbiting, overreaching,
+idleness, and sabbath-breaking, everywhere to be seen among us, are a
+great encouragement to our Negroes to do the like, and help strongly
+to confirm them in the habits of wickedness and impiety.
+
+"We ought not only to avoid giving them bad examples, and abstain from
+all appearance of evil, but also strive to set a daily good example
+before their eyes, that seeing us lead the way in our own person, they
+may more readily be persuaded to follow us in the wholesome paths of
+religion and virtue.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought to make this reading and studying the holy scriptures, and
+the reading and explaining them to our children and slaves, and the
+catechizing or instructing them in the principles of the Christian
+religion, a stated duty.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought in a particular manner to take care of the children, and
+instil early principles of piety and religion into their minds.
+
+"If the grown up slaves, from confirmed habits of vice, are hard to be
+reclaimed, the children surely are in our power, and may be trained up
+in the way they should go, with rational hopes that when they are old,
+they will not depart from it.--We ought, therefore, to take charge
+of their education principally upon ourselves, and not leave them
+entirely to the care of their wicked parents.--If the present
+generation be bad, we may hope by this means that the succeeding ones
+will be much better. One child well instructed, will take care when
+grown up to instruct his children; and they again will teach their
+posterity good things.--And I am fully of opinion, that the common
+notion of _wickedness running in the blood_, is not so general in fact
+as to be admitted for an axiom. And that the vices we see descending
+from parents to their children are chiefly owing to the malignant
+influence of bad example and conversation.--And though some persons
+may be, and undoubtedly are, born with stronger passions and
+appetites, or with a greater propensity to some particular
+gratifications or pursuits than others, yet we do not want convincing
+instances how effectually they may be restrained, or at least
+corrected and turned to proper and laudable ends, by the force of an
+early care, and a suitable education.
+
+"To you of the female sex, (whom I have had occasion more than once to
+take notice of with honor in this congregation) I would address a few
+words on this head.--You, who by your stations are more confined at
+home, and have the care of the younger sort more particularly under
+your management, may do a great deal of good in this way.--I know not
+when I have been more affected, or my heart touched with stronger and
+more pleasing emotions, than at the sight and conversation of a little
+negro boy, not above seven years old, who read to me in the new
+testament, and perfectly repeated his catechism throughout, and all
+from the instruction of his careful, pious mistress, now I hope with
+God, enjoying the blessed fruits of her labours while on earth.--This
+example I would recommend to your serious imitation, and to enforce it
+shall only remark, that a shining part of the character of Solomon's
+excellent daughter is, that she looketh well to the ways of her
+household."--Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_, pp. 4, 48, 49, 51, 64, 65, 69, 70, 73, 74.
+
+
+PORTIONS OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT's ADDRESS TO THE CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN
+VIRGINIA ABOUT 1755
+
+"Rejoice and be exceeding glad, that you are delivered either from the
+Frauds of Mohamet, or Pagan Darkness, and Worship of Daemons; and are
+not now taught to place your Dependence upon those other dead Men,
+whom the Papists impiously worship, to the Neglect and Dishonor of
+Jesus Christ, the one only Mediator between God and Men. Christ, tho'
+he was dead, is alive again, and liveth forever-more. It is Christ,
+who is able also to save them to the uttermost, that come unto God by
+him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. Bless God,
+with all your Heart, that the Holy Scriptures are put into your Hands,
+which are able to make you wise unto Salvation, thro' Faith which is
+in Christ Jesus. Read and study the Bible for yourselves; and consider
+how Papists do all they can to hide it from their Followers, for Fear
+such divine Light should discover the gross Darkness of their false
+Doctrines and Worship. Be particularly thankful to the Ministers of
+Christ around you, who are faithfully labouring to teach you the Truth
+as it is in Jesus....
+
+"Contrary to these evident Truths and precious Comforts of the Word
+of God, you may perhaps be tempted very unjustly to renounce your
+Fidelity and Obedience to your Old Masters, in Hope of finding new
+ones, with whom you may live more happily. At one time or other it
+will probably be suggested to you, that the French will make better
+Masters than the English. But I beseech you to consider, that your
+Happiness as Men and Christians exceedingly depends upon your doing
+all in your Power to support the British Government, and that kind of
+Christianity which is called the Protestant Religion; and likewise in
+opposing, with all your Might, the Power of the French, the Delusions
+of Popish Priests, and all the Rage and Malice of such Indians, as are
+in the French Interest. If the Power of France was to prevail in the
+Country where you now live, you have Nothing to expect but the most
+terrible Increase of your Sufferings. Your Slavery would then, not
+merely extend to Body, but also to the Soul; not merely run thro' your
+Days of Labour, but even thro' your Lord's Days. Your Bibles would
+then become like a sealed Book, and your Consciences would be fettered
+with worse than Iron-Chains. Therefore be patient, be submissive and
+obedient, be faithful and true, even when some of your Masters are
+most unkind. This is the only way for you to have Consciences void
+of Offense towards God and Man. This will really be taking the most
+effectual Measures, to secure for yourselves a Share in the invaluable
+Blessings and Privileges of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God,
+which you have already received thro' the Channel of the British
+Government, and which no other Government upon the Face of the Earth
+is so calculated to support and preserve.
+
+"The Lord Jesus Christ is now saying to you, as he did to Peter, when
+thou art converted strengthen thy Brethren....
+
+"Therefore let me entreat you to look upon your Country-men around
+you, and pity them, not so much for their being Fellow-Captives with
+you in a strange Land; as for this, that they are not yet, like you,
+delivered from the Power of Darkness....
+
+"Invite them to learn to read, and direct them where they may apply
+for Assistance, especially to those faithful Ministers, who have been
+your Instructors and Fathers in Christ...."--Fawcett's _Address to the
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 8, 17, 18, 24, 25.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE APPENDIX OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT'S "ADDRESS TO THE
+CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN VIRGINIA"
+
+"The first Account, I ever met with, of any considerable Number of
+Negroes embracing the Gospel, is in a letter written by Mr. Davies,
+Minister at Hanover in Virginia, to Mr. Bellamy of Bethlehem in New
+England, dated June 28, 1751. It appears that the Letter was designed
+for Publication; and I suppose, was accordingly printed at Boston
+in New England. It is to be seen in vol. ii., pages 330-338, of the
+_Historical Collections_ relating to remarkable Periods of the Success
+of the Gospel, and eminent Instruments employed in promoting it;
+Compiled by Mr. John Gillies, one of the Ministers of Glasgow: Printed
+by Foulis in 1754. Mr. Davies fills the greatest part of his Letter,
+with an Account of the declining State of Religion in Virginia, and
+the remarkable Means used by Providence to revive it, for a few Years
+before his Settlement there, which was in 1747; not in the character
+of a Missionary, but that of a dissenting Minister, invited by a
+particular People, and fixed with them. Such, he observes, was the
+scattered State of his Congregation, that he soon found it necessary
+to license seven Meeting-Houses, the nearest of which are twelve or
+fifteen Miles distant from each other, and the extremes about Forty;
+yet some of his People live twenty, thirty, and a few forty Miles from
+the nearest Meeting-House. He computes his Communicants at about three
+Hundred. He then says, 'There is also a Number of Negroes. Some times
+I see a Hundred and more among my Hearers. I have baptized about Forty
+of them within the last three Years, upon such a Profession of Faith
+as I then judged credible. Some of them, I fear, have apostatized; but
+others, I trust, will persevere to the End. I have had as satisfying
+Evidences of the sincere Piety of several of them, as ever I had from
+any Person in my Life; and their artless Simplicity, their passionate
+Aspirations after Christ, their incessant Endeavors to know and do
+the Will of God, have charmed me. But, alas! while my Charge is
+so extensive, I cannot take sufficient Pains with them for their
+Instruction, which often oppresses my Heart....'"
+
+At the Close of the above Letter, in the _Historical Collections_
+(vol. ii., page 338), there is added the following Marginal
+Note.--"May 22, 1754. Mr. G. Tennent and Mr. Davies being at
+Edinburgh, as Agents for the Trustees of the College of New Jersey,
+Mr. Davies informs,--that when he left Virginia in August last, there
+was a hopeful Appearance of a greater Spread of a religious Concern
+amongst the Negroes;--And a few weeks before he left Home, he baptized
+in one Day fifteen Negroes, after they had been catechized for some
+Months, and given credible Evidences of their sincerely embracing the
+Gospel."
+
+After these Gentlemen had finished the Business of their late Mission
+in this part of the World, Mr. Davies gave the following Particulars
+to his Correspondent in London, in a letter which he wrote in the
+Spring of the previous Year, six Weeks after his safe return to his
+Family and Friends.--"The Inhabitants of Virginia are computed to be
+about 300,000 Men, the one-half of which Number are supposed to be
+Negroes. The Number of those who attend my Ministry at particular
+Times is uncertain, but generally about three Hundred who give a
+stated Attendance. And never have I been so much struck with the
+Appearance of an Assembly, as when I have glanced my Eye to that Part
+of the Meeting-House, where they usually sit; adorned, for so it had
+appeared to me, with so many black Countenances, eagerly attentive to
+every Word they hear, and frequently bathed in Tears. A considerable
+Number of them, about a Hundred, have been baptized, after the proper
+Time for Instruction, and having given credible Evidences, not only
+of their Acquaintance with the important Doctrines of the Christian
+Religion, but also a deep Sense of them upon their Minds, attested
+by a Life of the strictest Piety and Holiness. As they are not
+sufficiently polished to dissemble with a good Grace, they express the
+sentiments of their Souls so much in the Language of simple Nature,
+and with such genuine Indications of Sincerity, that it is impossible
+to suspect their Professions, especially when attended with a truly
+Christian Life and exemplary Conduct.--My worthy Friend, Mr. Tod,
+Minister of the next Congregation, has near the same Number under his
+Instructions, who, he tells me, discover the same serious Turn of
+Mind. In short, Sir, there are Multitudes of them in different Places,
+who are willing, and eagerly desirous to be instructed, and embrace
+every Opportunity of acquainting themselves with the Doctrines of the
+Gospel; and tho' they have generally very little Help to learn to
+read, yet, to my agreeable Surprise, many of them, by the Dint of
+Application in their Leisure-Hours, have made such a Progress, that
+they can intelligibly read a plain Author, and especially their
+Bibles; and Pity it is that many of them should be without them.
+Before I had the Pleasure of being admitted a Member of your Society
+[Mr. Davies here means the Society for promoting religious Knowledge
+among the Poor, which was first begun in London in August, 1750] the
+Negroes were wont frequently to come to me, with such moving Accounts
+of their Necessities in this Respect, that I could not help supplying
+them with Books to the utmost of my small Ability; and when I
+distributed those among them, which my Friends with you sent over, I
+had Reason to think that I never did an Action in all my Life,
+that met with so much Gratitude from the Receivers. I have already
+distributed all the Books I brought over, which were proper for them.
+Yet still, on Saturday Evenings, the only Time they can spare [they
+are allowed some short Time, viz., Saturday afternoon, and Sunday,
+says Dr. Douglass in his Summary. See the _Monthly Review_ for
+October, 1755, page 274] my House is crowded with Numbers of them,
+whose very Countenances still carry the air of importunate Petitioners
+for the same Favors with those who came before them. But, alas!
+my Stock is exhausted, and I must send them away grieved and
+disappointed.--Permit me, Sir, to be an Advocate with you, and, by
+your Means, with your generous Friends in their Behalf. The Books I
+principally want for them are, Watts' Psalms and Hymns, and Bibles.
+The two first they cannot be supplied with any other Way than by a
+Collection, as they are not among the Books which your Society give
+away. I am the rather importunate for a good Number of these, and I
+cannot but observe, that the Negroes, above all the Human Species that
+I ever knew, have an Ear for Musick, and a kind of extatic Delight in
+Psalmody; and there are no Books they learn so soon, or take so much
+Pleasure in as those used in that heavenly Part of divine Worship.
+Some Gentlemen in London were pleased to make me a private Present of
+these Books for their Use, and from the Reception they met with, and
+their Eagerness for more, I can easily foresee, how acceptable and
+useful a larger Number would be among them. Indeed, Nothing would be a
+greater Inducement to their Industry to learn to read, than the Hope
+of such a Present; which they would consider, both as a Help, and a
+Reward for their Diligence"....--_Fawcett's Address to the Christian
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 33. 34. 35. 36, 37. 38.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM JONATHAN BOUCHER'S "A VIEW OF THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
+OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION"(1763)
+
+"If ever these colonies, now filled with slaves, be improved to their
+utmost capacity, an essential part of the improvement must be the
+abolition of slavery. Such a change would be hardly more to the
+advantage of the slaves than it would be to their owners....
+
+"I do you no more than justice in bearing witness, that in no part of
+the world were slaves better treated than, in general, they are in the
+colonies.... In one essential point, I fear, we are all deficient;
+they are nowhere sufficiently instructed. I am far from recommending
+it to you, at once to set them free; because to do so would be an
+heavy loss to you, and probably no gain to them; but I do entreat
+you to make them some amends for the drudgery of their bodies by
+cultivating their minds. By such means only can we hope to fulfil the
+ends, which we may be permitted to believe, Providence had in view in
+suffering them to be brought among us. You may unfetter them from the
+chains of ignorance; you may emancipate them from the bondage of sin,
+the worst slavery to which they can be subjected; and by thus setting
+at liberty those that are bruised, though they still continue to be
+your slaves, they shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption
+into the glorious liberty of the Children of God."--Jonathan Boucher's
+_A View of the Causes and Consequences_, etc., pp. 41, 42, 43.
+
+
+BOUCHER ON AMERICAN EDUCATION IN 1773
+
+"You pay far too little regard to parental education....
+
+"What is still less credible is that at least two-thirds of the little
+education we receive is derived from instructors who are either
+indented servants or transported felons. Not a ship arrives either
+with redemptioners or convicts, in which schoolmasters are not as
+regularly advertised for sale as weavers, tailors, or any other trade;
+with little other difference, that I can hear of, excepting perhaps
+that the former do not usually fetch so good a price as the latter....
+
+"I own, however, that I dislike slavery and among other reasons
+because as it is here conducted it has pernicious effects on the
+social state, by being unfavorable to education. It certainly is no
+necessary circumstance, essential to the condition of a slave, that he
+be uneducated; yet this is the general and almost universal lot of the
+slaves. Such extreme, deliberate, and systematic inattention to all
+mental improvement, in so large portion of our species, gives far too
+much countenance and encouragement to those abject persons who are
+contented to be rude and ignorant."--Jonathan Boucher's _A View of the
+Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution_, pp. 183, 188,
+189.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ESSAY OF BISHOP PORTEUS TOWARD A PLAN FOR THE MORE
+EFFECTUAL CIVILIZATION AND CONVERSION OF THE NEGRO SLAVES ON THE TRENT
+ESTATE IN BARBADOES BELONGING TO THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF
+THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. (WRITTEN IN 1784)
+
+"We are expressly commanded to preach the gospel to every creature;
+and therefore every human creature must necessarily be capable of
+receiving it. It may be true, perhaps, that the generality of
+the Negro slaves are extremely dull of apprehension, and slow of
+understanding; but it may be doubted whether they are more so than
+some of the lowest classes of our own people; at least they are
+certainly not inferior in capacity to the Greenlanders, many of whom
+have made very sincere Christians. Several travellers of good credit
+speak in very favorable terms, both of the understandings and
+dispositions of the native Africans on the coast of Guinea; and it is
+a well-known fact, that many even of the Negro slaves in our islands,
+although laboring under disadvantages and discouragements, that might
+well depress and stupefy even the best understandings, yet give
+sufficient proofs of the great quickness of parts and facility in
+learning. They have, in particular, a natural turn to the mechanical
+arts, in which several of them show much ingenuity, and arrive at no
+small degree of perfection. Some have discovered marks of genius for
+music, poetry, and other liberal accomplishments; and there are not
+wanting instances among them of a strength of understanding, and a
+generosity, dignity, and heroism of mind, which would have done honour
+to the most cultivated European. It is not, therefore, to any natural
+or unconquerable disability in the subject we had to work upon, that
+the little success of our efforts is to be ascribed. This would indeed
+be an insuperable obstacle, and must put an effectual stop to all
+future attempts of the same nature; but as this is far from being the
+case, we must look for other causes of our disappointment; which may
+perhaps appear to be, though of a serious, yet less formidable nature,
+and such as it is in the power of human industry and perseverance,
+with the blessing of Providence, to remove. The principal of them, it
+is conceived, are these which here follow:
+
+1. "Although several of our ministers and catechists in the college of
+Barbadoes have been men of great worth and piety, and good intentions,
+yet in general they do not appear (if we may judge from their letters
+to the Board) to have possessed that peculiar sort of talents and
+qualifications, that facility and address in conveying religious
+truths, that unconquerable activity, patience, and perseverance, which
+the instruction of dull and uncultivated minds requires, and which
+we sometimes see so eminently and successfully displayed in the
+missionaries of other churches.
+
+"And indeed the task of instructing and converting near three hundred
+Negro slaves, and of educating their children in the principles of
+morality and religion, is too laborious for any one person to execute
+well; especially when the stipend is too small to animate his
+industry, and excite his zeal.
+
+2. "There seems also to have been a want of other modes of
+instruction, and of other books and tracts for that purpose, besides
+those made use of hitherto by our catechists. And there is reason
+moreover to believe, that the time allotted to the instruction of the
+Negroes has not been sufficient.
+
+3. "Another impediment to the progress of our slaves in Christian
+knowledge has been their too frequent intercourse with the Negroes of
+the neighboring plantations, and the accession of fresh slaves to our
+own, either hired from other estates, or imported from Africa. These
+are so many constant temptations in their way to revert to their
+former heathenish principles and savage manners, to which they have
+always a strong natural propensity; and when this propensity is
+continually inflamed by the solicitations of their unconverted
+brethren, or the arrival of new companions from the coast of Guinea,
+it frequently becomes very difficult to be resisted, and counteracts,
+in a great degree, all the influence and exhortations of their
+religious teachers.
+
+4. "Although this society has been always most honourably
+distinguished by the gentleness with which the negroes belonging to
+its trust estates have been generally treated, yet even these (by the
+confession of our missionaries) are in too abject, and depressed, and
+uncivilized a state to be proper subjects for the reception of the
+divine truths of revelation. They stand in need of some further marks
+of the society's regard and tenderness for them, to conciliate their
+affections, to invigorate their minds, to encourage their hopes,
+and to rouse them out of that state of languor and indolence and
+insensibility, which renders them indifferent and careless both about
+this world and the next.
+
+5. "A still further obstacle to the effectual conversion of the
+Negroes has been the almost unrestrained licentiousness of their
+manner, the habits of vice and dissoluteness in which they are
+permitted to live, and the sad examples they too frequently see in
+their managers and overseers. It can never be expected that people
+given up to such practices as these, can be much disposed to receive a
+pure and undefiled religion: or that, if after their conversion they
+are allowed, as they generally are, to retain their former habits,
+their christianity can be anything more than a mere name.
+
+"These probably the society will, on inquiry, find to have been the
+principal causes of the little success they have hitherto had in their
+pious endeavors to render their own slaves real christians. And it is
+with a view principally to the removal of these obstacles that the
+following regulations are, with all due deference to better judgments,
+submitted to their consideration.
+
+"The first and most essential step towards a real and effectual
+conversion of our Negroes would be the appointment of a missionary
+(in addition to the present catechist) properly qualified for that
+important and difficult undertaking. He should be a clergyman sought
+out for in this country, of approved ability, piety, humanity,
+industry, and a fervent, yet prudent zeal for the interests of
+religion, and the salvation of those committed to his care; and should
+have a stipend not less than 200 f. sterling a year if he has an
+apartment and is maintained in the College, or 300 f. a year if he is
+not.
+
+"This clergyman might be called (for a reason to be hereafter
+assigned) 'The Guardian of the Negroes'; and his province should be
+to superintend the moral and spiritual concern of the slaves, to take
+upon himself the religious instruction of the adult Negroes, and to
+take particular care that all the Negro children are taught to read
+by the catechist and the two assistant women (now employed by the
+society) and also that they are diligently instructed by the catechist
+in the principles of the Christian religion, till they are fifteen
+years of age, when they shall be instructed by himself with the adult
+Negroes.
+
+"This instruction of the Negro children from their earliest years is
+one of the most important and essential parts of the whole plan; for
+it is to the education of the young Negroes that we are principally
+to look for the success of our spiritual labours. These may be easily
+taught to understand and to speak the English language with fluency;
+these may be brought up from their earliest youth in habits of virtue,
+and restrained from all licentious indulgences: these may have the
+principles and the precepts of religion impressed so early upon their
+tender minds as to sink deep, and to take firm root, and bring forth
+the fruits of a truly Christian life. To this great object, therefore,
+must our chief attention be directed; and as almost everything must
+depend on the ability, the integrity, the assiduity, the perseverance
+of the person to whom we commit so important a charge, it is
+impossible for us to be too careful and too circumspect in our choice
+of a CATECHIST. He must consider it his province, not merely to teach
+the Negroes the use of letters, but the elements of Christianity; not
+only to improve their understandings, but to form their hearts. For
+this purpose they must be put into his hands the moment they are
+capable of articulating their words, and their instruction must be
+pursued with unrelenting diligence. So long as they continue too young
+to work, they may be kept constantly in the school; as they grow fit
+to labour, their attendance on the CATECHIST must gradually lessen,
+till at length they take their full share of work with the grown
+Negroes.
+
+"A school of this nature was formerly established by the society
+of Charlestown in South Carolina, about the year 1745, under the
+direction of Mr. Garden, the Bishop of London's commissary in that
+province. This school flourished greatly, and seemed to answer their
+utmost wishes. There were at one time sixty scholars in it, and twenty
+young Negroes were annually sent out from it well instructed in the
+English language, and the Christian faith. Mr. Garden, in his letters
+to the society, speaks in the highest terms of the progress made
+by his scholars, and says, that the Negroes themselves were highly
+pleased with their own acquirements. But it is supposed that on a
+parochial establishment being made in Charlestown by government, this
+excellent institution was dropt; for after the year 1751, no further
+mention is made of it in the minutes of the society. From what little
+we know of it, however, we may justly conceive the most pleasing
+hopes from a similar foundation at Barbadoes."--_The Works of Bishop
+Porteus_, vi., pp., 171-179.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM "THE ACTS OF DR. BRAY'S VISITATION HELD AT ANNAPOLIS IN
+MARYLAND, MAY 23, 24, 25, ANNO 1700"
+
+_Words of Dr. Bray_
+
+"I think, my REVEREND BRETHREN, that we are now gone through such
+measures as may be necessary to be considered for the more universal
+as well as successful Catechising, and Instruction of Youth. And I
+heartily thank you for your so ready Concurrence in every thing that
+I have offered to you: And which, I hope, will appear no less in the
+Execution, than it has been to the Proposals.
+
+"And that proper Books may not be wanting for the several Classes of
+Catechumens, there is care taken for the several sorts, which may be
+all had in this Town. And it may be necessary to acquaint you,
+that for the poor Children and Servants, they shall be given
+Gratis."--Hawks's _Ecclesiastical History of the United States_, vol.
+ii., pp. 503-504.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE MEETINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF
+FRIENDS....
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PENNSYLVANIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1774
+
+"And having grounds to conclude that there are some brethren who have
+these poor captives under their care, and are desirous to be wisely
+directed in the restoring them to liberty: Friends who may be
+appointed by quarterly and monthly meetings on the service now
+proposed, are earnestly desired to give their weighty and solid
+attention for the assistance of such who are thus honestly and
+religiously concerned for their own relief, and the essential benefit
+of the negro. And in such families where there are young ones, or
+others of suitable age, that they excite the masters, or those who
+have them, to give them sufficient instruction and learning, in order
+to qualify them for the enjoyment of liberty intended, and that they
+may be instructed by themselves, or placed out to such masters and
+mistresses who will be careful of their religious education, to serve
+for such time, and no longer, as is prescribed by law and custom, for
+white people."--_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony of the Religious Society of Friends against Slavery and the
+Slave Trade_. Published by direction of the Yearly Meeting, held in
+Philadelphia, in the Fourth Month, 1843, p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PHILADELPHIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1779
+
+"A tender Christian sympathy appears to be awakened in the minds of
+many who are not in religious profession with us, who have seriously
+considered the oppressions and disadvantages under which those people
+have long laboured; and whether a pious care extended to their
+offspring is not justly due from us to them, is a consideration worthy
+of our serious and deep attention; or if this obligation did not
+weightily lay upon us, can benevolent minds be directed to any object
+more worthy of their liberality and encouragement, than that of laving
+a foundation in the rising generation for their becoming good and
+useful men? remembering what was formerly enjoined, 'If thy brethren
+be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve
+him; yea, though he be a stranger, or a sojourner; that he may live
+with thee.'"--_Ibid_., p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF CHESTER
+
+"The consideration of the temporal and spiritual welfare of the
+Africans, and the necessary instruction of their offspring now being
+resumed, and after some time spent thereon, it is closely recommended
+to our several monthly meetings to pay due attention to the advice of
+the Yearly Meeting on this subject, and proceed as strength may be
+afforded, in looking after them in their several habitations by a
+religious visit; giving them such counsel as their situation may
+require."--_Ibid_., p. 39.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE HADDONFIELD QUARTERLY MEETING
+
+"In Haddonfield Quarterly Meeting, a committee was kept steadily under
+appointment for several years to assist in manumissions, and in the
+education of the negro children. Religious meetings were frequently
+held for the people of color; and Haddonfield Monthly Meeting raised
+on one occasion 131 pounds, for the education of negro children.
+
+"In Salem Monthly Meeting, frequent meetings of worship for the people
+of color were held by direction of the monthly meeting; funds were
+raised for the education of their children, and committees appointed
+in the different meetings to provide books, place the children
+at school, to visit the schools, and inspect their conduct and
+improvement.
+
+"Meetings for Divine worship were regularly held for people of color,
+at least once in three months, under the direction of the monthly
+meetings of Friends in Philadelphia; and schools were also established
+at which their children were gratuitously instructed in useful
+learning. One of these, originally instituted by Anthony Benezet, is
+now in operation in the city of Philadelphia, and has been continued
+under the care of one of the monthly meetings of Friends of that city,
+and supported by funds derived from voluntary contributions of the
+members, and from legacies and bequests, yielding an income of about
+$1000 per annum. The average number of pupils is about sixty-eight of
+both sexes."--_Ibid_., pp. 40-41.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE RHODE ISLAND QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS,
+1769
+
+A committee reported "that having met, and entered into a solemn
+consideration of the subject, they were of the mind that a useful
+alteration might be made in the query referred to; yet apprehending
+some further Christian endeavors in labouring with such who continue
+in possession of slaves should be first promoted, by which means the
+eyes of Friends may be more clearly opened to behold the iniquity
+of the practice of detaining our fellow creatures in bondage, and a
+disposition to set such free who are arrived to mature age; and when
+the labour is performed and report made to the meeting, the meeting
+may be better capable of determining what further step to take in this
+affair, which hath given so much concern to faithful Friends, and that
+in the meantime it should be enforced upon Friends that have them in
+possession, to treat them with tenderness; impress God's fear on their
+minds; promote their attending places of religious worship; and give
+such as are young, so much learning, that they may be capable of
+reading.
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing, buying, or any ways disposing of
+negroes or slaves; and do they use those well who are under their
+care, and not in circumstances, through nonage or incapacity, to
+be set at liberty? And do they give those that are young such an
+education as becomes Christians; and are the others encouraged in a
+religious and virtuous life? Are all set at liberty that are of age,
+capacity, and ability suitable for freedom?"--_Ibid_., pp. 45,46.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF VIRGINIA IN
+1757 AND 1773
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing or buying negroes to trade on; and
+do they use those well which they are possessed of by inheritance
+or otherwise, endeavoring to train them in the principles of the
+Christian religion?"
+
+The meeting of 1773 recommended to Friends, "seriously to consider the
+circumstances of these poor people, and the obligation we are under to
+discharge our religious duties to them, which being disinterestedly
+pursued, will lead the professor to Truth, to advise and assist them
+on all occasions, particularly in promoting their instruction in the
+principles of the Christian religion, and the pious education of their
+children; also to advise them in their worldly concerns, as occasions
+offer; and it advised that Friends of judgment and experience may be
+nominated for this necessary service, it being the solid sense of
+this meeting, that we, of the present generation, are under strong
+obligations to express our love and concern for the offspring of those
+people, who, by their labours, have greatly contributed toward the
+cultivation of these colonies, under the afflictive disadvantage of
+enduring a hard bondage; and many amongst us are enjoying the benefit
+of their toil."--_Ibid._, pp. 51, 52, and 54.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE METHODIST CONFERENCE, 1785
+
+"Q. What directions shall we give for the promotion of the spiritual
+welfare of the colored people?
+
+"A. We conjure all our ministers and preachers, by the love of God and
+the salvation of souls, and do require them, by all the authority that
+is invested in us, to leave nothing undone for the spiritual benefit
+and salvation of them, within their respective circuits or districts;
+and for this purpose to embrace every opportunity of inquiring into
+the state of their souls, and to unite in society those who appear to
+have a real desire of fleeing from the wrath to come, to meet such a
+class, and to exercise the whole Methodist Discipline among them."
+
+"Q. What can be done in order to instruct poor children, white and
+black to read?
+
+"A. Let us labor, as the heart of one man, to establish Sunday
+schools, in or near the place of public worship. Let persons be
+appointed by the bishop, elders, deacons, or preachers, to teach
+gratis all that will attend or have the capacity to learn, from six
+o'clock in the morning till ten, and from two o'clock in the afternoon
+till six, where it does not interfere with public worship. The
+council shall compile a proper school book to teach them learning and
+piety."--Rev. Charles Elliott's _History of the Great Secession front
+the Methodist Episcopal Church_, etc., p. 35.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
+IN 1800.
+
+The Assembly recommended:
+
+"2. The instruction of Negroes, the poor and those who are destitute
+of the means of grace in various parts of this extensive country;
+whoever contemplates the situation of this numerous class of persons
+in the United States, their gross ignorance of the plainest principles
+of religion, their immorality and profaneness, their vices and
+dissoluteness of manners, must be filled with anxiety for their
+present welfare, and above all for their future and eternal happiness.
+
+"3. The purchasing and disposing of Bibles and also of books and short
+essays on the great principles of religion and morality, calculated
+to impress the minds of those to whom they are given with a sense of
+their duty both to God and man, and consequently of such a nature as
+to arrest the attention, interest the curiosity and touch the feelings
+of those to whom they are given."--_Act and Proceedings of the General
+Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in the Year 1800_,
+Philadelphia.
+
+
+AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN 1801
+
+"The Assembly resumed the consideration of the communication from the
+Trustees of the General Assembly and having gone through the same,
+thereupon resolved,
+
+"5. That there be made a purchase of so many cheap and pious books as
+a due regard to the other objects of the Assembly's funds will admit,
+with a view of distributing them not only among the frontiers of these
+States, but also among the poorer classes of people, and the blacks,
+or wherever it is thought useful; which books shall be given away, or
+lent, at the discretion of the distributor; and that there be received
+from Mr. Robert Aitken, toward the discharge of his debt, books to
+such amount as shall appear proper to the Trustees of the Assembly,
+who are hereby requested to take proper measures for the distribution
+of same."--_Act and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the
+Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A._
+
+
+PLAN FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS
+
+The business relative to free blacks shall be transacted by a
+committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot at a
+meeting of this Society, in the month called April, and in order to
+perform the different services with expedition, regularity and energy
+this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees,
+viz.:
+
+I. A Committee of Inspection, who shall superintend the morals,
+general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free negroes, and
+afford them advice and instruction, protection from wrongs, and other
+friendly offices.
+
+II. A Committee of Guardians, who shall place out children and young
+people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time
+of apprenticeship or servitude) learn some trade or other business
+of subsistence. The committee may effect this partly by a persuasive
+influence on parents and the persons concerned, and partly by
+coöperating with the laws, which are or may be enacted for this
+and similar purposes. In forming contracts of these occasions, the
+committee shall secure to the Society as far as may be practicable the
+right of guardianship over the person so bound.
+
+III. A Committee of Education, who shall superintend the school
+instruction of the children and youth of the free blacks. They
+may either influence them to attend regularly the schools already
+established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall,
+in either case, provide, that the pupils may receive such learning as
+is necessary for their future situation in life, and especially a deep
+impression of the most important and generally acknowledged moral and
+religious principles. They shall also procure and preserve a regular
+record of the marriages, births, and manumissions of all free blacks.
+
+IV. The Committee of Employ, who shall endeavor to procure constant
+employment for those free negroes who are able to work; as the want of
+this would occasion poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. This
+committee will by sedulous inquiry be enabled to find common labor for
+a great number; they will also provide that such as indicate proper
+talents may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon
+them to bind themselves for such a term of years as shall compensate
+their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction and
+maintenance. The committee may attempt the institution of some simple
+and useful manufactures which will require but little skill, and also
+may assist, in commencing business, such as appear to be qualified for
+it.
+
+Whenever the Committee of Inspection shall find persons of any
+particular description requiring attention, they shall immediately
+direct them to the committee of whose care they are the proper
+objects.
+
+In matters of a mixed nature, the committee shall confer, and, if
+necessary, act in concert. Affairs of great importance shall be
+referred to the whole committee.
+
+The expense incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall be
+defrayed by a fund, to be formed by donations or subscriptions for
+these particular purposes, and to be kept separate from the other
+funds of the Society.
+
+The Committee shall make a report on their proceedings, and of the
+state of their stock, to the Society, at their quarterly meetings, in
+the months called April and October.--Smyth's _Writings of Benjamin
+Franklin_, vol. x, p. 127.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES FROM
+THE ABOLITION SOCIETIES, 1795"
+
+"We cannot forbear expressing to you our earnest desire, that you will
+continue, without ceasing, to endeavor, by every method in your power
+which can promise any success, to procure, either an absolute repeal
+of all the laws in your state, which countenance slavery, or such an
+amelioration of them as will gradually produce an entire abolition.
+Yet, even should that great end be happily attained, it cannot put
+a period to the necessity of further labor. The education of the
+emancipated, the noblest and most arduous task which we have to
+perform, will require all our wisdom and virtue, and the constant
+exercise of the greatest skill and discretion. When we have broken his
+chains, and restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the
+great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished--The new
+born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful
+impressions of moral and religious truths, which will render him
+capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to
+himself and to his country. By educating some in the higher branches
+of science, and all the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts
+of religion and morality, we shall not only do away with the reproach
+and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of
+truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of Africa, in spite of the
+degrading influence of slavery, are in no wise inferior to the more
+fortunate inhabitants of Europe and America.
+
+"As a means of effectuating, in some degree, a design so virtuous and
+laudable, we recommend to you to appoint a committee, annually, or
+for any other more convenient period, to execute such plans, for the
+improvement of the condition and moral character of the free blacks
+in your state, as you may think best adapted to your particular
+situation."--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of
+Delegates, 1795._
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES TO
+THE FREE AFRICANS AND OTHER FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR, 1796"
+
+"In the first place, We earnestly recommend to you, a regular
+attention to the duty of public worship; by which means you will
+evince gratitude to your CREATOR, and, at the same time, promote
+knowledge, union, friendship, and proper conduct among yourselves.
+
+"Secondly, we advise such of you, as have not been taught reading,
+writing, and the first principles of arithmetic, to acquire them
+as early as possible. Carefully attend to the instruction of your
+children in the same simple and useful branches of education. Cause
+them, likewise, early and frequently to read the holy Scriptures. They
+contain, among other great discoveries, the precious record of the
+original equality of mankind, and of the obligations of universal
+justice and benevolence, which are derived from the relation of the
+human race to each other in a COMMON FATHER.
+
+"Thirdly, Teach your children useful trades, or to labor with their
+hands in cultivating the earth. These employments are favorable to
+health and virtue. In the choice of masters, who are to instruct them
+in the above branches of business, prefer those who will work with
+them; by this means they will acquire habits of industry, and be
+better preserved from vice, than if they worked alone, or under the
+eye of persons less interested in their welfare. In forming contracts
+for yourselves or children, with masters, it may be useful to consult
+such persons as are capable of giving you the best advice, who are
+known to be your friends, in order to prevent advantages being taken
+of your ignorance of the laws and customs of your country."_--Minutes
+of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates, 1796.
+American Convention of Abolition Societies, Minutes, 1795-1804_
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR BY THE AMERICAN
+CONVENTION FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, 1819
+
+"The great work of emancipation is not to be accomplished in a
+day;--it must be the result of time, of long and continued exertions:
+it is for you to show by an orderly and worthy deportment that you are
+deserving of the rank which you have attained. Endeavor as much as
+possible to use economy in your expenses, so that you may be enabled
+to save from your earnings, something for the education of your
+children, and for your support in time of sickness and in old age: and
+let all those who by attending to this admonition, have acquired the
+means, send their children to school as soon as they are old enough,
+where their morals will be the object of attention, as well as their
+improvement in school learning; and when they arrive at a suitable
+age, let it be your especial care to have them instructed in some
+mechanical art suited to their capacities, or in agricultural
+pursuits; by which they may afterwards be enabled to support
+themselves and a family. Encourage also, those among you who are
+qualified as teachers of schools, and when you are of ability to pay,
+never send your children to free schools; this may be considered as
+robbing the poor, of the opportunities which were intended for them
+alone."
+
+
+THE WILL OF KOSCIUSZKO
+
+I, Thaddeus Kosciuszko, being just on my departure from America, do
+hereby declare and direct, that, should I make no other testamentary
+disposition of my property in the United States, I hereby authorize my
+friend, Thomas Jefferson, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes from his own or any others, and giving them liberty in my
+name, in giving them an education in trade or otherwise, and in having
+them instructed for their new condition in the duties of morality,
+which may make them good neighbors, good fathers or mothers, husbands
+or wives in their duties as citizens, teaching them to be defenders of
+their liberty and country, and of the good order of society, and in
+whatsoever may make them happy and useful. And I make the said Thomas
+Jefferson my executor of this.
+
+(Signed) T. KOSCIUSZKO. May 5, 1798. [See _African Repository_, vol.
+xi., p. 294.]
+
+
+FROM WASHINGTON'S WILL
+
+"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the
+slaves whom I now hold in my own right shall receive their freedom....
+And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this
+devise, there may be some who, from old age or bodily infirmities,
+and others who on account of their infancy will be unable to support
+themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first
+and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my
+heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have
+no parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide for
+them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age
+of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced,
+whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgement of court upon its
+own view of the subject shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus
+bound are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and
+write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to
+the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of
+orphan and other poor children."--Benson J. Lossing's _Life of George
+Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.
+
+
+THIS INTERESTING DIALOGUE WAS WRITTEN BY AN AMERICAN ABOUT 1800
+
+The following dialogue took place between Mr. Jackson the master of a
+family, and the slave of one of his neighbors who lived adjoining the
+town, on this occasion. Mr. Jackson was walking through the common and
+came to a field of this person's farm. He there saw the slave leaning
+against the fence with a book in his hand, which he seemed to be very
+intent upon; after a little time he closed the book, and clasping it
+in both his hands, looked upwards as if engaged in mental prayer;
+after this, he put the book in his bosom, and walked along the fence
+near where Mr. Jackson was standing. Surprised at seeing a person of
+his color engaged with a book, and still more by the animation and
+delight that he observed in his countenance; he determines to enquire
+about it, and calls to him as he passes.
+
+_Mr. J_. So I see you have been reading, my lad?
+
+_Slave_. Yes, sir.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, I have a great curiosity to see what you were reading
+so earnestly; will you show me the book?
+
+_Slave_. To be sure, sir. (And he presented it to him very
+respectfully.)
+
+_Mr. J_. The Bible!--Pray when did you get this book? And who taught
+you to read it?
+
+_Slave_. I thank God, sir, for the book. I do not know the good
+gentleman who gave it to me, but I am sure God sent it to me. I was
+learning to read in town at nights, and one morning a gentleman met me
+in the road as I had my spelling book open in my hand: he asked me if
+I could read, I told him a little, and he gave me this book and told
+me to make haste and learn to read it, and to ask God to help me, and
+that it would make me as happy as any body in the world.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well did you do so?
+
+_Slave_. I thought about it for some time, and I wondered that any
+body should give me a book or care about me; and I wondered what that
+could be which could make a poor slave like me so happy; and so I
+thought more and more of it, and I said I would try and do as the
+gentleman bid me, and blessed be God! he told me nothing but the
+truth.
+
+_Mr. J_. Who is your master?
+
+_Slave_. Mr. Wilkins, sir, who lives in that house.
+
+_Mr. J_. I know him; he is a very good man; but what does he say to
+your leaving his work to read your book in the field?
+
+_Slave_. I was not leaving his work, sir. This book does not teach me
+to neglect my master's work. I could not be happy if I did that.--I
+have done my breakfast, sir, and am waiting till the horses are done
+eating.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, what does that book teach you?
+
+_Slave_. Oh, sir! every thing that I want to know--all I am to do,
+this book tells me, and so plain. It shew me first that I was a
+wretched, ruined sinner, and what would become of me if I died in that
+state, and then when I was day and night in dread of God's calling me
+to account for my wickedness, and did not know which way to look for
+my deliverance, reading over and over again those dreadful words,
+"depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire," then it revealed to
+me how Jesus Christ had consented to come and suffer punishment for
+us in our stead, and bought pardon for us by his blood, and how by
+believing on him and serving him, I might become a child of God, so
+that I need be no more terrified by the thoughts of God's anger but
+sure of his forgiveness and love....
+
+(Here Mr. J. pursued his walk; but soon reflecting on what he had
+heard, he resolved to walk by Mr. Wilkins's house and enquire into
+this affair from him. This he did, and finding him the following
+conversation took place between them.)
+
+_Mr. J_. Sir, I have been talking with a man of yours in that field,
+who was engaged, while his horses were eating, in reading a book;
+which I asked him to shew me and found it was the Bible; thereupon I
+asked him some questions and his answers, and the account he gave of
+himself, have surprised me greatly.
+
+_Mr. W_. I presume it was Will--and though I do not know what he
+may have told you, yet I will undertake to say that he has told you
+nothing but the truth. I am always safe in believing him, and do
+not believe he would tell me an untruth for any thing that could be
+offered him....
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, sir, you have seen I trust in your family, good fruits
+from the beginning.
+
+_Mr. W_. Yes indeed, sir, and that man was most instrumental in
+reconciling and encouraging all my people in the change. From that
+time I have regarded him as more a friend and assistant, than a slave.
+He has taught the younger ones to read, and by his kindness and
+example, has been a great benefit to all. I have told them that I
+would do what I could to instruct and improve them; and that if I
+found any so vicious, that they would not receive it and strive to
+amend, I would not keep them; that I hoped to have a religious,
+praying family, and that none would be obstinately bent on their own
+ruin. And from time to time, I endeavored to convince them that I was
+aiming at their own good. I cannot tell you all the happiness of the
+change, that God has been pleased to make among us, all by these
+means. And I have been benefited both temporally and spiritually by
+it; for my work is better done, and my people are more faithful,
+contented, and obedient than before; and I have the comfort of
+thinking that when my Lord and master shall call me to account for
+those committed to my charge, I shall not be ashamed to present
+them.--Bishop William Meade's "Tracts and Dialogues," etc., in
+the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_.
+
+
+A TRUE ACCOUNT OF A PIOUS NEGRO
+
+(Written about 1800)
+
+Some years ago an English gentleman had occasion to be in North
+America, where, among other adventures, the following circumstances
+occurred to him which are related in his own words.
+
+"Every day's observation convinces me that the children of God, viz.
+those who believe in him, and on such terms are accepted by him
+through Jesus Christ, are made so by his own especial grace and power
+inclining them to what is good, and, assisting them when they endeavor
+to be and continue so.
+
+"In one of my excursions, while I was in the province of New York, I
+was walking by myself over a considerable plantation, amused with its
+husbandry, and comparing it with that of my own country, till I came
+within a little distance of a middle aged negro, who was tilling the
+ground. I felt a strong inclination to converse with him. After asking
+him some little questions about his work, which he answered very
+sensibly, I wished him to tell me, whether his state of slavery was
+not disagreeable to him, and whether he would not gladly exchange it
+for his liberty?"
+
+"Massah," said he, looking seriously upon me, "I have wife and
+children; my massah takes care of them, and I have no care to provide
+anything; I have a good massah, who teach me to read; and I read good
+book, that makes me happy." "I am glad," replied I, "to hear you say
+so; and pray what is the good book you read?" "The Bible, massah,
+God's own good book." "Do you understand, friend, as well as read this
+book? for many can read the words well, who cannot get hold of the
+true and good sense." "O massah," says he, "I read the book much
+before I understand; but at last I found things in the book which made
+me very uneasy." "Aye," said I, "and what things were they?" "Why
+massah, I found that I was a sinner, massah, a very great sinner,
+I feared that God would destroy me, because I was wicked, and done
+nothing as I should do. God was holy, and I was very vile and naughty;
+so I could have nothing from him but fire and brimstone in hell, if I
+continued in this state." In short, he fully convinced me that he was
+thoroughly sensible of his errors, and he told me what scriptures came
+to his mind, which he had read, that both probed him to the bottom of
+his sinful heart, and were made the means of light and comfort to his
+soul. I then inquired of him, what ministry or means he made use of
+and found that his master was a Quaker, a plain sort of man who had
+taught his slaves to read, and had thus afforded him some means of
+obtaining religious knowledge, though he had not ever conversed with
+this negro upon the state of his soul. I asked him likewise, how he
+got comfort under all his trials? "O massah," said he, "it was God
+gave me comfort by his word. He bade me come unto him, and he would
+give me rest, for I was very weary and heavy laden." And here he went
+through a line of the most striking texts in the Bible, showing me, by
+his artless comment upon them as he went along, what great things God
+had done in the course of some years for his soul....--Bishop William
+Meade's "Tracts, Dialogues," etc., in the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's
+_Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+LETTER TO ABBÉ GRÉGOIRE, OF PARIS, 1809
+
+I have received the favor of your letter of August 19th, and with
+it the volume you were so kind as to send me on the Literature of
+Negroes. Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than
+I do to see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on par with
+ourselves. My doubts were the result of personal observation in the
+limited sphere of my own state, where the opportunities for the
+development of their genius were not favorable, and those of
+exercising it still less so. I expressed them therefore with great
+hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent it is no measure
+of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in
+understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person and property
+of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions
+of nations, and hopeful advances are making towards their
+re-establishment on an equal footing with the other colors of the
+human family. I pray you therefore to accept my thanks for the many
+instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence
+in that race of men, which cannot fail to have effect in hastening the
+day of their relief; and to be sure of the sentiments of the high and
+just esteem and consideration which I tender to yourself with all
+sincerity.--_Writings of Thomas Jefferson_, Memorial Edition, 1904,
+vol. xii., p. 252.
+
+
+PORTION OF JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO M.A. JULIEN, JULY 23, 1818
+
+Referring to Kosciuszko, Jefferson said:
+
+"On his departure from the United States in 1798 he left in my hands
+an instrument appropriating after his death all the property he had
+in our public funds, the price of his military services here, to the
+education and emancipation of as many of the children of bondage
+in this country as this should be adequate to. I am now too old to
+undertake a business _de si longue haleine_; but I am taking measures
+to place it in such hands as will ensure a faithful discharge of the
+philanthropic intentions of the donor. I learn with pleasure your
+continued efforts for the instruction of the future generations of
+men, and, believing it the only means of effectuating their rights, I
+wish them all possible success, and to yourself the eternal gratitude
+of those who will feel their benefits, and beg leave to add the
+assurance of my high esteem and respect."--_Writings of Thomas
+Jefferson_, Memorial Edition. 1904, vol. xv., pp. 173-174.
+
+
+FROM MADISON'S LETTER TO MISS FRANCES WRIGHT, SEPTEMBER 1, 1825
+
+"Supposing these conditions to be duly provided for, particularly the
+removal of the emancipated blacks, the remaining questions relate to
+the aptitude and adequacy of the process by which the slaves are at
+the same time to earn funds, entire or supplemental, required for
+their emancipation and removal; and to be sufficiently educated for a
+life of freedom and of social order....
+
+"With respect to the proper course of education, no serious
+difficulties present themselves. As they are to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period, and to be within the
+jurisdiction of States recognizing ample authority over them, a
+competent discipline cannot be impracticable. The degree in which this
+discipline will enforce the needed labour, and in which a voluntary
+industry will supply the defect of compulsory labour, are vital
+points, on which it may not be safe to be very positive without some
+light from actual experiment.
+
+"Considering the probable composition of the labourers, and the known
+fact that, where the labour is compulsory, the greater the number of
+labourers brought together (unless, indeed, where co-operation of
+many hands is rendered essential by a particular kind of work or of
+machinery) the less are the proportional profits, it may be doubted
+whether the surplus from that source merely, beyond the support of the
+establishment, would sufficiently accumulate in five, or even more
+years, for the objects in view. And candor obliges me to say that I am
+not satisfied either that the prospect of emancipation at a future
+day will sufficiently overcome the natural and habitual repugnance to
+labour, or that there is such an advantage of united over individual
+labour as is taken for granted.
+
+"In cases where portions of time have been allotted to slaves, as
+among the Spaniards, with a view to their working out their freedom,
+it is believed that but few have availed themselves of the opportunity
+by a voluntary industry; and such a result could be less relied on
+in a case where each individual would feel that the fruits of his
+exertions would be shared by others, whether equally or unequally
+making them, and that the exertions of others would equally avail him,
+notwithstanding a deficiency in his own. Skilful arrangements might
+palliate this tendency, but it would be difficult to counteract it
+effectually.
+
+"The examples of the Moravians, the Harmonites, and the Shakers,
+in which the united labours of many for a common object have been
+successful, have, no doubt, an imposing character. But it must be
+recollected that in all these establishments there is a religious
+impulse in the members, and a religious authority in the head, for
+which there will be no substitutes of equivalent efficacy in the
+emancipating establishment. The code of rules by which Mr. Rapp
+manages his conscientious and devoted flock, and enriches a common
+treasury, must be little applicable to the dissimilar assemblage
+in question. His experience may afford valuable aid in its general
+organization, and in the distribution of details of the work to be
+performed. But an efficient administration must, as is judiciously
+proposed, be in hands practically acquainted with the propensities and
+habits of the members of the new community."
+
+
+FROM FREDERICK DOUGLASS'S PAPER, 1853: "LEARN TRADES OR STARVE"
+
+These are the obvious alternatives sternly presented to the free
+colored people of the United States. It is idle, yea even ruinous, to
+disguise the matter for a single hour longer; every day begins and
+ends with the impressive lesson that free negroes must learn trades,
+or die.
+
+The old avocations, by which colored men obtained a livelihood, are
+rapidly, unceasingly and inevitably passing into other hands; every
+hour sees the black man elbowed out of employment by some newly
+arrived emigrant, whose hunger and whose color are thought to give him
+a better title to the place; and so we believe it will continue to be
+until the last prop is levelled beneath us.
+
+As a black man, we say if we cannot stand up, let us fall down. We
+desire to be a man among men while we do live; and when we cannot,
+we wish to die. It is evident, painfully evident to every reflecting
+mind, that the means of living, for colored men, are becoming more
+and more precarious and limited. Employments and callings formerly
+monopolized by us, are so no longer.
+
+White men are becoming house-servants, cooks and stewards on
+vessels--at hotels.--They are becoming porters, stevedores,
+wood-sawers, hod-carriers, brick-makers, white-washers and barbers,
+so that the blacks can scarcely find the means of subsistence--a few
+years ago, a _white_ barber would have been a curiosity--now their
+poles stand on every street. Formerly blacks were almost the exclusive
+coachmen in wealthy families: this is so no longer; white men are now
+employed, and for aught we see, they fill their servile station with
+an obsequiousness as profound as that of the blacks. The readiness and
+ease with which they adapt themselves to these conditions ought not to
+be lost sight of by the colored people. The meaning is very important,
+and we should learn it. We are taught our insecurity by it. Without
+the means of living, life is a curse, and leaves us at the mercy of
+the oppressor to become his debased slaves. Now, colored men, what do
+you mean to do, for you must do something? The American Colonization
+Society tells you to go to Liberia. Mr. Bibb tells you to go to
+Canada. Others tell you to go to school. We tell you to go to work;
+and to work you must go or die. Men are not valued in this country, or
+in any country, for what they are; they are valued for what they can
+_do_. It is in vain that we talk of being men, if we do not the work
+of men. We must become valuable to society in other departments of
+industry than those servile ones from which we are rapidly being
+excluded. We must show that we can _do_ as well as be; and to this end
+we must learn trades. When we can build as well as live in houses;
+when we can _make_ as well as _wear_ shoes; when we can produce as
+well as consume wheat, corn and rye--then we shall become valuable to
+society. Society is a hard-hearted affair.--With it the helpless may
+expect no higher dignity than that of paupers. The individual must lay
+society under obligation to him, or society will honor him only as a
+stranger and sojourner. _How_ shall this be done? In this manner; use
+every means, strain every nerve to master some important mechanical
+art. At present, the facilities for doing so are few--institutions of
+learning are more readily opened to you than the work-shop; but the
+Lord helps them who will help themselves, and we have no doubt that
+new facilities will be presented as we press forward.
+
+If the alternative were presented to us of learning a trade or of
+getting an education, we would learn the trade, for the reason, that
+with the trade we could get the education while with the education we
+could not get the trade. What we, as a people, most need, is the means
+for our own elevation.--An educated colored man, in the United States,
+unless he has within him the heart of a hero, and is willing to engage
+in a lifelong battle for his rights, as a man, finds few inducements
+to remain in this country. He is isolated in the land of his
+birth--debarred by his color from congenial association with whites;
+he is equally cast out by the ignorance of the _blacks_. The remedy
+for this must comprehend the elevation of the masses; and this can
+only be done by putting the mechanic arts within the reach of colored
+men.
+
+We have now stated pretty strongly the case of our colored countrymen;
+perhaps some will say, _too_ strongly, but we know whereof we affirm.
+
+In view of this state of things, we appeal to the abolitionists.
+What Boss anti-slavery mechanic will take a black boy into his
+wheelwright's shop, his blacksmith's shop, his joiner's shop, his
+cabinet shop? Here is something _practical_; where are the whites
+and where are the blacks that will respond to it? Where are the
+antislavery milliners and seamstresses that will take colored girls
+and teach them trades, by which they can obtain an honorable living?
+The fact that we have made good cooks, good waiters, good barbers, and
+white-washers, induces the belief that we may excel in higher branches
+of industry. _One thing is certain; we must find new methods of
+obtaining a livelihood, for the old ones are failing us very fast_.
+
+We, therefore, call upon the intelligent and thinking ones amongst
+us, to urge upon the colored people within their reach, in all
+seriousness, the duty and the necessity of giving their children
+useful and lucrative trades, by which they may commence the battle
+of life with weapons, commensurate with the exigencies of
+conflict.--_African Repository_, vol. xxix., pp. 136, 137.
+
+
+EDUCATION OF COLORED PEOPLE
+
+(_Written by a highly respectable gentleman of the South in_ 1854)
+
+Several years ago I saw in the _Repository_, copied from the
+_Colonization Herald_, a proposal to establish a college for the
+education of young colored men in this country. Since that time I have
+neither seen nor heard anything more of it, and I should be glad to
+hear whether the proposed plan was ever carried into execution.
+
+Four years ago I conversed with one of the officers of the
+Colonization Society on the subject of educating in this country
+colored persons intending to emigrate to Liberia, and expressed my
+firm conviction of the paramount importance of high moral and mental
+training as a fit preparation for such emigrants.
+
+To my great regret the gentleman stated that under existing
+circumstances the project, all important as he confessed it to be, was
+almost impracticable; so strong being the influence of the enemies of
+colonization that they would dissuade any colored persons so educated
+from leaving the United States.
+
+I know that he was thoroughly acquainted with the subject in all its
+bearings, and therefore felt that he must have good reasons for what
+he said; still I hoped the case was not so bad as he thought, and,
+at any rate, I looked forward with strong hope to the time when the
+colored race would, as a body, open their eyes to the miserable,
+unnatural position they occupy in America; when they would see who
+were their true friends, those who offered them real and complete
+freedom, social and political, in a land where there is no white race
+to keep them in subjection, where they govern themselves by their own
+laws; or those pretended friends who would keep the African where he
+can never be aught but a serf and bondsman of a despised caste, and
+who, by every act of their pretended philanthropy, make the colored
+man's condition worse.
+
+Most happily, since that time, the colored race has been aroused to a
+degree never before known, and the conviction has become general among
+them that they must go to Liberia if they would be free and happy.
+
+Under these circumstances the better the education of the colored
+man the more keenly will he feel his present situation and the more
+clearly he will see the necessity of emigration.
+
+Assuming such to be the feelings of the colored race, I think the
+immense importance of a collegiate institution for the education of
+their young must be felt and acknowledged by every friend of the
+race. Some time since the legislature of Liberia passed an act to
+incorporate a college in Liberia, but I fear the project has failed,
+as I have heard nothing more of it since. Supposing however the funds
+raised for such an institution, where are the professors to come from?
+They _must_ be educated in this country; and how can that be done
+without establishing an institution specially for young colored men?
+
+There is not a college in the United States where a young man of color
+could gain admission, or where, supposing him admitted, he could
+escape insult and indignity. Into our Theological Seminaries a few are
+admitted, and are, perhaps, treated well; but what difficulty they
+find in obtaining a proper preparatory education. The cause of
+religion then, no less than that of secular education, calls for such
+a measure.
+
+I think a strong and earnest appeal ought to be made to every friend
+of colonization throughout the United States to support the scheme
+with heart, hand and purse. Surely there are enough friends of the
+cause to subscribe at least a moderate sum for such a noble object;
+and in a cause like this, wealthy colored persons ought to, and
+doubtless will, subscribe according to their means. In addition to the
+general appeal through the _Repository_, let each individual friend
+of colonization use all his influence with his personal friends and
+acquaintances, especially with such as are wealthy. I know from my own
+experience how much can be done by personal application, even in cases
+where success appears nearly hopeless.--I will pledge myself to use my
+humble endeavors to the utmost with my personal acquaintances. A large
+sum would not be _absolutely necessary_ to found the college; and it
+would certainly be better to commence in the humblest way than to give
+up the scheme altogether.
+
+Buildings for instance might be purchased in many places for a very
+moderate sum that would answer every purpose, or they might be built
+in the cheapest manner; in short, everything might be commenced on the
+most economical scale and afterwards enlarged as funds increased.
+
+Those who are themselves engaged in teaching, such as the faculties of
+colleges, etc., would, of course, be most competent to prepare a
+plan for the proposed institution, and the ablest of them should be
+consulted; meantime almost anyone interested in the cause may offer
+some useful hint. In that spirit, I would myself offer a few brief
+suggestions, in case this appeal should be favorably received.
+
+Probably few men of my time of life have studied the character and
+condition of the African race more attentively than I have, with what
+success I cannot presume to say, but the opinion of any one devoting
+so much of his time to the subject ought to be of _some_ value.
+
+My opinion of their capacity has been much raised during my attempts
+at instructing them, but at the same time, I am convinced that they
+require a _totally different mode of training from whites_, and that
+any attempt to educate the two races together must prove a failure.
+I now close these desultory remarks with the hope that some one more
+competent than myself will take up the cause and urge it until some
+definite plan is formed.--_African Repository_, vol. xxx., pp. 194,
+195, 196.
+
+
+FROM A MEMORIAL TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NORTH CAROLINA, CIRCULATED AMONG
+THE CITIZENS OF THAT STATE IN 1855, TO SECURE THE MODIFICATION OF
+CERTAIN LAWS REGULATING SLAVES AND FREE PERSONS OF COLOR.
+
+ELEVATION OF THE COLORED RACE
+
+The Memorial is thus introduced:
+
+"Your memorialists are well aware of the delicate nature of the
+subject to which the attention of the Legislature is called, and
+of the necessity of proceeding with deliberation and caution. They
+propose some radical changes in the law of slavery, demanded by our
+common christianity, by public morality, and by the common weal of
+the whole South. At the same time they have no wish or purpose
+inconsistent with the best interests of the slaveholder, and suggest
+no reform which may impair the efficiency of slave labor. On the
+contrary, they believe that the much desired modifications of our
+slave code will redound to the welfare of all classes, and to the
+honor and character of the State throughout the civilized world."
+
+The attention of the Legislature was then asked to the following
+propositions: "1. That it behooves us as christian people to establish
+the institution of matrimony among our slaves, with all its legal
+obligations and guarantees as to its duration between the parties. 2.
+That under no circumstances should masters be permitted to disregard
+these natural and sacred ties of relationship among their slaves, or
+between slaves belonging to different masters. 3. That the parental
+relation to be acknowledged by law; and that the separation of parents
+from their young children, say of twelve years and under, be strictly
+forbidden, under heavy pains and penalties. 4. That the laws which
+prohibit the instruction of slaves and free colored persons,
+by teaching them to read the Bible and other good books, be
+repealed."--_African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117, 118.
+
+
+A LAWYER FOR LIBERIA
+
+On the sailing of almost every expedition we have had occasion to
+chronicle the departure of missionaries, teachers, or a physician, but
+not until the present time, that of a lawyer. The souls and bodies of
+the emigrants have been well cared for; now, it is no doubt supposed,
+they require assistance in guarding their money, civil rights, etc.
+Most professional emissaries have been educated at public expense,
+either by Missionary or the Colonization Societies, but the first
+lawyer goes out independent of any associated aid. Mr. Garrison
+Draper, a colored man of high respectability, and long a resident of
+Old Town, early determined on educating his only son for Africa. He
+kept him at some good public school in Pennsylvania till fitted for
+college, then sent him to Dartmouth where he remained four years and
+graduated, maintaining always a very respectable standing, socially,
+and in his class. After much consultation with friends, he determined
+upon the study of law. Mr. Charles Gilman, a retired member of the
+Baltimore Bar, very kindly consented to give young Draper professional
+instruction, and for two years he remained under his tuition. Not
+having any opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the routine of
+professional practice, the rules, habits, and courtesy of the Bar,
+in Baltimore, Mr. Draper spent some few months in the office of a
+distinguished lawyer in Boston. On returning to the city to embark
+for Liberia, he underwent an examination by Judge Lee of the Superior
+Court, and obtained from him a certificate of his fitness to practice
+the profession of law, a copy of which we append hereto.
+
+We consider the settlement of Mr. Draper in the Republic as an event
+of no little importance. It seemed necessary that there should be one
+regularly educated lawyer in a community of several thousand people,
+in a Republic of freemen. True, there are many very intelligent, well
+informed men now in the practice of law in Liberia, but they have not
+been educated to the profession, and we believe, no one makes that his
+exclusive business. We doubt not that they will welcome Mr. Draper as
+one of their fraternity. To our Liberia friends we commend him as a
+well-educated, intelligent man, of good habits and principles; one in
+whom they may place the fullest confidence, and we bespeak for him, at
+their hands, kind considerations and patronage.
+
+
+STATE OF MARYLAND,
+
+CITY OF BALTIMORE,
+
+October 29, 1857.
+
+Upon the application of Charles Gilman, Esq., of the Baltimore Bar,
+I have examined Edward G. Draper, a young man of color, who has been
+reading law under the direction of Mr. Gilman, with the view of
+pursuing its practice in Liberia, Africa. And I have found him
+most intelligent and well informed in his answers to the questions
+propounded by me, and qualified in all respects to be admitted to the
+Bar in Maryland, if he was a free white citizen of this State. Mr.
+Gilman, in whom I have the highest confidence, has also testified to
+his good moral character.
+
+This certificate is therefore furnished to him by me, with a view to
+promote his establishment and success in Liberia at the Bar there.
+
+Z. COLLINS LEE,
+
+Judge of Superior Court, Balt., Md.
+
+_African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+There is no helpful bibliography on the early education of the
+American Negro. A few books treating the recent problems of education
+in this country give facts about the enlightenment of the colored
+people before their general emancipation, but the investigator has to
+depend on promiscuous sources for adequate information of this kind.
+With the exception of a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored
+Population in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different
+States_, published in the Report of the United States Commissioner of
+Education in 1871, there has been no attempt at a general treatment
+of this phase of our history. This treatise, however, is too brief to
+inculcate an appreciation of the extensive efforts to enlighten the
+ante-bellum Negro.
+
+Considered as a local problem this question has received more
+attention. A few writers have undertaken to sketch the movement to
+educate the colored people of certain communities before the Civil
+War. Their objective point, however, has been rather to treat of later
+periods. The books mentioned below give some information with respect
+to the period treated in this monograph.
+
+
+BOOKS ON EDUCATION
+
+Andrews, C.C. _The history of the New York African Free Schools from
+their Establishment in 1787 to the Present Time_. (New York, 1830.)
+Embraces a period of more than forty years, also a brief account of
+the successful labors of the New York Manumission Society, with an
+appendix containing specimens of original composition, both in
+prose and verse, by several of the pupils; pieces spoken at public
+examinations; an interesting dialogue between Doctor Samuel L.
+Mitchell, of New York, and a little boy of ten years old, and lines
+illustrative of the Lancastrian system of instruction. Andrews was
+a white man who was for a long time the head of this colored school
+system.
+
+Boese, Thomas. _Public Education in the City of New York, Its History,
+Condition, and Statistics, an Official Report of the Board of
+Education_. (New York, 1869.) While serving as clerk of the Board of
+Education Boese had an opportunity to learn much about the New York
+African Free Schools.
+
+Boone, R.G. _A History of Education in Indiana._ (New York, 1892.)
+Contains a brief account of the work of the Abolitionists in behalf of
+the education of the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+BUTLER, N.M. _Education in the United States_. A series of monographs.
+(New York, 1910.)
+
+FOOTE, J.P. _The Schools of Cincinnati and Its Vicinity_. (Cincinnati,
+1855.) A few pages of this book are devoted to the establishment and
+the development of colored schools in that city.
+
+GOODWIN, M.B. "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Published in the Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education in 1871.) This is the most thorough research
+hitherto made in this field. The same system has been briefly treated
+by W.S. Montgomery in his _Historical Sketch of Education for the
+Colored Race in the District of Columbia_, 1807-1907. (Washington,
+D.C., 1907.) A less detailed account of the same is found in James
+Storum's "_The Colored Public Schools of Washington,--Their Origin,
+Growth, and Present Condition." (A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. v., p.
+279.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _The Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United
+States_. (Savannah, 1842.) In trying to depict the spiritual condition
+of the colored people the writer tells also what he thought about
+their intellectual status.
+
+MERIWETHER, C. _History of Higher Education in South Carolina, with
+a Sketch of the Free School System_. (Washington, 1889.) The author
+accounts for the early education of the colored people in that
+commonwealth but gives no details.
+
+MILLER, KELLY. "_The Education of the Negro_." Constitutes Chapter
+XVI. of the Report of the United States Commissioner of Education for
+the year 1901. Contains a brief sketch of the early education of the
+Negro race in this country.
+
+ORR, GUSTAVUS. _The Need of Education in the South_. (Atlanta, 1880.)
+An address delivered before the Department of Superintendence of the
+National Educational Association in 1879. Mr. Orr referred to the
+first efforts to educate the Negroes of the South.
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_.
+Reference is made here to the early work of the Moravians among the
+colored people.
+
+RANDALL, SAMUEL SIDWELL. _The Common School System of the State of New
+York_. (New York, 1851.) Comprises the several laws relating to common
+schools, together with full expositions, instructions, and forms, to
+which is prefixed an historical sketch of the system. Prepared in
+pursuance of an act of the legislature, under the direction of the
+Honorable Christopher Morgan, Superintendent of Common Schools.
+
+STOCKWELL, THOMAS B. _A History of Public Education in Rhode Island
+from 1636 to 1876_. (Providence, 1876.) Compiled by authority of the
+Board of Education of Providence. Takes into account the various
+measures enacted to educate the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+WICKERSHAM, J.P. _A History of Education in Pennsylvania, Private and
+Public, Elementary and Higher, from the Time the Swedes Settled on the
+Delaware to the Present Day_. (Lancaster, Pa., 1886.) Considerable
+space is given to the education of the Negroes.
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., SR. _A Brief Historical Sketch of Negro Education in
+Georgia_. (Savannah, 1894.) The movement during the early period in
+that State is here disposed of in a few pages.
+
+_A Brief Sketch of the Schools for the Black People and their
+Descendants, Established by the Society of Friends_, etc.
+(Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY FOREIGNERS
+
+ABDY, E.S. _Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States from
+April, 1833, to October, 1834_. Three volumes. (London, 1835.) Abdy
+was a fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge.
+
+ALLIOT, PAUL. _Réflexions historiques et politigues sur la Louisiane_.
+(Cleveland, 1911.) Good for economic conditions. Valuable for
+information concerning New Orleans about the beginning of the
+nineteenth century.
+
+ARFWEDSON, C.D. _The United States and Canada in 1833 and 1834_. Two
+volumes. (London, 1834.) Somewhat helpful.
+
+BREMER, FREDERIKA. _The Homes of the New World; Impressions of
+America_. Translated by M. Howitt. Two volumes. (London, 1853.) The
+teaching of Negroes in the South is mentioned in several places.
+
+BRISSOT DE WARVILLE, J.P. _New Travels in the United States of
+America: including the Commerce of America with Europe, particularly
+with Great Britain and France_. Two volumes. (London, 1794.) Gives
+general impressions, few details.
+
+BUCKINGHAM, J.S. _America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive_.
+Two volumes. (New York, 1841.)
+
+---- _Eastern and Western States of America_. Three volumes. (London
+and Paris, 1842.) Contains useful information.
+
+BULLOCK, W. _Sketch of a Journey through the Western States of North
+America from New Orleans by the Mississippi, Ohio, City of Cincinnati,
+and Falls of Niagara to New York_. (London, 1827.) The author makes
+mention of the condition of the Negroes.
+
+COKE, THOMAS. _Extracts from the Journals of the Rev. Dr. Coke's Three
+Visits to America_. (London, 1790.) Contains general information.
+
+---- _A Journal of the Reverend Doctor Coke's Fourth Tour on the
+Continent of America_. (London, 1792.) Brings out the interest of this
+churchman in the elevation of the Negroes.
+
+CUMING, F. _Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country through the
+States of Kentucky and Ohio; a Voyage down the Ohio and Mississippi
+Rivers and a Trip through the Mississippi Territory and Part of West
+Florida, Commenced at Philadelphia in the Winter of 1807 and Concluded
+in 1809_. (Pittsburg, 1810.) Gives a few facts.
+
+FAUX, W. _Venerable Days in America_. (London, 1823.) A "journal of
+a tour in the United States principally undertaken to ascertain by
+positive evidence, the condition and probable prospects of British
+emigrants, including accounts of Mr. Kirkbeck's settlement in Illinois
+and intended to show men and things as they are in America." The
+Negroes are casually mentioned.
+
+HUMBOLDT, FRIEDRICH HEINRICH ALEXANDER, FREIHERR VON. _The Travels and
+Researches of Friedrich Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt._ (London,
+1833.) The author gives a "condensed narrative of his journeys in
+the equinoctial regions in America and in Asiatic Russia." The work
+contains also analyses of his important investigations. He throws
+a little light on the condition of the mixed breeds of the Western
+Hemisphere.
+
+KEMBLE, FRANCES ANNE. _Journal of a Residence on a Plantation in
+1838-1839._ (New York, 1863.) This diary is quoted extensively as one
+of the best sources for Southern conditions before the Civil War.
+
+LAMBERT, JOHN. _Travels through Canada and the United States, in the
+Years 1806, 1807, and 1808._ Two volumes. (London, 1813.) To this
+journal are added notices and anecdotes of some of the leading
+characters in the United States. This traveler saw the Negroes.
+
+PONS, FRANÇOIS RAYMOND DE. _Travels in Parts of South America, during
+the Years 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804._ (London, 1806.) Contains a
+description of Caracas; an account of the laws, commerce, and natural
+productions of that country; and a view of the customs and manners of
+the Spaniards and native Indians. Negroes are mentioned.
+
+PRIEST, WILLIAM. _Travels in the United States Commencing in the Year
+1793 and ending in the Year 1797._ (London, 1802.) Priest made two
+voyages across the Atlantic to appear at the theaters of Baltimore,
+Boston, and Philadelphia. He had something to say about the condition
+of the Negroes.
+
+ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT, DUC DE. _Travels through the United States of
+America, the Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada in the Years
+1795, 1796, and 1797._ (London, 1799.) The author discusses the
+attitude of the people toward the uplift of the Negroes.
+
+SCHOEPF, JOHANN DAVID. _Reise durch der Mittlern und Sudlichen
+Vereinigten Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und den Bahama
+Inseln unternommen in den Jahren 1783 und 1784._ (Cincinnati, 1812.)
+A translation of this work was published by Alfred J. Morrison at
+Philadelphia in 1911. Gives general impressions.
+
+SMYTH, J.F.D. _A Tour in the United States_. (London, 1848.) This
+writer incidentally mentions the people of color.
+
+SUTCLIFF, ROBERT. _Travels in Some Parts of North America in the Years
+1804, 1805, and 1806_. (Philadelphia, 1812.) While traveling in slave
+territory Sutcliff studied the mental condition of the colored people.
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY AMERICANS
+
+BROWN, DAVID. _The Planter, or Thirteen Years in the South_.
+(Philadelphia, 1853.) Here we get a Northern white man's view of the
+heathenism of the Negroes.
+
+BURKE, EMILY. _Reminiscences of Georgia_. (Oberlin, Ohio, 1850.)
+Presents the views of a woman who was interested in the uplift of the
+Negro race.
+
+EVANS, ESTWICK. _A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles through the
+Western States and Territories during the Winter and Spring of 1818_.
+(Concord, N.H., 1819.) Among the many topics treated is the
+author's contention that the Negro is capable of the highest mental
+development.
+
+OLMSTED, FREDERICK LAW. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, with
+Remarks on their Economy_. (New York, 1859.)
+
+---- _A Journey in the Back Country_. (London, i860.)
+
+---- _Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom_. (London,
+1861.) Olmsted was a New York farmer. He recorded a few important
+facts about the education of the Negroes immediately before the Civil
+War.
+
+PARSONS, E.G. _Inside View of Slavery, or a Tour among the Planters_.
+(Boston, 1855.) The introduction was written by Harriet Beecher Stowe.
+It was published to aid the antislavery cause, but in describing the
+condition of Negroes the author gave some educational statistics.
+
+REDPATH, JAMES. _The Roving Editor, or Talks with Slaves in Southern
+States_. (New York 1859.) The slaves are here said to be telling their
+own story.
+
+SMEDES, MRS. SUSAN (DABNEY). _Memorials of a Southern Planter_.
+(Baltimore, 1887.) The benevolence of those masters who had their
+slaves taught in spite of public opinion and the law, is well brought
+out in this volume.
+
+TOWER, REVEREND PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked_. (Rochester, 1856.) Valuable
+chiefly for the author's arraignment of the so-called religious
+instruction of the Negroes after the reactionary period.
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _Journal of John Woolman, with an Introduction by John
+G. Whittier_. (Boston, 1873.) Woolman traveled so extensively in the
+colonies that he probably knew more about the mental state of the
+Negroes than any other Quaker of his time.
+
+
+LETTERS
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. Letters of Thomas Jefferson to Abbé Grégoire,
+M.A. Julien, and Benjamin Banneker. In _Jefferson's Works_, Memorial
+Edition, xii. and xv. He comments on Negroes' talents.
+
+MADISON, JAMES. Letter to Prances Wright. _In Madison's Works_, vol.
+iii., p. 396. The training of Negroes is discussed.
+
+MAY, SAMUEL JOSEPH. _The Right of the Colored People to Education_.
+(Brooklyn, 1883.) A collection of public letters addressed to Andrew
+T. Judson, remonstrating on the unjust procedure relative to Miss
+Prudence Crandall.
+
+MCDONOGH, JOHN. "A Letter of John McDonogh on African Colonization
+addressed to the Editor of _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_,"
+McDonogh was interested in the betterment of the colored people and
+did much to promote their mental development.
+
+SHARPE, H. ED. _The Abolition of Negro Apprenticeship_. A letter to
+Lord Brougham. (London, 1838.)
+
+_A Southern Spy, or Curiosities of Negro Slavery in the South. Letters
+from a Southern to a Northern Gentleman_. The comment of a passer-by.
+
+_A Letter to an American Planter from his Friend in London in 1781_.
+The writer discussed the instruction of Negroes.
+
+
+BIOGRAPHIES
+
+BIRNEY, CATHERINE H. _The Grimké Sisters; Sara and Angelina Grimké,
+the First American Women Advocates of Abolition and Woman's Rights_.
+(Boston, 1885.) Mentions the part these workers played in the secret
+education of Negroes in the South.
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and His Times_. (New York, 1890.) A
+sketch of an advocate of Negro education.
+
+BOWEN, CLARENCE W. _Arthur and Lewis Tappan_. A paper read at the
+fiftieth anniversary of the New York Anti-Slavery Society, at the
+Broadway Tabernacle, New York City, October 2, 1883. An honorable
+mention of two promoters of the colored manual labor schools.
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _Isaac T. Hopper: A True Life_. (Boston and
+Cleveland, 1853.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Astronomer_.
+(London, 1864.)
+
+(COOPER, JAMES F.) _Notions of the Americans Picked up by a Traveling
+Bachelor_. (Philadelphia, 1828.) General.
+
+DREW, BENJAMIN. _A North-side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the
+Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada_. Related by themselves, with
+an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of
+Upper Canada. (New York and Boston, 1856.)
+
+GARRISON, FRANCIS AND WENDELL P. _William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879.
+The Story of his Life told by his Children_. Four volumes. (Boston
+and New York, 1894.) Includes a brief account of what he did for the
+education of the colored people.
+
+HALLOWELL, A.D. _James and Lucretia Mott; Life and Letters_. (Boston,
+1884.) These were ardent abolitionists who advocated the education of
+the colored people.
+
+JOHNSON, OLIVER. _William Lloyd Garrison and his Times_. (Boston,
+1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.)
+
+LOSSING, BENSON J. _Life of George Washington, a Biography, Military
+and Political_. Three volumes. (New York, 1860.) Gives the will of
+George Washington, who provided that at the stipulated time his slaves
+should be freed and that their children should be taught to read.
+
+MATHER, COTTON. _The Life and Death of the Reverend John Elliot who
+was the First Preacher of the Gospel to the Indians in America_. The
+third edition carefully corrected. (London, 1694.) Sets forth the
+attitude of John Elliot toward the teaching of slaves.
+
+MOTT, A. _Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons
+of Color; with a Selection of Pieces of Poetry_. (New York, 1826.)
+Some of these sketches show how ambitious Negroes learned to read and
+write in spite of opposition.
+
+SIMMONS, W.J. _Men of Mark: Eminent, Progressive, and Rising, with
+an Introductory Sketch of the Author by Reverend Henry M. Turner_.
+(Cleveland, Ohio, 1891.) Accounts for the adverse circumstances under
+which many ante-bellum Negroes acquired knowledge.
+
+SNOWDEN, T.B. _The Autobiography of John B. Snowden_. (Huntington, W.
+Va., 1900.)
+
+WIGHTMAN, WILLIAM MAY. _Life of William Capers, one of the Bishops of
+the Methodist Episcopal Church South; including an Autobiography_.
+(Nashville, Tenn., 1858.) Shows what Capers did for the religious
+instruction of the colored people.
+
+
+AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
+
+ASBURY, BISHOP FRANCIS. _The Journal of the Reverend Francis Asbury,
+Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1781, to
+December 7, 1815_. Three volumes. (New York, 1821.)
+
+COFFIN, LEVI. _Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the
+Under Ground Railroad_. (Second edition, Cincinnati, 1880.) Mentions
+the teaching of slaves.
+
+DOUGLASS, FREDERICK. _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as
+an American Slave_. Written by himself. (Boston, 1845.) Gives several
+cases of secret Negro schools.
+
+---- _The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass from 1817 to 1882_.
+Written by himself. Illustrated. With an Introduction by the Right
+Honorable John Bright, M.P. Edited by John Loeb, F.R.G.S., of the
+_Christian Age_, Editor of _Uncle Tom's Story of his Life_. (London,
+1882.) Contains Douglass's appeal in behalf of vocational training.
+
+FLINT, TIMOTHY. _Recollections of the last Ten Years_. A series of
+letters to the Reverend James Flint of Salem, Massachusetts, by T.
+Flint, Principal of the Seminary of Rapide, Louisiana. (Boston, 1826.)
+Mentions the teaching of Negroes.
+
+
+GENERAL HISTORIES
+
+BANCROFT, GEORGE. _History of the United States_. Ten volumes.
+(Boston, 1857-1864.)
+
+HART, A.B., Editor. _American History told by Contemporaries_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1898.)
+
+---- _The American Nation; A history, etc_. Twenty-seven volumes. (New
+York, 1904-1908.) The volumes which have a bearing on the subject
+treated in this monograph are Bourne's _Spain in America_, Edward
+Channing's _Jeffersonian System_, F.J. Turner's _Rise of the New
+West_, and Hart's _Slavery and Abolition_.
+
+HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE. _Historia General de los hechos de
+los Castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano. Escrito
+por Antonio herrera coronista mayor de Sr. M. de las Indias y si
+coronista de Castilla. En Quatro decadas desde el año de 1492 hasta el
+de 1554. Decada primera del rey Nuro Señor_. (En Madrid en la Imprenta
+real de Nicolas Rodriguez Franco, año 1726-1727.)
+
+MCMASTER, JOHN B. _History of the United States_. Six volumes. (New
+York, 1900.)
+
+RHODES, J.F. _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850
+to the Final Restoration of Home Rule in the South_. (New York and
+London, Macmillan & Company, 1892-1906.)
+
+
+VON HOLST, HERMAN. _The Constitutional and Political History of the
+United States of America_. (Seven volumes. Chicago, 1877.)
+
+
+STATE HISTORIES
+
+ASHE, S.A. _History of North Carolina_. (Greensboro, 1908.)
+
+BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE. _History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888_.
+(San Francisco, 1890.)
+
+BEARSE, AUSTIN. _Reminiscences of Fugitive Slave Days in Boston_.
+(Boston, 1880.)
+
+BETTLE, EDWARD. "Notices of Negro Slavery as Connected with
+Pennsylvania." Read before the Historical Society of
+
+Pennsylvania, 8th Mo., 7th, 1826. _Memoirs of Historical Society of
+Pennsylvania_.
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFREY R. _The Negro in Maryland_. Johns Hopkins University
+Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.)
+
+COLLINS, LEWIS. _Historical Sketches of Kentucky_. (Maysville, Ky.,
+and Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847.)
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK, JR. _History of Georgia_. (Boston, 1883.)
+
+MCCRADY, EDWARD. _The History of South Carolina under the Royal
+Government, 1719-1776_, by Edward McCrady, a Member of the Bar of
+South Carolina and President of the Historical Society of South
+Carolina, Author of _A History of South Carolina under the Proprietary
+Government_. (New York and London, 1899.)
+
+STEINER, B.C. _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, 1893.)
+
+STUVÉ, BERNARD, and Alexander Davidson. _A Complete History of
+Illinois from 1673 to 1783_. (Springfield, 1874.)
+
+TREMAIN, MARY M.A. _Slavery in the District of Columbia_. (University
+of Nebraska Seminary Papers, April, 1892.)
+
+_History of Brown County, Ohio_. (Chicago, 1883.)
+
+"_Slavery in Illinois, 1818-1824." (Massachusetts Historical Society
+Collections_, volume x.)
+
+
+CHURCH HISTORIES
+
+BANGS, NATHAN. _A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1845.)
+
+BENEDICT, DAVID. _A General History of the Baptist Denomination in
+America and in Other Parts of the World_. (Boston, 1813.)
+
+---- _Fifty Years among the Baptists_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+DALCHO, FREDERICK. _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina, from the First Settlement of the Province to
+the War of the Revolution_; with notices of the present State of the
+Church in each Parish: and some Accounts of the early Civil History of
+Carolina never before published. To which are added: the Laws relating
+to Religious Worship, the Journal and Rules of the Convention of South
+Carolina; the Constitution and Canons of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church and the Course of Ecclesiastical Studies. (Charleston, 1820.)
+
+DAVIDSON, REV. ROBERT. _History of the Presbyterian Church in the
+State of Kentucky; with a Preliminary Sketch of the Churches in the
+Valley of Virginia._ (New York, Pittsburgh, and Lexington, Kentucky,
+1847.)
+
+HAMILTON, JOHN T. _A History of the Church Known as the Moravian
+Church, or the Unitas Fratrum, or the Unity of Brethren during the
+Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries._ (Bethlehem, Pa., 1900.)
+
+HAWKS, FRANCIS L. _Ecclesiastical History of the United States._ (New
+York, 1836.)
+
+JAMES, CHARLES P. _Documentary History of the Struggle for Religious
+Liberty in Virginia._ (Lynchburg, Va., 1900.)
+
+MATLACK, LUCIUS. _The History of American Slavery and Methodism from
+1780 to 1849: and History of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of
+America. In Two Parts with an Appendix._ (New York, 1849.)
+
+MCTYEIRE, HOLLAND N. _A History of Methodism; comprising a View of the
+Rise of the Revival of Spiritual Religion in the First Half of the
+Eighteenth Century, and the Principal Agents by whom it was promoted
+in Europe and America, with some Account of the Doctrine and Polity of
+Episcopal Methodism in the United States and the Means and Manner of
+its Extension down to 1884._ (Nashville, Tenn., 1884.) McTyeire was
+one of the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church South.
+
+REICHEL, L.T. _The Early History of the Church of the United Brethren
+(Unitas Fratrum) commonly Called Moravians in North America, from 1734
+to 1748._ (Nazareth, Pa., 1888.)
+
+RUSH, CHRISTOPHER. _A Short Account of the African Methodist Episcopal
+Church in America._ Written by the aid of George Collins. Also a view
+of the Church Order or Government from Scripture and from some of the
+best Authors relative to Episcopacy. (New York, 1843.)
+
+SEMPLE, R.B. _History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in
+Virginia._ (Richmond, 1810.)
+
+
+SERMONS, ORATIONS, ADDRESSES
+
+BACON, THOMAS. _Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants._ Published
+in 1743. Republished with other tracts by Rev. William Meade.
+(Winchester, Va., 1805.)
+
+BOUCHER, JONATHAN. "American Education." This address is found in the
+author's volume entitled _A View of the Causes and Consequences of
+the American Revolution_; in thirteen discourses, preached in North
+America between the years 1763 and 1775: with an historical preface.
+(London, 1797.)
+
+BUCHANAN, GEORGE. _An Oration upon the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_. Delivered at a Public Meeting of the Maryland Society for
+Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and Relief of Free Negroes
+and others unlawfully held in Bondage. Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+(Baltimore, 1793.)
+
+CATTO, WILLIAM T. _A Semicentenary Discourse Delivered in the First
+African Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, on the 4th Sabbath of May,
+1857_: with a History of the Church from its first organization;
+including a brief Notice of Reverend John Gloucester, its First
+Pastor. Also an appendix containing sketches of all the Colored
+Churches in Philadelphia. (Philadelphia, 1857.) The author was then
+pastor of this church.
+
+DANA, JAMES. _The African Slave Trade_. A Discourse delivered in the
+City of New Haven, September 9, 1790, before the Connecticut Society
+for the Promotion of Freedom. (New Haven, 1790.) Dr. Dana was at that
+time the pastor of the First Congregational Church of New Haven.
+
+FAWCETT, BENJAMIN. _A Compassionate Address to the Christian Negroes
+in Virginia, and other British Colonies in North America_. With
+an appendix containing some account of the rise and progress of
+Christianity among that poor people. (The second edition, Salop,
+printed by F. Edwards and F. Cotton.)
+
+GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD. _An Address Delivered before the Free People
+of Color in Philadelphia, New York, and other Cities during the Month
+of June, 1831_. (Boston, 1831.)
+
+GRIFFIN, EDWARD DORR. _A Plea for Africa_. A Sermon preached October
+26, 1817, in the First Presbyterian Church in the City of New York
+before the Synod of New York and New Jersey at the Request of the
+Board of Directors of the African School established by the Synod.
+(New York, 1817.) The aim was to arouse interest in this school.
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK. _The Religious Instruction of Negroes_. A
+Sermon delivered before the Association of the Planters in Liberty and
+McIntosh Counties, Georgia. (Princeton, N.J., 1832.) Jones was then
+engaged in the work which he was discussing.
+
+MAYO, A.D. "Address on Negro Education." (_Springfield Republican_,
+July 9, 1897; and the _New England Magazine_, October, 1898.)
+
+RUSH, BENJAMIN. _An Address to the Inhabitants of the British
+Settlements in America upon Slave Keeping_. The second edition with
+observations on a pamphlet entitled _Slavery not Forbidden by
+the Scripture or a Defense of the West Indian Planters by a
+Pennsylvanian_. (Philadelphia, 1773.) The Negroes' need of education
+is pointed out.
+
+SECKER, THOMAS, Archbishop of Canterbury. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20, 1741. (London 1741.) In this
+discourse Secker set forth his plan of teaching the Negroes to elevate
+themselves.
+
+SIDNEY, JOSEPH. _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States Delivered before the Wilberforce
+Philanthropic Association in the City of New York on January 2, 1809_.
+(New York, 1809.) The speaker did not forget the duty of all men to
+uplift those unfortunates who had already been degraded.
+
+SMITH, THOMAS P. _An Address before the Colored Citizens of Boston in
+Opposition to the Abolition of Colored Schools, 1849_. (Boston, 1850.)
+
+WARBURTON, WILLIAM, Bishop of Gloucester. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow on Friday, February 21, 1766. (London, 1766.) The speaker
+urged his hearers to enlighten the Indians and Negroes.
+
+
+REPORTS ON THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE
+
+_Report of the Proceedings at the Formation of the African Education
+Society_; instituted at Washington, December 28, 1829. With an Address
+to the Public by the Board of Managers. (Washington, 1830.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee of the Primary School Board
+on the Caste Schools of the City of Boston._ With some remarks on the
+City Solicitor's Opinion, by Wendell Phillips. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of a Special Committee of the Grammar School Board of Boston,
+Massachusetts._ Abolition of the Smith Colored School. (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Report of the Primary School Committee, Boston, Massachusetts._
+Abolition of the Colored Schools. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee upon the Petition of J.T.
+Hilton and other Colored Citizens of Boston, Praying for the Abolition
+of the Smith Colored School._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Opinion of Honorable Richard Fletcher as to whether Colored Children
+can be Lawfully Excluded from Free Public Schools._ (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Improvement
+of the Public Schools in the District of Columbia_, containing M.B.
+Goodwin's "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Washington, 1871.)
+
+_Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the New York Public School Society,
+1842._ (New York, 1842.)
+
+
+STATISTICS
+
+CLARKE, J.F. _Present Condition of the Free Colored People of the
+United States._ (New York and Boston, the American Antislavery
+Society, 1859.) Published also in the March number of the _Christian
+Examiner_.
+
+_Condition of the Free People of Color in Ohio._ With interesting
+anecdotes. (Boston, 1839.)
+
+_Institute for Colored Youth._ (Philadelphia, 1860-1865.) Contains a
+list of the officers and students.
+
+_Report of the Condition of the Colored People of Cincinnati, 1835._
+(Cincinnati, 1835.)
+
+_Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society of Abolition on
+Present Condition of the Colored People, etc._, 1838. (Philadelphia,
+1838.)
+
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the People of Color of the
+City and Districts of Philadelphia._ (Philadelphia, 1849.) _Statistics
+of the Colored People of Philadelphia in 1859_, compiled by Benj. C.
+Bacon. (Philadelphia, 1859.)
+
+_Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1898._ Prepared by the
+Bureau of Statistics. (Washington, D.C., 1899.)
+
+_Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A_,
+1790-1830. (Published by the Department of State in 1835.)
+
+_The Present State and Condition of the Free People of Color of the
+city of Philadelphia and adjoining districts as exhibited by the
+Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery._ Read First Month (January), 5th, 1838.
+(Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+_Trades of the Colored People._ (Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+United States Censuses of 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850,
+and 1860.
+
+VARLE, CHARLES. _A Complete View of Baltimore_; with a Statistical
+Sketch of all the Commercial, Mercantile, Manufacturing, Literary,
+Scientific Institutions and Establishments in the same Vicinity ...
+derived from personal Observation and Research. (Baltimore, 1833.)
+
+
+CHURCH REPORTS
+
+_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of
+Friends against Slavery and the Slave Trade._ Published by direction
+of the Yearly Meeting held in Philadelphia in the Fourth Month, 1843.
+Shows the action taken by various Friends to educate the Negroes.
+
+_A Collection of the Acts, Deliverances, and Testimonies of the
+Supreme Judicatory of the Presbyterian Church, from its Origin in
+America to the Present Time._ By Samuel J. Baird. (Philadelphia,
+1856.)
+
+_Acts and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
+Church in the United States of America in the Year 1800._
+(Philadelphia, 1800.) The question of instructing the Negroes came up
+in this meeting.
+
+PASCOE, C.F. _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1892, with much
+Supplementary Information._ (London, 1893.) A good source for the
+accounts of the efforts of this organization among Negroes.
+
+"Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1785." Found in Rev. Charles
+Elliott's _History of the Great Secession from the Methodist Episcopal
+Church_, etc. This conference discussed the education of the colored
+people.
+
+
+REPORTS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION, 1794-1831
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies
+established in different Parts of the United States, assembled at
+Philadelphia on the first Day of January, one thousand seven hundred
+and ninety-four, and continued by Adjournments, until the seventh Day
+of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1794.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the seventh Day of
+January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1795.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of January,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the seventh Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1796.)
+
+--_Address to Free Africans and other Free People of Colour in the
+United States._ (1796.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fourth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of May,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and continued by
+Adjournments, until the ninth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1797.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fifth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of June,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1798.)
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of the Sixth Convention of Delegates from the Abolition
+Societies established in different parts of the United States,
+assembled at Philadelphia, on the fourth Day of June, one thousand
+eight hundred, and continued by Adjournments, until the sixth Day of
+the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1800.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Seventh Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of June, one
+thousand eight hundred and one, and continued by Adjournments until
+the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1801.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eighth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia, on the tenth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and three, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1803.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Ninth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the ninth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and four, and continued by Adjournments
+until the thirteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1804.)
+
+--_Address of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of
+Slavery and improving the Condition of the African Race, assembled at
+Philadelphia, in January, 1804, to the People of the United States._
+(Philadelphia, 1804.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Tenth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of
+the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the fourteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the seventeenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eleventh American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia, on the thirteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and six, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1806.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of a Special Meeting of the Fifteenth
+American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and
+improving the Condition of the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia
+on the tenth Day of December, 1818, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1818.)
+
+--_Constitution of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition
+of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the African Race. Adopted
+on the eleventh Day of December, 1818, to take effect on the fifth Day
+of October, 1819._ (Philadelphia, 1819.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Eighteenth Session of the American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the
+African Race. Convened at Philadelphia, on the seventh Day of October,
+1823._ (Philadelphia, 1823.)
+
+--_To the Clergy and Pastors throughout the United States._ (Dated
+Philadelphia, September 18, 1826.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Adjourned Session of the Twentieth Biennial American
+Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Held at Baltimore,
+November 28._ (Philadelphia, 1828.)
+
+
+REPORTS OF ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Societies, presented at New York, May 6, 1847, with the Addresses and
+Resolutions._ (New York, 1847.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societies,
+with the Addresses and Resolutions._ (New York, 1851.)
+
+_The First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in Chatham
+Street Chapel in the City of New York, on the sixth Day of May by
+Adjournment on the eighth, in the Rev. Dr. Lansing's Church, and the
+Minutes of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_The Second Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held
+in the City of New York, on the twelfth of May, 1835, and the Minutes
+and Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1835.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on May the tenth, 1836, and Minutes of the Meetings of the
+Society for Business._ (New York, 1836.)
+
+_The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on the ninth of May, 1837._ (New York, 1837.)
+
+_The Fifth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting and the Minutes and
+Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1838.)
+
+_The Sixth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City
+of New York, on the seventh Day of May, 1839, and the Minutes of the
+Meetings of the Society for Business, held on the evenings of the
+three following days._ (New York, 1839.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society by the
+Executive Committee for the year ending May 1, 1859._ (New York,
+1860.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the Managers of the New England
+Anti-Slavery Society presented June 2, 1835_. (Boston, 1835.)
+
+_Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery
+Society, 1831-end_.
+
+_Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Convention, 1833-end_.
+
+
+REPORTS OF COLONIZATION SOCIETIES
+
+_Reports of the American Colonization Society, 1818-1832_.
+
+_Report of the New York Colonization Society, October 1, 1823_. (New
+York, 1823.)
+
+_The Seventh Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the City of
+New York_. (New York, 1839.)
+
+_Proceedings of the New York State Colonization Society, 1831_.
+(Albany, 1831.)
+
+_The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the State
+of New York_. (New York, 1850.)
+
+REPORTS OF CONVENTIONS OF FREE NEGROES
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People
+of Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the
+sixth to the eleventh of June, inclusive_, 1831.
+
+(Philadelphia, 1831.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th
+of June, inclusive, 1832_,(Philadelphia, 1832.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the city of Philadelphia, in 1833. (New York,
+1833.)_ These proceedings were published also in the New York
+Commercial Advertiser, April 27, 1833.
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in the United States. held by
+Adjournments in the Asbury Church, New York, from the 2d to the 12th
+of June, 1834._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_Proceedings of the Convention of the Colored Freedmen of Ohio at
+Cincinnati, January 14, 1852._ (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1852.)
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS
+
+ADAMS, ALICE DANA. _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America._
+Radcliffe College Monographs No. 14. (Boston and London, 1908.)
+Contains some valuable facts about the education of the Negroes during
+the first three decades of the nineteenth century.
+
+ADAMS, JOHN. _The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United
+States_; with a Life of the Author, Notes, and Illustrations by his
+Grandson, Charles Francis Adams. Ten volumes. Volume x., shows the
+attitude of James Otis toward the Negroes.
+
+ADAMS, NEHEMIAH. _A South-Side View of Slavery; or Three Months at
+the South in 1854._ (Boston, 1854.) The position of the South on the
+education of the colored people is well set forth.
+
+AGRICOLA (pseudonym). _An Impartial View of the Real State of the
+Black Population in the United States._ (Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+ALBERT, O.V. _The House of Bondage_; or Charlotte Brooks and other
+Slaves Original and Life-like as they appeared in their Plantation
+and City Slave Life; together with pen Pictures of the peculiar
+Institution, with Sights and Insights into their new Relations as
+Freedmen, Freemen, and Citizens, with an Introduction by Reverend
+Bishop Willard Mallalieu. (New York and Cincinnati, 1890.)
+
+ALEXANDER, A. _A History of Colonization on the Western Continent of
+Africa._ (Philadelphia, 1846.) Treats of education in "An Account of
+the Endeavors used by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
+Foreign Parts, to instruct Negroes in the City of New York, together
+with two of Bishop Gibson's Letters on that subject, being an Extract
+from Dr. Humphrey's Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts from its Foundation in
+the Year 1728." (London, 1730.)
+
+_An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery,
+by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, 1830._ (Greensborough, 1830.)
+
+_An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky proposing a Plan for the
+Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves by a Committee of the
+Synod of Kentucky._ (Newburyport, 1836.)
+
+ANDERSON, MATTHEW._Presbylerianism--Its Relation to the Negro._
+(Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+ANDREWS, E.E. _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade in the United
+States._ In a series of letters addressed to the Executive Committee
+of the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+Race. (Boston, 1836.)
+
+BALDWIN, EBENEZER. _Observations on the Physical and Moral Qualities
+of our Colored Population with Remarks on the Subject of Emancipation
+and Colonization._ (New Haven, 1834.)
+
+BASSETT, J.S. _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina._
+(Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+Fourteenth Series, iv.-v. Baltimore, 1896.)
+
+---- _Slavery in the State of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVII.,
+Nos. 7-8. Baltimore, 1899.)
+
+---- _Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVI.,
+No. 6. Baltimore, 1898.)
+
+BAXTER, RICHARD. _Practical Works._ Twenty-three volumes. (London,
+1830.)
+
+BENEZET, ANTHONY. _A Caution to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a
+Short Representation of the calamitous state of the enslaved Negro in
+the British Dominions._ (Philadelphia, 1784.)
+
+---- _The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed Africans,
+respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the
+Legislature of Great Britain, by the People called Quakers._ (London,
+1783.)
+
+---- _Observations on the enslaving, importing, and purchasing of
+Negroes; with some advice thereon, extracted from the Epistle of the
+Yearly-Meeting of the People called Quakers, held at London in the
+Year 1748._ (Germantown, 1760.)
+
+---- _The Potent Enemies of America laid open: being some Account of
+the baneful Effects attending the Use of distilled spirituous Liquors,
+and the Slavery of the Negroes._ (Philadelphia.)
+
+---- _A Short Account of that Part of Africa, inhabited by the
+Negroes. With respect to the Fertility of the Country; the good
+Disposition of many of the Natives, and the Manner by which the Slave
+Trade is carried on._ (Philadelphia, 1792.)
+
+---- _Short Observations on Slavery, Introductory to Some Extracts
+from the Writings of the Abbé Raynal, on the Important Subject._
+
+---- _Some Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation, Produce, and
+the General Disposition of its Inhabitants. With an Inquiry into
+the Rise and Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable
+Effects._ (London, 1788.)
+
+BIRNEY, JAMES G. _The American Churches, the Bulwarks of American
+Slavery, by an American._ (Newburyport, 1842.)
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and his Times. The Genesis of the
+Republican Party, with Some Account of the Abolition Movements in the
+South before 1828._ (New York, 1890.)
+
+BOURNE, WILLIAM O. _History of the Public School Society of the City
+of New York, with Portraits of the Presidents of the Society._ (New
+York, 1870.)
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFERY R._The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution
+of Slavery._ (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 1889).
+
+BRANAGAN, THOMAS. _A Preliminary Essay on the Oppression of the Exiled
+Sons of Africa, Consisting of Animadversions on the Impolicy and
+Barbarity of the Deleterious Commerce and Subsequent Slavery of the
+Human Species_. (Philadelphia: Printed for the Author by John W.
+Scott, 1804.)
+
+BRANAGAN, T. _Serious Remonstrances Addressed to the Citizens of the
+Northern States and their Representatives, being an Appeal to their
+Natural Feelings and Common Sense; Consisting of Speculations and
+Animadversions, on the Recent Revival of the Slave Trade in the
+American Republic_. (Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+BROWN, W.W. _My Southern Home_. (Boston, 1882.)
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans
+Called Africans_. (Boston: Allen & Ticknor, 1833, and New York: J.S.
+Taylor, 1836.)
+
+CHANNING, WILLIAM E. _Slavery_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co., 1835.)
+
+---- _Remarks on the Slavery Question_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co.,
+1839.)
+
+COBB, T.R.R. _An Historical Sketch of Slavery_. (Philadelphia: T. &
+J.W. Johnson, 1858.)
+
+---- _An Inquiry into the Law of Negro Slavery in the United States
+of America. To which is Prefixed an Historical Sketch of Slavery by
+Thomas R.R. Cobb of Georgia_. (Philadelphia and Savannah, 1858.)
+
+COFFIN, JOSHUA. _An Account of Some of the Principal Slave
+Insurrections and Others which have Occurred or been attempted in
+the United States and Elsewhere during the Last Two Centuries. With
+Various Remarks. Collected from Various Sources_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_. (London:
+Chapman & Hall, 1865.) The author was a native of Virginia.
+
+CULP, D.W. _Twentieth Century Negro Literature, or a Cyclopedia of
+Thought, Vital Topics Relating to the American Negro by One Hundred of
+America's Greatest Negroes_. (Toronto, Naperville, Ill., and Atlanta,
+Ga., 1902.)
+
+DE BOW, J.D.B. _Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western
+States_. (New Orleans, 1852-1853.)
+
+DELANY, M.R. _The Condition of the Colored People in United States_.
+(Boston, 1852.)
+
+DRESSER, AMOS. _The Narrative of Amos Dresser with Stone's Letters
+from Natchez--an Obituary Notice of the Writer and Two Letters from
+Tallahassee Relating to the Treatment of Slaves_. (New York, 1836.)
+
+DREWERY, WILLIAM SIDNEY. _Slave Insurrections in Virginia, 1830-1865._
+(Washington, 1900.)
+
+DUBOIS, W.E.B. _The Philadelphia Negro._ (Philadelphia, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States
+of America, 1638-1870._ Harvard Historical Studies, Vol. i. (New York,
+London, and Bombay, 1896.)
+
+---- Atlanta University Publications, _The Negro Common School._
+(Atlanta, 1901.)
+
+---- _The College-Bred Negro._ (Atlanta, 1900.)
+
+---- _The Negro Church._ (Atlanta, 1903.)
+
+---- and Dill, A.G. _The College-Bred Negro American._ (Atlanta,
+1910.)
+
+---- _The Common School and the Negro American._ (Atlanta, 1911.)
+
+---- _The Negro American Artisan._ (Atlanta, 1912.)
+
+ELLIOTT, REV. CHARLES. _History of the Great Secession from the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, etc._
+
+_Exposition of the Object and Plan of the American Union for the
+Relief and Improvement of the Colored Race._ (Boston, 1835.)
+
+FEE, JOHN G. _Anti-Slavery Manual._ (Maysville, 1848.)
+
+FISH, C.R. _Guide to the Materials for American History in Roman and
+Other Italian Archives._ (Washington, D.C., Carnegie Institution,
+1911.)
+
+FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN. _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin Collected and
+Edited with a Life and Introduction by Albert Henry Smyth._ (New York,
+1905-1907.)
+
+FROST, W.G. "Appalachian America." In vol. i. of _The Americana_ (New
+York, 1912.)
+
+GARNETT, H.H. _The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the
+Colored Race._ (Troy, 1848.)
+
+GOODLOE, D.R. _The Southern Platform._ (Boston, 1858.)
+
+GRÉGOIRE, BISHOP. _De la Littêrature des Nègres._ (Paris, 1808.)
+Translated and published by D.B. Warden at Brooklyn, in 1810.
+
+HARRISON, SAMUEL ALEXANDER. _Wenlock Christison, and the Early
+Friends in Talbot County, Maryland._ A Paper read before the Maryland
+Historical Society, March 9, 1874. (Baltimore, 1878.)
+
+HENSON, JOSIAH. _The Life of Josiah Henson._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+HICKOK, CHARLES THOMAS. _The Negro in Ohio_, 1802-1870. (Cleveland,
+1896.)
+
+HODGKIN, THOMAS A. _Inquiry into the Merits of the American
+Colonization Society and Reply to the Charges Brought against it, with
+an Account of the British African Colonization Society_. (London,
+1833.)
+
+HOLLAND, EDWIN C. _Refutation of Calumnies Circulated against the
+Southern and Western States_. (Charleston, 1822.)
+
+HOWE, SAMUEL G. _The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Report to
+the Freedmen's Inquiry Committee_. (Boston, 1864.)
+
+INGLE, EDWARD. _The Negro in the District of Columbia_. (Johns Hopkins
+Studies in Historical and Political Sciences, vol. xi., Baltimore,
+1893.)
+
+JAY, JOHN. _The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, First
+Chief Justice of the United States and President of the Continental
+Congress, Member of the Commission to Negotiate the Treaty of
+Independence, Envoy to Great Britain, Governor of New York, etc_.,
+1782-1793. (New York and London, 1891.) Edited by Henry P. Johnson,
+Professor of History in the College of the City of New York.
+
+JAY, WILLIAM. _An Inquiry into the Character and Tendencies of the
+American Colonization and American Anti-Slavery Societies_. Second
+edition. (New York, 1835.)
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Memorial Edition.
+Autobiography, Notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Manual, Official
+Papers, Messages and Addresses, and Other Writings Official and
+Private, etc. (Washington, 1903.)
+
+Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+H.B. Adams, Editor. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _A Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine, and Practice_.
+(Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+KIRK, EDWARD E. _Educated Labor, etc_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+LANGSTON, JOHN M. _From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capital; or, The First and Only Negro Representative in Congress from
+the Old Dominion_. (Hartford, 1894.)
+
+_L'Esclavage dans les États Confédérés par un missionaire_. Deuxième
+édition. (Paris, 1865.)
+
+LOCKE, M.S. _Anti-Slavery in America, from the Introduction of African
+Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave Trade_, 1619-1808. Radcliffe
+College Monographs, No. 11. (Boston, 1901.)
+
+LONG, J.D. _Pictures of Slavery in Church and State, Including
+Personal Reminiscences, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., with
+Appendix Containing the Views of John Wesley and Richard Watson on
+Slavery_. (Philadelphia, 1857.)
+
+LOWERY, WOODBURY. _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits
+of the United States. Florida_, 1562-1574. (New York and London,
+1905.)
+
+MADISON, JAMES. _Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Published
+by Order of Congress_. Four volumes. (Philadelphia, 1865.)
+
+MALLARY, R.O. _Maybank: Some Memoirs of a Southern Christian
+Household; Family Life of C.C. Jones_.
+
+MAY, S.J. _Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict_.
+
+MCLEOD, ALEXANDER. _Negro Slavery Unjustifiable. A Discourse by the
+Late Alexander McLeod, 1802, with an Appendix_. (New York, 1863.)
+
+MEADE, BISHOP WILLIAM. _Old Churches, Ministers, and Families, of
+Virginia_. (Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+MONROE, JAMES. _The Writings of James Monroe, Including a Collection
+of his Public and Private Papers and Correspondence now for the First
+Time Printed, Edited by S.M. Hamilton_. (Boston, 1900.)
+
+MOORE, GEORGE H. _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts
+by George H. Moore, Librarian of the New York Historical Society and
+Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society_. (New
+York, 1866.)
+
+MORGAN, THOMAS J. _The Negro in America_. (Philadelphia, 1898.)
+
+NEEDLES, EDWARD. _Ten Years' Progress, or a Comparison of the State
+and Condition of the Colored People in the City and County of
+Philadelphia from 1837 to 1847_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)
+
+OTHELLO (PSEUDONYM). "Essays on Negro Slavery." Published in _The
+American Museum_ in 1788. Othello was a free Negro.
+
+OVINGTON, M.W. _Half-a-Man_. (New York, 1911.) Treats of the Negro in
+the State of New York. A few pages are devoted to the education of the
+colored people.
+
+PARRISH, JOHN. _Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed
+to the Citizens of the United States, Particularly to those who are in
+Legislative or Executive Stations in the General or State Governments;
+and also to Such Individuals as Hold them in Bondage_. (Philadelphia,
+1806.)
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of the Negroes of
+this Country_. (Savannah, 1848.)
+
+Plymouth Colony, New. _Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New
+England_. Printed by Order of the Legislature of the Commonwealth
+of Massachusetts. Edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, Member of the
+Massachusetts Historical Society, and Fellow of the Antiquarians of
+London. (Boston, 1855.)
+
+PORTEUS, BISHOP BEILBY. _The Works of the Rev. Beilby Porteus, D.D.,
+Late Bishop of London, with his Life by the Rev. Robert Hodgson,
+A.M., F.R.S., Rector of St. George's, Hanover Square, and One of the
+Chaplains in ordinary to His Majesty_. A new edition in six volumes.
+(London, 1816.)
+
+POWER, REV. JOHN H. _Review of the Lectures of William A. Smith,
+D.D., on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as Exhibited in the
+Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States, with the Duties
+of Masters to Slaves in a Series of Letters addressed to the Author_.
+(Cincinnati, 1859.)
+
+Quaker Pamphlet.
+
+RICE, DAVID. _Slavery Inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy:
+Proved by a Speech Delivered in the Convention Held at Danville,
+Kentucky_. (Philadelphia, 1792, and London, 1793.)
+
+SCOBER, J. _Negro Apprenticeship in the Colonies_. (London, 1837.)
+
+SECKER, THOMAS. _The Works of the Right Reverend Thomas Seeker,
+Archbishop of Canterbury with a Review of his Life and Character by B.
+Porteus_. (New edition in six volumes, London, 1811.)
+
+SIEBERT, WILBUR H. _The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom,
+by W.H. Siebert, Associate Professor of History in the Ohio State
+University, with an Introduction by A.B. Hart_. (New York, 1898.)
+
+SMITH, WILLIAM A. _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery
+as Exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with the Duties of Masters to Slaves_. (Nashville, Tenn.,
+1856.) Doctor Smith was the President and Professor of Moral and
+Intellectual Philosophy of Randolph-Macon College.
+
+_Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of America,
+being Inquiries to Questions Transmitted by the Committee of the
+British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery
+and the Slave Trade throughout the World. Presented to the General
+Anti-Slavery Convention Held in London, June, 1840, by the Executive
+Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society._ (London, 1841.)
+
+_The Enormity of the Slave Trade and the Duty of Seeking the Moral
+and Spiritual Elevation of the Colored Race._ (New York.) This work
+includes speeches of Wilberforce and other documents.
+
+_The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels, and Explorations
+of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791. The Original
+French, Latin, and Italian Texts with English Translations and Notes;
+Illustrated by Portraits, Maps, and Facsimiles. Edited by Reuben Gold
+Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin._
+(Cleveland, 1896.)
+
+_The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of the Northern
+Abolitionists._ (Philadelphia, 1836.)
+
+THOMPSON, GEORGE. _Speech at the Meeting for the Extinction of Negro
+Apprenticeship._ (London, 1838.)
+
+---- _The Free Church Alliance with Manstealers. Send Back the Money.
+Great Anti-Slavery Meeting in the City Hall, Glasgow, Containing the
+Speeches Delivered by Messrs. Wright, Douglass, and Buffum, from
+America, and by George Thompson of London, with a Summary Account of
+a Series of Meetings Held in Edinburgh by the Abovenamed Gentlemen._
+(Glasgow, 1846.)
+
+TORREY, JESSE, JR. _A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with Reflections on the Practicability of Restoring the Moral
+Rights of the Slave, without Impairing the Legal Privileges of the
+Possessor, and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of
+Color, Including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves,
+and on Kidnapping, Illustrated with Engravings by Jesse Torrey, Jr.,
+Physician, Author of a Series of Essays on Morals and the Diffusion of
+Knowledge._ (Philadelphia, 1817.)
+
+---- _American Infernal Slave Trade; with Reflections on the Project
+for forming a Colony of Blacks in Africa_. (London, 1822.)
+
+TOWER, PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked: Being a Truthful Narrative of Three
+Years' Residence and Journeying in Eleven Southern States; to which
+is Added "The Invasion of Kansas," Including the Last Chapter of her
+Wrongs_. (Rochester, 1856.)
+
+TURNER, E.R. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Washington, 1911.)
+
+_Tyrannical Libertymen: a Discourse upon Negro Slavery in the United
+States; Composed at---- in New Hampshire; on the Late Federal
+Thanksgiving Day_. (Hanover, N.H., 1795.)
+
+VAN EVRIE, JOHN H. _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, by J.H. Van Evrie,
+M.D. _Introductory Chapter: Causes of Popular Delusion on the
+Subject_. (Washington, 1853.)
+
+---- _White Supremacy and Negro Subordination; or, Negroes a
+Subordinate Race, and So-called Slavery its Normal Condition. With an
+Appendix Showing the Past and Present Condition of the Countries South
+of us_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+WALKER, DAVID. _Walker's Appeal in Four Articles, together with a
+Preamble, to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in Particular and
+very Expressly to those of the United States of America. Written in
+Boston, State of Massachusetts, September_ 28, 1820. Second edition.
+(Boston, 1830.) Walker was a Negro who hoped to arouse his race to
+self-assertion.
+
+WASHINGTON, B.T. _The Story of the Negro_. Two volumes (New York,
+1909.)
+
+WASHINGTON, GEORGE. _The Writings of George Washington, being his
+Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other Papers, Official and
+Private, Selected and Published from the Original Manuscripts with
+the Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by Jared Sparks_.
+(Boston, 1835.)
+
+WEEKS, STEPHEN B. _Southern Quakers and Slavery. A Study in
+Institutional History_. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South; with Unpublished
+Letters from John Stuart Mill and Mrs. Stowe_. (Southern History
+Association Publications. Volume ii., No. 2, Washington, D. C, April,
+1898.)
+
+WESLEY, JOHN. _Thoughts upon Slavery. In the Potent Enemies of America
+Laid Open.... London, printed: Reprinted in Philadelphia with Notes,
+and Sold by Joseph Cruikshank_. 1774.
+
+WIGHAM, ELIZA. _The Anti-Slavery Cause in America and its Martyrs_.
+(London, 1863.)
+
+WILLIAMS, GEORGE W. _History of the Negro Race in the United States
+from 1619-1880. Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens:
+together with a Preliminary Consideration of the Unity of the Human
+Family, an Historical Sketch of Africa and an Account of the Negro
+Governments of Sierra Leone and Liberia_. (New York, 1883.)
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _The Works of John Woolman. In two parts. Part I: a
+Journal of the Life, Gospel-Labors, and Christian Experiences of that
+Faithful Minister of Christ, John Woolman, Late of Mount Holly, in the
+Province of New Jersey_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Same. Part Second. Containing his Last Epistle and other
+Writings_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Recommended to
+the Professors of Christianity of every Denomination_. (Philadelphia,
+1754.)
+
+---- _Considerations on Keeping Negroes; Recommended to the Professors
+of Christianity of every Denomination. Part Second_. (Philadelphia,
+1762.)
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., JR. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Philadelphia, 1912.)
+
+
+MAGAZINES
+
+_The Abolitionist, or Record of the New England Anti-Slavery Society_.
+Edited by a committee. Appeared in January, 1833.
+
+_The African Methodist Episcopal Church Review_. Valuable for the
+following articles:
+
+"The Colored Public Schools of Washington," by James Storum, vol. v.,
+p. 279.
+
+"The Negro as an Inventor," by R.R. Wright, vol. ii., p. 397. "Negro
+Poets," vol. iv., p. 236.
+
+"The Negro in Journalism," vols. vi., 309, and xx., 137.
+
+_The African Repository_. Published by the American Colonization
+Society from 1826 to 1832. A very good source for the development of
+Negro education both in this country and Liberia. Some of its most
+valuable articles are: "Learn Trades or Starve," by Frederick
+Douglass, vol. xxix., pp. 136 and 137. Taken from Frederick Douglass's
+Paper.
+
+"Education of the Colored People," by a highly respectable gentleman
+of the South, vol. xxx., pp. 194,195, and 196.
+
+"Elevation of the Colored Race," a memorial circulated in North
+Carolina, vol. xxxi., pp. 117 and 118.
+
+"A Lawyer for Liberia," a sketch of Garrison Draper, vol. xxxiv., pp.
+26 and 27.
+
+
+Numerous articles on the religious instruction of the Negroes occur
+throughout the foregoing volumes. Information about the actual
+literary training of the colored people is given as news items.
+
+_The American Museum_, or _Repository of Ancient and Modern Fugitive
+Pieces, etc., Prose and Poetical_. Vols. i.-iv. (First and second
+editions, Philadelphia, 1788. Third edition, Philadelphia, 1790.)
+Contains some interesting essays on the intellectual status of the
+Negroes, etc., contributed by "Othello," a free Negro.
+
+_The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom_. The author has been able
+to find only the volume which contains the numbers for the year 1834.
+
+_The Crisis_. A record of the darker races published by the National
+Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
+
+_The Maryland Journal of Colonization_. Published as the official
+organ of the Maryland Colonization Society. Among its important
+articles are: "The Capacities of the Negro Race," vol. iii., p. 367;
+and "The Educational Facilities of Liberia," vol. vii., p. 223.
+
+_The Non-Slaveholder_. Two volumes of this publication are now found
+in the Library of Congress.
+
+_The School Journal_.
+
+_The Southern Workman_. Volume xxxvii. contains Dr. R.R. Wright's
+valuable dissertation on "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana."
+
+
+NEWSPAPERS
+
+  District of Columbia.
+    _The Daily National Intelligencer_.
+
+  Louisiana
+    _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin._
+
+  Maryland.
+    _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser._
+    _The Maryland Gazette._
+    _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette_ or _The Baltimore Advertiser._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+    _The Liberator._
+
+  New York.
+    _The New York Daily Advertiser._
+    _The New York Tribune._
+
+  North Carolina.
+    _The State Gazette of North Carolina._
+    _The Newbern Gazette._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+    _The Philadelphia Gazette._
+
+  South Carolina.
+    _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser._
+    _The State Gazette of South Carolina._
+    _The Charleston Courier._
+    _The South Carolina Weekly Advertiser._
+    _The Carolina Gazette._
+    _The Columbian Herald._
+
+  Virginia.
+    _The Richmond Enquirer._
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald._
+    _The Virginia Herald._ (Fredericksburg.)
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle._
+
+
+LAWS, DIGESTS, CHARTERS, CONSTITUTIONS, AND REPORTS
+
+GENERAL
+
+Code Noir ou Recueil d'édits, déclarations et arrêts concernant la
+Discipline et le commerce des esclaves Nègres des isles françaises de
+l'Amérique (in Recueils de réglemens, édits, déclarations et arrêts,
+concernant le commerce, l'administration de la justice et la police
+des colonies françaises de l'Amérique, et les engagés avec le Code
+Noir, et l'addition audit code). (Paris, 1745.)
+
+GOODELL, WILLIAM. _The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice: Its
+Distinctive Features Shown by its Statutes, Judicial Decisions, and
+Illustrative Facts._ (New York, 1853.)
+
+PETERS, RICHARD. _Condensed Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in
+the Supreme Court of the United States._ Six volumes. (Philadelphia,
+1830-1834.)
+
+THORPE, F.N. _Federal and State Constitution, Colonial Charters, and
+Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies now or
+heretofore Forming the United States of America. Compiled and Edited
+under an Act of Congress, June 30, 1906._ (Washington, 1909.)
+
+
+STATE
+
+  Alabama.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly Passed by the State of Alabama._
+  CLAY, C.C. _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama to
+  1843._ (Tuscaloosa, 1843.)
+
+  Connecticut.
+  _Public Acts Passed by the General Assembly of Connecticut._
+
+  Delaware.
+  _Laws of the State of Delaware Passed by the General Assembly._
+
+  District of Columbia.
+  BURCH, SAMUEL. _A Digest of the Laws of the Corporation of
+  the City of Washington, with an Appendix of the Laws of the
+  United States Relating to the District of Columbia._ (Washington,
+  1823.)
+
+  Florida.
+  _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida._
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  Florida._
+
+  Georgia.
+  _Laws of the State of Georgia._
+  COBB, HOWELL. _A Digest of the Statutes of Georgia in General
+  Use to 1846._ (New York, 1846.)
+  DAWSON, WILLIAM. _A Compilation of the Laws of the State
+  of Georgia to 1831._ (Milledgeville, 1831.)
+  PRINCE, O.H. _A Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia to
+  1837._ (Athens, 1837.)
+
+  Illinois.
+  _Laws of the State of Illinois Passed by the General Assembly._
+  STARR, M., and RUSSELL H. CURTIS. _Annotated Statutes of
+  Illinois in Force, January 1, 1885._
+
+  Indiana.
+  _Laws of a General Nature Passed by the State of Indiana._
+
+  Kentucky.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky._
+
+  Louisiana.
+  _Acts Passed by the Legislature of the State of Louisiana._
+  BULLARD, HENRY A., and THOMAS CURRY. _A New Digest of
+  the Statute Laws of the State of Louisiana to 1842._ (New
+  Orleans, 1842.)
+
+  Maryland.
+  _Laws Made and Passed by the General Assembly of the State of
+  Maryland._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts._
+  QUINCY, JOSIAH, JR. _Reports of Cases, Superior Court of
+  Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1761-1772._
+  (Boston, 1865.)
+
+  Mississippi.
+  _Laws of the State of Mississippi Passed at the Regular Sessions
+  of the Legislature._
+  POINDEXTER, GEORGE. _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi._
+  (Natchez, 1824.)
+  HUTCHINSON, A. _Code of Mississippi._ (Jackson, 1848.)
+
+  Missouri.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Missouri._
+
+  New Jersey.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of New Jersey._
+
+  New York.
+  _Laws of the State of New York._
+
+  Ohio.
+  _Acts of a General Nature Passed by the General Assembly of
+  the State of Ohio._
+  _Acts of a Local Nature Passed by the General Assembly of the
+  State of Ohio._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+  _Laws of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania._
+  BRIGHTLY, FRANK F. _A Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania._
+  STROUD, G.M. _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania
+  from 1700 to 1851._ (Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+  Rhode Island.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Assembly of the State
+  of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations._
+
+  South Carolina.
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  South Carolina._
+  BREVARD, JOSEPH. _An Alphabetical Digest of the Public
+  Statute Laws of South Carolina from 1692 to 1813._ Three
+  volumes. (Charleston, 1814.)
+
+  Tennessee.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee._
+
+  Virginia.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia._
+  HENING, W.W. _Statutes at Large: A Collection of all the Laws
+  of Virginia from the First Session of the Legislature in the
+  Year 1816._ (Richmond, 1819 to 1823.) Published pursuant
+  to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
+  passed on the 5th of February, 1808. The work was extended
+  by S. Shepherd who published three additional
+  volumes in 1836. Chief source of historical material for
+  the history of Virginia.
+  TATE, Joseph. _A Digest of the Laws of Virginia._ (Richmond,
+  1841.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  Abdy, E.S., learned that slaves were taught
+  Abolitionists, interested in the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Account of a pious Negro
+  Actual education after the revolutionary period
+  Adams, Rev. Henry, teacher at Louisville
+  Adams, John, report of James Otis's argument on the Writs of
+  Assistance; views on slavery
+  Address of the American Convention of Abolition Societies
+  African Benevolent Society of Rhode Island, school of
+  African Episcopalians of Philadelphia, school of
+  African Free School of Baltimore
+  African Free Schools of New York
+  African Methodist Episcopal Church, established Union Seminary;
+  purchased Wilberforce
+  Agricultural Convention of Georgia recommended that slaves be taught to
+    read
+  Alabama, law of 1832; provision for teaching Negroes at Mobile;
+  Presbyterians of, interested
+  Albany Normal School, colored student admitted
+  Alexandria, Virginia Quakers of, instructed Negroes; Benjamin Davis, a
+  teacher of
+  Allen, Richard, organized A.M.E. Church; author
+  Allen, W.H., teacher of Negroes
+  Ambush, James E., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  American Colonization Society, The, efforts of, to educate Negroes
+  American Convention of Abolition Societies, The, interested in the
+  education of Negroes; recommended industrial education; addresses of
+  American Union, The, organized; names of its promoters (see note 1 on
+  page 142)
+  Amherstburg, Canada, opened a colored school; established a mission
+  school
+  Anderson, John G., musician
+  Andrew, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina
+  Andrews, C.C. principal of New York African Free Schools
+  Andrews, E.A., student of the needs of the Negroes
+  Anti-slavery agitation, effect of, on education in cities
+  Appalachian Mountains, settled by people favorable to Negroes
+  Appo, William, musician
+  Arnett, B.W., teacher in Pennsylvania
+  Ashmun Institute, founded; names of the trustees
+  Athens College, admitted colored students
+  Attainments of Negroes at the close of the eighteenth century
+  Auchmutty, Reverend, connected with the school established by Elias
+    Neau
+  Augusta, Dr. A.T., learned to read in Virginia
+  Avery College, established
+  Avery, Rev. Charles, donor of $300,000 for the education
+    and Christianization of the African race
+
+  Bacon, Rev. Thomas, sermons on the instruction of Negroes
+  Baldwin County, Alabama, provision for teaching Negroes
+  Baltimore, several colored churches; colored schools of; an adult
+    school of 180 pupils; Sunday-schools; day and night school; Bible
+    Society; African Free School; donation of Wells; donation of
+    Crane; school tax paid by Negroes, note on page----
+  Banks, Henry, learned to read in Virginia
+  Banneker, Benjamin, studied in Maryland; made a clock; took up
+  astronomy;
+    encouraged by Ellicott; corresponded with Thomas Jefferson
+  Baptist preacher, taught Negroes in South Carolina
+  Baptists, aided the education of Negroes; established school at
+    Bexley, Liberia; changed attitude toward the uplift of Negroes
+  Barclay, David, gave money to build school-house
+  Barclay, Reverend, instructed Negroes in New York
+  Barr, John W., taught M.W. Taylor in Kentucky
+  Baxter, Richard, instructed masters to enlighten their slaves
+  Beard, Simeon, had a school in Charleston
+  Becraft, Maria, established a school in the District of Columbia
+  Bell family, progress of
+  Bell, George, built first colored school-house in District of Columbia
+  Bell School established
+  Benezet, Anthony, advocated the education of Negroes; taught Negroes;
+    believed in western colonization; opinion on Negro intellect;
+    bequeathed wealth to educate Negroes; school-house built
+    with the fund;(see note giving sketch of his career)
+  Berea College, founded
+  Berkshire Medical School had trouble admitting Negroes; graduated
+  colored physicians
+  Berry's portraiture of the Negroes' condition after the reaction
+  Bibb, Mary E., taught at Windsor, Canada
+  Billings, Maria, taught in the District of Columbia
+  Birney, James G., criticized the church; helped Negroes on free soil
+  Bishop, Josiah, preached to white congregation in Portsmouth, Virginia
+  Bishop of London, declared that the conversion of slaves did not work
+    manumission
+  "Black Friday," Portsmouth, Ohio, Negroes driven out
+  Blackstone, studied to justify the struggle for the rights of man; his
+    idea of the body politic forgotten
+  Bleecker, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+  Boone, R.G., sketch of education in Indiana
+  Boston, Massachusetts, colored school opened; opened its first primary
+    school; school in African Church; several colored churches; struggle
+  for democratic education; (see also Massachusetts)
+  Boucher, Jonathan, interested in the uplift of Negroes; an advocate of
+  education; (see note on, 56); extract from address of
+  Boulder, J.F., student in a mixed school in Delaware
+  Bowditch, H.J., asked that Negroes be admitted to Boston public schools
+  Bowdoin College, admitted a Negro
+  Bradford, James T., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Branagan advocated colonization of the Negroes in the West
+  Bray, Dr. Thomas, a promoter of the education of Negroes; "Associates
+    of Dr. Bray,"; plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+  Brearcroft, Dr., alluded to the plan for the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Breckenridge, John, contributed to the education of the colored people
+    of Baltimore
+  Bremer, Fredrika, found colored schools in the South; observed the
+    teaching of slaves
+  British American Manual Labor Institute, established at Dawn, Canada
+  Brown, a graduate of Harvard College, taught colored children in Boston
+  Brown County, Ohio, colored schools of, established
+  Brown, Jeremiah H., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Brown, J.M., attended school in Delaware
+  Brown, William Wells, author; leader and educator
+  Browning family, progress of
+  Bruce, B.K., learned to read,
+  Bryan, Andrew, preacher in Georgia
+  Buchanan, George, on mental capacity of Negroes
+  Buffalo, colored Methodist and Baptist churches of, lost
+    members
+  Burke, E.P., found enlightened Negroes in the South
+    mentioned case of a very intelligent Negro
+  Burlington, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in the uplift
+    of the colored people
+  Butler, Bishop, urged the instruction of Negroes
+  Buxton, Canada, separate schools established in
+
+  Caesar, a Negro poet of North Carolina
+  Calvert, Mr., an Englishman who taught Negroes in the
+    District of Columbia
+  Camden Insurrection, effect of
+  Cameron, Paul C., sketch of John Chavis
+  Canaan, New Hampshire, academy broken up
+  Canada, education of Negroes in; names of settlements with schools;
+    difficulties of races; separate schools; mission schools; results
+    obtained; (see Drew's note on condition of)
+  Capers, Bishop William, opinion on reconstructing the policy of Negro
+    education; plan of, to instruct Negroes; work of, among the colored
+    people; catechism of
+  Cardozo, F.L., entered school in Charleston
+  Carey, Lott, educated himself
+  Cass County, Michigan, school facilities in the colored settlement of
+  Castleton Medical School, admitted Negroes
+  Catholics, interested in the education of Negroes
+  Catto, Rev. William T., author and preacher
+  Cephas, Uncle, learned from white children
+  Chandler, solicitor, of Boston, opinion on the segregation of
+    colored pupils
+  Channing, William, criticized the church for its lack of interest
+    in the uplift of the Negroes
+  Charleston, colored members of church of; Minor Society of;
+    colored schools of, attended by Bishop Daniel A. Payne;
+    insurrection of; theological seminary of, admitted a Negro
+  Charlton, Reverend, friend of Negroes in New York
+  Chatham, Canada, colored schools of
+  Chavis, John, educated at Princeton; a teacher of white youths
+    in North Carolina
+  Chester, T. Morris, student at Pittsburgh
+  Chicago, separate schools of; disestablished
+  Child, M.E., teacher in Canada
+  Churches, aided education through Sabbath-schools
+  Christians not to be held as slaves
+  Cincinnati, colored schools of; Negroes of; sought public support
+    for their schools; a teacher of, excluded a colored boy from a
+    public school; law of
+  City, the influences of, on the education of Negroes; attitude of
+    anti-slavery societies of, toward the education of the Negroes
+  Clapp, Margaret, aided Myrtilla Miner in the District of Columbia; (see
+    note 2)
+  Clarkson Hall Schools of Philadelphia
+  Clarkson, Matthew, a supporter of the New York African Free Schools
+  Cleveland, C.F., Argument of, in favor of Connecticut law against
+    colored schools
+  Cleveland, colored schools of
+  Code Noir, referred to; (see note, 23)
+  Co-education of the races
+  Coffin, Levi, taught Negroes in North Carolina; promoted the migration
+    of Negroes to free soil; traveled in Canada
+  Coffin, Vestal, assistant of his father in North Carolina
+  Cogswell, James, aided the New York African Free Schools
+  Coker, Daniel, a teacher in Baltimore
+  Colbura, Zerah, a calculator who tested Thomas Fuller
+  Colchester, Canada, mission school at
+  Cole, Edward, made settlement of Negroes in Illinois
+  Colgan, Reverend; connected with Neau's school in New York
+  College of West Africa established
+  Colleges, Negroes not admitted; manual labor idea of; change in
+    attitude of
+  Colonization scheme, influence of, on education
+  Colonizationists, interest of, in the education of Negroes
+  Colored mechanics, prejudice against; slight increase in
+  Columbia, Pennsylvania, Quakers of, interested in the uplift of Negroes
+  Columbian Institute established in the District of Columbia
+  Columbus, Ohio, colored schools of
+  Condition of Negroes, in the eighteenth century; at the close of the
+    reaction
+  Connecticut, defeated the proposed Manual Labor College at New Haven;
+    spoken of as place for a colored school of the American Colonization
+  Society; allowed separate schools at Hartford; inadequately supported
+    colored schools; struggle against separate schools of;
+    disestablishment of separate schools of
+  Convention of free people of color, effort to establish a college
+  Convent of Oblate Sisters of Providence, educated colored girls in
+    academy of
+  Cook, John F., teacher in the District of Columbia; forced by the Snow
+    Riot to go to Pennsylvania
+  Corbin, J.C. student at Chillicothe, Ohio
+  Cornish, Alexander, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Costin, Louisa Parke, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Cox, Ann, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, Eliza J., teacher in the New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, General, of Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught his slaves to read
+    the Bible
+  Coxe, R.S., a supporter of Hays's school in the District of Columbia
+  Crandall, Prudence, admitted colored girls to her academy; opposed by
+    whites; law against her enacted; arrested, imprisoned, and tried;
+    abandoned her school
+  Crane, William, erected a building for the education of Negroes in
+    Baltimore
+  Crummell, Alexander, sought admission to the academy at Canaan, New
+    Hampshire
+  Cuffee, Paul, author
+
+  D'Alone, contributor to a fund for the education of Negroes
+  Dartmouth, theological school of, admitted Negroes
+  Davies, Reverend, teacher of Negroes in Virginia
+  Davis, Benjamin, taught Negroes in Alexandria, Virginia
+  Davis, Cornelius, teacher of New York African Free Schools
+  Davis, Rev. Daniel, interest of, in the uplift of the people of color
+  Dawn, Canada, colored schools of
+  Dawson, Joseph, aided colored schools
+  Dean, Rev. Philotas, principal of Avery College
+  De Baptiste, Richard, student in a school at his father's home in
+    Fredericksburg
+  De Grasse, Dr. John V., educated for Liberia
+  Delany, M.R., attended school at Pittsburgh
+  Delaware, abolition Society of, provided for the education of the
+    Negroes; law of 1831; law of 1863
+  Detroit, African Baptist Church of; separate schools of
+  Dialogue on the enlightenment of Negroes about 1800
+  District of Columbia, separate schools of; churches of, contributed to
+    education of Negroes
+  Douglass, Mrs., a white teacher of Negroes in Norfolk
+  Douglass, Frederick, learned to read; leader and advocate of education;
+    author; opinion of, on vocational education; extract from paper of
+  Douglass, Sarah, teacher of Philadelphia
+  Dove, Dr., owner of Dr. James Durham
+  Dow, Dr. Jesse E., co-worker of Charles Middleton of the District of
+    Columbia
+  Draper, Garrison, studied law after getting education at Dartmouth; an
+    account of
+  Drew, Benjamin, note of, on Canada; found prejudice in schools of
+    Canada
+  Duncan, Benedict, taught by his father
+  Durham, James, a colored physician of New Orleans
+  Dwight, Sarah, teacher of colored girls
+
+  _Édit du'roi_,
+  _Education of Colored People_,
+  Education of colored children at public expense,
+    (see also Chapter XIII,)
+  Edwards, Mrs. Haig, interest of, in the uplift of slaves,
+  Eliot, Rev. John, appeal in behalf of the conversion of slaves,
+  Ellis, Harrison, educated blacksmith,
+  Ellsworth, W.W., argument of, against the constitutionality of the
+    Connecticut law prohibiting the establishment of colored schools,
+  Emancipation of slaves, effects of, on education,
+  Emlen Institute established in Ohio,
+  Emlen, Samuel, philanthropist,
+  England, ministers of the Church of, maintained a school for colored
+    children at Newport,
+  English Colonial Church established mission schools in Canada,
+  English High School established at Monrovia,
+  Essay of Bishop Porteus,
+  Established Church of England directed attention to the uplift of the
+    slaves,
+  Everly, mentioned resolutions bearing on the instruction of slaves,
+  Evidences of the development of the intellect of Negroes,
+
+  Falmouth colored Sunday-school broken up,
+  Fawcett, Benjamin, address to Negroes of Virginia,
+    extract from,
+  Fee, Rev. John G., criticized church because it neglected the Negroes,
+    founded Berea College,
+  Fleet, Dr. John, educated for Liberia,
+    teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Fleetwood, Bishop, urged that Negroes be instructed,
+    (see note on p.)
+  Fletcher, Mr. and Mrs., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Flint, Rev. James, received letters bearing on the teaching of Negroes,
+  Florida, law of, unfavorable to the enlightenment of Negroes,
+    a more stringent law of,
+  Foote, John P., praised the colored schools of Cincinnati,
+  Ford, George, a Virginia lady who taught pupils of color in the
+  District of Columbia,
+  Fort Maiden, Canada, schools of,
+  Fortie, John, teacher in Baltimore,
+  Fothergill, on colonization,
+  Fox, George, urged Quakers to instruct the colored people,
+  Franklin College, New Athens, Ohio, admitted colored students,
+  Franklin, Benjamin, aided the teachers of Negroes,
+  Franklin, Nicholas, helped to build first schoolhouse for colored
+  children in the District of Columbia,
+  Frederic, Francis, taught by his master,
+  Free schools not sought at first by Negroes,
+  Freeman, M.H., teacher; principal of Avery College
+  French, the language of, taught in colored schools; educated Negroes
+  Friends, minutes of the meetings of, bearing on the instruction of
+    Negroes
+  Fugitive Slave Law, effects of
+  Fuller, James C, left a large sum for the education of Negroes
+  Fuller, Thomas, noted colored mathematician
+
+  Gabriel's insurrection, effect of
+  Gaines, John I., led the fight for colored trustees in Cincinnati, Ohio
+  Gallia County, Ohio, school of
+  Gardner, Newport, teacher in Rhode Island
+  Garnett, H.H., was to be a student at Canaan, New Hampshire; author;
+    president of Avery College
+  Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, appeal of, in behalf of the education of Negroes;
+    speech of, on education; solicited funds for colored manual
+    labor school
+  Geneva College, change in attitude of
+  Georgetown, teachers and schools of
+  Georgia, prohibitive legislation of; objections of the people of,
+    to the education of Negroes; colored mechanics of, opposed;
+    Presbyterians of, taught Negroes; slaveholders of,
+    in Agricultural Convention urged the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Gettysburg Theological Seminary, admitted a Negro
+  Gibson, Bishop, of London, appeal in behalf of the neglected Negroes;
+    letters of
+  Giles County, Tennessee, colored preacher of, pastor of a white church
+  Gilmore, Rev. H., established a high school in Cincinnati
+  Gist, Samuel, made settlement of Negroes
+  Gloucester, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in teaching Negroes
+  Gloucester, John, preacher in Philadelphia
+  Goddard, Calvin, argument of, against the constitutionality
+    of the law prohibiting colored schools in Connecticut
+  Goodwyn, Morgan, urged that Negroes be elevated
+  Grant, Nancy, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Green, Charles Henry, studied in Delaware
+  Greenfield, Eliza, musician
+  Gregg of Virginia, settled his slaves on free soil
+  Grégoire, H., on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  Grimké brothers, students in Charleston
+
+  Haddonfield, New Jersey, Quakers of, instructed Negroes
+  Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of the revolution of
+  Halgy, Mrs., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Hall,
+    a graduate of Harvard University, teacher in the Boston colored
+    school,
+  Hall, Anna Maria, student in Alexandria,
+    teacher,
+  Hall, Primus, established a colored school at his home in Boston,
+  Hamilton, Alexander, advocate of the rights of man,
+  Hampton, Fannie, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Hancock, Richard M., studied at Newberne,
+  Hanover College, Indiana, accepted colored students,
+  Harlan, Robert, learned to read in Kentucky,
+  Harper, Chancellor, views of, on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Harper, Frances E.W., poet,
+  Harper, John, took his slaves from North Carolina to Ohio and liberated
+    them,
+  Harry, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina,
+  Hartford,
+    separate schools of,
+    dissatisfaction of the Negroes of,
+    with poor school facilities,
+    struggle of some citizens of,
+    against caste in education,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Haviland, Laura A., teacher in Canada,
+  Hays, Alexander, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Haynes, Lemuel, pastor of a white church,
+  Heathenism, Negroes reduced to,
+  Henry, Patrick, views of, on the rights of man,
+  Henson, Rev. Josiah, leader and educator,
+  Higher education of Negroes urged by free people of color,
+    change in the attitude of some Negroes toward,
+    promoted in the District of Columbia,
+    in Pennsylvania,
+    in Ohio,
+  Hildreth, connected with Neau's school in New York,
+  Hill, Margaret, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Hillsborough, North Carolina, influence of the insurrection of,
+  Homeopathic College, Cleveland, admitted colored students,
+  Horton, George, poet,
+  Huddlestone, connected with Neau's school,
+  Humphreys, Richard, gave $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Hunter, John A., attended a mixed school,
+
+  Illinois, schools of, for benefits of whites,
+    separate schools of, a failure,
+    unfavorable legislation of,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Indiana, schools in colored settlements of,
+    attitude of, toward the education of the colored people,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Industrial education recommended,
+  Industrial revolution, effect of, on education,
+  Inman, Anna, assistant of Myrtilla Miner,
+  Institute for Colored Youth established at Philadelphia,
+  Institute of Easton, Pennsylvania, admitted a Negro,
+  Instruction, change in meaning of the word
+  Inventions of Negroes; (see note 1)
+  Insurrections, slave, effect of
+  Iowa, Negroes of, had good school privileges
+
+  Jackson, Edmund, demanded the admission of colored pupils to Boston
+    schools
+  Jackson, Stonewall, teacher in a colored Sunday-school
+  Jackson, William, musician
+  Jay, John, a friend of the Negroes
+  Jay, William, criticized the Church for its failure to elevate the
+    Negroes;
+    attacked the policy of the colonizationists
+  Jefferson College, Pennsylvania, admitted Negroes
+  Jefferson, Thomas, views of, on the education of Negroes; (see note);
+    letter of, to Abbé H. Grégoire; letter to M.A. Julien; failed to
+    act as Kosciuszko's executor; corresponded with Banneker
+  Jesuits, French, instructed slaves
+  Jesuits, Spanish, teachers of Negroes
+  Johnson, Harriet C., assistant at Avery College
+  Johnson, John Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia;
+    teacher in Pittsburgh
+  Jones, Alfred T., learned to read in Kentucky
+  Jones, Anna, aided Myrtilla Miner
+  Jones, Arabella, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Jones, Rev. C.C., a white preacher among Negroes of Georgia;
+    Argument of,
+    for the religious instruction of Negroes; catechism of, for religious
+    instruction; estimate of those able to read
+  Jones, Matilda, supported Myrtilla Miner
+  Journalistic efforts of Negroes; (see note)
+  Judson, A.T., denounced Prudence Crandall's policy; upheld the law
+    prohibiting the establishment of colored schools in Connecticut
+
+  Keith, George, advocated religious training for the Negroes
+  Kemble, Frances Anne, discovered that the Negroes of some masters
+    were taught to read; (see note 4)
+  Kentucky, Negroes of, learned the rudiments of education; work of the
+    Emancipating Labor Society of; work of the Presbyterians of;
+    public opinion of; colored schools of
+  Kinkaid, J.B., taught M.W. Taylor of Kentucky
+  Knoxville, people of, favorable to the uplift of the colored race
+  Kosciuszko, T., plan of, to educate Negroes; (see note);
+    will of; fund of
+
+  Lafayette, Marquis de, visited New York African Free Schools;
+    said to be interested in a colored school in the West
+  Lancastrian method of instruction, effect of
+  Lane Seminary, students of, taught Negroes
+  Langston, J.M., student at Chillicothe and Oberlin
+  Latin, taught in a colored school
+  Law, Rev. Josiah, instructed Negroes in Georgia; (see note 1)
+  Lawrence, Nathaniel, supporter of New York colored schools
+  _Lawyer for Liberia_, a document
+  Lawyers, colored, recognized in the North; (see note 2)
+  Lay, Benjamin, advocate of the instruction of slaves
+  Leary, John S., went to private school
+  Lee, Thomas, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Leile, George, preacher in Georgia and Jamaica
+  Le Jeune, taught a little Negro in Canada
+  Le Petit instructed Negroes
+  Lewis, R.B., author
+  Lexington, Kentucky, colored school of; (see note 1, p. 223)
+  Liberia, education of Negroes for; education of Negroes in
+  Liberia College, founded
+  Liberty County, Georgia, instruction of Negroes in
+  Liverpool, Moses, one of the founders of the first colored school in
+    the District of Columbia
+  Livingston, W., teacher in Baltimore
+  Locke, John, influence of
+  Lockhart, Daniel J., instructed by white boys
+  London, Bishop of, formal declarations of, abrogating the law that a
+    Christian could not be held a slave
+  London, Canada, private school; mission school
+  Longworth, Nicholas, built a school-house for Negroes
+  Louisiana, education of Negroes in; hostile legislation of; Bishop Polk
+    of, on instruction of Negroes
+  Louisville, Kentucky, colored schools of
+  L'Ouverture, Toussaint, influence of
+  Lowell, Massachusetts, colored schools of; disestablished
+  Lowry, Rev. Samuel, taught by Rev. Talbot of Franklin College
+  Lowth, Bishop, interested in the uplift of the heathen
+  Lucas, Eliza, teacher of slaves
+  Lundy, Benjamin, helped Negroes on free soil
+  Lunenburg County, Virginia, colored congregation of
+
+  Madison, James, on the education of Negroes; letter of
+  Maine, separate school of
+  Malone, Rev. J.W., educated in Indiana
+  Malvin, John, organized schools in Ohio cities
+  Mangum, P.H., and W.P., pupils of John Chavis, a colored teacher
+  Manly, Gov. Charles, of North Carolina, taught by John Chavis
+  Mann, Lydia, aided Myrtilla Miner,
+  Manual Labor College, demand for,
+  Manumission, effect of the laws of,
+  Martin, Martha, sent to Cincinnati to be educated,
+    sister sent to a southern town to learn a trade,
+  Maréchal, Rev. Ambrose, helped to maintain colored schools,
+  Maryland, Abolition Society of, to establish an academy for Negroes,
+    favorable conditions,
+    public opinion against the education of Negroes,
+    law of, against colored mechanics,
+  Maryville Theological Seminary, students of, interested in the uplift
+    of Negroes,
+  Mason, Joseph T. and Thomas H., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Massachusetts, schools of,
+    struggles for democratic education,
+    disestablishment of separate schools,
+  Mather, Cotton, on the instruction of Negroes,
+    resolutions of,
+  Matlock, White, interest of, in Negroes,
+  Maule, Ebenezer, helped to found a colored school in Virginia,
+  May, Rev. Samuel, defender of Prudence Crandall,
+  McCoy, Benjamin, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  McDonogh, John, had educated slaves,
+  McIntosh County, Georgia, religious instruction of Negroes,
+  McLeod, Dr., criticized the inhumanity of men to Negroes,
+  Meade, Bishop William, interested in the elevation of Negroes,
+    work of, in Virginia,
+    followed Bacon's policy,
+    collected literature on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Means, supported Myrtilla Miner,
+  Mechanics, opposed colored artisans,
+  Medical School of Harvard University open to colored students,
+  Medical School of the University of New York admitted colored students,
+  Memorial to Legislature of North Carolina, the education of slaves
+    urged,
+  Methodist preacher in South Carolina, work of, stopped by the people,
+  Methodists, enlightened Negroes,
+    change in attitude of,
+    founded Wilberforce,
+  Michigan, Negroes admitted to schools of,
+  Middleton, Charles, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Miles, Mary E.. assistant of Gilmore in Cincinnati,
+  Milton, influence of,
+  Miner, Myrtilla, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    founded a school,
+  Minor Society of Charleston established a school for Negroes,
+  Minority report of Boston School Committee opposed segregation of
+    colored pupils,
+  Minutes of Methodist Episcopal Conference, resolution
+    on the instruction of Negroes
+  Minutes of the Meetings of Friends,
+    action taken to elevate the colored people
+  Missionaries,
+    English, interested in uplift of Negroes
+    French
+    Spanish
+  Missouri, prohibitive legislation of
+  Mitchell, John G., student in Indiana
+  Mitchell, S.T., began his education in Indiana
+  Mobile, provision for the education of the Negroes
+  Montgomery, I.T., educated under the direction of his master
+  Moore, Edward W., teacher, and author of an arithmetic
+  Moore, Helen, helped Myrtilla Miner
+  Moorland, Dr. J.E., an uncle of, studied medicine
+  Moravian Brethren, instructed colored people
+  Morris, Dr. E. C, instructed by his father
+  Morris, J., taught by his white father
+  Morris, J.W., student in Charleston
+  Morris, Robert, appointed magistrate
+  Murray, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+
+  Nantucket, Massachusetts, colored schools of
+  Neau, Elias, founded a colored school in New York City
+  Negroes,
+    learning to read and write
+    free education of
+    learning in spite of opposition
+    instructing white persons
+    reduced to heathenism
+  Neill, Rev. Hugh, missionary teacher of Negroes in Pennsylvania
+  Nell, Wm., author
+  New Bedford, Massachusetts,
+    colored schools of
+    disestablished
+  Newbern, North Carolina, effects of insurrection of
+  New Castle, Presbytery of,
+    established Ashmun Institute
+  New England,
+    schools in Anti-Slavery Society of
+    planned to establish a manual labor college
+    sent colored students to Canaan, New Hampshire
+  Newhall, Isabella, excluded a colored boy from school
+  New Hampshire, academy of,
+    broken up
+    schools of, apparently free to all
+  New Haven, separate schools of
+    colored Manual Labor College not wanted
+    interested in the education of persons for Africa and Haiti
+  New Jersey, Quakers of,
+    endeavored to elevate colored people
+    law of, to teach slaves
+    Negroes of, in public schools
+    Presbyterians of, interested in Negroes
+    separate schools
+    caste in schools abolished
+  New Orleans, education of the Negroes of
+  Newport, Rhode Island, separate schools
+  New York, Quakers of,
+    taught Negroes
+    Presbyterians
+    of, interested in Negroes,
+    work of Anti-Slavery Society of,
+    separate schools of,
+    schools opened to all,
+  New York Central College, favorable to Negroes,
+  New York City, African Free Schools,
+    transfer to Public School Society,
+    transfer to Board of Education,
+    society of free people of color of, organized a school,
+  Newspapers, colored, gave evidence of intellectual progress,
+    (see note 1,)
+  North Carolina, Quakers of, instructed Negroes,
+    Presbyterians of, interested in the education of Negroes,
+    Tryon's instructions against certain teachers,
+    manumission societies of, promoting the education of colored people,
+    reactionary laws of,
+    memorial sent to Legislature of, for permission to teach slaves,
+  Northwest Territory, education of transplanted Negroes,
+    settlements of, with schools,
+  Noxon, connected with Neau's school in New York City,
+  Nutall, an Englishman, taught Negroes in New York,
+
+  Oberlin grew out of Lane Seminary,
+  Objections to the instruction of Negroes considered and answered,
+  Ohio, colored schools of (see Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and
+  Northwest Territory); struggle for education at public expense,
+    unfavorable legislation,
+    law of 1849,
+  Olmsted, P.L., found a plantation of enlightened slaves,
+  O'Neal of South Carolina Bar discussed with Chancellor Harper the
+    question of instructing Negroes,
+  Oneida Institute contributed to the education of Negroes,
+  Oregon, law of, hostile to Negroes,
+  Othello, a free Negro, denounced the policy of neglecting the Negroes,
+  Otis, James, on the rights of all men,
+
+  Palmer, Dr., catechism of,
+  Pamphlet, Gowan, a preacher in Virginia,
+  Parry, Alfred H., successful teacher,
+  Parsons, C.G., observed that some Negroes were enlightened,
+  _Pastoral Letters of Bishop Gibson of London_,
+  Patterson, Edward, learned to read in a Sabbath-school,
+  Payne, Dr. C.H., taught by his mother to read,
+  Payne, Bishop Daniel, student in Charleston,
+    agent to purchase Wilberforce,
+  Payne, Mrs. Thomas, studied under her master,
+  Pease, W., instructed by his owner,
+  Penn, William, believed in emancipation to afford Negroes an
+  opportunity for improvement,
+  Pennington, J. C, writer, teacher, and preacher of influence,
+  Pennsylvania, work of Quakers of,
+    favorable legislation,
+    law of,
+    against colored mechanics,
+    (see also Quakers, Friends, Presbyterians, and Philadelphia)
+  Perry, R.L., attended school at Nashville
+  Peterboro School of New York established
+  Petersburg, Virginia, colored schools of, colored churches
+  Pettiford, W.A., attended private school in North
+    Carolina
+  Philadelphia, Negroes of, taught by Quakers, early
+    colored schools, public aid secured for the education of Negroes,
+    names of teachers public and private, statistics of colored schools,
+    (see Quakers, Presbyterians, and Pennsylvania)
+  Phillips, Wendell, argument against the segregation of
+    colored people in Boston
+  Physicians, colored, (see note 3, 279)
+  Pinchback, P.B.S., studied in the Gilmore High School in
+    Cincinnati
+  Pinkney, William, views on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  _Pious Negro, True Account of_, a document
+  Pittsburgh, colored schools of
+  _Plan for the Improvement of the Free Black_, a document
+  Plantation system, the rise of,
+    effects of, on the enlightenment
+    of the Negroes
+  Pleasants, Robert, founder of a colored manual labor school
+  Polk, Bishop, of Louisiana, advocate of the instruction
+    of Negroes
+  Porteus, Bishop, a portion of his essay on the uplift of
+    Negroes (see also, note 2)
+  Portland, Maine, colored schools of
+  Potter, Henry, taught Negroesin the District of Columbia
+  Preachers, colored, preached to Negroes (see note 4). preached
+    to white people
+  Presbyterians, taught Negroes,
+    struggles of,
+    Acts of
+    Synods of, a document
+  _Presbyterian Witness_, criticized
+    churchmen neglectful of the
+    Negroes
+  _Proposition for encouraging the Christian education of
+    Indian and Mulatto children at Lambeth, Virginia_
+  Protestant Episcopal High School at Cape Palmas, Liberia
+  Prout, John, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Providence, Rhode Island, separate schools of
+  Providence Convent of Baltimore, influence of
+  Purcell, Jack, bearing of the confession of
+  Puritans, attitude of, toward the uplift of Negroes
+
+  Quakers, educational work among Negroes,
+    promoting education in the Northwest Territory,
+    (see also Friends)
+
+  Racial inferiority, the argument of
+  Randolph, John, slaves of, sent to Ohio
+  Raymond, Daniel, contributed to the education of Negroes
+  Reaction, the effect of
+  Reason, Chas. L., teacher in Institute for Colored Youth
+  Redmond, Sarah, denied admission to Boston School
+  Redpath, James, observation in the South
+  Refugees from Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of;
+    bearing of, on insurrection
+  Refugees Home School established
+  Religious instruction discussed by Churchmen
+  Remond, C.L., lecturer and orator
+  Resolute Beneficial Society established a school
+  Revels, U.S. Senator Hiram, student in Quaker Seminary
+  Rhode Island, work of Quakers of; efforts of colored
+    people of; African Benevolent Society of; school laws of;
+    separate schools disestablished
+  Rice, Rev. David, complained that slaves were not enlightened
+  Rice, Rev. Isaac, mission of, in Canada
+  Richards, Fannie, teacher in Detroit
+  Riley, Mrs. Isaac, taught by master
+  Riots of cities, effect of
+  Roberts, Rev. D.R., attended school in Indiana
+  Rochester, Baptist Church of, lost members
+  Roe, Caroline, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Rush, Dr. Benjamin, desire to elevate the slaves; objections
+    of masters considered; interview with Dr. James Durham;
+  Rush Medical School admitted colored student
+  Russworm, John B., first colored man to graduate from college
+  Rutland College, Vermont, opened to colored students
+
+  Sabbath-schools, a factor in education; separation of the races
+  St. Agnes Academy established in the District of Columbia
+  St. Frances Academy established in Baltimore
+  Salem, Massachusetts, colored school of
+  Salem, New Jersey, work of Quakers of
+  Sampson, B.K., assistant teacher of Avery College
+  Samson, Rev. Dr., aided Hays, a teacher of Washington
+  Sanderson, Bishop, interest in the uplift of the heathen
+  Sandiford, Ralph, attacked slavery
+  Sandoval, Alfonso, opposed keeping slaves
+  Sandwich, Canada, separate school of
+  Sandy Lake Settlement broken up
+  Saunders of Cabell County, West Virginia, settled his slaves
+    on free soil
+  Savannah,
+    colored schools of
+    churches of
+  Scarborough, President W.S.,
+    early education of
+  Schoepf, Johann, found conditions favorable
+  Seaman, Jacob, interest of, in New York colored schools
+  Searing, Anna H., a supporter of Myrtilla Miner
+  Seaton, W.W., a supporter of Alexander Hays's School
+  Secker, Bishop,
+    plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+    had Negroes educated for Africa
+    extract from sermon of
+  Settle, Josiah T., was educated in Ohio
+  Sewell, Chief Justice, on the instruction of Negroes
+  Shadd, Mary Ann, teacher in Canada
+  Shaffer, Bishop C.T., early education of, in Indiana
+  Sharp, Granville, on the colonization of Negroes
+  Sidney, Thomas, gave money to build school-house
+  Slave in Essex County, Virginia, learned to read
+  Slavery, ancient, contrasted with the modern
+  Small, Robert, student in South Carolina
+  Smedes, Susan Dabney, saw slaves instructed
+  Smith, Gerrit,
+    contributed money to the education of the Negro
+    founder of the Peterboro School
+    appeal in behalf of colored mechanics
+  Smith, Melancthon, interest of, in the New York African Free Schools
+  Smothers, Henry, founded a school in Washington
+  Snow riot, results of
+  Snowden, John Baptist, instructed by white children
+  Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
+    efforts of
+  South Carolina,
+    schools of unfavorable conditions
+    prohibitive legislation
+    governor of, discussed the Vesey insurrection
+  Spain, King of, desired trade in enlightened slaves only
+  Spanish missionaries taught Negroes in America
+  Springfield, colored schools of
+  Statistics on the intellectual condition of Negroes
+  Stewart, Rev., a missionary in North Carolina
+  Stewart, T. McCants, student in Charleston
+  Stokes, Richard, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Storrs, C.B.,
+    advocate of free discussion
+    influence of
+  Stowe, H.B.,
+    assisted Myrtilla Miner
+    interest of, in industrial education
+  Stratton, Lucy, taught Negroes
+  Sturgeon, Rev. William, work of, in Philadelphia
+  Sumler, Jas. W., learned to read with difficulty
+  Sylvester, Elisha, efforts of, in Boston
+
+  Tabbs, Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Talbot County, Maryland, the education of the Negro in
+  Talbot, Mr., tutor in the District of Columbia,
+  Talbot, Reverend, taught Samuel Lowry at Franklin College,
+  Tappan, Arthur, work of, in behalf of Negroes,
+  Tanner, Bishop Benjamin Tucker, attended school in Pennsylvania,
+  Tarborough, North Carolina, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Tatem, Isaac, instructed Negroes,
+  Taylor, M.W., taught by his mother,
+  Taylor, Dr. Wm., educated for service in Liberia,
+  Taylor, Reverend, interest of, in the enlightenment of Negroes,
+  Templeton, John N., educational efforts of,
+  Tennessee, education of the Negroes of,
+    legislation of,
+  Terrell, Mary Church, mother of, taught by white gentleman,
+  Terrell, Robert H., father of, learned to read,
+  Thetford Academy opened to Negroes,
+  Thomas, J.C. teacher of W.S. Scarborough,
+  Thomas, Rev. Samuel, teacher in South Carolina,
+  Thompson, Margaret, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+  Thornton, views of, on colonization,
+  Toop, Clara G., an instructor at Avery College,
+  Toronto, Canada, evening school organized,
+  Torrey, Jesse, on education and emancipation,
+  Trenton, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested,
+  Troumontaine, Julian, teacher in Savannah,
+  "True Bands," educational work of, in Canada,
+    (see also note 1,)
+  Trumbull, John, teacher in Philadelphia,
+  Tucker, Ebenezer, principal of Union Literary Institute,
+  Tucker, Judge St. George, discussed slave insurrections,
+  Turner, Bishop Henry M., early education of,
+  Turner, Nathaniel, the education of,
+    effects of the insurrection of,
+
+  Union College admitted a Negro,
+  Union Literary Institute, Indiana, favorable to the instruction of
+    Negroes,
+
+  Vanlomen, Father, aided Maria Becraft,
+  Vashon, George B., principal of Avery College,
+  Vermont, required practically no segregation,
+  Vesey, Denmark, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Vesey, Reverend, interest of, in Neau's school,
+  Virginia, question of instructing Negroes of,
+    education of Negroes of, given legal sanction,
+    colored schools of,
+    work of abolitionists of,
+    interest of Quakers of,
+    efforts of Presbyterians of,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Vocational training emphasized by Frederick Douglass,
+    interest of H.B. Stowe in,
+
+  Wagoner, H.O., taught by his parents,
+  Walker, David, appeal of,
+  Wall, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Ward, S.R., attainments of,
+  Warren, John W., studied under white children,
+  Warville, Brissot de, found desirable conditions,
+  Washington, George, attitude of,
+    will of,
+  Waterford, Ephraim, taught by his employer,
+  Watkins, Wm., teacher in Baltimore,
+  Watrum, François Philibert, inquiry of, about instructing Negroes,
+  Wattles, Augustus, philanthropist and educator,
+  Wayman, Reverend, advocate of the instruction of Negroes,
+  Wayman, Rev. Dr., interest of, in free schools,
+  Weaver, Amanda, assisted Myrtilla Miner,
+  Wells, Nelson, bequeathed $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Wesley, John, opinion of, on the intellect of Negroes,
+  Western Reserve converted to democratic education,
+  Wetmore, Reverend, a worker connected with Neau's school,
+  Wheatley, Phyllis, education of,
+    poetry of,
+  White, j. T., attended school in Indiana,
+  White, Dr. Thomas J., educated for Liberia,
+  White, W.J., educated by his white mother,
+  Whitefield, Rev. George, interest in the uplift of Negroes,
+    plan of, to establish a school,
+  Whitefield, Rev. James, promoted education in Baltimore,
+  Whitefield, James M., poet,
+  Wickham, executor of Samuel Gist,
+  Williams, Bishop, urged the duty of converting the Negroes,
+  Williamson, Henry, taught by his master,
+  Wilmington, Delaware, educational work of abolitionists of,
+  Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, published a pamphlet on the uplift of
+    the Negroes,
+    contributed money to educate the Negroes of Talbot County, Maryland,
+  Wilson, Rev. Hiram, inspector of schools in Canada,
+    founder of a manual labor school,
+  Windsor, Canada, school privileges of,
+  Wing, Mr., teacher in Cincinnati,
+  Winslow, Parson, children of, indulgent to Uncle Cephas,
+  Wisconsin, equal school facilities of,
+  Woodson, Ann, taught by her young mistress,
+  Woodson, Emma J., instructor at Avery College,
+  Woodson, Louis, teacher in Pittsburgh,
+  Woolman, John, interest of,
+  Wormley, James, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Wormley, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Wortham, Dr. James L., pupil of John Chavis
+  Wright, Rev. John F., one of the founders of Wilberforce University
+
+  Xenia, Ohio, settlement of, Wilberforce University established near
+
+  Zane, Jonathan, gave $18,000 for the education of Negroes
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Education Of The Negro Prior To
+1861, by Carter Godwin Woodson
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 11089 ***
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Education Of The Negro Prior To 1861
+by Carter Godwin Woodson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
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+
+
+Title: The Education Of The Negro Prior To 1861
+       A History of the Education of the Colored People of the
+         United States from the Beginning of Slavery to the Civil War
+
+Author: Carter Godwin Woodson
+
+Release Date: February 15, 2004 [EBook #11089]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Josephine Paoluccci and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+A History of the Education of the Colored People of the United States
+from the Beginning of Slavery to the Civil War
+
+
+By
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+1919
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+About two years ago the author decided to set forth in a small volume
+the leading facts of the development of Negro education, thinking that
+he would have to deal largely with the movement since the Civil War.
+In looking over documents for material to furnish a background for
+recent achievements in this field, he discovered that he would write
+a much more interesting book should he confine himself to the
+ante-bellum period. In fact, the accounts of the successful strivings
+of Negroes for enlightenment under most adverse circumstances read
+like beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age.
+
+Interesting as is this phase of the history of the American Negro, it
+has as a field of profitable research attracted only M.B. Goodwin, who
+published in the Special Report of the United States Commissioner
+of Education of 1871 an exhaustive _History of the Schools for the
+Colored Population in the District of Columbia_. In that same document
+was included a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored Population
+in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different States_. But
+although the author of the latter collected a mass of valuable
+material, his report is neither comprehensive nor thorough. Other
+publications touching this subject have dealt either with certain
+localities or special phases.
+
+Yet evident as may be the failure of scholars to treat this neglected
+aspect of our history, the author of this dissertation is far from
+presuming that he has exhausted the subject. With the hope of vitally
+interesting some young master mind in this large task, the undersigned
+has endeavored to narrate in brief how benevolent teachers of both
+races strove to give the ante-bellum Negroes the education through
+which many of them gained freedom in its highest and best sense.
+
+The author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to Dr. J.E.
+Moorland, International Secretary of the Young Men's Christian
+Association, for valuable information concerning the Negroes of Ohio.
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+Washington, D.C. _June 11, 1919._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+     I.--Introduction
+
+    II.--Religion with Letters
+
+   III.--Education as a Right of Man
+
+    IV.--Actual Education
+
+     V.--Better Beginnings
+
+    VI.--Educating the Urban Negro
+
+   VII.--The Reaction
+
+  VIII.--Religion without Letters
+
+    IX.--Learning in Spite of Opposition
+
+     X.--Educating Negroes Transplanted to Free Soil
+
+    XI.--Higher Education
+
+   XII.--Vocational Training
+
+  XIII.--Education at Public Expense
+
+  Appendix: Documents
+
+  Bibliography
+
+  Index
+
+
+
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Brought from the African wilds to constitute the laboring class of
+a pioneering society in the new world, the heathen slaves had to be
+trained to meet the needs of their environment. It required little
+argument to convince intelligent masters that slaves who had some
+conception of modern civilization and understood the language of their
+owners would be more valuable than rude men with whom one could not
+communicate. The questions, however, as to exactly what kind of
+training these Negroes should have, and how far it should go, were to
+the white race then as much a matter of perplexity as they are now.
+Yet, believing that slaves could not be enlightened without developing
+in them a longing for liberty, not a few masters maintained that the
+more brutish the bondmen the more pliant they become for purposes of
+exploitation. It was this class of slaveholders that finally won the
+majority of southerners to their way of thinking and determined that
+Negroes should not be educated.
+
+The history of the education of the ante-bellum Negroes, therefore,
+falls into two periods. The first extends from the time of the
+introduction of slavery to the climax of the insurrectionary movement
+about 1835, when the majority of the people in this country answered
+in the affirmative the question whether or not it was prudent to
+educate their slaves. Then followed the second period, when the
+industrial revolution changed slavery from a patriarchal to an
+economic institution, and when intelligent Negroes, encouraged by
+abolitionists, made so many attempts to organize servile insurrections
+that the pendulum began to swing the other way. By this time most
+southern white people reached the conclusion that it was impossible
+to cultivate the minds of Negroes without arousing overmuch
+self-assertion.
+
+The early advocates of the education of Negroes were of three classes:
+first, masters who desired to increase the economic efficiency of
+their labor supply; second, sympathetic persons who wished to help the
+oppressed; and third, zealous missionaries who, believing that the
+message of divine love came equally to all, taught slaves the English
+language that they might learn the principles of the Christian
+religion. Through the kindness of the first class, slaves had their
+best chance for mental improvement. Each slaveholder dealt with the
+situation to suit himself, regardless of public opinion. Later,
+when measures were passed to prohibit the education of slaves, some
+masters, always a law unto themselves, continued to teach their
+Negroes in defiance of the hostile legislation. Sympathetic persons
+were not able to accomplish much because they were usually reformers,
+who not only did not own slaves, but dwelt in practically free
+settlements far from the plantations on which the bondmen lived.
+
+The Spanish and French missionaries, the first to face this problem,
+set an example which influenced the education of the Negroes
+throughout America. Some of these early heralds of Catholicism
+manifested more interest in the Indians than in the Negroes, and
+advocated the enslavement of the Africans rather than that of the Red
+Men. But being anxious to see the Negroes enlightened and brought into
+the Church, they courageously directed their attention to the teaching
+of their slaves, provided for the instruction of the numerous
+mixed-breed offspring, and granted freedmen the educational privileges
+of the highest classes. Put to shame by this noble example of the
+Catholics, the English colonists had to find a way to overcome the
+objections of those who, granting that the enlightenment of the slaves
+might not lead to servile insurrection, nevertheless feared that their
+conversion might work manumission. To meet this exigency the
+colonists secured, through legislation by their assemblies and formal
+declarations of the Bishop of London, the abrogation of the law that
+a Christian could not be held as a slave. Then allowed access to the
+bondmen, the missionaries of the Church of England, sent out by the
+Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Heathen in Foreign
+Parts, undertook to educate the slaves for the purpose of extensive
+proselyting.
+
+Contemporaneous with these early workers of the Established Church of
+England were the liberal Puritans, who directed their attention to the
+conversion of the slaves long before this sect advocated abolition.
+Many of this connection justified slavery as established by the
+precedent of the Hebrews, but they felt that persons held to service
+should be instructed as were the servants of the household of Abraham.
+The progress of the cause was impeded, however, by the bigoted class
+of Puritans, who did not think well of the policy of incorporating
+undesirable persons into the Church so closely connected then with the
+state. The first settlers of the American colonies to offer Negroes
+the same educational and religious privileges they provided for
+persons of their own race, were the Quakers. Believing in the
+brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God, they taught the colored
+people to read their own "instruction in the book of the law that they
+might be wise unto salvation."
+
+Encouraging as was the aspect of things after these early efforts, the
+contemporary complaints about the neglect to instruct the slaves show
+that the cause lacked something to make the movement general. Then
+came the days when the struggle for the rights of man was arousing the
+civilized world. After 1760 the nascent social doctrine found response
+among the American colonists. They looked with opened eyes at the
+Negroes. A new day then dawned for the dark-skinned race. Men like
+Patrick Henry and James Otis, who demanded liberty for themselves,
+could not but concede that slaves were entitled at least to freedom of
+body. The frequent acts of manumission and emancipation which followed
+upon this change in attitude toward persons of color, turned loose
+upon society a large number of men whose chief needs were education
+and training in the duties of citizenship. To enlighten these freedmen
+schools, missions, and churches were established by benevolent and
+religious workers. These colaborers included at this time the Baptists
+and Methodists who, thanks to the spirit of toleration incident to the
+Revolution, were allowed access to Negroes bond and free.
+
+With all of these new opportunities Negroes exhibited a rapid
+mental development. Intelligent colored men proved to be useful and
+trustworthy servants; they became much better laborers and artisans,
+and many of them showed administrative ability adequate to the
+management of business establishments and large plantations. Moreover,
+better rudimentary education served many ambitious persons of color as
+a stepping-stone to higher attainments. Negroes learned to appreciate
+and write poetry and contributed something to mathematics, science,
+and philosophy. Furthermore, having disproved the theories of
+their mental inferiority, some of the race, in conformity with the
+suggestion of Cotton Mather, were employed to teach white children.
+
+Observing these evidences of a general uplift of the Negroes, certain
+educators advocated the establishment of special colored schools. The
+founding of these institutions, however, must not be understood as a
+movement to separate the children of the races on account of caste
+prejudice. The dual system resulted from an effort to meet the needs
+peculiar to a people just emerging from bondage. It was easily seen
+that their education should no longer be dominated by religion.
+Keeping the past of the Negroes in mind, their friends tried to unite
+the benefits of practical and cultural education. The teachers of
+colored schools offered courses in the industries along with advanced
+work in literature, mathematics, and science. Girls who specialized in
+sewing took lessons in French.
+
+So startling were the rapid strides made by the colored people in
+their mental development after the revolutionary era that certain
+southerners who had not seriously objected to the enlightenment of the
+Negroes began to favor the half reactionary policy of educating them
+only on the condition that they should be colonized. The colonization
+movement, however, was supported also by some white men who, seeing
+the educational progress of the colored people during the period of
+better beginnings, felt that they should be given an opportunity to
+be transplanted to a free country where they might develop without
+restriction.
+
+Timorous southerners, however, soon had other reasons for their
+uncharitable attitude. During the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century two effective forces were rapidly increasing the number of
+reactionaries who by public opinion gradually prohibited the education
+of the colored people in all places except certain urban communities
+where progressive Negroes had been sufficiently enlightened to provide
+their own school facilities. The first of these forces was the
+worldwide industrial movement. It so revolutionized spinning and
+weaving that the resulting increased demand for cotton fiber gave rise
+to the plantation system of the South, which required a larger number
+of slaves. Becoming too numerous to be considered as included in the
+body politic as conceived by Locke, Montesquieu, and Blackstone,
+the slaves were generally doomed to live without any enlightenment
+whatever. Thereafter rich planters not only thought it unwise to
+educate men thus destined to live on a plane with beasts, but
+considered it more profitable to work a slave to death during seven
+years and buy another in his stead than to teach and humanize him with
+a view to increasing his efficiency.
+
+The other force conducive to reaction was the circulation through
+intelligent Negroes of antislavery accounts of the wrongs to colored
+people and the well portrayed exploits of Toussaint L'Ouverture.
+Furthermore, refugees from Haiti settled in Baltimore, Norfolk,
+Charleston, and New Orleans, where they gave Negroes a first-hand
+story of how black men of the West Indies had righted their wrongs. At
+the same time certain abolitionists and not a few slaveholders were
+praising, in the presence of slaves, the bloody methods of the
+French Revolution. When this enlightenment became productive of
+such disorders that slaveholders lived in eternal dread of servile
+insurrection, Southern States adopted the thoroughly reactionary
+policy of making the education of Negroes impossible.
+
+The prohibitive legislation extended over a period of more than a
+century, beginning with the act of South Carolina in 1740. But with
+the exception of the action of this State and that of Georgia the
+important measures which actually proscribed the teaching of Negroes
+were enacted during the first four decades of the nineteenth century.
+The States attacked the problem in various ways. Colored people beyond
+a certain number were not allowed to assemble for social or religious
+purposes, unless in the presence of certain "discreet" white men;
+slaves were deprived of the helpful contact of free persons of color
+by driving them out of some Southern States; masters who had employed
+their favorite blacks in positions which required a knowledge of
+bookkeeping, printing, and the like, were commanded by law to
+discontinue that custom; and private and public teachers were
+prohibited from assisting Negroes to acquire knowledge in any manner
+whatever.
+
+The majority of the people of the South had by this time come to the
+conclusion that, as intellectual elevation unfits men for servitude
+and renders it impossible to retain them in this condition, it should
+be interdicted. In other words, the more you cultivate the minds of
+slaves, the more unserviceable you make them; you give them a higher
+relish for those privileges which they cannot attain and turn what you
+intend for a blessing into a curse. If they are to remain in slavery
+they should be kept in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation,
+and the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes the better
+chance they have to retain their apathy. It had thus been brought to
+pass that the measures enacted to prevent the education of Negroes had
+not only forbidden association with their fellows for mutual help and
+closed up most colored schools in the South, but had in several States
+made it a crime for a Negro to teach his own children.
+
+The contrast of conditions at the close of this period with those
+of former days is striking. Most slaves who were once counted as
+valuable, on account of their ability to read and write the English
+language, were thereafter considered unfit for service in the
+South and branded as objects of suspicion. Moreover, when within a
+generation or so the Negroes began to retrograde because they had been
+deprived of every elevating influence, the white people of the South
+resorted to their old habit of answering their critics with the bold
+assertion that the effort to enlighten the blacks would prove futile
+on account of their mental inferiority. The apathy which these
+bondmen, inured to hardships, consequently developed was referred to
+as adequate evidence that they were content with their lot, and
+that any effort to teach them to know their real condition would be
+productive of mischief both to the slaves and their masters.
+
+The reactionary movement, however, was not confined to the South. The
+increased migration of fugitives and free Negroes to the asylum of
+Northern States, caused certain communities of that section to feel
+that they were about to be overrun by undesirable persons who could
+not be easily assimilated. The subsequent anti-abolition riots in the
+North made it difficult for friends of the Negroes to raise funds to
+educate them. Free persons of color were not allowed to open schools
+in some places, teachers of Negroes were driven from their stations,
+and colored schoolhouses were burned.
+
+Ashamed to play the role of a Christian clergy guarding silence on the
+indispensable duty of saving the souls of the colored people, certain
+of the most influential southern ministers hit upon the scheme of
+teaching illiterate Negroes the principles of Christianity by memory
+training or the teaching of religion without letters. This the clergy
+were wont to call religious instruction. The word instruction,
+however, as used in various documents, is rather confusing. Before the
+reactionary period all instruction of the colored people included the
+teaching of the rudiments of education as a means to convey Christian
+thought. But with the exception of a few Christians the southerners
+thereafter used the word instruction to signify the mere memorizing of
+principles from the most simplified books. The sections of the South
+in which the word instruction was not used in this restricted sense
+were mainly the settlements of Quakers and Catholics who, in defiance
+of the law, persisted in teaching Negroes to read and write. Yet it
+was not uncommon to find others who, after having unsuccessfully used
+their influence against the enactment of these reactionary laws,
+boldly defied them by instructing the Negroes of their communities.
+Often opponents to this custom winked at it as an indulgence to the
+clerical profession. Many Scotch-Irish of the Appalachian Mountains
+and liberal Methodists and Baptists of the Western slave States did
+not materially change their attitude toward the enlightenment of the
+colored people during the reactionary period. The Negroes among
+these people continued to study books and hear religious instruction
+conveyed to maturing minds.
+
+Yet little as seemed this enlightenment by means of verbal
+instruction, some slaveholders became sufficiently inhuman to object
+to it on the grounds that the teaching of religion would lead to the
+teaching of letters. In fact, by 1835 certain parts of the South
+reached the third stage in the development of the education of the
+Negroes. At first they were taught the common branches to enable them
+to understand the principles of Christianity; next the colored people
+as an enlightened class became such a menace to southern institutions
+that it was deemed unwise to allow them any instruction beyond that
+of memory training; and finally, when it was discovered that many
+ambitious blacks were still learning to stir up their fellows, it was
+decreed that they should not receive any instruction at all. Reduced
+thus to the plane of beasts, where they remained for generations,
+Negroes developed bad traits which since their emancipation have been
+removed only with great difficulty.
+
+Dark as the future of the Negro students seemed, all hope was not yet
+gone. Certain white men in every southern community made it possible
+for many of them to learn in spite of opposition. Slaveholders were
+not long in discovering that a thorough execution of the law was
+impossible when Negroes were following practically all the higher
+pursuits of labor in the South. Masters who had children known to be
+teaching slaves protected their benevolent sons and daughters from the
+rigors of the law. Preachers, on finding out that the effort at verbal
+education could not convey Christian truths to an undeveloped mind,
+overcame the opposition in their localities and taught the colored
+people as before. Negroes themselves, regarding learning as forbidden
+fruit, stole away to secret places at night to study under the
+direction of friends. Some learned by intuition without having had the
+guidance of an instructor. The fact is that these drastic laws were
+not passed to restrain "discreet" southerners from doing whatever they
+desired for the betterment of their Negroes. The aim was to cut off
+their communication with northern teachers and abolitionists, whose
+activity had caused the South to believe that if such precaution were
+not taken these agents would teach their slaves principles subversive
+of southern institutions. Thereafter the documents which mention the
+teaching of Negroes to read and write seldom even state that the
+southern white teacher was so much as censured for his benevolence.
+In the rare cases of arrest of such instructors they were usually
+acquitted after receiving a reprimand.
+
+With this winking at the teaching of Negroes in defiance of the law a
+better day for their education brightened certain parts of the
+South about the middle of the nineteenth century. Believing that an
+enlightened laboring class might stop the decline of that section,
+some slaveholders changed their attitude toward the elevation of
+the colored people. Certain others came to think that the policy of
+keeping Negroes in ignorance to prevent servile insurrections was
+unwise. It was observed that the most loyal and subordinate slaves
+were those who could read the Bible and learn the truth for
+themselves. Private teachers of colored persons, therefore, were often
+left undisturbed, little effort was made to break up the Negroes'
+secret schools in different parts, and many influential white men took
+it upon themselves to instruct the blacks who were anxious to learn.
+
+Other Negroes who had no such opportunities were then finding a way of
+escape through the philanthropy of those abolitionists who colonized
+some freedmen and fugitives in the Northwest Territory and promoted
+the migration of others to the East. These Negroes were often
+fortunate. Many of them settled where they could take up land and had
+access to schools and churches conducted by the best white people
+of the country. This migration, however, made matters worse for the
+Negroes who were left in the South. As only the most enlightened
+blacks left the slave States, the bondmen and the indigent free
+persons of color were thereby deprived of helpful contact. The
+preponderance of intelligent Negroes, therefore, was by 1840 on the
+side of the North. Thereafter the actual education of the colored
+people was largely confined to eastern cities and northern communities
+of transplanted freedmen. The pioneers of these groups organized
+churches and established and maintained a number of successful
+elementary schools.
+
+In addition to providing for rudimentary instruction, the free Negroes
+of the North helped their friends to make possible what we now call
+higher education. During the second quarter of the nineteenth century
+the advanced training of the colored people was almost prohibited by
+the refusals of academies and colleges to admit persons of African
+blood. In consequence of these conditions, the long-put-forth efforts
+to found Negro colleges began to be crowned with success before the
+Civil War. Institutions of the North admitted Negroes later for
+various reasons. Some colleges endeavored to prepare them for service
+in Liberia, while others, proclaiming their conversion to the doctrine
+of democratic education, opened their doors to all.
+
+The advocates of higher education, however, met with no little
+opposition. The concentration in northern communities of the crude
+fugitives driven from the South necessitated a readjustment of things.
+The training of Negroes in any manner whatever was then very unpopular
+in many parts of the North. When prejudice, however, lost some of its
+sting, the friends of the colored people did more than ever for
+their education. But in view of the changed conditions most of these
+philanthropists concluded that the Negroes were very much in need
+of practical education. Educators first attempted to provide such
+training by offering classical and vocational courses in what they
+called the "manual labor schools." When these failed to meet the
+emergency they advocated actual vocational training. To make this new
+system extensive the Negroes freely coöperated with their benefactors,
+sharing no small part of the real burden. They were at the same time
+paying taxes to support public schools which they could not attend.
+
+This very condition was what enabled the abolitionists to see that
+they had erred in advocating the establishment of separate schools for
+Negroes. At first the segregation of pupils of African blood was, as
+stated above, intended as a special provision to bring the colored
+youth into contact with sympathetic teachers, who knew the needs of
+their students. When the public schools, however, developed at the
+expense of the state into a desirable system better equipped than
+private institutions, the antislavery organizations in many Northern
+States began to demand that the Negroes be admitted to the public
+schools. After extensive discussion certain States of New England
+finally decided the question in the affirmative, experiencing no great
+inconvenience from the change. In most other States of the North,
+however, separate schools for Negroes did not cease to exist until
+after the Civil War. It was the liberated Negroes themselves who,
+during the Reconstruction, gave the Southern States their first
+effective system of free public schools.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+RELIGION WITH LETTERS
+
+
+The first real educators to take up the work of enlightening American
+Negroes were clergymen interested in the propagation of the gospel
+among the heathen of the new world. Addressing themselves to this
+task, the missionaries easily discovered that their first duty was to
+educate these crude elements to enable them not only to read the truth
+for themselves, but to appreciate the supremacy of the Christian
+religion. After some opposition slaves were given the opportunity to
+take over the Christian civilization largely because of the adverse
+criticism[1] which the apostles to the lowly heaped upon the planters
+who neglected the improvement of their Negroes. Made then a device for
+bringing the blacks into the Church, their education was at first too
+much dominated by the teaching of religion.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241; and _The Penn. Mag.
+of History_, xii., 265.]
+
+Many early advocates of slavery favored the enlightenment of the
+Africans. That it was an advantage to the Negroes to be brought within
+the light of the gospel was a common argument in favor of the slave
+trade.[1] When the German Protestants from Salsburg had scruples about
+enslaving men, they were assured by a message from home stating that
+if they took slaves in faith and with the intention of conducting
+them to Christ, the action would not be a sin, but might prove a
+benediction.[2] This was about the attitude of Spain. The missionary
+movement seemed so important to the king of that country that he at
+first allowed only Christian slaves to be brought to America, hoping
+that such persons might serve as apostles to the Indians.[3] The
+Spaniards adopted a different policy, however, when they ceased their
+wild search for an "El Dorado" and became permanently attached to the
+community. They soon made settlements and opened mines which
+they thought required the introduction of slavery. Thus becoming
+commercialized, these colonists experienced a greed which,
+disregarding the consequences of the future, urged the importation
+of all classes of slaves to meet the demand for cheap labor.[4] This
+request was granted by the King of Spain, but the masters of such
+bondmen were expressly ordered to have them indoctrinated in the
+principles of Christianity. It was the failure of certain Spaniards to
+live up to these regulations that caused the liberal-minded Jesuit,
+Alphonso Sandoval, to register the first protest against slavery in
+America.[5] In later years the change in the attitude of the Spaniards
+toward this problem was noted. In Mexico the ayuntamientos were under
+the most rigid responsibility to see that free children born of slaves
+received the best education that could be given them. They had to
+place them "for that purpose at the public schools and other places of
+instruction wherein they" might "become useful to society."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Proslavery Argument; and Lecky, _History of England_,
+vol. ii., p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Faust, _German Element in United States_, vol. i., pp.
+242-43.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Bancroft, _History of United States_, vol. i., p. 124.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Herrera, _Historia General_, dec. iv., libro ii.; dec.
+v., libro ii.; dec. vii., libro iv.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 389.]
+
+In the French settlements of America the instruction of the Negroes
+did not early become a difficult problem. There were not many Negroes
+among the French. Their methods of colonization did not require many
+slaves. Nevertheless, whenever the French missionary came into contact
+with Negroes he considered it his duty to enlighten the unfortunates
+and lead them to God. As early as 1634 Paul Le Jeune, a Jesuit
+missionary in Canada, rejoiced that he had again become a real
+preceptor in that he was teaching a little Negro the alphabet. Le
+Jeune hoped to baptize his pupil as soon as he learned sufficient to
+understand the Christian doctrine.[1] Moreover, evidence of a general
+interest in the improvement of Negroes appeared in the Code Noir which
+made it incumbent upon masters to enlighten their slaves that they
+might grasp the principles of the Christian religion.[2] To carry
+out this mandate slaves were sometimes called together with white
+settlers. The meeting was usually opened with prayer and the reading
+of some pious book, after which the French children were turned over
+to one catechist, and the slaves and Indians to another. If a large
+number of slaves were found in the community their special instruction
+was provided for in meetings of their own.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 63.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Code Noir, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 62.]
+
+
+After 1716, when Jesuits were taking over slaves in larger numbers,
+and especially after 1726, when Law's Company was importing many to
+meet the demand for laborers in Louisiana, we read of more instances
+of the instruction of Negroes by French Catholics.[1] Writing about
+this task in 1730, Le Petit spoke of being "settled to the instruction
+of the boarders, the girls who live without, and the Negro women."[2]
+In 1738 he said, "I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our
+residence, who are Negroes, and as many others as I can get from their
+masters."[3] Years later François Philibert Watrum, seeing that some
+Jesuits had on their estates one hundred and thirty slaves, inquired
+why the instruction of the Indian and Negro serfs of the French did
+not give these missionaries sufficient to do.[4] Hoping to enable
+the slaves to elevate themselves, certain inhabitants of the French
+colonies requested of their king a decree protecting their title to
+property in such bondmen as they might send to France to be confirmed
+in their instruction and in the exercise of their religion, and to
+have them learn some art or trade from which the colonies might
+receive some benefit by their return from the mother country.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., vol. lxvii., pp. 259 and 343.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. lxviii., p. 201.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. lxix., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. lxx., p. 245.]
+
+The education of Negroes was facilitated among the French and Spanish
+by their liberal attitude toward their slaves. Many of them were
+respected for their worth and given some of the privileges of
+freemen. Estevanecito, an enlightened slave sent by Niza, the Spanish
+adventurer, to explore Arizona, was a favored servant of this
+class.[1] The Latin custom of miscegenation proved to be a still more
+important factor in the education of Negroes in the colonies. As the
+French and Spanish came to America for the purpose of exploitation,
+leaving their wives behind, many of them, by cohabiting with and
+marrying colored women, gave rise to an element of mixed breeds. This
+was especially true of the Spanish settlements. They had more persons
+of this class than any other colonies in America. The Latins, in
+contradistinction to the English, generally liberated their mulatto
+offspring and sometimes recognized them as their equals. Such Negroes
+constituted a class of persons who, although they could not aspire to
+the best in the colony, had a decided advantage over other inhabitants
+of color. They often lived in luxury, and, of course, had a few
+social privileges. The Code Noir granted freedmen the same rights,
+privileges, and immunities as those enjoyed by persons born free, with
+the view that the accomplishment of acquired liberty should have on
+the former the same effect that the happiness of natural liberty
+caused in other subjects.[2] As these mixed breeds were later lost, so
+to speak, among the Latins, it is almost impossible to determine what
+their circumstances were, and what advantages of education they had.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, pp. 27-32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The Code Noir obliged every planter to have his Negroes
+instructed and baptized. It allowed the slave for instruction,
+worship, and rest not only every Sunday, but every festival usually
+observed by the Roman Catholic Church. It did not permit any market to
+be held on Sundays or holidays. It prohibited, under severe penalties,
+all masters and managers from corrupting their female slaves. It did
+not allow the Negro husband, wife, or infant children to be sold
+separately. It forbade them the use of torture, or immoderate and
+inhuman punishments. It obliged the owners to maintain their old and
+decrepit slaves. If the Negroes were not fed and clothed as the law
+prescribed, or if they were in any way cruelly treated, they might
+apply to the Procureur, who was obliged by his office to protect them.
+See Code Noir, pp. 99-100.]
+
+
+The Spanish and French were doing so much more than the English to
+enlighten their slaves that certain teachers and missionaries in the
+British colonies endeavored more than ever to arouse their countrymen
+to discharge their duty to those they held in bondage. These reformers
+hoped to do this by holding up to the members of the Anglican Church
+the praiseworthy example of the Catholics whom the British had for
+years denounced as enemies of Christ. The criticism had its effect.
+But to prosecute this work extensively the English had to overcome
+the difficulty found in the observance of the unwritten law that
+no Christian could be held a slave. Now, if the teaching of slaves
+enabled them to be converted and their Christianization led to
+manumission, the colonists had either to let the institution gradually
+pass away or close all avenues of information to the minds of their
+Negroes. The necessity of choosing either of these alternatives
+was obviated by the enactment of provincial statutes and formal
+declarations by the Bishop of London to the effect that conversion did
+not work manumission.[1] After the solution of this problem English
+missionaries urged more vigorously upon the colonies the duty of
+instructing the slaves. Among the active churchmen working for this
+cause were Rev. Morgan Goodwyn and Bishops Fleetwood, Lowth, and
+Sanderson.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 2: On observing that laws had been passed in Virginia to
+prevent slaves from attending the meetings of Quakers for purposes of
+being instructed, Morgan Goodwyn registered a most earnest protest. He
+felt that prompt attention should be given to the instruction of the
+slaves to prevent the Church from falling into discredit, and to
+obviate the causes for blasphemy on the part of the enemies of the
+Church who would not fail to point out that ministers sent to the
+remotest parts had failed to convert the heathen. Therefore, he
+preached in Westminster Abbey in 1685 a sermon "to stir up and
+provoke" his "Majesty's subjects abroad, and even at home, to use
+endeavors for the propagation of Christianity among their domestic
+slaves and vassals." He referred to the spreading of mammonism and
+irreligion by which efforts to instruct and Christianize the heathen
+were paralyzed. He deplored the fact that the slaves who were the
+subjects of such instruction became the victims of still greater
+cruelty, while the missionaries who endeavored to enlighten them were
+neglected and even persecuted by the masters. They considered the
+instruction of the Negroes an impracticable and needless work of
+popish superstition, and a policy subversive of the interests of
+slaveholders. Bishop Sanderson found it necessary to oppose this
+policy of Virginia which had met the denunciation of Goodwyn. In
+strongly emphasizing this duty of masters, Bishop Fleetwood moved the
+hearts of many planters of North Carolina to allow missionaries access
+to their slaves. Many of them were thereafter instructed and baptized.
+See Goodwyn, _The Negroes and Indians' Advocate_; Hart, _History Told
+by Contemporaries_, vol. i., No. 86; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._,
+1871, p. 363; _An Account of the Endeavors of the Soc._, etc., p. 14.]
+
+Complaints from men of this type led to systematic efforts to
+enlighten the blacks. The first successful scheme for this purpose
+came from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts. It was organized by the members of the Established Church in
+London in 1701[1] to do missionary work among Indians and Negroes.
+To convert the heathen they sent out not only ministers but
+schoolmasters. They were required to instruct the children, to teach
+them to read the Scriptures and other poems and useful books, to
+ground them thoroughly in the Church catechism, and to repeat "morning
+and evening prayers and graces composed for their use at home."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pascoe, _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society
+for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Dalcho, _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p. 39; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The first active schoolmaster of this class was Rev. Samuel Thomas of
+Goose Creek Parish in South Carolina. He took up this work there in
+1695, and in 1705 could count among his communicants twenty Negroes,
+who with several others "well understanding the English tongue" could
+read and write.[1] Rev. Mr. Thomas said: "I have here presumed to give
+an account of one thousand slaves so far as they know of it and are
+desirous of Christian knowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves
+for it, in learning to read, for which they redeem the time from their
+labor. Many of them can read the Bible distinctly, and great numbers
+of them were learning when I left the province."[2] But not only had
+this worker enlightened many Negroes in his parish, but had enlisted
+in the work several ladies, among whom was Mrs. Haig Edwards. The Rev.
+Mr. Taylor, already interested in the cause, hoped that other masters
+and mistresses would follow the example of Mrs. Edwards.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123].
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 13-14.]
+
+Through the efforts of the same society another school was opened in
+New York City in 1704 under Elias Neau.[1] This benefactor is commonly
+known as the first to begin such an institution for the education of
+Negroes; but the school in Goose Creek Parish, South Carolina, was
+in operation at least nine years earlier. At first Neau called the
+Negroes together after their daily toil was over and taught them at
+his house. By 1708 he was instructing thus as many as two hundred.
+Neau's school owes its importance to the fact that not long after its
+beginning certain Negroes who organized themselves to kill off their
+masters were accredited as students of this institution. For this
+reason it was immediately closed.[2] When upon investigating the
+causes of the insurrection, however, it was discovered that only one
+person connected with the institution had taken part in the struggle,
+the officials of the colony permitted Neau to continue his work and
+extended him their protection. After having been of invaluable service
+to the Negroes of New York this school was closed in 1722 by the
+death of its founder. The work of Neau, however, was taken up by Mr.
+Huddlestone. Rev. Mr. Wetmore entered the field in 1726. Later there
+appeared Rev. Mr. Colgan and Noxon, both of whom did much to promote
+the cause. In 1732 came Rev. Mr. Charlton who toiled in this field
+until 1747 when he was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Auchmutty. He had the
+coöperation of Mr. Hildreth, the assistant of his predecessor. Much
+help was obtained from Rev. Mr. Barclay who, at the death of Mr. Vesey
+in 1764, became the rector of the parish supporting the school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 6-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The results obtained in the English colonies during the early period
+show that the agitation for the enlightenment of the Negroes spread
+not only wherever these unfortunates were found, but claimed the
+attention of the benevolent far away. Bishop Wilson of Sodor and Man,
+active in the cause during the first half of the eighteenth century,
+availed himself of the opportunity to aid those missionaries who
+were laboring in the colonies for the instruction of the Indians
+and Negroes. In 1740 he published a pamphlet written in 1699 on the
+_Principles and Duties of Christianity in their Direct Bearing on the
+Uplift of the Heathen_. To teach by example he further aided this
+movement by giving fifty pounds for the education of colored children
+in Talbot County, Maryland.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 364.]
+
+After some opposition this work began to progress somewhat in
+Virginia.[1] The first school established in that colony was for
+Indians and Negroes.[2] In the course of time the custom of teaching
+the latter had legal sanction there. On binding out a "bastard or
+pauper child black or white," churchwardens specifically required
+that he should be taught "to read, write, and calculate as well as to
+follow some profitable form of labor."[3] Other Negroes also had an
+opportunity to learn. Reports of an increase in the number of colored
+communicants came from Accomac County where four or five hundred
+families were instructing their slaves at home, and had their children
+catechized on Sunday. Unusual interest in the cause at Lambeth, in the
+same colony, is attested by an interesting document, setting forth
+in 1724 a proposition for "_Encouraging the Christian Education of
+Indian, Negro, and Mulatto Children_." The author declares it to be
+the duty of masters and mistresses of America to endeavor to educate
+and instruct their heathen slaves in the Christian faith, and
+mentioned the fact that this work had been "earnestly recommended by
+his Majesty's instructions." To encourage the movement it was proposed
+that "every Indian, Negro and Mulatto child that should be baptized
+and afterward brought into the Church and publicly catechized by the
+minister, and should before the fourteenth year of his or her age
+give a distinct account of the creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten
+Commandments," should receive from the minister a certificate which
+would entitle such children to exemption from paying all levies until
+the age of eighteen.[4] The neighboring colony of North Carolina
+also was moved by these efforts despite some difficulties which the
+missionaries there encountered.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, p. 264;
+Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, pp.
+11-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, in J.H.U. Studies,
+Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, pp.
+264-65.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, pp. 389-90.]
+
+This favorable attitude toward the people of color, and the successful
+work among them, caused the opponents of this policy to speak out
+boldly against their enlightenment. Some asserted that the Negroes
+were such stubborn creatures that there could be no such close dealing
+with them, and that even when converted they became saucier than
+pious. Others maintained that these bondmen were so ignorant and
+indocile, so far gone in their wickedness, so confirmed in their
+habit of evil ways, that it was vain to undertake to teach them such
+knowledge. Less cruel slaveholders had thought of getting out of the
+difficulty by the excuse that the instruction of Negroes required more
+time and labor than masters could well spare from their business. Then
+there were others who frankly confessed that, being an ignorant and
+unlearned people themselves, they could not teach others.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: For a summary of this argument see Meade, _Four Sermons
+of Reverend Bacon_, pp. 81-97; also, _A Letter to an American Planter
+from his Friend in London_, p. 5.]
+
+Seeing that many leading planters had been influenced by those opposed
+to the enlightenment of Negroes, Bishop Gibson of London issued an
+appeal in behalf of the bondmen, addressing the clergy and laymen in
+two letters[1] published in London in 1727. In one he exhorted masters
+and mistresses of families to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian faith. In the other epistle he directed
+the missionaries of the colonies to give to this work whatever
+assistance they could. Writing to the slaveholders, he took the
+position that considering the greatness of the profit from the labor
+of the slaves it might be hoped that all masters, those especially who
+were possessed of considerable numbers, should be at some expense in
+providing for the instruction of those poor creatures. He thought
+that others who did not own so many should share in the expense of
+maintaining for them a common teacher.
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 16, 21, and 32; and
+Dalcho, _An Historical Account_, etc., pp. 104 et seq.]
+
+Equally censorious of these neglectful masters was Reverend Thomas
+Bacon, the rector of the Parish Church in Talbot County, Maryland.
+In 1749 he set forth his protest in four sermons on "the great and
+indispensable duty of all Christian masters to bring up their slaves
+in the knowledge and fear of God."[1] Contending that slaves
+should enjoy rights like those of servants in the household of the
+patriarchs, Bacon insisted that next to one's children and brethren
+by blood, one's servants, and especially one's slaves, stood in the
+nearest relation to him, and that in return for their drudgery the
+master owed it to his bondmen to have them enlightened. He believed
+that the reading and explaining of the Holy Scriptures should be made
+a stated duty. In the course of time the place of catechist in each
+family might be supplied out of the intelligent slaves by choosing
+such among them as were best taught to instruct the rest.[2] He was of
+the opinion, too, that were some of the slaves taught to read, were
+they sent to school for that purpose when young, were they given
+the New Testament and other good books to be read at night to their
+fellow-servants, such a course would vastly increase their knowledge
+of God and direct their minds to a serious thought of futurity.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 31 et seq.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 116 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 118.]
+
+With almost equal zeal did Bishops Williams and Butler plead the same
+cause.[1] They deplored the fact that because of their dark skins
+Negro slaves were treated as a species different from the rest of
+mankind. Denouncing the more cruel treatment of slaves as cattle,
+unfit for mental and moral improvement, these churchmen asserted that
+the highest property possible to be acquired in servants could not
+cancel the obligation to take care of the religious instruction of
+those who "despicable as they are in the eyes of man are nevertheless
+the creatures of God."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+On account of these appeals made during the seventeenth and eighteenth
+centuries a larger number of slaves of the English colonies were
+thereafter treated as human beings capable of mental, moral, and
+spiritual development. Some masters began to provide for the
+improvement of these unfortunates, not because they loved them, but
+because instruction would make them more useful to the community. A
+much more effective policy of Negro education was brought forward in
+1741 by Bishop Secker.[1] He suggested the employment of young Negroes
+prudently chosen to teach their countrymen. To carry out such a plan
+he had already sent a missionary to Africa. Besides instructing
+Negroes at his post of duty, this apostle sent three African natives
+to England where they were educated for the work.[2] It was doubtless
+the sentiment of these leaders that caused Dr. Brearcroft to allude to
+this project in a discourse before the Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts in 1741.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Secker, _Works_, vol. v., p. 88.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. vi., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p.6.]
+
+This organization hit upon the plan of purchasing two Negroes named
+Harry and Andrew, and of qualifying them by thorough instruction in
+the principles of Christianity and the fundamentals of education, to
+serve as schoolmasters to their people. Under the direction of Rev.
+Mr. Garden, the missionary who had directed the training of these
+young men, a building costing about three hundred and eight pounds was
+erected in Charleston, South Carolina. In the school which opened in
+this building in 1744 Harry and Andrew served as teachers.[1] In the
+beginning the school had about sixty young students, and had a very
+good daily attendance for a number of years. The directors of the
+institution planned to send out annually between thirty and forty
+youths "well instructed in religion and capable of reading their
+Bibles to carry home and diffuse the same knowledge to their fellow
+slaves."[2] It is highly probable that after 1740 this school was
+attended only by free persons of color. Because the progress of Negro
+education had been rather rapid, South Carolina enacted that year a
+law prohibiting any person from teaching or causing a slave to be
+taught, or from employing or using a slave as a scribe in any manner
+of writing.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123;
+McCrady, _South Carolina_, etc., p. 246; Dalcho, _An Historical
+Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, pp.
+156, 157, 164.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 157 and 164.]
+
+In 1764 the Charleston school was closed for reasons which it is
+difficult to determine. From one source we learn that one of the
+teachers died, and the other having turned out profligate, no
+instructors could be found to continue the work. It does not seem that
+the sentiment against the education of free Negroes had by that time
+become sufficiently strong to cause the school to be discontinued.[1]
+It is evident, however, that with the assistance of influential
+persons of different communities the instruction of slaves continued
+in that colony. Writing about the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Eliza Lucas, a lady of South Carolina, who afterward married Justice
+Pinckney, mentions a parcel of little Negroes whom she had undertaken
+to teach to read.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+The work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts was also effective in communities of the North in which the
+established Church of England had some standing. In 1751 Reverend Hugh
+Neill, once a Presbyterian minister of New Jersey, became a missionary
+of this organization to the Negroes of Pennsylvania. He worked among
+them fifteen years. Dr. Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia,
+devoted a part of his time to the work, and at the death of Neill in
+1766 enlisted as a regular missionary of the Society.[1] It seems,
+however, that prior to the eighteenth century not much had been done
+to enlighten the slaves of that colony, although free persons of
+color had been instructed. Rev. Mr. Wayman, another missionary to
+Pennsylvania about the middle of the eighteenth century, asserted that
+"neither" was "there anywhere care taken for the instruction of Negro
+slaves," the duty to whom he had "pressed upon masters with little
+effect."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+248.]
+
+To meet this need the Society set the example of maintaining
+catechetical lectures for Negroes in St. Peter's and Christ Church of
+Philadelphia, during the incumbency of Dr. Jennings from 1742 to 1762.
+William Sturgeon, a student of Yale, selected to do this work, was
+sent to London for ordination and placed in charge in 1747.[1] In this
+position Rev. Mr. Sturgeon remained nineteen years, rendering such
+satisfactory services in the teaching of Negroes that he deserves to
+be recorded as one of the first benefactors of the Negro race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 241.]
+
+Antedating this movement in Pennsylvania were the efforts of Reverend
+Dr. Thomas Bray. In 1696 he was sent to Maryland by the Bishop of
+London on an ecclesiastical mission to do what he could toward the
+conversion of adult Negroes and the education of their children.[1]
+Bray's most influential supporter was M. D'Alone, the private
+secretary of King William. D'Alone gave for the maintenance of the
+cause a fund, the proceeds of which were first used for the employment
+of colored catechists, and later for the support of the Thomas Bray
+Mission after the catechists had failed to give satisfaction. At the
+death of this missionary the task was taken up by certain followers
+of the good man, known as the "Associates of Doctor Bray."[2] They
+extended their work beyond the confines of Maryland. In 1760 two
+schools for the education of Negroes were maintained in Philadelphia
+by these benefactors. It was the aid obtained from the Dr. Bray fund
+that enabled the abolitionists to establish in that city a permanent
+school which continued for almost a hundred years.[3] About the close
+of the French and Indian War, Rev. Mr. Stewart, a missionary in North
+Carolina, found there a school for the education of Indians and free
+Negroes, conducted by Dr. Bray's Associates. The example of these men
+appealing to him as a wise policy, he directed to it the attention of
+the clergy at home.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252; Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p.
+23; and vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina_, Johns
+Hopkins University Studies, vol. xv., p. 226.]
+
+Not many slaves were found among the Puritans, but the number sufficed
+to bring the question of their instruction before these colonists
+almost as prominently as we have observed it was brought in the case
+of the members of the Established Church of England. Despite the fact
+that the Puritans developed from the Calvinists, believers in the
+doctrine of election which swept away all class distinction, this sect
+did not, like the Quakers, attack slavery as an institution. Yet if
+the Quakers were the first of the Protestants to protest against the
+buying and selling of souls, New England divines were among the first
+to devote attention to the mental, moral, and spiritual development of
+Negroes.[1] In 1675 John Eliot objected to the Indian slave trade, not
+because of the social degradation, but for the reason that he desired
+that his countrymen "should follow Christ his Designe in this matter
+to promote the free passage of Religion" among them. He further
+said: "For to sell Souls for Money seemeth to me to be dangerous
+Merchandise, to sell away from all Means of Grace whom Christ hath
+provided Means of Grace for you is the Way for us to be active in
+destroying their Souls when they are highly obliged to seek their
+Conversion and Salvation." Eliot bore it grievously that the souls of
+the slaves were "exposed by their Masters to a destroying Ignorance
+meerly for the Fear of thereby losing the Benefit of their
+Vassalage."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vol. xiii., p. 265.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Locke, _Anti-slavery Before 1808_, p. 15; Mather, _Life
+of John Eliot_, p. 14; _New Plymouth Colony Records_, vol. x., p.
+452.]
+
+Further interest in the work was manifested by Cotton Mather. He
+showed his liberality in his professions published in 1693 in a set of
+_Rules for the Society of Negroes_, intended to present the claims of
+the despised race to the benefits of religious instruction.[1] Mather
+believed that servants were in a sense like one's children, and that
+their masters should train and furnish them with Bibles and other
+religious books for which they should be given time to read. He
+maintained that servants should be admitted to the religious exercises
+of the family and was willing to employ such of them as were competent
+to teach his children lessons of piety. Coming directly to the issue
+of the day, Mather deplored the fact that the several plantations
+which lived upon the labor of their Negroes were guilty of the
+"prodigious Wickedness of deriding, neglecting, and opposing all
+due Means of bringing the poor Negroes unto God." He hoped that
+the masters, of whom God would one day require the souls of slaves
+committed to their care, would see to it that like Abraham they have
+catechised servants. They were not to imagine that the "Almighty God
+made so many thousands reasonable Creatures for nothing but only to
+serve the Lusts of Epicures, or the Gains of Mammonists."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, p. 137 _et seq_.]
+
+The sentiment of the clergy of this epoch was more directly expressed
+by Richard Baxter, the noted Nonconformist, in his "Directions to
+Masters in Foreign Plantations," incorporated as rules into the
+_Christian Directory_.[1] Baxter believed in natural liberty and
+the equality of man, and justified slavery only on the ground of
+"necessitated consent" or captivity in lawful war. For these reasons
+he felt that they that buy slaves and "use them as Beasts for their
+meer Commodity, and betray, or destroy or neglect their Souls are
+fitter to be called incarnate Devils than Christians, though they be
+no Christians whom they so abuse."[2] His aim here, however, is not to
+abolish the institution of slavery but to enlighten the Africans and
+bring them into the Church.[3] Exactly what effect Baxter had on this
+movement cannot be accurately figured out. The fact, however, that his
+creed was extensively adhered to by the Protestant colonists among
+whom his works were widely read, leads us to think that he influenced
+some masters to change their attitude toward their slaves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438-40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 440.]
+
+The next Puritan of prominence who enlisted among the helpers of the
+African slaves was Chief Justice Sewall, of Massachusetts. In 1701
+he stirred his section by publishing his _Selling of Joseph_, a
+distinctly anti-slavery pamphlet, based on the natural and inalienable
+right of every man to be free.[1] The appearance of this publication
+marked an epoch in the history of the Negroes. It was the first direct
+attack on slavery in New England. The Puritan clergy had formerly
+winked at the continuation of the institution, provided the masters
+were willing to give the slaves religious instruction. In the _Selling
+of Joseph_ Sewall had little to say about their mental and moral
+improvement, but in the _Athenian Oracle_, which expressed his
+sentiments so well that he had it republished in 1705,[2] he met more
+directly the problem of elevating the Negro race. Taking up this
+question, Sewall said: "There's yet less doubt that those who are of
+Age to answer for themselves would soon learn the Principles of our
+Faith, and might be taught the Obligation of the Vow they made in
+Baptism, and there's little Doubt but Abraham instructed his Heathen
+Servants who were of Age to learn, the Nature of Circumcision before
+he circumcised them; nor can we conclude much less from God's own
+noble Testimony of him, 'I know him that he will command his Children
+and his Household, and they shall keep the Way of the Lord.'"[3]
+Sewall believed that the emancipation of the slaves should be promoted
+to encourage Negroes to become Christians. He could not understand
+how any Christian could hinder or discourage them from learning the
+principles of the Christian religion and embracing the faith.
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 91.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 92; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 91; _The Athenian
+Oracle_, vol. ii., pp. 460 _et seq_.]
+
+This interest shown in the Negro race was in no sense general among
+the Puritans of that day. Many of their sect could not favor such
+proselyting,[1] which, according to their system of government,
+would have meant the extension to the slaves of social and political
+privileges. It was not until the French provided that masters should
+take their slaves to church and have them indoctrinated in the
+Catholic faith, that the proposition was seriously considered by many
+of the Puritans. They, like the Anglicans, felt sufficient compunction
+of conscience to take steps to Christianize the slaves, lest the
+Catholics, whom they had derided as undesirable churchmen, should put
+the Protestants to shame.[2] The publication of the Code Noir probably
+influenced the instructions sent out from England to his Majesty's
+governors requiring them "with the assistance of our council to find
+out the best means to facilitate and encourage the conversion of
+Negroes and Indians to the Christian Religion." Everly subsequently
+mentions in his diary the passing of a resolution by the Council Board
+at Windsor or Whitehall, recommending that the blacks in plantations
+be baptized, and meting out severe censure to those who opposed this
+policy.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This good example of the Catholics was in later years
+often referred to by Bishop Porteus. _Works of Bishop Porteus_, vol.
+vi, pp. 168, 173, 177, 178, 401; Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p.
+96.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 96.]
+
+More effective than the efforts of other sects in the enlightenment of
+the Negroes was the work of the Quakers, despite the fact that they
+were not free to extend their operations throughout the colonies. Just
+as the colored people are indebted to the Quakers for registering in
+1688 the first protest against slavery in Protestant America, so are
+they indebted to this denomination for the earliest permanent and
+well-developed schools devoted to the education of their race. As the
+Quakers believed in the freedom of the will, human brotherhood,
+and equality before God, they did not, like the Puritans, find
+difficulties in solving the problem of enlightening the Negroes.
+While certain Puritans were afraid that conversion might lead to the
+destruction of caste and the incorporation of undesirable persons into
+the "Body Politick," the Quakers proceeded on the principle that all
+men are brethren and, being equal before God, should be considered
+equal before the law. On account of unduly emphasizing the relation of
+man to God the Puritans "atrophied their social humanitarian instinct"
+and developed into a race of self-conscious saints. Believing in human
+nature and laying stress upon the relation between man and man the
+Quakers became the friends of all humanity.
+
+Far from the idea of getting rid of an undesirable element by merely
+destroying the institution which supplied it, the Quakers endeavored
+to teach the Negro to be a man capable of discharging the duties of
+citizenship. As early as 1672 their attention was directed to this
+important matter by George Fox.[1] In 1679 he spoke out more boldly,
+entreating his sect to instruct and teach their Indians and Negroes
+"how that Christ, by the Grace of God, tasted death for every man."[2]
+Other Quakers of prominence did not fail to drive home this thought.
+In 1693 George Keith, a leading Quaker of his day, came forward as a
+promoter of the religious training of the slaves as a preparation for
+emancipation.[3] William Penn advocated the emancipation of slaves,[4]
+that they might have every opportunity for improvement. In 1696 the
+Quakers, while protesting against the slave trade, denounced also the
+policy of neglecting their moral and spiritual welfare.[5] The
+growing interest of this sect in the Negroes was shown later by the
+development in 1713 of a definite scheme for freeing and returning
+them to Africa after having been educated and trained to serve as
+missionaries on that continent.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 8; Moore, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p.
+79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 376.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 6;
+Bancroft, _History of the United States_, vol. ii., p. 401.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+The inevitable result of this liberal attitude toward the Negroes
+was that the Quakers of those colonies where other settlers were
+so neglectful of the enlightenment of the colored race, soon found
+themselves at war with the leaders of the time. In slaveholding
+communities the Quakers were persecuted, not necessarily because they
+adhered to a peculiar faith, not primarily because they had manners
+and customs unacceptable to the colonists, but because in answering
+the call of duty to help all men they incurred the ill will of the
+masters who denounced them as undesirable persons, bringing into
+America spurious doctrines subversive of the institutions of the
+aristocratic settlements.
+
+Their experience in the colony of Virginia is a good example of how
+this worked out. Seeing the unchristian attitude of the preachers in
+most parts of that colony, the Quakers inquired of them, "Who made you
+ministers of the Gospel to white people only, and not to the tawny and
+blacks also?"[1] To show the nakedness of the neglectful clergy there
+some of this faith manifested such zeal in teaching and preaching to
+the Negroes that their enemies demanded legislation to prevent them
+from gaining ascendancy over the minds of the slaves. Accordingly, to
+make the colored people of that colony inaccessible to these workers
+it was deemed wise in 1672 to enact a law prohibiting members of that
+sect from taking Negroes to their meetings. In 1678 the colony enacted
+another measure excluding Quakers from the teaching profession by
+providing that no person should be allowed to keep a school in
+Virginia unless he had taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy.[2]
+Of course, it was inconsistent with the spirit and creed of the
+Quakers to take this oath.
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. i., 532; ii., 48, 165,
+166, 180, 198, and 204. _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_.,
+1871, p. 391.]
+
+The settlers of North Carolina followed the same procedure to check
+the influence of Quakers, who spoke there in behalf of the man of
+color as fearlessly as they had in Virginia. The apprehension of the
+dominating element was such that Governor Tryon had to be instructed
+to prohibit from teaching in that colony any person who had not
+a license from the Bishop of London.[1] Although this order was
+seemingly intended to protect the faith and doctrine of the Anglican
+Church, rather than to prevent the education of Negroes, it operated
+to lessen their chances for enlightenment, since missionaries from
+the Established Church did not reach all parts of the colony.[2] The
+Quakers of North Carolina, however, had local schools and actually
+taught slaves. Some of these could read and write as early as 1731.
+Thereafter, household servants were generally given the rudiments of
+an English education.
+
+[Footnote 1: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, vol. i., p. 389. The
+same instructions were given to Governor Francis Nicholson.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 389, 390.]
+
+It was in the settlements of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New York
+that the Quakers encountered less opposition in carrying out their
+policy of cultivating the minds of colored people. Among these Friends
+the education of Negroes became the handmaiden of the emancipation
+movement. While John Hepburn, William Burling, Elihu Coleman, and
+Ralph Sandiford largely confined their attacks to the injustice of
+keeping slaves, Benjamin Lay was working for their improvement as a
+prerequisite of emancipation.[1] Lay entreated the Friends to "bring
+up the Negroes to some Learning, Reading and Writing and" to "endeavor
+to the utmost of their Power in the sweet love of Truth to instruct
+and teach 'em the Principles of Truth and Religiousness, and learn
+some Honest Trade or Imployment and then set them free. And," says he,
+"all the time Friends are teaching of them let them know that they
+intend to let them go free in a very reasonable Time; and that our
+Religious Principles will not allow of such Severity, as to keep them
+in everlasting Bondage and Slavery."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 32.]
+
+
+The struggle of the Northern Quakers to enlighten the colored people
+had important local results. A strong moral force operated in the
+minds of most of this sect to impel them to follow the example of
+certain leaders who emancipated their slaves.[1] Efforts in this
+direction were redoubled about the middle of the eighteenth century
+when Anthony Benezet,[2] addressing himself with unwonted zeal to the
+uplift of these unfortunates, obtained the assistance of Clarkson and
+others, who solidified the antislavery sentiment of the Quakers and
+influenced them to give their time and means to the more effective
+education of the blacks. After this period the Quakers were also
+concerned with the improvement of the colored people's condition in
+other settlements.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dr. DuBois gives a good account of these efforts in his
+_Suppression of the African Slave Trade_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benezet was a French Protestant. Persecuted on account of
+their religion, his parents moved from France to England and later to
+Philadelphia. He became a teacher in that city in 1742. Thirteen years
+later he was teaching a school established for the education of the
+daughters of the most distinguished families in Philadelphia. He was
+then using his own spelling-book, primer, and grammar, some of the
+first text-books published in America. Known to persecution himself,
+Benezet always sympathized with the oppressed. Accordingly, he
+connected himself with the Quakers, who at that time had before
+them the double task of fighting for religious equality and the
+amelioration of the condition of the Negroes. Becoming interested in
+the welfare of the colored race, Benezet first attacked the slave
+trade, so exposing it in his speeches and writings that Clarkson
+entered the field as an earnest advocate of the suppression of the
+iniquitous traffic. See Benezet, _Observations_, p. 30, and the
+_African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 31.]
+
+What the other sects did for the enlightenment of Negroes during this
+period, was not of much importance. As the Presbyterians, Methodists,
+and Baptists did not proselyte extensively in this country prior to
+the middle of the eighteenth century, these denominations had little
+to do with Negro education before the liberalism and spirit of
+toleration, developed during the revolutionary era, made it possible
+for these sects to reach the people. The Methodists, however, confined
+at first largely to the South, where most of the slaves were found,
+had to take up this problem earlier. Something looking like an attempt
+to elevate the Negroes came from Wesley's contemporary, George
+Whitefield,[1] who, strange to say, was regarded by the Negro race
+as its enemy for having favored the introduction of slavery. He was
+primarily interested in the conversion of the colored people. Without
+denying that "liberty is sweet to those who are born free," he
+advocated the importation of slaves into Georgia "to bring them within
+the reach of those means of grace which would make them partake of a
+liberty far more precious than the freedom of body."[2] While on a
+visit to this country in 1740 he purchased a large tract of land at
+Nazareth, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of founding a school for the
+education of Negroes.[3] Deciding later to go south, he sold the site
+to the Moravian brethren who had undertaken to establish a mission
+for Negroes at Bethlehem in 1738.[4] Some writers have accepted the
+statement that Whitefield commenced the erection of a schoolhouse at
+Nazareth; others maintain that he failed to accomplish anything.[5] Be
+that as it may, accessible facts are sufficient to show that, unwise
+as was his policy of importing slaves, his intention was to improve
+their condition. It was because of this sentiment in Georgia in 1747,
+when slavery was finally introduced there, that the people through
+their representatives in convention recommended that masters should
+educate their young slaves, and do whatever they could to make
+religious impressions upon the minds of the aged. This favorable
+attitude of early Methodists toward Negroes caused them to consider
+the new churchmen their friends and made it easy for this sect to
+proselyte the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 128.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Equally interested in the Negroes were the Moravians who
+settled in the uplands of Pennsylvania and roamed over the hills of
+the Appalachian region as far south as Carolina. A painting of a
+group of their converts prior to 1747 shows among others two Negroes,
+Johannes of South Carolina and Jupiter of New York. See Hamilton,
+_History of the Church known as the Moravian_, p. 80; Plumer,
+_Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 3; Reichel,
+_The Moravians in North Carolina_, p. 139.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1869, p. 374.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+EDUCATION AS A RIGHT OF MAN
+
+
+In addition to the mere diffusion of knowledge as a means to teach
+religion there was a need of another factor to make the education of
+the Negroes thorough. This required force was supplied by the response
+of the colonists to the nascent social doctrine of the eighteenth
+century. During the French and Indian War there were set to work
+certain forces which hastened the social and political upheaval called
+the American Revolution. "Bigoted saints" of the more highly favored
+sects condescended to grant the rising denominations toleration,
+the aristocratic elements of colonial society deigned to look more
+favorably upon those of lower estate, and a large number of leaders
+began to think that the Negro should be educated and freed. To
+acquaint themselves with the claims of the underman Americans
+thereafter prosecuted more seriously the study of Coke, Milton, Locke,
+and Blackstone. The last of these was then read more extensively in
+the colonies than in Great Britain. Getting from these writers strange
+ideas of individual liberty and the social compact theory of man's
+making in a state of nature government deriving its power from the
+consent of the governed, the colonists contended more boldly than ever
+for religious freedom, industrial liberty, and political equality.
+Given impetus by the diffusion of these ideas, the revolutionary
+movement became productive of the spirit of universal benevolence.
+Hearing the contention for natural and inalienable rights, Nathaniel
+Appleton[1] and John Woolman,[2] were emboldened to carry these
+theories to their logical conclusion. They attacked not only the
+oppressors of the colonists but censured also those who denied the
+Negro race freedom of body and freedom of mind. When John Adams heard
+James Otis basing his argument against the writs of assistance on the
+British constitution "founded in the laws of nature," he "shuddered at
+the doctrine taught and the consequences that might be derived from
+such premises."[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 19, 20, 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Works of John Woolman_ in two parts, pp. 58 and 73;
+Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. x., p. 315; Moore,
+_Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+So effective was the attack on the institution of slavery and its
+attendant evils that interest in the question leaped the boundaries
+of religious organizations and became the concern of fair-minded men
+throughout the country. Not only did Northern men of the type of John
+Adams and James Otis express their opposition to this tyranny of men's
+bodies and minds, but Laurens, Henry, Wythe, Mason, and Washington
+pointed out the injustice of such a policy. Accordingly we find
+arrayed against the aristocratic masters almost all the leaders of the
+American Revolution.[1] They favored the policy, first, of suppressing
+the slave trade, next of emancipating the Negroes in bondage, and
+finally of educating them for a life of freedom.[2] While students of
+government were exposing the inconsistency of slaveholding among a
+people contending for political liberty, and men like Samuel Webster,
+James Swan, and Samuel Hopkins attacked the institution on economic
+grounds;[3] Jonathan Boucher,[4] Dr. Rush,[5] and Benjamin Franklin[6]
+were devising plans to educate slaves for freedom; and Isaac Tatem[7]
+and Anthony Benezet[8] were actually in the schoolroom endeavoring to
+enlighten their black brethren.
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Slavery_, etc., p. 82.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Smyth, _Works of
+Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431; Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol.
+ix., p. 163; Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 227;
+Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1794,
+1795, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Webster, _A Sermon Preached before the Honorable
+Council_, etc.; Webster, _Earnest Address to My Country on Slavery_;
+Swan, _A Dissuasion to Great Britain and the Colonies_; Hopkins,
+_Dialogue Concerning Slavery_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Boucher, _A View of the Causes and Consequences of the
+American Revolution_, p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Rush, _An Address to the Inhabitants of_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p. 23; vol. v., p.
+431.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., p. 250; _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of
+Ed_., 1869, p. 375; _African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61; Benezet,
+_Observations_; Benezet, _A Serious Address to the Rulers of
+America_.]
+
+The aim of these workers was not merely to enable the Negroes to take
+over sufficient of Western civilization to become nominal Christians,
+not primarily to increase their economic efficiency, but to enlighten
+them because they are men. To strengthen their position these
+defendants of the education of the blacks cited the customs of the
+Greeks and Romans, who enslaved not the minds and wills, but only the
+bodies of men. Nor did these benefactors fail to mention the cases of
+ancient slaves, who, having the advantages of education, became poets,
+teachers, and philosophers, instrumental in the diffusion of knowledge
+among the higher classes. There was still the idea of Cotton Mather,
+who was willing to treat his servants as part of the family, and to
+employ such of them as were competent to teach his children lessons of
+piety.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, appendix.]
+
+The chief objection of these reformers to slavery was that its victims
+had no opportunity for mental improvement. "Othello," a free person
+of color, contributing to the _American Museum_ in 1788, made the
+institution responsible for the intellectual rudeness of the Negroes
+who, though "naturally possessed of strong sagacity and lively parts,"
+were by law and custom prohibited from being instructed in any kind
+of learning.[1] He styled this policy an effort to bolster up an
+institution that extinguished the "divine spark of the slave, crushed
+the bud of his genius, and kept him unacquainted with the world." Dr.
+McLeod denounced slavery because it "debases a part of the human race"
+and tends "to destroy their intellectual powers."[2] "The slave from
+his infancy," continued he, "is obliged implicitly to obey the will of
+another. There is no circumstance which can stimulate him to exercise
+his intellectual powers." In his arraignment of this system Rev. David
+Rice complained that it was in the power of the master to deprive
+the slaves of all education, that they had not the opportunity for
+instructing conversation, that it was put out of their power to
+learn to read, and that their masters kept them from other means of
+information.[3] Slavery, therefore, must be abolished because it
+infringes upon the natural right of men to be enlightened.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The American Museum_, vol. iv., pp. 415 and 511.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: McLeod, _Negro Slavery_, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Rice, Speech in the Constitutional Convention of
+Kentucky, p. 5.]
+
+During this period religion as a factor in the educational progress of
+the Negroes was not eliminated. In fact, representative churchmen of
+the various sects still took the lead in advocating the enlightenment
+of the colored people. These protagonists, however, ceased to claim
+this boon merely as a divine right and demanded it as a social
+privilege. Some of the clergy then interested had not at first
+seriously objected to the enslavement of the African race, believing
+that the lot of these people would not be worse in this country where
+they might have an opportunity for enlightenment. But when this result
+failed to follow, and when the slavery of the Africans' bodies turned
+out to be the slavery of their minds, the philanthropic and religious
+proclaimed also the doctrine of enlightenment as a right of man.
+Desiring to see Negroes enjoy this privilege, Jonathan Boucher,[1] one
+of the most influential of the colonial clergymen, urged his hearers
+at the celebration of the Peace of 1763 to improve and emancipate
+their slaves that they might "participate in the general joy."
+With the hope of inducing men to discharge the same duty, Bishop
+Warburton[2] boldly asserted a few years later that slaves are
+"rational creatures endowed with all our qualities except that of
+color, and our brethren both by nature and grace." John Woolman,[3] a
+Quaker minister, influenced by the philosophy of John Locke, began to
+preach that liberty is the right of all men, and that slaves, being
+the fellow-creatures of their masters, had a natural right to be
+elevated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jonathan Boucher was a rector of the Established Church
+in Maryland. Though not a promoter of the movement for the political
+rights of the colonists, Boucher was, however, so moved by the spirit
+of uplift of the downtrodden that he takes front rank among those who,
+in emphasizing the rights of servants, caused a decided change in the
+attitude of white men toward the improvement of Negroes. Boucher was
+not an immediate abolitionist. He abhorred slavery, however, to the
+extent that he asserted that if ever the colonies would be improved to
+their utmost capacity, an essential part of that amelioration had
+to be the abolition of slavery. His chief concern then was the
+cultivation of the minds in order to make amends for the drudgery to
+their bodies. See Boucher, _Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 3: An influential minister of the Society of Friends and an
+extensive traveler through the colonies, Woolman had an opportunity to
+do much good in attacking the policy of those who kept their Negroes
+in deplorable ignorance, and in commending the good example of those
+who instructed their slaves in reading. In his _Considerations on the
+Keeping of Slaves_ he took occasion to praise the Friends of North
+Carolina for the unusual interest they manifested in the cause at
+their meetings during his travels in that colony about the year 1760.
+With such workers as Woolman in the field it is little wonder that
+Quakers thereafter treated slaves as brethren, alleviated their
+burdens, enlightened their minds, emancipated and cared for them until
+they could provide for themselves. See _Works of John Woolman_ in two
+parts, pp. 58 and 73.]
+
+Thus following the theories of the revolutionary leaders these
+liberal-minded men promulgated along with the doctrine of individual
+liberty that of the freedom of the mind. The best expression of this
+advanced idea came from the Methodist Episcopal Church, which reached
+the acme of antislavery sentiment in 1784. This sect then boldly
+declared: "We view it as contrary to the golden law of God and the
+prophets, and the inalienable rights of mankind as well as every
+principle of the Revolution to hold in deepest abasement, in a more
+abject slavery than is perhaps to be found in any part of the world,
+except America, so many souls that are capable of the image of
+God."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, pp.
+29 _et seq_.; McTyeire, _History of Methodism_, p. 28.]
+
+Frequently in contact with men who were advocating the right of the
+Negroes to be educated, statesmen as well as churchmen could not
+easily evade the question. Washington did not have much to say about
+it and did little more than to provide for the ultimate liberation of
+his slaves and the teaching of their children to read.[1] Less aid to
+this movement came from John Adams, although he detested slavery to
+the extent that he never owned a bondman, preferring to hire freemen
+at extra cost to do his work.[2] Adams made it clear that he favored
+gradual emancipation. But he neither delivered any inflammatory
+speeches against slaveholders neglectful of the instruction of their
+slaves, nor devised any scheme for their enjoyment of freedom. So was
+it with Hamilton who, as an advocate of the natural rights of man,
+opposed the institution of slavery, but, with the exception of what
+assistance he gave the New York African Free Schools[3] said and did
+little to promote the actual education of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: Lossing, _Life of George Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. viii., p. 379; vol.
+ix., p. 92; vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 57.]
+
+Madison in stating his position on this question was a little more
+definite than some of his contemporaries. Speaking of the necessary
+preparation of the colored people for emancipation he thought it was
+possible to determine the proper course of instruction. He believed,
+however, that, since the Negroes were to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period and to be within the
+jurisdiction of commonwealths recognizing ample authority over them,
+"a competent discipline" could not be impracticable. He said further
+that the "degree in which this discipline" would "enforce the needed
+labor and in which a voluntary industry" would "supply the defect of
+compulsory labor, were vital points on which it" might "not be safe
+to be very positive without some light from actual experiment."[1]
+Evidently he was of the opinion that the training of slaves to
+discharge later the duties of freemen was a difficult task but, if
+well planned and directed, could be made a success.
+
+[Footnote 1: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496.]
+
+No one of the great statesmen of this time was more interested in the
+enlightenment of the Negro than Benjamin Franklin.[1] He was for a
+long time associated with the friends of the colored people and turned
+out from his press such fiery anti-slavery pamphlets as those of Lay
+and Sandiford. Franklin also became one of the "Associates of Dr.
+Bray." Always interested in the colored schools of Philadelphia,
+the philosopher was, while in London, connected with the English
+"gentlemen concerned with the pious design,"[2] serving as chairman of
+the organization for the year 1760. He was a firm supporter of Anthony
+Benezet,[3] and was made president of the Abolition Society of
+Philadelphia which in 1774 founded a successful colored school.[4]
+This school was so well planned and maintained that it continued about
+a hundred years.
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. x., p. 127; and Wickersham, _History of
+Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+John Jay kept up his interest in the Negro race.[1] In the Convention
+of 1787 he coöperated with Gouverneur Morris, advocating the abolition
+of the slave trade and the rejection of the Federal ratio. His efforts
+in behalf of the colored people were actuated by his early conviction
+that the national character of this country could be retrieved only
+by abolishing the iniquitous traffic in human souls and improving
+the Negroes.[2] Showing his pity for the downtrodden people of color
+around him, Jay helped to promote the cause of the abolitionists of
+New York who established and supported several colored schools in
+that city. Such care was exercised in providing for the attendance,
+maintenance, and supervision of these schools that they soon took rank
+among the best in the United States.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _Works of John Jay_, vol. i., p. 136; vol. iii, p.
+331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iii., p. 343.]
+
+More interesting than the views of any other man of this epoch on the
+subject of Negro education were those of Thomas Jefferson. Born of
+pioneer parentage in the mountains of Virginia, Jefferson never
+lost his frontier democratic ideals which made him an advocate of
+simplicity, equality, and universal freedom. Having in mind when he
+wrote the Declaration of Independence the rights of the blacks as well
+as those of whites, this disciple of John Locke, could not but feel
+that the slaves of his day had a natural right to education and
+freedom. Jefferson said so much more on these important questions than
+his contemporaries that he would have been considered an abolitionist,
+had he lived in 1840.
+
+Giving his views on the enlightenment of the Negroes he asserted
+that the minds of the masters should be "apprized by reflection and
+strengthened by the energies of conscience against the obstacles of
+self-interest to an acquiescence in the rights of others." The owners
+would then permit their slaves to be "prepared by instruction and
+habit" for self-government, the honest pursuit of industry, and social
+duty.[1] In his scheme for a modern system of public schools Jefferson
+included the training of the slaves in industrial and agricultural
+branches to equip them for a higher station in life, else he thought
+they should be removed from the country when liberated.[2] Capable of
+mental development, as he had found certain men of color to be, the
+Sage of Monticello doubted at times that they could be made the
+intellectual equals of white men,[3] and did not actually advocate
+their incorporation into the body politic.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. viii., p. 380; and Mayo, _Educational
+Movement in the South_, p. 37.]
+
+[Footnote 3: As to what Jefferson thought of the Negro intellect
+we are still in doubt. Writing in 1791 to Banneker, the Negro
+mathematician and astronomer, he said that nobody wished to see more
+than he such proofs as Banneker exhibited that nature has given to our
+black brethren talents equal to those of men of other colors, and that
+the appearance of a lack of such native ability was owing only to
+their degraded condition in Africa and America. Jefferson expressed
+himself as being ardently desirous of seeing a good system commenced
+for raising the condition both of the body and the mind of the slaves
+to what it ought to be as fast as the "imbecility" of their then
+existence and other circumstances, which could not be neglected, would
+admit. Replying to Grégoire of Paris, who wrote an interesting essay
+on the _Literature of Negroes_, showing the power of their intellect,
+Jefferson assured him that no person living wished more sincerely
+than he to see a complete refutation of the doubts he himself had
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on a par
+with white men. These doubts, he said, were the result of personal
+observations in the limited sphere of his own State where "the
+opportunities for the development of their genius were not favorable,
+and those of exercising it still less so." He said that he had
+expressed them with great hesitation; but "whatever be the degree of
+their talent, it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac
+Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefore
+lord of the person or property of others." In this respect he believed
+they were gaining daily in the opinions of nations, and hopeful
+advances were being made toward their reëstablishment on an equal
+footing with other colors of the human family. He prayed, therefore,
+that God might accept his thanks for enabling him to observe the "many
+instances of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which could
+not fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief." Yet
+a few days later when writing to Joel Barlow, Jefferson referred to
+Bishop Grégoire's essay and expressed his doubt that this pamphlet was
+weighty evidence of the intellect of the Negro. He said that the whole
+did not amount in point of evidence to what they themselves knew of
+Banneker. He conceded that Banneker had spherical knowledge enough to
+make almanacs, but not without the suspicion of aid from Ellicott
+who was his neighbor and friend, and never missed an opportunity of
+puffing him. Referring to the letter he received from Banneker, he
+said it showed the writer to have a mind of very common stature
+indeed. See Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. v., pp. 429 and
+503.]
+
+So much progress in the improvement of slaves was effected with all of
+these workers in the field that conservative southerners in the midst
+of the antislavery agitation contented themselves with the thought
+that radical action was not necessary, as the institution would
+of itself soon pass away. Legislatures passed laws facilitating
+manumission,[1] many southerners emancipated their slaves to give them
+a better chance to improve their condition, regulations unfavorable to
+the assembly of Negroes for the dissemination of information almost
+fell into desuetude, a larger number of masters began to instruct
+their bondmen, and persons especially interested in these unfortunates
+found the objects of their piety more accessible.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Locke, Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 220;
+Johann Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+Not all slaveholders, however, were thus induced to respect this new
+right claimed for the colored people. Georgia and South Carolina
+were exceptional in that they were not sufficiently stirred by the
+revolutionary movement to have much compassion for this degraded
+class. The attitude of the people of Georgia, however, was then more
+favorable than that of the South Carolinians.[1] Nevertheless, the
+Georgia planters near the frontier were not long in learning that the
+general enlightenment of the Negroes would endanger the institution of
+slavery. Accordingly, in 1770, at the very time when radical reformers
+were clamoring for the rights of man, Georgia, following in the wake
+of South Carolina, reënacted its act of 1740 which imposed a penalty
+on any one who should teach or cause slaves to be taught or employ
+them "in any manner of writing whatever."[2] The penalty, however,
+was less than that imposed in South Carolina.[3] The same measure
+terminated the helpful mingling of slaves by providing for their
+dispersion when assembled for the old-time "love feast" emphasized so
+much among the rising Methodists of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: The laws of Georgia were not so harsh as those of South
+Carolina. A larger number of intelligent persons of color were
+found in the rural districts of Georgia. Charleston, however, was
+exceptional in that its Negroes had unusual educational advantages.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statutes of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+Those advocating the imposition of restraints upon Negroes acquiring
+knowledge were not, however, confined to South Carolina and Georgia
+where the malevolent happened to be in the majority. The other States
+had not seen the last of the generation of those who doubted that
+education would fit the slaves for the exalted position of citizens.
+The retrogressives made much of the assertion that adult slaves lately
+imported, were, on account of their attachment to heathen practices
+and idolatrous rites, loath to take over the Teutonic civilization,
+and would at best learn to speak the English language imperfectly
+only.[1] The reformers, who at times admitted this, maintained that
+the alleged difficulties encountered in teaching the crudest element
+of the slaves could not be adduced as an argument against the
+religious instruction of free Negroes and the education of the
+American born colored children.[2] This problem, however, was not a
+serious one in most Northern States, for the reason that the small
+number of slaves in that section obviated the necessity for much
+apprehension as to what kind of education the blacks should have,
+and whether they should be enlightened before or after emancipation.
+Although the Northern people believed that the education of the race
+should be definitely planned, and had much to say about industrial
+education, most of them were of the opinion that ordinary training
+in the fundamentals of useful knowledge and in the principles of
+Christian religion, was sufficient to meet the needs of those
+designated for freedom.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Porteus, _Works of_, vol. vi., p. 177; Warburton, _A
+Sermon_, etc., pp. 25 and 27.]
+
+On the other hand, most southerners who conceded the right of the
+Negro to be educated did not openly aid the movement except with the
+understanding that the enlightened ones should be taken from their
+fellows and colonized in some remote part of the United States or
+in their native land.[1] The idea of colonization, however, was not
+confined to the southern slaveholders, for Thornton, Fothergill, and
+Granville Sharp had long looked to Africa as the proper place for
+enlightened people of color.[2] Feeling that it would be wrong to
+expatriate them, Benezet and Branagan[3] advocated the colonization of
+such Negroes on the public lands west of the Alleghanies. There was
+some talk of giving slaves training in the elements of agriculture
+and then dividing plantations among them to develop a small class of
+tenants. Jefferson, a member of a committee appointed in 1779 by the
+General Assembly of that commonwealth to revise its laws, reported a
+plan providing for the instruction of its slaves in agriculture and
+the handicrafts to prepare them for liberation and colonization under
+the supervision of the home government until they could take care of
+themselves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., pp. 261, 266, 292,
+295, 321, 322, 336, 338, 349, 351, 352, 353, 378.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _Travels_, vol. i., p. 262.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Tyrannical Libertymen_, pp. 10-11; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 31-32; Branagan, _Serious Remonstrance_, p.
+18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iii., p. 296; vol.
+iv., p. 291 and vol. viii., p. 380.]
+
+Without resorting to the subterfuge of colonization, not a few
+slaveholders were still wise enough to show why the improvement of the
+Negroes should be neglected altogether. Vanquished by the logic of
+Daniel Davis[1] and Benjamin Rush,[2] those who had theretofore
+justified slavery on the ground that it gave the bondmen a chance to
+be enlightened, fell back on the theory of African racial inferiority.
+This they said was so well exhibited by the Negroes' lack of
+wisdom and of goodness that continued heathenism of the race was
+justifiable.[3] Answering these inconsistent persons, John Wesley
+inquired: "Allowing them to be as stupid as you say, to whom is that
+stupidity owing? Without doubt it lies altogether at the door of the
+inhuman masters who give them no opportunity for improving their
+understanding and indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or
+fear to attempt any such thing." Wesley asserted, too, that the
+Africans were in no way remarkable for their stupidity while they
+remained in their own country, and that where they had equal motives
+and equal means of improvement, the Negroes were not only not inferior
+to the better inhabitants of Europe, but superior to some of them.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Davis was a logical antislavery agitator. He believed
+that if the slaves had had the means of education, if they had been
+treated with humanity, making slaves of them had been no more than
+doing evil that good might come. He thought that Christianity and
+humanity would have rather dictated the sending of books and teachers
+into Africa and endeavors for their salvation.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benjamin Rush was a Philadelphia physician of Quaker
+parentage. He was educated at the College of New Jersey and at the
+Medical School of Edinburgh, where he came into contact with some of
+the most enlightened men of his time. Holding to the ideals of his
+youth, Dr. Rush was soon associated with the friends of the Negroes on
+his return to Philadelphia. He not only worked for the abolition of
+the slave trade but fearlessly advocated the right of the Negroes
+to be educated. He pointed out that an inquiry into the methods of
+converting Negroes to Christianity would show that the means were
+ill suited to the end proposed. "In many cases," said he, "Sunday
+is appropriated to work for themselves. Reading and writing are
+discouraged among them. A belief is inculcated among some that they
+have no souls. In a word, every attempt to instruct or convert them
+has been constantly opposed by their masters." See Rush, _An Address
+to the Inhabitants_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-97.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wesley, _Thoughts upon Slavery_, p. 92.]
+
+William Pinkney, the antislavery leader of Maryland, believed also
+that Negroes are no worse than white people under similar conditions,
+and that all the colored people needed to disprove their so-called
+inferiority was an equal chance with the more favored race.[1] Others
+like George Buchanan referred to the Negroes' talent for the fine arts
+and to their achievements in literature, mathematics, and philosophy.
+Buchanan informed these merciless aristocrats "that the Africans
+whom you despise, whom you inhumanly treat as brutes and whom you
+unlawfully subject to slavery with tyrannizing hands of despots are
+equally capable of improvement with yourselves."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pinkney, _Speech in Maryland House of Delegates_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Buchanan, _An Oration on the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_, p. 10.]
+
+Franklin considered the idea of the natural inferiority of the
+Negro as a silly excuse. He conceded that most of the blacks were
+improvident and poor, but believed that their condition was not due to
+deficient understanding but to their lack of education. He was very
+much impressed with their achievements in music.[1] So disgusting was
+this notion of inferiority to Abbé Grégoire of Paris that he wrote an
+interesting essay on "Negro Literature" to prove that people of color
+have unusual intellectual power.[2] He sent copies of this pamphlet
+to leading men where slavery existed. Another writer discussing
+Jefferson's equivocal position on this question said that one would
+have thought that "modern philosophy himself" would not have the face
+to expect that the wretch, who is driven out to labor at the dawn of
+day, and who toils until evening with a whip over his head, ought to
+be a poet. Benezet, who had actually taught Negroes, declared "with
+truth and sincerity" that he had found among them as great variety of
+talents as among a like number of white persons. He boldly asserted
+that the notion entertained by some that the blacks were inferior
+in their capacities was a vulgar prejudice founded on the pride or
+ignorance of their lordly masters who had kept their slaves at such a
+distance as to be unable to form a right judgment of them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. vi., p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Grégoire, _La Littérature des Nègres_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ACTUAL EDUCATION
+
+
+Would these professions of interest in the mental development of the
+blacks be translated into action? What these reformers would do to
+raise the standard of Negro education above the plane of rudimentary
+training incidental to religious instruction, was yet to be seen.
+Would they secure to Negroes the educational privileges guaranteed
+other elements of society? The answer, if not affirmative, was
+decidedly encouraging. The idea uppermost in the minds of these
+workers was that the people of color could and should be educated as
+other races of men.
+
+In the lead of this movement were the antislavery agitators.
+Recognizing the Negroes' need of preparation for citizenship, the
+abolitionists proclaimed as a common purpose of their organizations
+the education of the colored people with a view to developing in them
+self-respect, self-support, and usefulness in the community.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. x., p. 127;
+Torrey, _Portraiture of Slavery_, p. 21. See also constitution of
+almost any antislavery society organized during this period.]
+
+The proposition to cultivate the minds of the slaves came as a happy
+solution of what had been a perplexing problem. Many Americans who
+considered slavery an evil had found no way out of the difficulty when
+the alternative was to turn loose upon society so many uncivilized men
+without the ability to discharge the duties of citizenship.[1] Assured
+then that the efforts at emancipation would be tested by experience,
+a larger number of men advocated abolition. These leaders recommended
+gradual emancipation for States having a large slave population, that
+those designated for freedom might first be instructed in the value
+and meaning of liberty to render them comfortable in the use of it.[2]
+The number of slaves in the States adopting the policy of immediate
+emancipation was not considered a menace to society, for the schools
+already open to colored people could exert a restraining influence
+on those lately given the boon of freedom. For these reasons the
+antislavery societies had in their constitutions a provision for
+a committee of education to influence Negroes to attend school,
+superintend their instruction, and emphasize the cultivation of the
+mind as the necessary preparation for "that state in society upon
+which depends our political happiness."[3] Much stress was laid upon
+this point by the American Convention of Abolition Societies in 1794
+and 1795 when the organization expressed the hope that freedmen might
+participate in civil rights as fast as they qualified by education.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456;
+vol. viii., p. 379; Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Monroe,
+_Writings of_, vol. iii., pp. 321, 336, 349, 378; Adams, _Works of
+John Adams_, vol. ix., p. 92 and vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797,
+address.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The constitution of almost any antislavery society of
+that time provided for this work. See _Proc. of Am. Conv._, etc.,
+1795, address.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794, p. 21; and 1795, p. 17; and _Rise and Progress of
+the Testimony of Friends_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This work was organized by the abolitionists but was generally
+maintained by members of the various sects which did more for
+the enlightenment of the people of color through the antislavery
+organizations than through their own.[1] The support of the clergy,
+however, did not mean that the education of the Negroes would continue
+incidental to the teaching of religion. The blacks were to be accepted
+as brethren and trained to be useful citizens. For better education
+the colored people could then look to the more liberal sects, the
+Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians, who prior to
+the Revolution had been restrained by intolerance from extensive
+proselyting. Upon the attainment of religious liberty they were free
+to win over the slaveholders who came into the Methodist and Baptist
+churches in large numbers, bringing their slaves with them.[2] The
+freedom of these "regenerated" churches made possible the rise of
+Negro exhorters and preachers, who to exercise their gifts managed in
+some way to learn to read and write. Schools for the training of such
+leaders were not to be found, but to encourage ambitious blacks to
+qualify themselves white ministers often employed such candidates
+as attendants, allowing them time to observe, to study, and even to
+address their audiences.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The antislavery societies were at first the uniting
+influence among all persons interested in the uplift of the Negroes.
+The agitation had not then become violent, for men considered the
+institution not a sin but merely an evil.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coke, _Journal_, etc., p. 114; Lambert, _Travels_,
+p. 175; Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp. 381, 387 and 816; James,
+_Documentary_, etc., p. 35; Foote, _Sketches of Virginia_, p. 31;
+Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, p. 31; Semple,
+_History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia_, p.
+222.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, and Coke, _Journal_, etc., pp. 16-18.]
+
+It must be observed, however, that the interest of these benevolent
+men was no longer manifested in the mere traditional teaching of
+individual slaves. The movement ceased to be the concern of separate
+philanthropists. Men really interested in the uplift of the colored
+people organized to raise funds, open schools, and supervise their
+education.[1] In the course of time their efforts became more
+systematic and consequently more successful. These educators adopted
+the threefold policy of instructing Negroes in the principles of
+the Christian religion, giving them the fundamentals of the common
+branches, and teaching them the most useful handicrafts.[2] The
+indoctrination of the colored people, to be sure, was still an
+important concern to their teachers, but the accession to their ranks
+of a militant secular element caused the emphasis to shift to other
+phases of education. Seeing the Negroes' need of mental development,
+the Presbyterian Synod of New York and Pennsylvania urged the members
+of that denomination in 1787 to give their slaves "such good education
+as to prepare them for a better enjoyment of freedom."[3] In reply to
+the inquiry as to what could be done to teach the poor black and white
+children to read, the Methodist Conference of 1790 recommended the
+establishment of Sunday schools and the appointment of persons to
+teach gratis "all that will attend and have a capacity to learn."[4]
+The Conference recommended that the Church publish a special text-book
+to teach these children learning as well as piety.[5] Men in the
+political world were also active. In 1788 the State of New Jersey
+passed an act preliminary to emancipation, making the teaching of
+slaves to read compulsory under a penalty of five pounds.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Story of the Negro_, vol. ii, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Laws of New Jersey, 1788.]
+
+With such influence brought to bear on persons in the various walks of
+life, the movement for the effective education of the colored people
+became more extensive. Voicing the sentiment of the different local
+organizations, the American Convention of Abolition Societies of 1794
+urged the branches to have the children of free Negroes and slaves
+instructed in "common literature."[1] Two years later the Abolition
+Society of the State of Maryland proposed to establish an academy to
+offer this kind of instruction. To execute this scheme the American
+Convention thought that it was expedient to employ regular tutors,
+to form private associations of their members or other well-disposed
+persons for the purpose of instructing the people of color in the most
+simple branches of education.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1796, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 41.]
+
+The regular tutors referred to above were largely indentured servants
+who then constituted probably the majority of the teachers of the
+colonies.[1] In 1773 Jonathan Boucher said that two thirds of the
+teachers of Maryland belonged to this class.[2] The contact of Negroes
+with these servants is significant. In the absence of rigid caste
+distinctions they associated with the slaves and the barrier between
+them was so inconsiderable that laws had to be passed to prevent the
+miscegenation of the races. The blacks acquired much useful knowledge
+from servant teachers and sometimes assisted them.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the descriptions of indentured servants in the
+advertisements of colonial newspapers referred to on pages 82-84; and
+Boucher, _A View of the Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 39 and 40.]
+
+Attention was directed also to the fact that neither literary nor
+religious education prepared the Negroes for a life of usefulness.
+Heeding the advice of Kosciuszko, Madison and Jefferson, the advocates
+of the education of the Negroes endeavored to give them such practical
+training as their peculiar needs demanded. In the agricultural
+sections the first duty of the teacher of the blacks was to show them
+how to get their living from the soil. This was the final test of
+their preparation for emancipation. Accordingly, on large plantations
+where much supervision was necessary, trustworthy Negroes were trained
+as managers. Many of those who showed aptitude were liberated and
+encouraged to produce for themselves. Slaves designated for freedom
+were often given small parcels of land for the cultivation of which
+they were allowed some of their time. An important result of this
+agricultural training was that many of the slaves thus favored amassed
+considerable wealth by using their spare time in cultivating crops of
+their own.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 196.]
+
+
+The advocates of useful education for the degraded race had more to
+say about training in the mechanic arts. Such instruction, however,
+was not then a new thing to the blacks of the South, for they had from
+time immemorial been the trustworthy artisans of that section. The aim
+then was to give them such education as would make them intelligent
+workmen and develop in them the power to plan for themselves. In the
+North, where the Negroes had been largely menial servants, adequate
+industrial education was deemed necessary for those who were to be
+liberated.[1] Almost every Northern colored school of any consequence
+then offered courses in the handicrafts. In 1784 the Quakers of
+Philadelphia employed Sarah Dwight to teach the colored girls
+sewing.[2] Anthony Benezet provided in his will that in the school
+to be established by his benefaction the girls should be taught
+needlework.[3] The teachers who took upon themselves the improvement
+of the free people of color of New York City regarded industrial
+training as one of their important tasks.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the _Address of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794; _ibid._, 1795; _ibid._, 1797 _et passim._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1869, p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+None urged this duty upon the directors of these schools more
+persistently than the antislavery organizations. In 1794 the American
+Convention of Abolition Societies recommended that Negroes be
+instructed in "those mechanic arts which will keep them most
+constantly employed and, of course, which will less subject them to
+idleness and debauchery, and thus prepare them for becoming good
+citizens of the United States."[1] Speaking repeatedly on this wise
+the Convention requested the colored people to let it be their special
+care to have their children not only to work at useful trades but also
+to till the soil.[2] The early abolitionists believed that this was
+the only way the freedmen could learn to support themselves.[3]
+In connection with their schools the antislavery leaders had an
+Indenturing Committee to find positions for colored students who had
+the advantages of industrial education.[4] In some communities slaves
+were prepared for emancipation by binding them out as apprentices to
+machinists and artisans until they learned a trade.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, 1794, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1795, p. 29; _ibid._, 1797, pp. 12, 13, and 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 1818, p. 9.]
+
+Two early efforts to carry out this policy are worthy of notice here.
+These were the endeavors of Anthony Benezet and Thaddeus Kosciuszko.
+Benezet was typical of those men, who, having the courage of their
+conviction, not only taught colored people, but gladly appropriated
+property to their education. Benezet died in 1784, leaving
+considerable wealth to be devoted to the purpose of educating Indians
+and Negroes. His will provided that as the estate on the death of
+his wife would not be sufficient entirely to support a school, the
+Overseers of the Public Schools of Philadelphia should join with a
+committee appointed by the Society of Friends, and other benevolent
+persons, in the care and maintenance of an institution such as he
+had planned. Finally in 1787 the efforts of Benezet reached their
+culmination in the construction of a schoolhouse, with additional
+funds obtained from David Barclay of London and Thomas Sidney, a
+colored man of Philadelphia. The pupils of this school were to study
+reading, writing, arithmetic, plain accounts, and sewing.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+With respect to conceding the Negroes' claim to a better education,
+Thaddeus Kosciuszko, the Polish general, was not unlike Benezet. None
+of the revolutionary leaders were more moved with compassion for the
+colored people than this warrior. He saw in education the powerful
+leverage which would place them in position to enjoy the newly won
+rights of man. While assisting us in gaining our independence,
+Kosciuszko acquired here valuable property which he endeavored to
+devote to the enlightenment of the slaves. He authorized Thomas
+Jefferson, his executor, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes and liberating them in the name of Kosciuszko, "in giving them
+an education in trades or otherwise, and in having them instructed for
+their new condition in the duties of morality." The instructors were
+to provide for them such training as would make them "good neighbors,
+good mothers or fathers, good husbands or wives, teaching them the
+duties of citizenship, teaching them to be defenders of their liberty
+and country, and of the good order of society, and whatsoever might
+make them useful and happy."[1] Clearly as this was set forth the
+executor failed to discharge this duty enjoined upon him. The heirs of
+the donor instituted proceedings to obtain possession of the estate,
+which, so far as the author knows, was never used for the purpose for
+which it was intended.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xi., pp. 294-295.]
+
+In view of these numerous strivings we are compelled to inquire
+exactly what these educators accomplished. Although it is impossible
+to measure the results of their early efforts, various records of the
+eighteenth century prove that there was lessening objection to the
+instruction of slaves and practically none to the enlightenment of
+freedmen. Negroes in considerable numbers were becoming well grounded
+in the rudiments of education. They had reached the point of
+constituting the majority of the mechanics in slaveholding
+communities; they were qualified to be tradesmen, trustworthy helpers,
+and attendants of distinguished men, and a few were serving as clerks,
+overseers, and managers.[1] Many who were favorably circumstanced
+learned more than mere reading and writing. In exceptional cases, some
+were employed not only as teachers and preachers to their people, but
+as instructors of the white race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Georgia and South Carolina had to pass laws to prevent
+Negroes from following these occupations for fear that they might
+thereby become too well informed. See Brevard, _Digest of Public
+Statute Laws of S.C._, vol. ii., p. 243; and Marbury and Crawford,
+_Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; manuscripts
+relating to the condition of the colored people of North Carolina,
+Ohio, and Tennessee now in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moorland.]
+
+A more accurate estimate of how far the enlightenment of the Negroes
+had progressed before the close of the eighteenth century, is better
+obtained from the reports of teachers and missionaries who were
+working among them. Appealing to the Negroes of Virginia about 1755,
+Benjamin Fawcett addressed them as intelligent people, commanding
+them to read and study the Bible for themselves and consider "how
+the Papists do all they can to hide it from their fellowmen." "Be
+particularly thankful," said he, "for the Ministers of Christ around
+you, who are faithfully laboring to teach the truth as it is in
+Jesus."[1] Rev. Mr. Davies, then a member of the Society for Promoting
+the Gospel among the Poor, reported that there were multitudes of
+Negroes in different parts of Virginia who were "willingly, eagerly
+desirous to be instructed and embraced every opportunity of
+acquainting themselves with the Doctrine of the Gospel," and though
+they had generally very little help to learn to read, yet to his
+surprise many of them by dint of application had made such progress
+that they could "intelligently read a plain author and especially
+their Bible." Pity it was, he thought, that any of them should be
+without necessary books. Negroes were wont to come to him with such
+moving accounts of their needs in this respect that he could not help
+supplying them.[2] On Saturday evenings and Sundays his home was
+crowded with numbers of those "whose very Countenances still carry the
+air of importunate Petitioners" for the same favors with those who
+came before them. Complaining that his stock was exhausted, and that
+he had to turn away many disappointed, he urged his friends to send
+him other suitable books, for nothing else, thought he, could be a
+greater inducement to their industry to learn to read.
+
+[Footnote 1: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Still more reliable testimony may be obtained, not from persons
+particularly interested in the uplift of the blacks, but from
+slaveholders. Their advertisements in the colonial newspapers furnish
+unconscious evidence of the intellectual progress of the Negroes
+during the eighteenth century. "He's an 'artful,'"[1] "plausible,"[2]
+"smart,"[3] or "sensible fellow,"[4] "delights much in traffic,"[5]
+and "plays on the fife extremely well,"[6] are some of the statements
+found in the descriptions of fugitive slaves. Other fugitives were
+speaking "plainly,"[7] "talking indifferent English,"[8] "remarkably
+good English,"[9] and "exceedingly good English."[10] In some
+advertisements we observe such expressions as "he speaks a little
+French,"[11] "Creole French,"[12] "a few words of High-Dutch,"[13] and
+"tolerable German."[14] Writing about a fugitive a master would often
+state that "he can read print,"[15] "can read writing,"[16] "can read
+and also write a little,"[17] "can read and write,"[18] "can write
+a pretty hand and has probably forged a pass."[19] These conditions
+obtained especially in Charleston, South Carolina, where were
+advertised various fugitives, one of whom spoke French and English
+fluently, and passed for a doctor among his people,[20] another who
+spoke Spanish and French intelligibly,[21] and a third who could read,
+write, and speak both French and Spanish very well.[22]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800; _The
+Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and
+Baltimore Advertiser_, July 23, 1776; _The State Gazette of South
+Carolina_, May 18, 1786; _The State Gazette of North Carolina_, July
+2, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston,
+S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797, and _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Charleston Courier_, June 1, 1804; _The State
+Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20, and 27, 1786; and _The Maryland
+Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Feb. 19 and April 2,
+1783; _State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and May 18, 1786.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advocate_, Oct. 17,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800;
+and _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 20 and
+March 1, 1800; and _The South Carolina Weekly Gazette_, Oct. 24 to 31,
+1759.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _The City Gaz. and Daily Adv._, Jan. 20 and March 1,
+1800; and _S.C. Weekly Gaz._, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _The Newbern Gazette_, May 23 and Aug. 15, 1800; _The
+Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793; _The City
+Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston, S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797; Oct.
+5, 1798; Aug. 23 and Sept. 9, 1799; Aug. 18 and Oct. 3, 1800; and
+March 7, 1801; and _Maryland Gazette_, Dec. 30, 1746; and April 4,
+1754; _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759; and
+Feb. 19, 1783; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Sept. 13
+and Nov. 1, 1784; and _The Carolina Gazette_, Aug. 12, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 26, 1797;
+May 15, 1799; and Oct. 3, 1800; _The State Gazette of South Carolina_,
+Aug. 21, 1786; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug. 26,
+1784; _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 1, 1754; Oct. 28, 1773; and Aug.
+19, 1784; and _The Columbian Herald_, April 30, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 11: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798;
+Aug. 18 and Sept. 18, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South
+Carolina_, Aug. 16, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 12: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 19, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 14: _The State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and 27,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780. _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser_, July
+23, 1776.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21, 1795.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780; and Sept. 20, 1785; and _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21,
+1795; and January 4, 1798; _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802; and
+_The Charleston Courier_, June 29, 1803. _The Norfolk and Portsmouth
+Chronicle_, March 19, 1791.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; and Oct. 27,
+1768; _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct. 1, 1793;
+_The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 19: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 1, 1755 and Feb. 1, 1798;
+_The State Gazette of North Carolina_, April 30, 1789; _The Norfolk
+and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790; _The City Gazette and Daily
+Advertiser_ (Charleston, South Carolina), Jan. 5, 1799; and March 7,
+1801; _The Carolina Gazette_, Feb. 4, 1802; and _The Virginia Herald_
+(Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 5, 1799;
+and March 5, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug.
+16, 1784; and _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Sept.
+20, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _The City Gazette of South Carolina_, Jan. 5, 1799.]
+
+[Footnote 22: The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, South
+Carolina), June 22 and Aug. 8, 1797; April 1 and May 15, 1799.]
+
+Equally convincing as to the educational progress of the colored race
+were the high attainments of those Negroes who, despite the fact that
+they had little opportunity, surpassed in intellect a large number of
+white men of their time. Negroes were serving as salesmen, keeping
+accounts, managing plantations, teaching and preaching, and had
+intellectually advanced to the extent that fifteen or twenty per cent.
+of their adults could then at least read. Most of this talented class
+became preachers, as this was the only calling even conditionally
+open to persons of African blood. Among these clergymen was George
+Leile,[1] who won distinction as a preacher in Georgia in 1782, and
+then went to Jamaica where he founded the first Baptist church of that
+colony. The competent and indefatigable Andrew Bryan[2] proved to be a
+worthy successor of George Leile in Georgia. From 1770 to 1790 Negro
+preachers were in charge of congregations in Charles City, Petersburg,
+and Allen's Creek in Lunenburg County, Virginia.[3] In 1801 Gowan
+Pamphlet of that State was the pastor of a progressive Baptist church,
+some members of which could read, write, and keep accounts.[4] Lemuel
+Haynes was then widely known as a well-educated minister of the
+Protestant Episcopal Church. John Gloucester, who had been trained
+under Gideon Blackburn of Tennessee, distinguished himself in
+Philadelphia where he founded the African Presbyterian Church.[5] One
+of the most interesting of these preachers was Josiah Bishop. By 1791
+he had made such a record in his profession that he was called to
+the pastorate of the First Baptist Church (white) of Portsmouth,
+Virginia.[6] After serving his white brethren a number of years he
+preached some time in Baltimore and then went to New York to take
+charge of the Abyssinian Baptist Church.[7] This favorable condition
+of affairs could not long exist after the aristocratic element in the
+country began to recover some of the ground it had lost during the
+social upheaval of the revolutionary era. It was the objection to
+treating Negroes as members on a plane of equality with all, that led
+to the establishment of colored Baptist churches and to the secession
+of the Negro Methodists under the leadership of Richard Allen in 1794.
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that a larger number of Negroes had to be educated to carry
+on the work of the new churches.
+
+[Footnote 1: He was sometimes called George Sharp. See Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 817.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+The intellectual progress of the colored people of that day, however,
+was not restricted to their clergymen. Other Negroes were learning to
+excel in various walks of life. Two such persons were found in North
+Carolina. One of these was known as Caesar, the author of a collection
+of poems, which, when published in that State, attained a popularity
+equal to that of Bloomfield's.[1] Those who had the pleasure of
+reading the poems stated that they were characterized by "simplicity,
+purity, and natural grace."[2] The other noted Negro of North Carolina
+was mentioned in 1799 by Buchan in his _Domestic Medicine_ as the
+discoverer of a remedy for the bite of the rattlesnake. Buchan learned
+from Dr. Brooks that, in view of the benefits resulting from the
+discovery of this slave, the General Assembly of North Carolina
+purchased his freedom and settled upon him a hundred pounds per
+annum.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _A Tour in the U.S._, p. 109; and Baldwin,
+_Observations_, p. 20.]
+
+To this class of bright Negroes belonged Thomas Fuller, a native
+African, who resided near Alexandria, Virginia, where he startled
+the students of his time by his unusual attainments in mathematics,
+despite the fact that he could neither read nor write. Once acquainted
+with the power of numbers, he commenced his education by counting the
+hairs of the tail of the horse with which he worked the fields. He
+soon devised processes for shortening his modes of calculation,
+attaining such skill and accuracy as to solve the most difficult
+problems. Depending upon his own system of mental arithmetic he
+learned to obtain accurate results just as quickly as Mr. Zerah
+Colburn, a noted calculator of that day, who tested the Negro
+mathematician.[1] The most abstruse questions in relation to time,
+distance, and space were no task for his miraculous memory, which,
+when the mathematician was interrupted in the midst of a long and
+tedious calculation, enabled him to take up some other work and later
+resume his calculation where he left off.[2] One of the questions
+propounded him, was how many seconds of time had elapsed since the
+birth of an individual who had lived seventy years, seven months, and
+as many days. Fuller was able to answer the question in a minute and a
+half.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Needles, _An Historical Memoir_, etc., p. 32.]
+
+Another Negro of this type was James Durham, a native slave of the
+city of Philadelphia. Durham was purchased by Dr. Dove, a physician
+in New Orleans, who, seeing the divine spark in the slave, gave him
+a chance for mental development. It was fortunate that he was thrown
+upon his own resources in this environment, where the miscegenation
+of the races since the early French settlement, had given rise to a
+thrifty and progressive class of mixed breeds, many of whom at that
+time had the privileges and immunities of freemen. Durham was not long
+in acquiring a rudimentary education, and soon learned several modern
+languages, speaking English, French, and Spanish fluently. Beginning
+his medical education early in his career, he finished his course,
+and by the time he was twenty-one years of age became one of the most
+distinguished physicians[1] of New Orleans. Dr. Benjamin Rush, the
+noted physician of Philadelphia, who was educated at the Edinburgh
+Medical College, once deigned to converse professionally with Dr.
+Durham. "I learned more from him than he could expect from me," was
+the comment of the Philadelphian upon a conversation in which he had
+thought to appear as instructor of the younger physician.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 17.]
+
+Most prominent among these brainy persons of color were Phyllis
+Wheatley and Benjamin Banneker. The former was a slave girl brought
+from Africa in 1761 and put to service in the household of John
+Wheatley of Boston. There, without any training but that which she
+obtained from her master's family, she learned in sixteen months to
+speak the English language fluently, and to read the most difficult
+parts of sacred writings. She had a great inclination for Latin and
+made some progress in the study of that language. Led to writing by
+curiosity, she was by 1765 possessed of a style which enabled her to
+count among her correspondents some of the most influential men of her
+time. Phyllis Wheatley's title to fame, however, rested not on her
+general attainments as a scholar but rather on her ability to write
+poetry. Her poems seemed to have such rare merit that men marveled
+that a slave could possess such a productive imagination, enlightened
+mind, and poetical genius. The publishers were so much surprised that
+they sought reassurance as to the authenticity of the poems from such
+persons as James Bowdoin, Harrison Gray, and John Hancock.[1] Glancing
+at her works, the modern critic would readily say that she was not a
+poetess, just as the student of political economy would dub Adam Smith
+a failure as an economist. A bright college freshman who has studied
+introductory economics can write a treatise as scientific as the
+_Wealth of Nations_. The student of history, however, must not
+"despise the day of small things." Judged according to the standards
+of her time, Phyllis Wheatley was an exceptionally intellectual
+person.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 18; Wright, _Poems of
+Phyllis Wheatley_, Introduction.]
+
+The other distinguished Negro, Benjamin Banneker, was born in
+Baltimore County, Maryland, November 9, 1731, near the village of
+Ellicott Mills. Banneker was sent to school in the neighborhood, where
+he learned reading, writing, and arithmetic. Determined to acquire
+knowledge while toiling, he applied his mind to things intellectual,
+cultivated the power of observation, and developed a retentive memory.
+These acquirements finally made him tower above all other American
+scientists of his time with the possible exception of Benjamin
+Franklin. In conformity with his desire to do and create, his tendency
+was toward mathematics. Although he had never seen a clock, watches
+being the only timepieces in the vicinity, he made in 1770 the first
+clock manufactured in the United States,[1] thereby attracting the
+attention of the scientific world. Learning these things, the owner of
+Ellicott Mills became very much interested in this man of inventive
+genius, lent him books, and encouraged him in his chosen field.
+Among these volumes were treatises on astronomy, which Banneker soon
+mastered without any instruction.[2] Soon he could calculate eclipses
+of sun and moon and the rising of each star with an accuracy almost
+unknown to Americans. Despite his limited means, he secured through
+Goddard and Angell of Baltimore the publication of the first almanac
+produced in this country. Jefferson received from Banneker a copy,
+for which he wrote the author a letter of thanks. It appears that
+Jefferson had some doubts about the man's genius, but the fact that
+the philosopher invited Banneker to visit him at Monticello in 1803,
+indicates that the increasing reputation of the Negro must have
+caused Jefferson to change his opinion as to the extent of Banneker's
+attainments and the value of his contributions to mathematics and
+science.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+So favorable did the aspect of things become as a result of this
+movement to elevate the Negroes, that persons observing the conditions
+then obtaining in this country thought that the victory for the
+despised race had been won. Traveling in 1783 in the colony of
+Virginia, where the slave trade had been abolished and schools for
+the education of freedmen established, Johann Schoepf felt that the
+institution was doomed.[1] After touring Pennsylvania five years
+later, Brissot de Warville reported that there existed then a country
+where the blacks were allowed to have souls, and to be endowed with an
+understanding capable of being formed to virtue and useful knowledge,
+and where they were not regarded as beasts of burden in order that
+their masters might have the privilege of treating them as such. He
+was pleased that the colored people by their virtue and understanding
+belied the calumnies which their tyrants elsewhere lavished against
+them, and that in that community one perceived no difference between
+"the memory of a black head whose hair is craped by nature, and that
+of the white one craped by art."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. I., p. 220.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+BETTER BEGINNINGS
+
+
+Sketching the second half of the eighteenth century, we have observed
+how the struggle for the rights of man in directing attention to those
+of low estate, and sweeping away the impediments to religious
+freedom, made the free blacks more accessible to helpful sects and
+organizations. We have also learned that this upheaval left the slaves
+the objects of piety for the sympathetic, the concern of workers in
+behalf of social uplift, a class offered instruction as a prerequisite
+to emancipation. The private teaching of Negroes became tolerable,
+benevolent persons volunteered to instruct them, and some schools
+maintained for the education of white students were thrown open to
+those of African blood. It was the day of better beginnings. In fact,
+it was the heyday of victory for the ante-bellum Negro. Never had his
+position been so advantageous; never was it thus again until the whole
+race was emancipated. Now the question which naturally arises here
+is, to what extent were such efforts general? Were these beginnings
+sufficiently extensive to secure adequate enlightenment to a large
+number of colored people? Was interest in the education of this class
+so widely manifested thereafter as to cause the movement to endure? A
+brief account of these efforts in the various States will answer these
+questions.
+
+In the Northern and Middle States an increasing number of educational
+advantages for the white race made germane the question as to what
+consideration should be shown to the colored people.[1] A general
+admission of Negroes to the schools of these progressive communities
+was undesirable, not because of the prejudice against the race, but on
+account of the feeling that the past of the colored people having been
+different from that of the white race, their training should be in
+keeping with their situation. To meet their peculiar needs many
+communities thought it best to provide for them "special,"
+"individual," or "unclassified" schools adapted to their condition.[2]
+In most cases, however, the movement for separate schools originated
+not with the white race, but with the people of color themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles's Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 241-243 and vol.
+xxiii., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _The Proceedings of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_.]
+
+In New England, Negroes had almost from the beginning of their
+enslavement some chance for mental, moral, and spiritual improvement,
+but the revolutionary movement was followed in that section by a
+general effort to elevate the people of color through the influence
+of the school and church. In 1770 the Rhode Island Quakers were
+endeavoring to give young Negroes such an education as becomes
+Christians. In 1773 Newport had a colored school, maintained by a
+society of benevolent clergymen of the Church of England, with a
+handsome fund for a mistress to teach thirty children reading and
+writing. Providence did not exhibit such activity until the nineteenth
+century. Having a larger black population than any other city in New
+England, Boston was the center of these endeavors. In 1798 a separate
+school for colored children, under the charge of Elisha Sylvester, a
+white man, was established in that city in the house of Primus Hall, a
+Negro of very good standing.[1] Two years later sixty-six free blacks
+of that city petitioned the school committee for a separate school,
+but the citizens in a special town meeting called to consider the
+question refused to grant this request.[2] Undaunted by this refusal,
+the patrons of the special school established in the house of Primus
+Hall, employed Brown and Hall of Harvard College as instructors, until
+1806.[3] The school was then moved to the African Meeting House
+in Belknap Street where it remained until 1835 when, with funds
+contributed by Abiel Smith, a building was erected. An epoch in the
+history of Negro education in New England was marked in 1820, when the
+city of Boston opened its first primary school for the education of
+colored children.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Next to be instructor of this institution was Prince
+Saunders, who was brought to Boston by Dr. Channing and Caleb Bingham
+in 1809. Brought up in the family of a Vermont lawyer, and experienced
+as a diplomatic official of Emperor Christopher of Hayti, Prince
+Saunders was able to do much for the advancement of this work. Among
+others who taught in this school was John B. Russworm, a graduate of
+Bowdoin College, and, later, Governor of the Colony of Cape Palmas in
+Southern Liberia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 357; and _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 271.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Rep. of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+Generally speaking, we can say that while the movement for special
+colored schools met with some opposition in certain portions of New
+England, in other parts of the Northeastern States the religious
+organizations and abolition societies, which were espousing the cause
+of the Negro, yielded to this demand. These schools were sometimes
+found in churches of the North, as in the cases of the schools in
+the African Church of Boston, and the Sunday-school in the African
+Improved Church of New Haven. In 1828 there was in that city another
+such school supported by public-school money; three in Boston; one in
+Salem; and one in Portland, Maine.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+Outside of the city of New York, not so much interest was shown in
+the education of Negroes as in the States which had a larger colored
+population.[1] Those who were scattered through the State were allowed
+to attend white schools, which did not "meet their special needs."[2]
+In the metropolis, where the blacks constituted one-tenth of the
+inhabitants in 1800, however, the mental improvement of the dark race
+could not be neglected. The liberalism of the revolutionary era led
+to the organization in New York of the "Society for Promoting the
+Manumission of Slaves and Protecting such of them as have been or may
+be liberated." This Society ushered in a new day for the free persons
+of color of that city in organizing in 1787 the New York African
+Free School.[3] Among those interested in this organization and its
+enterprises were Melancthon Smith, John Bleecker, James Cogswell,
+Jacob Seaman, White Matlock, Matthew Clarkson, Nathaniel Lawrence, and
+John Murray, Jr.[4] The school opened in 1790 with Cornelius Davis as
+a teacher of forty pupils. In 1791 a lady was employed to instruct the
+girls in needle-work.[5] The expected advantage of this industrial
+training was soon realized.
+
+[Footnote 1: La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Travels_, etc., p. 233.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Am. Conv._, 1798, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 16.]
+
+Despite the support of certain distinguished members of the community,
+the larger portion of the population was so prejudiced against the
+school that often the means available for its maintenance were
+inadequate. The struggle was continued for about fifteen years with an
+attendance of from forty to sixty pupils.[1] About 1801 the community
+began to take more interest in the institution, and the Negroes
+"became more generally impressed with a sense of the advantages and
+importance of education, and more disposed to avail themselves of
+the privileges offered them."[2] At this time one hundred and thirty
+pupils of both sexes attended this school, paying their instructor,
+a "discreet man of color," according to their ability and
+inclination.[3] Many more colored children were then able to attend
+as there had been a considerable increase in the number of colored
+freeholders. As a result of the introduction of the Lancastrian and
+monitorial systems of instruction the enrollment was further increased
+and the general tone of the school was improved. Another impetus was
+given the work in 1810.[4] Having in mind the preparation of slaves
+for freedom, the legislature of the State of New York, made it
+compulsory for masters to teach all minors born of slaves to read the
+Scriptures.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1801, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1801, Report from New York.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1812, p. 7.]
+
+Decided improvement was noted after 1814. The directors then purchased
+a lot on which they constructed a building the following year.[1] The
+nucleus then took the name of the New York "African Free Schools."
+These schools grew so rapidly that it was soon necessary to rent
+additional quarters to accommodate the department of sewing. This work
+had been made popular by the efforts of Misses Turpen, Eliza J. Cox,
+Ann Cox, and Caroline Roe.[2] The subsequent growth of the classes
+was such that in 1820 the Manumission Society had to erect a building
+large enough to accommodate five hundred pupils.[3] The instructors
+were then not only teaching the elementary branches of reading,
+writing, arithmetic, and geography, but also astronomy, navigation,
+advanced composition, plain sewing, knitting, and marking.[4] Knowing
+the importance of industrial training, the Manumission Society then
+had an Indenturing Committee find employment in trades for colored
+children, and had recommended for some of them the pursuit of
+agriculture.[5] The comptrollers desired no better way of measuring
+the success of the system in shaping the character of its students
+than to be able to boast that no pupils educated there had ever been
+convicted of crime.[6] Lafayette, a promoter of the emancipation
+and improvement of the colored people, and a member of the New York
+Manumission Society, visited these schools in 1824 on his return to
+the United States. He was bidden welcome by an eleven-year-old pupil
+in well-chosen and significant words. After spending the afternoon
+inspecting the schools the General pronounced them the "best
+disciplined and the most interesting schools of children" he had ever
+seen.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention of Abolition Soc._,
+1818, P. 9; Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1820.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+The outlook for the education of Negroes in New Jersey was unusually
+bright. Carrying out the recommendations of the Haddonfield Quarterly
+Meeting in 1777, the Quakers of Salem raised funds for the education
+of the blacks, secured books, and placed the colored children of
+the community at school. The delegates sent from that State, to the
+Convention of the Abolition Societies in 1801, reported that there had
+been schools in Burlington, Salem, and Trenton for the education of
+the Negro race, but that they had been closed.[1] It seemed that
+not much attention had been given to this work there, but that the
+interest was increasing. These delegates stated that they did not then
+know of any schools among them exclusively for Negroes. In most parts
+of the State, and most commonly in the northern division, however,
+they were incorporated with the white children in the various small
+schools scattered over the State.[2] There was then in the city of
+Burlington a free school for the education of poor children supported
+by the profits of an estate left for that particular purpose, and made
+equally accessible to the children of both races. Conditions were just
+as favorable in Gloucester. An account from its antislavery society
+shows that the local friends of the indigent had funds of about one
+thousand pounds established for schooling poor children, white and
+black, without distinction. Many of the black children, who were
+placed by their masters under the care of white instructors, received
+as good moral and school education as the lower class of whites.[3]
+Later reports from this State show the same tendency toward democratic
+education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1801, p.
+12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 12, and Quaker Pamphlet, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Conv._, etc., 1801, p. 12.]
+
+The efforts made in this direction in Delaware, were encouraging. The
+Abolition Society of Wilmington had not greatly promoted the special
+education of "the Blacks and the people of color." In 1801, however, a
+school was kept the first day of the week by one of the members of
+the Society, who instructed them gratis in reading, writing, and
+arithmetic. About twenty pupils generally attended and by their
+assiduity and progress showed themselves as "capable as white persons
+laboring under similar disadvantages."[1] In 1802 plans for the
+extension of this system were laid and bore good fruit the following
+year.[2] Seven years later, however, after personal and pecuniary aid
+had for some time been extended, the workers had still to lament that
+beneficial effects had not been more generally experienced, and
+that there was little disposition to aid them in their friendly
+endeavors.[3] In 1816 more important results had been obtained.
+Through a society formed a few years prior to this date for the
+express purpose of educating colored children, a school had been
+established under a Negro teacher. He had a fair attendance of bright
+children, who "by the facility with which they took in instruction
+were silently but certainly undermining the prejudice"[4] against
+their education. A library of religious and moral publications had
+been secured for this institution. In addition to the school in
+Wilmington there was a large academy for young colored women,
+gratuitously taught by a society of young ladies. The course of
+instruction covered reading, writing, and sewing. The work in sewing
+proved to be a great advantage to the colored girls, many of whom
+through the instrumentality of that society were provided with good
+positions.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1802, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1809, p.
+20.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1816, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 1821, p. 18.]
+
+In Pennsylvania the interest of the large Quaker element caused the
+question of educating Negroes to be a matter of more concern to that
+colony than it was to the others. Thanks to the arduous labors of
+the antislavery movement, emancipation was provided for in 1780.
+The Quakers were then especially anxious to see masters give their
+"weighty and solid attention" to qualifying slaves for the liberty
+intended. By the favorable legislation of the State the poor were
+by 1780 allowed the chance to secure the rudiments of education.[1]
+Despite this favorable appearance of things, however, friends of the
+despised race had to keep up the agitation for such a construction of
+the law as would secure to the Negroes of the State the educational
+benefits extended to the indigent. The colored youth of Pennsylvania
+thereafter had the right to attend the schools provided for white
+children, and exercised it when persons interested in the blacks
+directed their attention to the importance of mental improvement.[2]
+But as neither they nor their defenders were numerous outside of
+Philadelphia and Columbia, not many pupils of color in other parts of
+the State attended school during this period. Whatever special effort
+was made to arouse them to embrace their opportunities came chiefly
+from the Quakers.
+
+[Footnote 1: _A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. xv., p. 625.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+Not content with the schools which were already opened to Negroes, the
+friends of the race continued to agitate and raise funds to extend
+their philanthropic operations. With the donation of Anthony Benezet
+the Quakers were able to enlarge their building and increase the scope
+of the work. They added a female department in which Sarah Dwight[1]
+was teaching the girls spelling, reading, and sewing in 1784. The
+work done in Philadelphia was so successful that the place became the
+rallying center for the Quakers throughout the country,[2] and was of
+so much concern to certain members of this sect in London that in
+1787 they contributed five hundred pounds toward the support of this
+school.[3] In 1789 the Quakers organized "The Society for the Free
+Instruction of the Orderly Blacks and People of Color." Taking into
+consideration the "many disadvantages which many well-disposed blacks
+and people of color labored under from not being able to read, write,
+or cast accounts, which would qualify them to act for themselves or
+provide for their families," this society in connection with other
+organizations established evening schools for the education of adults
+of African blood.[4] It is evident then that with the exception of the
+school of the Abolition Society organized in 1774, and the efforts
+of a few other persons generally coöperating like the anti-slavery
+leaders with the Quakers, practically all of the useful education of
+the colored people of this State was accomplished in their schools.
+Philadelphia had seven colored schools in 1797.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 42.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Turner, _The Negro in Pa_., p. 128.]
+
+The next decade was of larger undertakings.[1] The report of the
+Pennsylvania Abolition Society of 1801 shows that there had been an
+increasing interest in Negro education. For this purpose the society
+had raised funds to the amount of $530.50 per annum for three
+years.[2] In 1803 certain other friends of the cause left for this
+purpose two liberal benefactions, one amounting to one thousand
+dollars, and the other to one thousand pounds.[3] With these
+contributions the Quakers and Abolitionists erected in 1809 a handsome
+building valued at four thousand dollars. They named it Clarkson Hall
+in honor of the great friend of the Negro race.[4] In 1807 the Quakers
+met the needs of the increasing population of the city by founding an
+additional institution of learning known as the Adelphi School.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parish, _Remarks on the Slavery_, etc., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1802, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., 1803, p. 13.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 20.]
+
+After the first decade of the nineteenth century the movement for the
+uplift of the Negroes around Philadelphia was checked a little by the
+migration to that city of many freedmen who had been lately liberated.
+The majority of them did not "exhibit that industry, economy, and
+temperance" which were "expected by many and wished by all."[1] Not
+deterred, however, by this seemingly discouraging development, the
+friends of the race toiled on as before. In 1810 certain Quaker women
+who had attempted to establish a school for colored girls in 1795
+apparently succeeded.[2] The institution, however, did not last many
+years. But the Clarkson Hall schools maintained by the Abolition
+Society were then making such progress that the management was
+satisfied that they furnished a decided refutation of the charge that
+the "mental endowments of the descendants of the African race are
+inferior to those possessed by their white brethren."[3] They asserted
+without fear of contradiction that the pupils of that seminary would
+sustain a fair comparison with those of any other institution in which
+the same elementary branches were taught. In 1815 these schools were
+offering free instruction to three hundred boys and girls, and to a
+number of adults attending evening schools. These victories had been
+achieved despite the fact that in regard to some of the objects of the
+Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade "a tide of prejudice,
+popular and legislative, set strongly against them."[4] After 1818,
+however, help was obtained from the State to educate the colored
+children of Columbia and Philadelphia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1809, p. 16, and
+1812, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1812,
+Report from Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1815, Report from Phila.]
+
+The assistance obtained from the State, however, was not taken as a
+pretext for the cessation of the labors on the part of those who had
+borne the burden for more than a century. The faithful friends of the
+colored race remained as active as ever. In 1822 the Quakers in the
+Northern Liberties organized the Female Association which maintained
+one or more schools.[1] That same year the Union Society founded in
+1810 for the support of schools and domestic manufactures for the
+benefit of the "African race and people of color" was conducting three
+schools for adults.[2] The Infant School Society of Philadelphia was
+also doing good work in looking after the education of small colored
+children.[3] In the course of time crowded conditions in the colored
+schools necessitated the opening of additional evening classes and the
+erection of larger buildings.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 2: One of these was at the Sessions House of the Third
+Presbyterian Church; one at Clarkston Schoolhouse, Cherry Street; one
+in the Academy on Locust Street. See _Statistical Inquiry into
+the Condition of the Colored People of Philadelphia_, p. 19; and
+Wickersham, _Education in Pa._, p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Statistical Inquiry_, etc., p. 19.]
+
+At this time Maryland was not raising any serious objection to the
+instruction of slaves, and public sentiment there did not seem to
+interfere with the education of free persons of color. Maryland was
+long noted for her favorable attitude toward her Negroes. We have
+already observed how Banneker, though living in a small place, was
+permitted to attend school, and how Ellicott became interested in this
+man of genius and furnished him with books. Other Negroes of that
+State were enjoying the same privilege. The abolition delegates from
+Maryland reported in 1797 that several children of the Africans and
+other people of color were under a course of instruction, and that an
+academy and qualified teachers for them would be provided.[1] These
+Negroes were then getting light from another source. Having more
+freedom in this State than in some others, the Quakers were allowed to
+teach colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797, p.
+16.]
+
+Most interest in the cause in Maryland was manifested near the cities
+of Georgetown and Baltimore.[1] Long active in the cause of elevating
+the colored people, the influence of the revolutionary movement was
+hardly necessary to arouse the Catholics to discharge their duty of
+enlightening the blacks. Wherever they had the opportunity to give
+slaves religious instruction, they generally taught the unfortunates
+everything that would broaden their horizon and help them to
+understand life. The abolitionists and Protestant churches were also
+in the field, but the work of the early fathers in these cities was
+more effective. These forces at work in Georgetown made it, by the
+time of its incorporation into the District of Columbia, a center
+sending out teachers to carry on the instruction of Negroes. So
+liberal were the white people of this town that colored children were
+sent to school there with white boys and girls who seemed to raise
+no objection.[2] Later in the nineteenth century the efforts made to
+educate the Negroes of the rural districts of Maryland were eclipsed
+by the better work accomplished by the free blacks in Baltimore and
+the District of Columbia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., pp. 195 _et
+seq_., and pp. 352-353.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 353.]
+
+Having a number of antislavery men among the various sects buoyant
+with religious freedom, Virginia easily continued to look with favor
+upon the uplift of the colored people. The records of the Quakers of
+that day show special effort in this direction there about 1764, 1773,
+and 1785. In 1797 the abolitionists of Alexandria, some of whom were
+Quakers, had been doing effective work among the Negroes of that
+section. They had established a school with one Benjamin Davis as a
+teacher. He reported an attendance of one hundred and eight pupils,
+four of whom "could write a very legible hand," "read the Scriptures
+with tolerable facility," and had commenced arithmetic. Eight others
+had learned to read, but had made very little progress in writing.
+Among his less progressive pupils fifteen could spell words of three
+or four syllables and read easy lessons, some had begun to write,
+while the others were chiefly engaged in learning the alphabet and
+spelling monosyllables.[1] It is significant that colored children
+of Alexandria, just as in the case of Georgetown, attended schools
+established for the whites.[2] Their coeducation extended not only
+to Sabbath schools but to other institutions of learning, which some
+Negroes attended during the week.[3] Mrs. Maria Hall, one of the early
+teachers of the District of Columbia, obtained her education in a
+mixed school of Alexandria.[4] Controlled then by aristocratic people
+who did not neglect the people of color, Alexandria also became a sort
+of center for the uplift of the blacks in Northern Virginia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., etc., 1797, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1797, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, p. 17; _ibid._, 1827, p.
+53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Schools for the education of Negroes were established in Richmond,
+Petersburg, and Norfolk. An extensive miscegenation of the races in
+these cities had given rise to a very intelligent class of slaves and
+a considerable number of thrifty free persons of color, in whom the
+best people early learned to show much interest.[1] Of the schools
+organized for them in the central part of the commonwealth, those
+about Richmond seemed to be less prosperous. The abolitionists of
+Virginia, reporting for that city in 1798, said that considerable
+progress had been made in the education of the blacks, and that they
+contemplated the establishment of a school for the instruction of
+Negroes and other persons. They were apprehensive, however, that their
+funds would be scarcely sufficient for this purpose.[2] In 1801, one
+year after Gabriel's Insurrection, the abolitionists of Richmond
+reported that the cause had been hindered by the "rapacious
+disposition which emboldened many tyrants" among them "to trample upon
+the rights of colored people even in the violation of the laws of the
+State." For this reason the complainants felt that, although they
+could not but unite in the opinion with the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies as to the importance of educating the slaves for
+living as freedmen, they were compelled on account of a "domineering
+spirit of power and usurpation"[3] to direct attention to the Negroes'
+bodily comfort.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 393.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, etc., 1798, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., 1801, p. 15.]
+
+This situation, however, was not sufficiently alarming to deter all
+the promoters of Negro education in Virginia. It is remarkable how
+Robert Pleasants, a Quaker of that State who emancipated his slaves
+at his death in 1801, had united with other members of his sect to
+establish a school for colored people. In 1782 they circulated a
+pamphlet entitled "Proposals for Establishing a Free School for the
+Instruction of Children of Blacks and People of Color."[1] They
+recommended to the humane and benevolent of all denominations
+cheerfully to contribute to an institution "calculated to promote
+the spiritual and temporal interests of that unfortunate part of our
+fellow creatures in forming their minds in the principles of virtue
+and religion, and in common or useful literature, writing, ciphering,
+and mechanic arts, as the most likely means to render so numerous a
+people fit for freedom, and to become useful citizens." Pleasants
+proposed to establish a school on a three-hundred-and-fifty-acre
+tract of his own land at Gravelly Hills near Four-Mile Creek, Henrico
+County. The whole revenue of the land was to go toward the support of
+the institution, or, in the event the school should be established
+elsewhere, he would give it one hundred pounds. Ebenezer Maule,
+another friend, subscribed fifty pounds for the same purpose.[2]
+Exactly what the outcome was, no one knows; but the memorial on
+the life of Pleasants shows that he appropriated the rent of the
+three-hundred-and-fifty-acre tract and ten pounds per annum to the
+establishment of a free school for Negroes, and that a few years after
+his death such an institution was in operation under a Friend at
+Gravelly Run.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 216.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 216.]
+
+Such philanthropy, however, did not become general in Virginia. The
+progress of Negro education there was decidedly checked by the rapid
+development of discontent among Negroes ambitious to emulate the
+example of Toussaint L'Ouverture. During the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century that commonwealth tolerated much less enlightenment
+of the colored people than the benevolent element allowed them in the
+other border States. The custom of teaching colored pauper children
+apprenticed by church-wardens was prohibited by statute immediately
+after Gabriel's Insurrection in 1800.[1] Negroes eager to learn were
+thereafter largely restricted to private tutoring and instruction
+offered in Sabbath-schools. Furthermore, as Virginia developed few
+urban communities there were not sufficient persons of color in any
+one place to coöperate in enlightening themselves even as much as
+public sentiment allowed. After 1838 Virginia Negroes had practically
+no chance to educate themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. xvi., p. 124.]
+
+North Carolina, not unlike the border States in their good treatment
+of free persons of color, placed such little restriction on the
+improvement of the colored people that they early attained rank among
+the most enlightened ante-bellum Negroes. This interest, largely
+on account of the zeal of the antislavery leaders and Quakers,[1]
+continued unabated from 1780, the time of their greatest activity,
+to the period of the intense abolition agitation and the servile
+insurrections. In 1815 the Quakers were still exhorting their members
+to establish schools for the literary and religious instruction of
+Negroes.[2] The following year a school for Negroes was opened for
+two days in a week.[3] So successful was the work done by the Quakers
+during this period that they could report in 1817 that most colored
+minors in the Western Quarter had been "put in a way to get a portion
+of school learning."[4] In 1819 some of them could spell and a few
+could write. The plan of these workers was to extend the instruction
+until males could "read, write, and cipher," and until the females
+could "read and write."[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 231; Levi Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 69-71; Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+66.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Thwaites, _Early Travels_, vol. ii., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 232.]
+
+In the course of time, however, these philanthropists met with some
+discouragement. In 1821 certain masters were sending their slaves to
+a Sunday-school opened by Levi Coffin and his son Vestal. Before the
+slaves had learned more than to spell words of two or three syllables
+other masters became unduly alarmed, thinking that such instruction
+would make the slaves discontented.[1] The timorous element threatened
+the teachers with the terrors of the law, induced the benevolent
+slaveholders to prohibit the attendance of their Negroes, and had the
+school closed.[2] Moreover, it became more difficult to obtain aid
+for this cause. Between 1815 and 1825 the North Carolina Manumission
+Societies were redoubling their efforts to raise funds for this
+purpose. By 1819 they had collected $47.00 but had not increased this
+amount more than $2.62 two years later.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 70.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 241.]
+
+The work done by the various workers in North Carolina did not affect
+the general improvement of the slaves, but thanks to the humanitarian
+movement, they were not entirely neglected. In 1830 the General
+Association of the Manumission Societies of that commonwealth
+complained that the laws made no provision for the moral improvement
+of the slaves.[1] Though learning was in a very small degree diffused
+among the colored people of a few sections, it was almost unknown to
+the slaves. They pointed out, too, that the little instruction some of
+the slaves had received, and by which a few had been taught to
+spell, or perhaps to read in "easy places," was not due to any legal
+provision, but solely to the charity "which endureth all things" and
+is willing to suffer reproach for the sake of being instrumental in
+"delivering the poor that cry" and "directing the wanderer in the
+right way."[2] To ameliorate these conditions the association
+recommended among other things the enactment of a law providing for
+the instruction of slaves in the elementary principles of language at
+least so far as to enable them to read the Holy Scriptures.[3] The
+reaction culminated, however, before this plan could be properly
+presented to the people of that commonwealth.
+
+[Footnote 1: An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils
+of Slavery by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, _passim_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._]
+
+During these years an exceptionally bright Negro was serving as a
+teacher not of his own race but of the most aristocratic white people
+of North Carolina. This educator was a freeman named John Chavis. He
+was born probably near Oxford, Granville County, about 1763. Chavis
+was a full-blooded Negro of dark brown color. Early attracting the
+attention of his white neighbors, he was sent to Princeton "to see
+if a Negro would take a collegiate education." His rapid advancement
+under Dr. Witherspoon "soon convinced his friends that the experiment
+would issue favorable."[1] There he took rank as a good Latin and a
+fair Greek scholar.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 73.]
+
+From Princeton he went to Virginia to preach to his own people. In
+1801 he served at the Hanover Presbytery as a "riding missionary under
+the direction of the General Assembly."[1] He was then reported also
+as a regularly commissioned preacher to his people in Lexington. In
+1805 he returned to North Carolina where he often preached to various
+congregations.[2] His career as a clergyman was brought to a close
+in 1831 by the law enacted to prevent Negroes from preaching.[3]
+Thereafter he confined himself to teaching, which was by far his
+most important work. He opened a classical school for white persons,
+"teaching in Granville, Wake, and Chatham Counties."[4] The best
+people of the community patronized this school. Chavis counted among
+his students W.P. Mangum, afterwards United States Senator, P.H.
+Mangum, his brother, Archibald and John Henderson, sons of Chief
+Justice Henderson, Charles Manly, afterwards Governor of that
+commonwealth, and Dr. James L. Wortham of Oxford, North Carolina.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 74; and Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp.
+816-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Paul C. Cameron, a son of Judge Duncan of North Carolina,
+said: "In my boyhood life at my father's home I often saw John Chavis,
+a venerable old negro man, recognized as a freeman and as a preacher
+or clergyman of the Presbyterian Church. As such he was received by my
+father and treated with kindness and consideration, and respected as a
+man of education, good sense and most estimable character." Mr. George
+Wortham, a lawyer of Granville County, said: "I have heard him read
+and explain the Scriptures to my father's family repeatedly. His
+English was remarkably pure, containing no 'negroisms'; his manner was
+impressive, his explanations clear and concise, and his views, as I
+then thought and still think, entirely orthodox. He was said to have
+been an acceptable preacher, his sermons abounding in strong common
+sense views and happy illustrations, without any effort at oratory
+or sensational appeals to the passions of his hearers." See Bassett,
+_Slavery in N.C_., pp. 74-75.]
+
+[Footnote 3: See Chapter VII.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 5: John S. Bassett, Professor of History at Trinity College,
+North Carolina, learned from a source of great respectability that
+Chavis not only taught the children of these distinguished families,
+but "was received as an equal socially and asked to table by the most
+respectable people of the neighborhood." See Bassett, _Slavery in
+North Carolina_, p. 75.]
+
+We have no evidence of any such favorable conditions in South
+Carolina. There was not much public education of the Negroes of that
+State even during the revolutionary epoch. Regarding education as a
+matter of concern to persons immediately interested South Carolinians
+had long since learned to depend on private instruction for the
+training of their youth. Colored schools were not thought of outside
+of Charleston. Yet although South Carolina prohibited the education of
+the slaves in 1740[1] and seemingly that of other Negroes in 1800,[2]
+these measures were not considered a direct attack on the instruction
+of free persons of color. Furthermore, the law in regard to the
+teaching of the blacks was ignored by sympathetic masters. Colored
+persons serving in families and attending traveling men shared with
+white children the advantage of being taught at home. Free persons of
+color remaining accessible to teachers and missionaries interested in
+the propagation of the gospel among the poor still had the opportunity
+to make intellectual advancement.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Laws of 1740 and 1800, and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p.
+1078.]
+
+Although not as reactionary as South Carolina, little could be
+expected of Georgia where slavery had such a firm hold. Unfavorable as
+conditions in that State were, however, they were not intolerable. It
+was still lawful for a slave to learn to read, and free persons of
+color had the privilege of acquiring any knowledge whatsoever.[1] The
+chief incentive to the education of Negroes in that State came from
+the rising Methodists and Baptists who, bringing a simple message to
+plain people, instilled into their minds as never before the idea that
+the Bible being the revelation of God, all men should be taught to
+read that book.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Orr, _Education in the South_.]
+
+In the territory known as Louisiana the good treatment of the mixed
+breeds and the slaves by the French assured for years the privilege
+to attend school. Rev. James Flint, of Salem, Massachusetts, received
+letters from a friend in Louisiana, who, in pointing out conditions
+around him, said: "In the regions where I live masters allow entire
+liberty to the slaves to attend public worship, and as far as my
+knowledge extends, it is generally the case in Louisiana. We have,"
+said he, "regular meetings of the blacks in the building where I
+attend public worship. I have in the past years devoted myself
+assiduously, every Sabbath morning, to the labor of learning them to
+read. I found them quick of apprehension, and capable of grasping the
+rudiments of learning more rapidly than the whites."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Flint, _Recollections of the Last Ten Years_, p. 345.]
+
+Later the problem of educating Negroes in this section became more
+difficult. The trouble was that contrary to the stipulation in the
+treaty of purchase that the inhabitants of the territory of Louisiana
+should be admitted to all the rights and immunities of citizens of the
+United States, the State legislation, subsequent to the transfer of
+jurisdiction, denied the right of education to a large class of mixed
+breeds.[1] Many of these, thanks to the liberality of the French, had
+been freed, and constituted an important element of society. Not a few
+of them had educated themselves, accumulated wealth, and ranked with
+white men of refinement and culture.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Laws of Louisiana.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Alliot, _Collections Historiques_, p. 85; and Thwaites,
+_Early Western Travels_, vol. iv., pp. 320 and 321; vol. xii., p. 69;
+and vol. xix., p. 126.]
+
+Considering the few Negroes found in the West, the interest shown
+there in their mental uplift was considerable. Because of the scarcity
+of slaves in that section they came into helpful contact with their
+masters. Besides, the Kentucky and Tennessee abolitionists, being much
+longer active than those in most slave States, continued to emphasize
+the education of the blacks as a correlative to emancipation.
+Furthermore, the Western Baptists, Methodists, and Scotch-Irish
+Presbyterians early took a stand against slavery, and urged the
+masters to give their servants all the proper advantages for acquiring
+the knowledge of their duty both to man and God. In the large towns
+of Tennessee Negroes were permitted to attend private schools, and in
+Louisville and Lexington there were several well-regulated colored
+schools.
+
+Two institutions for the education of slaves in the West are mentioned
+during these years. In October, 1825, there appeared an advertisement
+for eight or ten Negro slaves with their families to form a community
+of this kind under the direction of an "Emancipating Labor Society"
+of the State of Kentucky. In the same year Frances Wright suggested a
+school on a similar basis. She advertised in the "Genius of Universal
+Emancipation" an establishment to educate freed blacks and mulattoes
+in West Tennessee. This was supported by a goodly number of persons,
+including George Fowler and, it was said, Lafayette. A letter from a
+Presbyterian clergyman in South Carolina says that the first slave
+for this institution went from York District of that State. The
+enterprise, however, was not well supported, and little was heard of
+it in later years. Some asserted it was a money-making scheme for the
+proprietor, and that the Negroes taught there were in reality slaves;
+others went to the press to defend it as a benevolent effort. Both
+sides so muddled the affair that it is difficult to determine exactly
+what the intentions of the founders were.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 152.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EDUCATING THE URBAN NEGRO
+
+
+Such an impetus was given Negro education during the period of better
+beginnings that some of the colored city schools then established have
+existed even until to-day. Negroes learned from their white friends to
+educate themselves. In the Middle and Southern States, however, much
+of the sentiment in favor of developing the intellect of the Negro
+passed away during the early part of the nineteenth century. This
+reform, like many others of that day, suffered when Americans forgot
+the struggle for the rights of man. Recovering from the social
+upheaval of the Revolution, caste soon began to claim its own. To
+discourage the education of the lowest class was natural to the
+aristocrats who on coming to power established governments based on
+the representation of interests, restriction of suffrage, and the
+ineligibility of the poor to office. After this period the work of
+enlightening the blacks in the southern and border States was largely
+confined to a few towns and cities where the concentration of the
+colored population continued.
+
+The rise of the American city made possible the contact of the colored
+people with the world, affording them a chance to observe what the
+white man was doing, and to develop the power to care for themselves.
+The Negroes who had this opportunity to take over the western
+civilization were servants belonging to the families for which they
+worked; slaves hired out by their owners to wait upon persons; and
+watermen, embracing fishermen, boatmen, and sailors. Not a few slaves
+in cities were mechanics, clerks, and overseers. In most of these
+employments the rudiments of an education were necessary, and what the
+master did not seem disposed to teach the slaves so situated, they
+usually learned by contact with their fellowmen who were better
+informed. Such persons were the mulattoes resulting from
+miscegenation, and therefore protected from the rigors of the slave
+code; house servants, rewarded with unusual privileges for fidelity
+and for manifesting considerable interest in things contributing to
+the economic good of their masters; and slaves who were purchasing
+their freedom.[1] Before the close of the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century not much was said about what these classes learned
+or taught. It was then the difference in circumstances, employment,
+and opportunities for improvement that made the urban Negro more
+intelligent than those who had to toil in the fields. Yet, the
+proportion did not differ very much from that of the previous
+period, as the first Negroes were not chiefly field hands but to a
+considerable extent house servants, whom masters often taught to read
+and write.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 117.]
+
+Urban Negroes had another important advantage in their opportunity to
+attend well-regulated Sunday-schools. These were extensively organized
+in the towns and cities of this country during the first decades of
+the last century. The "Sabbath-school" constituted an important factor
+in Negro education. Although cloaked with the purpose of bringing the
+blacks to God by giving them religious instruction the institution
+permitted its workers to teach them reading and writing when they were
+not allowed to study such in other institutions.[1] Even the radical
+slaveholder was slow to object to a policy which was intended to
+facilitate the conversion of men's souls. All friends especially
+interested in the mental and spiritual uplift of the race hailed this
+movement as marking an epoch in the elevation of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the reports of almost any abolition society of the
+first quarter of the nineteenth century. _Special Report of the U.S.
+Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 200; and Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious
+Instruction of Negroes_.]
+
+In the course of time racial difficulties caused the development of
+the colored "Sabbath-school" to be very much like that of the American
+Negro Church. It began as an establishment in the white churches,
+then moved to the colored chapels, where white persons assisted as
+teachers, and finally became an organization composed entirely of
+Negroes. But the separation here, as in the case of the church,
+was productive of some good. The "Sabbath-schools," which at first
+depended on white teachers to direct their work, were thereafter
+carried on by Negroes, who studied and prepared themselves to perform
+the task given up by their former friends. This change was easily made
+in certain towns and cities where Negroes already had churches of
+their own. Before 1815 there was a Methodist church in Charleston,
+South Carolina, with a membership of eighteen hundred, more than one
+thousand of whom were persons of color. About this time, Williamsburg
+and Augusta had one each, and Savannah three colored Baptist churches.
+By 1822 the Negroes of Petersburg had in addition to two churches of
+this denomination, a flourishing African Missionary Society.[1] In
+Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston the free
+blacks had experienced such a rapid religious development that colored
+churches in these cities were no longer considered unusual.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 73 and 74.]
+
+The increase in the population of cities brought a larger number of
+these unfortunates into helpful contact with the urban element of
+white people who, having few Negroes, often opposed the institution of
+slavery. But thrown among colored people brought in their crude state
+into sections of culture, the antislavery men of towns and cities
+developed from theorists, discussing a problem of concern to persons
+far away, into actual workers striving by means of education to pave
+the way for universal freedom.[1] Large as the number of abolitionists
+became and bright as the future of their cause seemed, the more the
+antislavery men saw of the freedmen in congested districts, the more
+inclined the reformers were to think that instant abolition was an
+event which they "could not reasonably expect, and perhaps could not
+desire." Being in a state of deplorable ignorance, the slaves did not
+possess sufficient information "to render their immediate emancipation
+a blessing either to themselves or to society."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: As some masters regarded the ignorance of the slaves as
+an argument against their emancipation, the antislavery men's problem
+became the education of the master as well as that of the slave.
+Believing that intellectual and moral improvement is a "safe and
+permanent basis on which the arch of freedom could be erected," Jesse
+Torrey, harking back to Jefferson's proposition, recommended that
+it begin by instructing the slaveholders, overseers, their sons and
+daughters, hitherto deprived of the blessing of education. Then he
+thought that such enlightened masters should see to it that every
+slave less than thirty years of age should be taught the art of
+reading sufficiently for receiving moral and religious instruction
+from books in the English language. In presenting this scheme Torrey
+had the idea of most of the antislavery men of that day, who advocated
+the education of slaves because they believed that, whenever the
+slaves should become qualified by intelligence and moral cultivation
+for the rational enjoyment of liberty and the performance of the
+various social duties, enlightened legislators would listen to the
+voice of reason and justice and the spirit of the social organization,
+and permit the release of the slave without banishing him as a traitor
+from his native land. See Torrey's _Portraiture of Domestic Slavery_,
+p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Sidney, _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States_, p. 5; and Adams, _Anti-slavery_,
+etc., pp. 40, 43, 65, and 66.]
+
+Yet in the same proportion that antislavery men convinced masters of
+the wisdom of the policy of gradual emancipation, they increased their
+own burden of providing extra facilities of education, for liberated
+Negroes generally made their way from the South to urban communities
+of the Northern and Middle States. The friends of the colored people,
+however, met this exigency by establishing additional schools and
+repeatedly entreating these migrating freedmen to avail themselves
+of their opportunities. The address of the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies in 1819 is typical of these appeals.[1] They
+requested free persons of color to endeavor as much as possible to use
+economy in their expenses, to save something from their earnings
+for the education of their children ... and "let all those who by
+attending to this admonition have acquired means, send their children
+to school as soon as they are old enough, where their morals will
+be an object of attention as well as their improvement in school
+learning." Then followed some advice which would now seem strange.
+They said, "Encourage, also, those among you who are qualified as
+teachers of schools, and when you are able to pay, never send your
+children to free schools; for this may be considered as robbing the
+poor of their opportunities which are intended for them alone."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+22.]
+
+The concentration of the colored population in cities and towns where
+they had better educational advantages tended to make colored city
+schools self-supporting. There developed a class of self-educating
+Negroes who were able to provide for their own enlightenment. This
+condition, however, did not obtain throughout the South. Being a
+proslavery farming section of few large towns and cities, that part of
+the country did not see much development of the self-sufficient class.
+What enlightenment most urban blacks of the South experienced resulted
+mainly from private teaching and religious instruction. There were
+some notable exceptions, however. A colored "Santo Dominican" named
+Julian Troumontaine taught openly in Savannah up to 1829 when such
+an act was prohibited by law. He taught clandestinely thereafter,
+however, until 1844.[1] In New Orleans, where the Creoles and freedmen
+counted early in the nineteenth century as a substantial element in
+society, persons of color had secured to themselves better facilities
+of education. The people of this city did not then regard it as a
+crime for Negroes to acquire an education, their white instructors
+felt that they were not condescending in teaching them, and children
+of Caucasian blood raised no objection to attending special and
+parochial schools accessible to both races. The educational privileges
+which the colored people there enjoyed, however, were largely paid for
+by the progressive freedmen themselves.[2] Some of them educated their
+children in France.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Many of the mixed breeds of New Orleans were leading
+business men.]
+
+Charleston, South Carolina, furnished a good example of a center of
+unusual activity and rapid strides of self-educating urban Negroes.
+Driven to the point of doing for themselves, the free people of color
+of this city organized in 1810 the "Minor Society" to secure to their
+orphan children the benefits of education.[1] Bishop Payne, who
+studied later under Thomas Bonneau, attended the school founded by
+this organization. Other colored schools were doing successful work.
+Enjoying these unusual advantages the Negroes of Charleston were
+early in the nineteenth century ranked by some as economically and
+intellectually superior to any other such persons in the United
+States. A large portion of the leading mechanics, fashionable tailors,
+shoe manufacturers, and mantua-makers were free blacks, who enjoyed "a
+consideration in the community far more than that enjoyed by any of
+the colored population in the Northern cities."[2] As such positions
+required considerable skill and intelligence, these laborers had of
+necessity acquired a large share of useful knowledge. The favorable
+circumstances of the Negroes in certain liberal southern cities like
+Charleston were the cause of their return from the North to the South,
+where they often had a better opportunity for mental as well
+as economic improvement.[3] The return of certain Negroes from
+Philadelphia to Petersburg, Virginia, during the first decade of the
+nineteenth century, is a case in evidence.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 1078.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. xlix., p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Notions of the Americans_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wright, _Views of Society and Manners in America_, p.
+73.]
+
+The successful strivings of the race in the District of Columbia
+furnish us with striking examples of Negroes making educational
+progress. When two white teachers, Henry Potter and Mrs. Haley,
+invited black children to study with their white pupils, the colored
+people gladly availed themselves of this opportunity.[1] Mrs. Maria
+Billings, the first to establish a real school for Negroes in
+Georgetown, soon discovered that she had their hearty support. She had
+pupils from all parts of the District of Columbia, and from as far as
+Bladensburg, Maryland. The tuition fee in some of these schools was
+a little high, but many free blacks of the District of Columbia
+were sufficiently well established to meet these demands. The rapid
+progress made by the Bell and Browning families during this period
+was of much encouragement to the ambitious colored people, who were
+laboring to educate their children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 195
+_et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 195.]
+
+The city Negroes, however, were learning to do more than merely attend
+accessible elementary schools. In 1807 George Bell, Nicholas
+Franklin, and Moses Liverpool, former slaves, built the first colored
+schoolhouse in the District of Columbia. Just emerging from bondage,
+these men could not teach themselves, but employed a white man to
+take charge of the school.[1] It was not a success. Pupils of color
+thereafter attended the school of Anne Maria Hall, a teacher from
+Prince George County, Maryland, and those of teachers who instructed
+white children.[2] The ambitious Negroes of the District of Columbia,
+however, were not discouraged by the first failure to provide their
+own educational facilities. The Bell School which had been closed and
+used as a dwelling, opened again in 1818 under the auspices of an
+association of free people of color of the city of Washington called
+the "Resolute Beneficial Society." The school was declared open then
+"for the reception of free people of color and others that ladies
+and gentlemen may think proper to send to be instructed in reading,
+writing, arithmetic, English grammar, or other branches of education
+apposite to their capacities, by steady, active and experienced
+teachers, whose attention is wholly devoted to the purpose described."
+The founders presumed that free colored families would embrace the
+advantages thus presented to them either by subscription to the funds
+of the Society or by sending their children to the school. Since the
+improvement of the intellect and the morals of the colored youth were
+the objects of the institution, the patronage of benevolent ladies
+and gentlemen was solicited. They declared, too, that "to avoid
+disagreeable occurrences no writing was to be done by the teacher for
+a slave, neither directly nor indirectly to serve the purpose of a
+slave on any account whatever."[3] This school was continued until
+1822 under Mr. Pierpont, of Massachusetts, a relative of the poet.
+He was succeeded two years later by John Adams, a shoemaker, who was
+known as the first Negro to teach in the District of Columbia.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 197.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Daily National Intelligencer_, August 29, 1818.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Of equal importance was the colored seminary established by Henry
+Smothers, a pupil of Mrs. Billings. Like her, he taught first in
+Georgetown. He began his advanced work near the Treasury building,
+having an attendance of probably one hundred and fifty pupils,
+generally paying tuition. The fee, however, was not compulsory.
+Smothers taught for about two years, and then was succeeded by John
+Prout, a colored man of rare talents, who later did much in opposition
+to the scheme of transporting Negroes to Africa before they had the
+benefits of education.[1] The school was then called the "Columbian
+Institute." Prout was later assisted by Mrs. Anne Maria Hall.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Other schools of importance were springing up from year
+to year. As early as 1824 Mrs. Mary Wall, a member of the Society
+of Friends, had opened a school for Negroes and received so many
+applications that many had to be refused. From this school came many
+well-prepared colored men, among whom were James Wormley and John
+Thomas Johnson. Another school was established by Thomas Tabbs, who
+received "a polished education from the distinguished Maryland family
+to which he belonged." Mr. Tabbs came to Washington before the War
+of 1812 and began teaching those who came to him when he had a
+schoolhouse, and when he had none he went from house to house,
+stopping even under the trees to teach wherever he found pupils who
+were interested. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+pp. 212, 213, and 214.]
+
+Of this self-educative work of Negroes some of the best was
+accomplished by colored women. With the assistance of Father Vanlomen,
+the benevolent priest then in charge of the Holy Trinity Church, Maria
+Becraft, the most capable colored woman in the District of Columbia at
+that time, established there the first seminary for the education of
+colored girls. She had begun to teach in a less desirable section, but
+impressed with the unusual beauty and strong character of this girl,
+Father Vanlomen had her school transferred to a larger building on
+Fayette Street where she taught until 1831. She then turned over her
+seminary to girls she had trained, and became a teacher in a convent
+at Baltimore as a Sister of Providence.[1] Other good results were
+obtained by Louisa Parke Costin, a member of one of the oldest
+colored families in the District of Columbia. Desiring to diffuse the
+knowledge she acquired from white teachers in the early mixed schools
+of the District, she decided to teach. She opened her school just
+about the time that Henry Smothers was making his reputation as an
+educator. She died in 1831, after years of successful work had crowned
+her efforts. Her task was then taken up by her sister, Martha, who had
+been trained in the Convent Seminary of Baltimore.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 204.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 203.]
+
+Equally helpful was the work of Arabella Jones. Educated at the St.
+Frances Academy at Baltimore, she was well grounded in the English
+branches and fluent in French. She taught on the "Island," calling her
+school "The St. Agnes Academy."[1] Another worker of this class
+was Mary Wormley, once a student in the Colored Female Seminary of
+Philadelphia under Sarah Douglass. This lady began teaching about
+1830, getting some assistance from Mr. Calvert, an Englishman.[2] The
+institution passed later into the hands of Thomas Lee, during the
+incumbency of whom the school was closed by the "Snow Riot." This
+was an attempt on the part of the white people to get rid of the
+progressive Negroes of the District of Columbia. Their excuse for
+such drastic action was that Benjamin Snow, a colored man running a
+restaurant in the city, had made unbecoming remarks about the wives
+of the white mechanics.[3] John F. Cook, one of the most influential
+educators produced in the District of Columbia, was driven out of the
+city by this mob. He then taught at Lancaster, Pa.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 201.]
+
+While the colored schools of the District of Columbia suffered as a
+result of this disturbance, the Negroes then in charge of them were
+too ambitious, too well-educated to discontinue their work. The
+situation, however, was in no sense encouraging. With the exception of
+the churches of the Catholics and Quakers who vied with each other in
+maintaining a benevolent attitude toward the education of the colored
+people,[1] the churches of the District of Columbia, in the Sabbath
+schools of which Negroes once sat in the same seats with white
+persons, were on account of this riot closed to the darker race.[2]
+This expulsion however, was not an unmixed evil, for the colored
+people themselves thereafter established and directed a larger number
+of institutions of learning.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The Catholics admitted the colored people to their
+churches on equal footing with others when they were driven to the
+galleries of the Protestant churches. Furthermore, they continued
+to admit them to their parochial schools. The Sisters of Georgetown
+trained colored girls, and the parochial school of the Aloysius Church
+at one time had as many as two hundred and fifty pupils of color. Many
+of the first colored teachers of the District of Columbia obtained
+their education in these schools. See _Special Report of U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 218 _et. seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Sp. Report_, etc. 187, pp. 217, 218, 219, 220, 221.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, pp. 220-222.]
+
+The colored schools of the District of Columbia soon resumed their
+growth recovering most of the ground they had lost and exhibiting
+evidences of more systematic work. These schools ceased to be
+elementary classes, offering merely courses in reading and writing,
+but developed into institutions of higher grade supplied with
+competent teachers. Among other useful schools then flourishing in
+this vicinity were those of Alfred H. Parry, Nancy Grant, Benjamin
+McCoy, John Thomas Johnson, James Enoch Ambush, and Dr. John H.
+Fleet.[1] John F. Cook returned from Pennsylvania and reopened his
+seminary.[2] About this time there flourished a school established by
+Fannie Hampton. After her death the work was carried on by Margaret
+Thompson until 1846. She then married Charles Middleton and became
+his assistant teacher. He was a free Negro who had been educated in
+Savannah, Georgia, while attending school with white and colored
+children. He founded a successful school about the time that Fleet and
+Johnson[3] retired. Middleton's school,
+however, owes its importance to the fact that it was connected with
+the movement for free colored public schools started by Jesse E. Dow,
+an official of the city, and supported by Rev. Doctor Wayman, then
+pastor of the Bethel Church.[4] Other colaborers with these teachers
+were Alexander Cornish, Richard Stokes, and Margaret Hill.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 212,
+213, and 283.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 200.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Compelled to leave Washington in 1838 because of the
+persecution of free persons of color, Johnson stopped in Pittsburg
+where he entered a competitive teacher examination with two white
+aspirants and won the coveted position. He taught in Pittsburg
+several years, worked on the Mississippi a while, returned later to
+Washington, and in 1843 constructed a building in which he opened
+another school. It was attended by from 150 to 200 students, most of
+whom belonged to the most prominent colored families of the District
+of Columbia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p.
+214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, pp. 214-215.]
+
+Then came another effort on a large scale. This was the school of
+Alexander Hays, an emancipated slave of the Fowler family of Maryland.
+Hays succeeded his wife as a teacher. He soon had the support of such
+prominent men as Rev. Doctor Sampson, William Winston Seaton and R.S.
+Coxe. Joseph T. and Thomas H. Mason and Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher were
+Hays's contemporaries. The last two were teachers from England.
+On account of the feeling then developing against white persons
+instructing Negroes, these philanthropists saw their schoolhouses
+burned, themselves expelled from the white churches, and finally
+driven from the city in 1858.[1] Other white men and women were
+teaching colored children during these years. The most prominent of
+these were Thomas Tabbs, an erratic philanthropist, Mr. Nutall, an
+Englishman; Mr. Talbot, a successful tutor stationed near the present
+site of the Franklin School; and Mrs. George Ford, a Virginian,
+conducting a school on New Jersey Avenue between K and L Streets.[2]
+The efforts of Miss Myrtilla Miner, their contemporary, will be
+mentioned elsewhere.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Besides the classes taught by these workers there was
+the Eliza Ann Cook private school; Miss Washington's school; a select
+primary school; a free Catholic school maintained by the St. Vincent
+de Paul Society, an association of colored Catholics in connection
+with St. Matthew's Church. This institution was organized by the
+benevolent Father Walter at the Smothers School. Then there were
+teachers like Elizabeth Smith, Isabella Briscoe, Charlotte Beams,
+James Shorter, Charlotte Gordon, and David Brown. Furthermore, various
+churches, parochial, and Sunday-schools were then sharing the burden
+of educating the Negro population of the District of Columbia. See
+_Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 214, 215, 216,
+217, 218 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 3: O'Connor, Myrtilla Miner, p. 80.]
+
+The Negroes of Baltimore were almost as self-educating as those of the
+District of Columbia. The coming of the refugees and French Fathers
+from Santo Domingo to Baltimore to escape the revolution[1] marked an
+epoch in the intellectual progress of the colored people of that city.
+Thereafter their intellectual class had access to an increasing black
+population, anxious to be enlightened. Given this better working
+basis, they secured from the ranks of the Catholics additional
+catechists and teachers to give a larger number of illiterates the
+fundamentals of education. Their untiring co-worker in furnishing
+these facilities, was the Most Reverend Ambrose Maréchal, Archbishop
+of Baltimore from 1817 to 1828.[2] These schools were such an
+improvement over those formerly opened to Negroes that colored youths
+of other towns and cities thereafter came to Baltimore for higher
+training.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drewery, _Slave Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+The coming of these refugees to Baltimore had a direct bearing on the
+education of colored girls. Their condition excited the sympathy of
+the immigrating colored women. These ladies had been educated both in
+the Island of Santo Domingo and in Paris. At once interested in the
+uplift of this sex, they soon constituted the nucleus of the society
+that finally formed the St. Frances Academy for girls in connection
+with the Oblate Sisters of Providence Convent in Baltimore, June 5,
+1829.[1] This step was sanctioned by the Reverend James Whitefield,
+the successor of Archbishop Maréchal, and was later approved by the
+Holy See. The institution was located on Richmond Street in a building
+which on account of the rapid growth of the school soon gave way to
+larger quarters. The aim of the institution was to train girls, all
+of whom "would become mothers or household servants, in such solid
+virtues and religious and moral principles as modesty, honesty, and
+integrity."[2] To reach this end they endeavored to supply the school
+with cultivated and capable teachers. Students were offered courses in
+all the branches of "refined and useful education, including all that
+is regularly taught in well regulated female seminaries."[3] This
+school was so well maintained that it survived all reactionary attacks
+and became a center of enlightenment for colored women.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 206.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 206.]
+
+At the same time there were other persons and organizations in the
+field. Prominent among the first of these workers was Daniel Coker,
+known to fame as a colored Methodist missionary, who was sent to
+Liberia. Prior to 1812 he had in Baltimore an academy which certain
+students from Washington attended when they had no good schools of
+their own, and when white persons began to object to the co-education
+of the races. Because of these conditions two daughters of George
+Bell, the builder of the first colored schoolhouse in the District of
+Columbia, went to Baltimore to study under Coker.[1] An adult Negro
+school in this city had 180 pupils in 1820. There were then in the
+Baltimore Sunday-schools about 600 Negroes. They had formed themselves
+into a Bible association which had been received into the connection
+of the Baltimore Bible Society.[2] In 1825 the Negroes there had a day
+and a night school, giving courses in Latin and French. Four years
+later there appeared an "African Free School" with an attendance of
+from 150 to 175 every Sunday.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Anti-Slavery_, etc., pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+By 1830 the Negroes of Baltimore had several special schools of their
+own.[1] In 1835 there was behind the African Methodist Church in Sharp
+Street a school of seventy pupils in charge of William Watkins.[2] W.
+Livingston, an ordained clergyman of the Episcopal Church, had then a
+colored school of eighty pupils in the African Church at the corner of
+Saratoga and Ninth Streets.[3] A third school of this kind was kept by
+John Fortie at the Methodist Bethel Church in Fish Street. Five or six
+other schools of some consequence were maintained by free women of
+color, who owed their education to the Convent of the Oblate Sisters
+of Providence.[4] Observing these conditions, an interested person
+thought that much more would have been accomplished in that community,
+if the friends of the colored people had been able to find workers
+acceptable to the masters and at the same time competent to teach the
+slaves.[5] Yet another observer felt that the Negroes of Baltimore had
+more opportunities than they embraced.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _America, Historical_, etc., vol. i., p.
+438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 438; Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave
+Trade_, pp. 54, 55, and 56; and Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_,
+p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_, p. 33; and
+Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, pp. 85 and 92.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 54.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 37.]
+
+These conditions, however, were so favorable in 1835 that when
+Professor E.A. Andrews came to Baltimore to introduce the work of
+the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+People,[1] he was informed that the education of the Negroes of that
+city was fairly well provided for. Evidently the need was that the
+"systematic and sustained exertions" of the workers should spring
+from a more nearly perfect organization "to give efficiency to their
+philanthropic labors."[2] He was informed that as his society was of
+New England, it would on account of its origin in the wrong quarter,
+be productive of mischief.[3] The leading people of Baltimore
+thought that it would be better to accomplish this task through the
+Colonization Society, a southern organization carrying out the very
+policy which the American Union proposed to pursue.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: On January 14, 1835, a convention of more than one
+hundred gentlemen from ten different States assembled in Boston and
+organized the "American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the
+Colored Race." Among these workers were William Reed, Daniel Noyes,
+J.W. Chickering, J.W. Putnam, Baron Stow, B.B. Edwards, E.A. Andrews,
+Charles Scudder, Joseph Tracy, Samuel Worcester, and Charles Tappan.
+The gentlemen were neither antagonistic to the antislavery nor to the
+colonization societies. They aimed to do that which had been neglected
+in giving the Negroes proper preparation for freedom. Knowing that
+the actual emancipation of an oppressed race cannot be effected by
+legislation, they hoped to provide religious and literary instruction
+for all colored children that they might "ameliorate their economic
+condition" and prepare themselves for higher usefulness. See the
+_Exposition of the Object and Plans of the American Union_, pp.
+11-14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, p. 57.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 188.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _Slavery_, etc., p. 56.]
+
+The instruction of ambitious blacks in this city was not confined to
+mere rudimentary training. The opportunity for advanced study was
+offered colored girls in the Convent of the Oblate Sisters of
+Providence. These Negroes, however, early learned to help themselves.
+In 1835 considerable assistance came from Nelson Wells, one of their
+own color. He left to properly appointed trustees the sum of $10,000,
+the income of which was to be appropriated to the education of free
+colored children.[1] With this benefaction the trustees concerned
+established in 1835 what they called the Wells School. It offered
+Negroes free instruction long after the Civil War.
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 353.]
+
+In seeking to show how these good results were obtained by the
+Negroes' coöperative power and ability to supply their own needs, we
+are not unmindful of the assistance which they received. To say that
+the colored people of Baltimore, themselves, provided all these
+facilities of education would do injustice to the benevolent element
+of that city. Among its white people were found so much toleration
+of opinion on slavery and so much sympathy with the efforts for its
+removal, that they not only permitted the establishment of Negro
+churches, but opened successful colored schools in which white men
+and women assisted personally in teaching. Great praise is due
+philanthropists of the type of John Breckenridge and Daniel Raymond,
+who contributed their time and means to the cause and enlisted the
+efforts of others. Still greater credit should be given to William
+Crane, who for forty years was known as an "ardent, liberal, and wise
+friend of the black man." At the cost of $20,000 he erected in the
+central part of the city an edifice exclusively for the benefit of
+the colored people. In this building was an auditorium, several
+large schoolrooms, and a hall for entertainments and lectures. The
+institution employed a pastor and two teachers[1] and it was often
+mentioned as a high school.
+
+[Footnote 1: A contributor to the _Christian Chronicle_ found in this
+institution a pastor, a principal of the school, and an assistant,
+all of superior qualifications. The classes which this reporter heard
+recite grammar and geography convinced him of the thoroughness of the
+work and the unusual readiness of the colored people to learn. See
+_The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 91.]
+
+In northern cities like Philadelphia and New York, where benevolent
+organizations provided an adequate number of colored schools, the free
+blacks did not develop so much of the power to educate themselves. The
+Negroes of these cities, however, cannot be considered exceptions to
+the rule. Many of those of Philadelphia were of the most ambitious
+kind, men who had purchased their freedom or had developed sufficient
+intelligence to delude their would-be captors and conquer the
+institution of slavery. Settled in this community, the thrifty class
+accumulated wealth which they often used, not only to defray the
+expenses of educating their own children, but to provide educational
+facilities for the poor children of color.
+
+Gradually developing the power to help themselves, the free people
+of color organized a society which in 1804 opened a school with John
+Trumbull as teacher.[1] About the same time the African Episcopalians
+founded a colored school at their church.[2] A colored man gave three
+hundred pounds of the required funds to build the first colored
+schoolhouse in Philadelphia.[3] In 1830 one fourth of the twelve
+hundred colored children in the schools of that city paid for their
+instruction, whereas only two hundred and fifty were attending the
+public schools in 1825.[4] The fact that some of the Negroes were able
+and willing to share the responsibility of enlightening their people
+caused a larger number of philanthropists to come to the rescue
+of those who had to depend on charity. Furthermore, of the many
+achievements claimed for the colored schools of Philadelphia none were
+considered more significant than that they produced teachers qualified
+to carry on this work. Eleven of the sixteen colored schools in
+Philadelphia in 1822 were taught by teachers of African descent. In
+1830 the system was practically in the hands of Negroes.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 129.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 130.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 377.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1825, p.
+13.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1830, p.8; and
+Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+The statistics of later years show how successful these early efforts
+had been. By 1849 the colored schools of Philadelphia had developed
+to the extent that they seemed like a system. According to the
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of Colored People in and about
+Philadelphia_, published that year, there were 1643 children of color
+attending well-regulated schools. The larger institutions were mainly
+supported by State and charitable organizations of which the Society
+of Friends and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society were the most
+important. Besides supporting these institutions, however, the
+intelligent colored men of Philadelphia had maintained smaller schools
+and organized a system of lyceums and debating clubs, one of which had
+a library of 1400 volumes. Moreover, there were then teaching in the
+colored families and industrial schools of Philadelphia many men and
+women of both races.[1] Although these instructors restricted their
+work to the teaching of the rudiments of education, they did much to
+help the more advanced schools to enlighten the Negroes who came to
+that city in large numbers when conditions became intolerable for
+the free people of color in the slave States. The statistics of the
+following decade show unusual progress. In the year 1859 there were
+in the colored public schools of Philadelphia, 1031 pupils; in the
+charity schools, 748; in the benevolent schools, 211; in private
+schools, 331; in all, 2321, whereas in 1849 there were only 1643.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: About the middle of the nineteenth century colored
+schools of various kinds arose in Philadelphia. With a view to giving
+Negroes industrial training their friends opened "The School for the
+Destitute" at the House of Industry in 1848. Three years later Sarah
+Luciana was teaching a school of seventy youths at this House of
+Industry, and the Sheppard School, another industrial institution,
+was in operation in 1850 in a building bearing the same name. In 1849
+arose the "Corn Street Unclassified School" of forty-seven children
+in charge of Sarah L. Peltz. "The Holmesburg Unclassified School" was
+organized in 1854. Other institutions of various purposes were "The
+House of Refuge," "The Orphans' Shelter," and "The Home for
+Colored Children." See Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.
+
+Among those then teaching in private schools of Philadelphia were
+Solomon Clarkson, Robert George, John Marshall, John Ross, Jonathan
+Tudas, and David Ware. Ann Bishop, Virginia Blake, Amelia Bogle, Anne
+E. Carey, Sarah Ann Douglass, Rebecca Hailstock, Emma Hall, Emmeline
+Higgins, Margaret Johnson, Martha Richards, Dinah Smith, Mary Still,
+and one Peterson were teaching in families. See _Statistical Inquiry_,
+etc., 1849, p. 19; and Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, in 1859.]
+
+Situated like those of Philadelphia, the free blacks of New York City
+did not have to maintain their own schools. This was especially true
+after 1832 when the colored people had qualified themselves to take
+over the schools of the New York Manumission Society. They then got
+rid of all the white teachers, even Andrews, the principal, who had
+for years directed this system. Besides, the economic progress of
+certain Negroes there made possible the employment of the increasing
+number of colored teachers, who had availed themselves of the
+opportunities afforded by the benevolent schools. The stigma then
+attached to one receiving seeming charity through free schools
+stimulated thrifty Negroes to have their children instructed either in
+private institutions kept by friendly white teachers or by teachers of
+their own color.[1] In 1812 a society of the free people of color was
+organized to raise a fund, the interest of which was to sustain a
+free school for orphan children.[2] This society succeeded later in
+establishing and maintaining two schools. At this time there were
+in New York City three other colored schools, the teachers of which
+received their compensation from those who patronized them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the Address of the American Convention, 1819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1812, p. 7.
+
+Certain colored women were then organized to procure and make for
+destitute persons of color. See Andrews, _History of the New York
+African Free Schools_, p. 58.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 58.]
+
+Whether from lack of interest in their welfare on the part of the
+public, or from the desire of the Negroes to share their own burdens,
+the colored people of Rhode Island were endeavoring to provide for
+the education of their children during the first decades of the last
+century. _The Newport Mercury_ of March 26, 1808, announced that the
+African Benevolent Society had opened there a school kept by Newport
+Gardner, who was to instruct all colored people "inclined to attend."
+The records of the place show that this school was in operation eight
+years later.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _History of Ed. in R.I._, p. 30.]
+
+In Boston, where were found more Negroes than in most New England
+communities, the colored people themselves maintained a separate
+school after the revolutionary era. In the towns of Salem, Nantucket,
+New Bedford, and Lowell the colored schools failed to make much
+progress after the first quarter of the nineteenth century on account
+of the more liberal construction of the laws which provided for
+democratic education. This the free blacks were forced to advocate for
+the reason that the seeming onerous task of supporting a dual system
+often caused the neglect, and sometimes the extinction of the separate
+schools. Furthermore, either the Negroes of some of these towns were
+too scarce or the movement to furnish them special facilities of
+education started too late to escape the attacks of the abolitionists.
+Seeing their mistake of first establishing separate schools, they
+began to attack caste in public education.
+
+In the eastern cities where colored school systems thereafter
+continued, the work was not always successful. The influx of fugitives
+in the rough sometimes jeopardized their chances for education by
+menacing liberal communities with the trouble of caring for an
+undesirable class. The friends of the Negroes, however, received more
+encouragement during the two decades immediately preceding the Civil
+War. There was a change in the attitude of northern cities toward
+the uplift of the colored refugees. Catholics, Protestants, and
+abolitionists often united their means to make provision for the
+education of accessible Negroes, although these friends of the
+oppressed could not always agree on other important schemes. Even the
+colonizationists, the object of attack from the ardent antislavery
+element, considerably aided the cause. They educated for work in
+Liberia a number of youths, who, given the opportunity to attend
+good schools, demonstrated the capacity of the colored people. More
+important factors than the colonizationists were the free people of
+color. Brought into the rapidly growing urban communities, these
+Negroes began to accumulate sufficient wealth to provide permanent
+schools of their own. Many of these were later assimilated by
+the systems of northern cities when their separate schools were
+disestablished.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE REACTION
+
+
+Encouraging as had been the movement to enlighten the Negroes, there
+had always been at work certain reactionary forces which impeded the
+intellectual progress of the colored people. The effort to enlighten
+them that they might be emancipated to enjoy the political rights
+given white men, failed to meet with success in those sections where
+slaves were found in large numbers. Feeling that the body politic, as
+conceived by Locke and Montesquieu, did not include the slaves, many
+citizens opposed their education on the ground that their mental
+improvement was inconsistent with their position as persons held to
+service. For this reason there was never put forward any systematic
+effort to elevate the slaves. Every master believed that he had a
+divine right to deal with the situation as he chose. Moreover, even
+before the policy of mental and moral improvement of the slaves could
+be given a trial, some colonists, anticipating the "evils of the
+scheme," sought to obviate them by legislation. Such we have observed
+was the case in Virginia,[1] South Carolina,[2] and Georgia.[3] To
+control the assemblies of slaves, North Carolina,[4] Delaware,[5] and
+Maryland[6] early passed strict regulations for their inspection.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of S.C._, vol.
+ii., p.243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of North Carolina_, vol. i., pp. 126, 563, and
+741.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 352.]
+
+The actual opposition of the masters to the mental improvement of
+Negroes, however, did not assume sufficiently large proportions to
+prevent the intellectual progress of that race, until two forces then
+at work had had time to become effective in arousing southern planters
+to the realization of what a danger enlightened colored men would
+be to the institution of slavery. These forces were the industrial
+revolution and the development of an insurrectionary spirit among
+slaves, accelerated by the rapid spreading of the abolition agitation.
+The industrial revolution was effected by the multiplication of
+mechanical appliances for spinning and weaving which so influenced the
+institution of slavery as seemingly to doom the Negroes to heathenism.
+These inventions were the spinning jenny, the steam engine, the power
+loom, the wool-combing machine, and the cotton gin. They augmented
+the output of spinning mills, and in cheapening cloth, increased the
+demand by bringing it within the reach of the poor. The result was
+that a revolution was brought about not only in Europe, but also in
+the United States to which the world looked for this larger supply of
+cotton fiber.[1] This demand led to the extension of the plantation
+system on a larger scale. It was unfortunate, however, that many of
+the planters thus enriched, believed that the slightest amount of
+education, merely teaching slaves to read, impaired their value
+because it instantly destroyed their contentedness. Since they did not
+contemplate changing their condition, it was surely doing them an ill
+service to destroy their acquiescence in it. This revolution then had
+brought it to pass that slaves who were, during the eighteenth century
+advertised as valuable on account of having been enlightened, were in
+the nineteenth century considered more dangerous than useful.
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Rise of the New West_, pp. 45, 46, 47, 48,
+and 49; and Hammond, _Cotton Industry_, chaps. i. and ii.]
+
+With the rise of this system, and the attendant increased importation
+of slaves, came the end of the helpful contact of servants with their
+masters. Slavery was thereby changed from a patriarchal to an economic
+institution. Thereafter most owners of extensive estates abandoned the
+idea that the mental improvement of slaves made them better servants.
+Doomed then to be half-fed, poorly clad, and driven to death in this
+cotton kingdom, what need had the slaves for education? Some planters
+hit upon the seemingly more profitable scheme of working newly
+imported slaves to death during seven years and buying another supply
+rather than attempt to humanize them.[1] Deprived thus of helpful
+advice and instruction, the slaves became the object of pity not only
+to abolitionists of the North but also to some southerners. Not a
+few of these reformers, therefore, favored the extermination of the
+institution. Others advocated the expansion of slavery not to extend
+the influence of the South, but to disperse the slaves with a view to
+bringing about a closer contact between them and their masters.[2]
+This policy was duly emphasized during the debate on the admission of
+the State of Missouri.
+
+[Footnote 1: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 32;
+Kemble, Journal, p. 28; Martineau, _Society in America_, vol. i., p.
+308; Weld, _Slavery_, etc., p. 41.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Annals of Congress, First Session, vol. i., pp. 996 _et
+seq._ and 1296 _et seq._]
+
+Seeking to direct the attention of the world to the slavery of men's
+bodies and minds the abolitionists spread broadcast through the South
+newspapers, tracts, and pamphlets which, whether or not they had much
+effect in inducing masters to improve the condition of their slaves,
+certainly moved Negroes themselves. It hardly required enlightenment
+to convince slaves that they would be better off as freemen than as
+dependents whose very wills were subject to those of their masters.
+Accordingly even in the seventeenth century there developed in the
+minds of bondmen the spirit of resistance. The white settlers of the
+colonies held out successfully in putting down the early riots of
+Negroes. When the increasing intelligent Negroes of the South,
+however, observed in the abolition literature how the condition of the
+American slaves differed from that of the ancient servants and even
+from what it once had been in the United States; when they fully
+realized their intolerable condition compared with that of white men,
+who were clamoring for liberty and equality, there rankled in the
+bosom of slaves that insurrectionary passion productive of the daring
+uprisings which made the chances for the enlightenment of colored
+people poorer than they had ever been in the history of this country.
+
+The more alarming insurrections of the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century were the immediate cause of the most reactionary measures.
+It was easily observed that these movements were due to the mental
+improvement of the colored people during the struggle for the rights
+of man. Not only had Negroes heard from the lips of their masters
+warm words of praise for the leaders of the French Revolution but had
+developed sufficient intelligence themselves to read the story of the
+heroes of the world, who were then emboldened to refresh the tree
+of liberty "with the blood of patriots and tyrants."[1] The
+insurrectionary passion among the colored people was kindled, too,
+around Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and New Orleans by certain
+Negroes who to escape the horrors of the political upheaval in Santo
+Domingo,[2] immigrated into this country in 1793. The education of the
+colored race had paved the way for the dissemination of their ideas of
+liberty and equality. Enlightened bondmen persistently made trouble
+for the white people in these vicinities. Negroes who could not read,
+learned from others the story of Toussaint L'Ouverture, whose example
+colored men were then ambitious to emulate.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iv., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+The insurrection of Gabriel in Virginia and that of South Carolina in
+the year 1800 are cases in evidence. Unwilling to concede that slaves
+could have so well planned such a daring attack, the press of the
+time insisted that two Frenchmen were the promoters of the affair in
+Virginia.[1] James Monroe said there was no evidence that any white
+man was connected with it.[2] It was believed that the general
+tendency of the Negroes toward an uprising had resulted from French
+ideas which had come to the slaves through intelligent colored men.[3]
+Observing that many Negroes were sufficiently enlightened to see
+things as other men, the editor of the _Aurora_ asserted that in
+negotiating with the "Black Republic" the United States and Great
+Britain had set the seal of approval upon servile insurrection.[4]
+Others referred to inflammatory handbills which Negroes extensively
+read.[5] Discussing the Gabriel plot in 1800, Judge St. George Tucker
+said: "Our sole security then consists in their ignorance of this
+power (doing us mischief) and their means of using it--a security
+which we have lately found is not to be relied on, and which, small as
+it is, every day diminishes. Every year adds to the number of those
+who can read and write; and the increase in knowledge is the principal
+agent in evolving the spirit we have to fear."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800; and _The
+Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., p. 217.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Educated Negroes then constituted an alarming element in
+Massachusetts, Virginia, and South Carolina. See _The New York Daily
+Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 4: See _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, Oct. 7, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Letter of St. George Tucker in Joshua Coffin's _Slave
+Insurrections._]
+
+Camden was disturbed by an insurrection in 1816 and Charleston in
+1822 by a formidable plot which the officials believed was due to the
+"sinister" influences of enlightened Negroes.[1] The moving spirit of
+this organization was Denmark Vesey. He had learned to read and write,
+had accumulated an estate worth $8000, and had purchased his freedom
+in 1800[2] Jack Purcell, an accomplice of Vesey, weakened in the
+crisis and confessed. He said that Vesey was in the habit of reading
+to him all the passages in the newspapers, that related to Santo
+Domingo and apparently every accessible pamphlet that had any
+connection with slavery.[3] One day he read to Purcell the speeches of
+Mr. King on the subject of slavery and told Purcell how this friend of
+the Negro race declared he would continue to speak, write, and publish
+pamphlets against slavery "the longest day he lived," until the
+Southern States consented to emancipate their slaves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_
+(Charleston, South Carolina), August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_,
+August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., August 21, 1822.]
+
+The statement of the Governor of South Carolina also shows the
+influence of the educated Negro. This official felt that Monday, the
+slave of Mr. Gill, was the most daring conspirator. Being able to read
+and write he "attained an extraordinary and dangerous influence over
+his fellows." "Permitted by his owner to occupy a house in the central
+part of this city, he was afforded hourly opportunities for the
+exercise of his skill on those who were attracted to his shop by
+business or favor." "Materials were abundantly furnished in the
+seditious pamphlets brought into the State by equally culpable
+incendiaries, while the speeches of the oppositionists in Congress to
+the admission of Missouri gave a serious and imposing effect to his
+machinations."[1] It was thus brought home to the South that the
+enlightened Negro was having his heart fired with the spirit of
+liberty by his perusal of the accounts of servile insurrections and
+the congressional debate on slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald_, Aug. 30, 1822.]
+
+Southerners of all types thereafter attacked the policy of educating
+Negroes.[1] Men who had expressed themselves neither one way nor the
+other changed their attitude when it became evident that abolition
+literature in the hands of slaves would not only make them
+dissatisfied, but cause them to take drastic measures to secure
+liberty. Those who had emphasized the education of the Negroes to
+increase their economic efficiency were largely converted. The
+clergy who had insisted that the bondmen were entitled to, at least,
+sufficient training to enable them to understand the principles of the
+Christian religion, were thereafter willing to forego the benefits
+of their salvation rather than see them destroy the institution of
+slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgson, _Whitney's Remarks during a Journey through
+North America_, p. 184.]
+
+In consequence of this tendency, State after State enacted more
+stringent laws to control the situation. Missouri passed in 1817 an
+act so to regulate the traveling and assembly of slaves as to make
+them ineffective in making headway against the white people by
+insurrection. Of course, in so doing the reactionaries deprived
+them of the opportunities of helpful associations and of attending
+schools.[1] By 1819 much dissatisfaction had arisen from the seeming
+danger of the various colored schools in Virginia. The General
+Assembly, therefore, passed a law providing that there should be no
+more assemblages of slaves, or free Negroes, or mulattoes, mixing or
+associating with such slaves for teaching them reading and writing.[2]
+The opposition here seemed to be for the reasons that Negroes were
+being generally enlightened in the towns of the State and that white
+persons as teachers in these institutions were largely instrumental in
+accomplishing this result. Mississippi even as a Territory had tried
+to meet the problem of unlawful assemblies. In the year 1823 it was
+declared unlawful for Negroes above the number of five to meet for
+educational purposes.[3] Only with the permission of their masters
+could slaves attend religious worship conducted by a recognized white
+minister or attended by "two discreet and reputable persons."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Missouri Territory_, etc., p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Tate, _Digest of the Laws of Virginia_, pp. 849-850.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Poindexter, _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi_, p.
+390.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 390.]
+
+The problem in Louisiana was first to keep out intelligent persons who
+might so inform the slaves as to cause them to rise. Accordingly in
+1814[1] the State passed a law prohibiting the immigration of free
+persons of color into that commonwealth. This precaution, however, was
+not deemed sufficient after the insurrectionary Negroes of New Berne,
+Tarborough, and Hillsborough, North Carolina,[2] had risen, and David
+Walker of Massachusetts had published to the slaves his fiery appeal
+to arms.[3] In 1830, therefore, Louisiana enacted another measure,
+providing that whoever should write, print, publish, or distribute
+anything having the tendency to produce discontent among the slaves,
+should on conviction thereof be imprisoned at hard labor for life or
+suffer death at the discretion of the court. It was provided, too,
+that whoever used any language or became instrumental in bringing into
+the State any paper, book, or pamphlet inducing this discontent should
+suffer practically the same penalty. All persons who should teach, or
+permit or cause to be taught, any slave to read or write, should be
+imprisoned not less than one month nor more than twelve.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bullard and Curry, _A New Digest of the Statute Laws of
+the State of Louisiana_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Walker mentioned "our wretchedness in consequence
+of slavery, our wretchedness in consequence of ignorance, our
+wretchedness in consequence of the preachers of the religion of Jesus
+Christ, and our wretchedness in consequence of the colonization plan."
+See _Walker's Appeal_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Acts passed at the Ninth Session of the Legislature of
+Louisiana, p. 96.]
+
+Yielding to the demand of slaveholders, Georgia passed a year later a
+law providing that any Negro who should teach another to read or write
+should be punished by fine and whipping. If a white person should so
+offend, he should be punished with a fine not exceeding $500 and with
+imprisonment in the common jail at the discretion of the committing
+magistrate.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1] Dawson, _A Compilation of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, etc., p. 413.
+
+In Virginia where the prohibition did not then extend to freedmen,
+there was enacted in 1831 a law providing that any meeting of free
+Negroes or mulattoes for teaching them reading or writing should be
+considered an unlawful assembly. To break up assemblies for this
+purpose any judge or justice of the peace could issue a warrant to
+apprehend such persons and inflict corporal punishment not exceeding
+twenty lashes. White persons convicted of teaching Negroes to read
+or write were to be fined fifty dollars and might be imprisoned two
+months. For imparting such information to a slave the offender was
+subject to a fine of not less than ten nor more than one hundred
+dollars.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1]_Laws of Virginia_, 1830-1831, p. 108, Sections 5 and 6.
+
+The whole country was again disturbed by the insurrection in
+Southampton County, Virginia, in 1831. The slave States then had a
+striking example of what the intelligent Negroes of the South might
+eventually do. The leader of this uprising was Nat Turner. Precocious
+as a youth he had learned to read so easily that he did not remember
+when he first had that attainment.[1] Given unusual social and
+intellectual advantages, he developed into a man of considerable
+"mental ability and wide information." His education was chiefly
+acquired in the Sunday-schools in which "the text-books for the small
+children were the ordinary speller and reader, and that for the older
+Negroes the Bible."[2] He had received instruction also from his
+parents and his indulgent young master, J.C. Turner.
+
+[Footnote 1] Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 27.
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 28.]
+
+When Nat Turner appeared, the education of the Negro had made the way
+somewhat easier for him than it was for his predecessors. Negroes who
+could read and write had before them the revolutionary ideas of the
+French, the daring deeds of Toussaint L'Ouverture, the bold attempt of
+General Gabriel, and the far-reaching plans of Denmark Vesey. These
+were sometimes written up in the abolition literature, the circulation
+of which was so extensive among the slaves that it became a national
+question.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: These organs were _The Albany Evening Journal, The New
+York Free Press, The Genius of Universal Emancipation_, and _The
+Boston Liberator_. See _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+Trying to account for this insurrection the Governor of the State lays
+it to the charge of the Negro preachers who were in position to foment
+much disorder on account of having acquired "great ascendancy over the
+minds" of discontented slaves. He believed that these ministers were
+in direct contact with the agents of abolition, who were using colored
+leaders as a means to destroy the institutions of the South. The
+Governor was cognizant of the fact that not only was the sentiment of
+the incendiary pamphlets read but often the words.[1] To prevent the
+"enemies" in other States from communicating with the slaves of that
+section he requested that the laws regulating the assembly of Negroes
+be more rigidly enforced and that colored preachers be silenced. The
+General Assembly complied with this request.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Laws of Virginia_, 1831-1832, p. 20.]
+
+The aim of the subsequent reactionary legislation of the South was to
+complete the work of preventing the dissemination of information
+among Negroes and their reading of abolition literature. This they
+endeavored to do by prohibiting the communication of the slaves with
+one another, with the better informed free persons of color, and with
+the liberal white people; and by closing all the schools theretofore
+opened to Negroes. The States passed laws providing for a more
+stringent regulation of passes, defining unlawful assemblies, and
+fixing penalties for the same. Other statutes prohibited religious
+worship, or brought it under direct supervision of the owners of the
+slaves concerned, and proscribed the private teaching of slaves in any
+manner whatever.
+
+Mississippi, which already had a law to prevent the mental improvement
+of the slaves, enacted in 1831 another measure to remove from them the
+more enlightened members of their race. All free colored persons were
+to leave the State in ninety days. The same law provided, too, that
+no Negro should preach in that State unless to the slaves of his
+plantation and with the permission of the owner.[1] Delaware saw fit
+to take a bold step in this direction. The act of 1831 provided that
+no congregation or meeting of free Negroes or mulattoes of more than
+twelve persons should be held later than twelve o'clock at night,
+except under the direction of three respectable white persons who were
+to attend the meeting. It further provided that no free Negro should
+attempt to call a meeting for religious worship, to exhort or preach,
+unless he was authorized to do so by a judge or justice of the peace,
+upon the recommendation of five "respectable and judicious citizens."
+[2] This measure tended only to prevent the dissemination of
+information among Negroes by making it impossible for them to
+assemble. It was not until 1863 that the State of Delaware finally
+passed a positive measure to prevent the assemblages of colored
+persons for instruction and all other meetings except for religious
+worship and the burial of the dead.[3] Following the example of
+Delaware in 1832, Florida passed a law prohibiting all meetings of
+Negroes except those for divine worship at a church or place attended
+by white persons.[4] Florida made the same regulations more stringent
+in 1846 when she enjoyed the freedom of a State.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1] Hutchinson, _Code of Mississippi_, p. 533.
+
+[Footnote 2] _Laws of Delaware_, 1832, pp. 181-182.
+
+[Footnote 3] _Ibid._, 1863, p. 330 _et seq._
+
+[Footnote 4: _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of
+Florida, 1832_, p. 145.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Acts of Florida, 1846_, ch. 87, sec. 9.]
+
+Alabama had some difficulty in getting a satisfactory law. In 1832
+this commonwealth enacted a law imposing a fine of from $250 to $500
+on persons who should attempt to educate any Negro whatsoever. The act
+also prohibited the usual unlawful assemblies and the preaching or
+exhorting of Negroes except in the presence of five "respectable
+slaveholders" or unless the officiating minister was licensed by some
+regular church of which the persons thus exhorted were members.[1] It
+soon developed that the State had gone too far. It had infringed upon
+the rights and privileges of certain creoles, who, being residents
+of the Louisiana Territory when it was purchased in 1803, had been
+guaranteed the rights of citizens of the United States. Accordingly in
+1833 the Mayor and the Aldermen of Mobile were authorized by law to
+grant licenses to such persons as they might deem suitable to instruct
+for limited periods, in that city and the counties of Mobile and
+Baldwin, the free colored children, who were descendants of colored
+creoles residing in the district in 1803.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clay, _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama_, p.
+543.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 323.]
+
+Another difficulty of certain commonwealths had to be overcome.
+Apparently Georgia had already incorporated into its laws provisions
+adequate to the prevention of the mental improvement of Negroes. But
+it was discovered that employed as they had been in various positions
+either requiring knowledge, or affording its acquirement, Negroes
+would pick up the rudiments of education, despite the fact that they
+had no access to schools. The State then passed a law imposing a
+penalty not exceeding one hundred dollars for the employment of any
+slave or free person of color "in setting up type or other labor about
+a printing office requiring a knowledge of reading and writing."[1]
+In 1834 South Carolina saw the same danger. In addition to enacting a
+more stringent law for the prevention of the teaching of Negroes by
+white or colored friends, and for the destruction of their schools,
+it provided that persons of African blood should not be employed as
+clerks or salesmen in or about any shop or store or house used for
+trading.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 555; and
+Prince, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 658.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Laws of South Carolina, 1834.]
+
+North Carolina was among the last States to take such drastic measures
+for the protection of the white race. In this commonwealth the whites
+and blacks had lived on liberal terms. Negroes had up to this time
+enjoyed the right of suffrage there. Some attended schools open to
+both races. A few even taught white children.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; and
+testimonies of various ex-slaves.]
+
+The intense feeling against Negroes engendered by the frequency
+of insurrections, however, sufficed to swing the State into the
+reactionary column by 1835. An act passed by the Legislature that year
+prohibited the public instruction of Negroes, making it impossible
+for youth of African descent to get any more education than what
+they could in their own family circle.[1] The public school system
+established thereafter specifically provided that its benefits should
+not extend to any descendant from Negro ancestors to the fourth
+generation inclusive.[2] Bearing so grievously this loss of their
+social status after they had toiled up from poverty, many ambitious
+free persons of color, left the State for more congenial communities.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Revised Statutes of North Carolina_, 578.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of North Carolina, 1835_, C.6, S.2.]
+
+The States of the West did not have to deal so severely with their
+slaves as was deemed necessary in Southern States. Missouri found it
+advisable in 1833 to amend the law of 1817[1] so as to regulate more
+rigorously the traveling and the assembling of slaves. It was not
+until 1847, however, that this commonwealth specifically provided
+that no one should keep or teach any school for the education of
+Negroes.[2] Tennessee had as early as 1803 a law governing the
+movement of slaves but exhibited a little more reactionary spirit in
+1836 in providing that there should be no circulation of seditious
+books or pamphlets which might lead to insurrection or rebellion
+among Negroes.[3] Tennessee, however, did not positively forbid the
+education of colored people. Kentucky had a system of regulating the
+egress and regress of slaves but never passed any law prohibiting
+their instruction. Yet statistics show that although the education of
+Negroes was not penalized, it was in many places made impossible by
+public sentiment. So was it in the State of Maryland, which did not
+expressly forbid the instruction of anyone.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the Territory of Missouri_, p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of the State of Missouri_, 1847, pp. 103 and 104.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Public Acts passed at the First Session of the General
+Assembly of the State of Tennessee_, p. 145, chap. 44.]
+
+These reactionary results were not obtained without some opposition.
+The governing element of some States divided on the question. The
+opinions of this class were well expressed in the discussion between
+Chancellor Harper and J.B. O'Neal of the South Carolina bar. The
+former said that of the many Negroes whom he had known to be capable
+of reading, he had never seen one read anything but the Bible. He
+thought that they imposed this task upon themselves as a matter
+of duty. Because of the Negroes' "defective comprehension and the
+laborious nature of this employment to them"[1] he considered such
+reading an inefficient method of religious instruction. He, therefore,
+supported the oppressive measures of the South. The other member
+of the bar maintained that men could not reflect as Christians and
+justify the position that slaves should not be permitted to read the
+Bible. "It is in vain," added he, "to say there is danger in it. The
+best slaves of the State are those who can and do read the Scriptures.
+Again, who is it that teaches your slaves to read? It is generally
+done by the children of the owners. Who would tolerate an indictment
+against his son or daughter for teaching a slave to read? Such laws
+look to me as rather cowardly."[2] This attorney was almost of
+the opinion of many others who believed that the argument that to
+Christianize and educate the colored people of a slave commonwealth
+had a tendency to elevate them above their masters and to destroy the
+"legitimate distinctions" of the community, could be admitted only
+where the people themselves were degraded.
+
+[Footnote 1: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 2: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 279.]
+
+After these laws had been passed, American slavery extended not
+as that of the ancients, only to the body, but also to the mind.
+Education was thereafter regarded as positively inconsistent with the
+institution. The precaution taken to prevent the dissemination of
+information was declared indispensable to the system. The situation in
+many parts of the South was just as Berry portrayed it in the Virginia
+House of Delegates in 1832. He said: "We have as far as possible
+closed every avenue by which light may enter their [the slaves']
+minds. If we could extinguish the capacity to see the light, our work
+would be completed; they would then be on a level with the beasts of
+the field and we should be safe! I am not certain that we would not
+do it, if we could find out the process, and that on the plea of
+necessity."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 23; and Goodell, _Slave
+Code_, p. 323.]
+
+It had then come to pass that in the South, where once were found
+a considerable number of intelligent Negroes, they had become
+exceedingly scarce or disappeared from certain sections altogether. On
+plantations of hundreds of slaves it was common to discover that
+not one of them had the mere rudiments of education. In some large
+districts it was considered almost a phenomenon to find a Negro who
+could read the Bible or sign his name.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1:_Ibid._, pp. 323-324.]
+
+The reactionary tendency was in no sense confined to the Southern
+States. Laws were passed in the North to prevent the migration of
+Negroes to that section. Their education at certain places was
+discouraged. In fact, in the proportion that the conditions in the
+South made it necessary for free blacks to flee from oppression, the
+people of the North grew less tolerant on account of the large number
+of those who crowded the towns and cities of the free States near the
+border. The antislavery societies at one time found it necessary to
+devote their time to the amelioration of the economic condition of the
+refugees to make them acceptable to the white people rather than to
+direct their attention to mere education.[1] Not a few northerners,
+dreading an influx of free Negroes, drove them even from communities
+to which they had learned to, repair for education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_.]
+
+The best example of this intolerance was the opposition encountered
+by Prudence Crandall, a well-educated young Quaker lady, who had
+established a boarding-school at Canterbury, Connecticut. Trouble
+arose when Sarah Harris, a colored girl, asked admission to this
+institution.[1] For many reasons Miss Crandall hesitated to admit her
+but finally yielded. Only a few days thereafter the parents of the
+white girls called on Miss Crandall to offer their objections to
+sending their children to school with a "nigger."[2] Miss Crandall
+stood firm, the white girls withdrew, and the teacher advertised for
+young women of color. The determination to continue the school on this
+basis incited the townsmen to hold an indignation meeting. They passed
+resolutions to protest through a committee of local officials against
+the establishment of a school of this kind in that community. At this
+meeting Andrew T. Judson denounced the policy of Miss Crandall, while
+the Rev. Samuel J. May ably defended it. Judson was not only opposed
+to the establishment of such a school in Canterbury but in any part of
+the State. He believed that colored people, who could never rise
+from their menial condition in the United States, should not to
+be encouraged to expect to elevate themselves in Connecticut. He
+considered them inferior servants who should not be treated as equals
+of the Caucasians, but should be sent back to Africa to improve
+themselves and Christianize the natives.[3] On the contrary, Mr. May
+thought that there would never be fewer colored people in this country
+than were found here then and that it would be unjust to exile them.
+He asserted that white people should grant Negroes their rights or
+lose their own and that since education is the primal, fundamental
+right of all men, Connecticut was the last place where this should be
+denied.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 30.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 32 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 33; and _Special Report of
+the U.S. Com. of Ed._, pp. 328 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Miss Crandall and her pupils were threatened with violence.
+Accommodation at the local stores was denied her. The pupils were
+insulted. The house was besmeared and damaged. An effort was made to
+invoke the law by which the selectmen might warn any person not an
+inhabitant of the State to depart under penalty of paying $1.67 for
+every week he remained after receiving such notice.[1] This failed,
+but Judson and his followers were still determined that the "nigger
+school" should never be allowed in Canterbury nor any town of the
+State. They appealed to the legislature. Setting forth in its preamble
+that the evil to be obviated was the increase of the black population
+of the commonwealth, that body passed a law providing that no person
+should establish a school for the instruction of colored people who
+were not inhabitants of the State of Connecticut, nor should any one
+harbor or board students brought to the State for this purpose without
+first obtaining, in writing, the consent of a majority of the civil
+authority and of the selectmen of the town.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 331;
+and May, _Letters to A.T. Judson, Esq., and Others_, p. 5.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+The enactment of this law caused Canterbury to go wild with joy. Miss
+Crandall was arrested on the 27th of June, and committed to await her
+trial at the next session of the Supreme Court. She and her friends
+refused to give bond that the officials might go the limit in
+imprisoning her. Miss Crandall was placed in a murderer's cell. Mr.
+May, who had stood by her, said when he saw the door locked and the
+key taken out, "The deed is done, completely done. It cannot be
+recalled. It has passed into the history of our nation and age." Miss
+Crandall was tried the 23d of August, 1833, at Brooklyn, the county
+seat of the county of Windham. The jury failed to agree upon a
+verdict, doubtless because Joseph Eaton, who presided, had given it as
+his opinion that the law was probably unconstitutional. At the second
+trial before Judge Dagget of the Supreme Court, who was an advocate of
+the law, Miss Crandall was convicted. Her counsel, however, filed a
+bill of exceptions and took an appeal to the Court of Errors. The
+case came up on the 22d of July, 1834. The nature of the law was ably
+discussed by W.W. Ellsworth and Calvin Goddard, who maintained that
+it was unconstitutional, and by A.T. Judson and C.F. Cleveland, who
+undertook to prove its constitutionality. The court reserved its
+decision, which was never given. Finding that there were defects in
+the information prepared by the attorney for the State, the indictment
+was quashed. Because of subsequent attempts to destroy the building,
+Mr. May and Miss Crandall decided to abandon the school.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 26.]
+
+
+It resulted then that even in those States to which free blacks had
+long looked for sympathy, the fear excited by fugitives from the more
+reactionary commonwealths had caused northerners so to yield to the
+prejudices of the South that they opposed insuperable obstacles to the
+education of Negroes for service in the United States. The colored
+people, as we shall see elsewhere, were not allowed to locate their
+manual labor college at New Haven[1] and the principal of the Noyes
+Academy at Canaan, New Hampshire, saw his institution destroyed
+because he decided to admit colored students.[2] These fastidious
+persons, however, raised no objection to the establishment of schools
+to prepare Negroes to expatriate themselves under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Alexander, _A History of Colonization on the Western
+Continent_, p. 348.]
+
+Observing these conditions the friends of the colored people could
+not be silent. The abolitionists led by Caruthers, May, and Garrison
+hurled their weapons at the reactionaries, branding them as
+inconsistent schemers. After having advanced the argument of the
+mental inferiority of the colored race they had adopted the policy
+of educating Negroes on the condition that they be removed from the
+country.[1] Considering education one of the rights of man, the
+abolitionists persistently rebuked the North and South for their
+inhuman policy. On every opportune occasion they appealed to the world
+in behalf of the oppressed race, which the hostile laws had removed
+from humanizing influences, reduced to the plane of beasts, and made
+to die in heathenism.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay,_An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26; Johns Hopkins University
+Studies, Series xvi., p. 319; and _Proceedings of the New York State
+Colonization Society_, 1831, p. 6.]
+
+In reply to the abolitionists the protagonists of the reactionaries
+said that but for the "intrusive and intriguing interference of
+pragmatical fanatics"[1] such precautionary enactments would never
+have been necessary. There was some truth in this statement; for
+in certain districts these measures operated not to prevent the
+aristocratic people of the South from enlightening the Negroes, but to
+keep away from them what they considered undesirable instructors.
+The southerners regarded the abolitionists as foes in the field,
+industriously scattering the seeds of insurrection which could then
+be prevented only by blocking every avenue through which they could
+operate upon the minds of the slaves. A writer of this period
+expressed it thus: "It became necessary to check or turn aside the
+stream which instead of flowing healthfully upon the Negro is
+polluted and poisoned by the abolitionists and rendered the source
+of discontent and excitement."[2] He believed that education thus
+perverted would become equally dangerous to the master and the slave,
+and that while fanaticism continued its war upon the South the
+measures of necessary precaution and defense had to be continued. He
+asserted, however, that education would not only unfit the Negro for
+his station in life and prepare him for insurrection, but would prove
+wholly impracticable in the performance of the duties of a laborer.[3]
+The South has not yet learned that an educated man is a better laborer
+than an ignorant one.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _An Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col.
+Soc_., p. 31; and _The South Vindicated from the Treason and
+Fanaticism of the Abolitionists_, p. 68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+the Abolitionists_, p. 69.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+RELIGION WITHOUT LETTERS
+
+
+Stung by the effective charge of the abolitionists that the
+reactionary legislation of the South consigned the Negroes to
+heathenism, slaveholders considering themselves Christians, felt that
+some semblance of the religious instruction of these degraded people
+should be devised. It was difficult, however, to figure out exactly
+how the teaching of religion to slaves could be made successful and at
+the same time square with the prohibitory measures of the South. For
+this reason many masters made no effort to find a way out of the
+predicament. Others with a higher sense of duty brought forward a
+scheme of oral instruction in Christian truth or of religion without
+letters. The word instruction thereafter signified among the
+southerners a procedure quite different from what the term meant in
+the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when Negroes were taught to
+read and write that they might learn the truth for themselves.
+
+Being aristocratic in its bearing, the Episcopal Church in the South
+early receded from the position of cultivating the minds of the
+colored people. As the richest slaveholders were Episcopalians, the
+clergy of that denomination could hardly carry out a policy which
+might prove prejudicial to the interests of their parishioners.
+Moreover, in their propaganda there was then nothing which required
+the training of Negroes to instruct themselves. As the qualifications
+of Episcopal ministers were rather high even for the education of the
+whites of that time, the blacks could not hope to be active churchmen.
+This Church, therefore, soon limited its work among the Negroes of
+the South to the mere verbal instruction of those who belonged to the
+local parishes. Furthermore, because this Church was not exceedingly
+militant, and certainly not missionary, it failed to grow rapidly. In
+most parts it suffered from the rise of the more popular Methodists
+and Baptists into the folds of which slaves followed their masters
+during the eighteenth century.
+
+The adjustment of the Methodist and Baptist churches in the South to
+the new work among the darker people, however, was after the first
+quarter of the nineteenth century practically easy. Each of these
+denominations had once strenuously opposed slavery, the Methodists
+holding out longer than the Baptists. But the particularizing force
+of the institution soon became such that southern churches of these
+connections withdrew most of their objections to the system and, of
+course, did not find it difficult to abandon the idea of teaching
+Negroes to read.[1] Moreover, only so far as it was necessary to
+prepare men to preach and exhort was there an urgent need for literary
+education among these plain and unassuming missionaries. They came,
+not emphasizing the observance of forms which required so much
+development of the intellect, but laying stress upon the quickening
+of man's conscience and the regeneration of his soul. In the States,
+however, where the prohibitory laws were not so rigidly enforced,
+the instruction received in various ways from workers of these
+denominations often turned out to be more than religion without
+letters.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of Methodism_, etc., p. 132; Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _South-side View_, p. 59.]
+
+The Presbyterians found it more difficult to yield on this point. For
+decades they had been interested in the Negro race and had in 1818
+reached the acme of antislavery sentiment.[1] Synod after synod
+denounced the attitude of cruel masters toward their slaves and took
+steps to do legally all they could to provide religious instruction
+for the colored people.[2] When public sentiment and reactionary
+legislation made the instruction of the Negroes of the South
+impracticable the Presbyterians of New York and New Jersey were active
+in devising schemes for the education of the colored people at points
+in the North.[3] Then came the crisis of the prolonged abolition
+agitation which kept the Presbyterian Church in an excited state from
+1818 to 1830 and resulted in the recession of that denomination from
+the position it had formerly taken against slavery.[4] Yielding to the
+reactionaries in 1835, this noble sect which had established schools
+for Negroes, trained ambitious colored men for usefulness, and
+endeavored to fit them for the best civil and religious emoluments,
+thereafter became divided. The southern connection lost much of its
+interest in the dark race, and fell back on the policy of the verbal
+instruction and memory training of the blacks that they might never
+become thoroughly enlightened as to their condition.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 814-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 815.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Enormity of the Slave Trade_, etc. p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 816, 817.]
+
+Despite the fact that southern Methodists and Presbyterians generally
+ceased to have much anti-slavery ardor, there continued still in
+the western slave States and in the mountains of Virginia and North
+Carolina, a goodly number of these churchmen, who suffered no
+diminution of interest in the enlightenment of Negroes. In the States
+of Kentucky and Tennessee friends of the race were often left free to
+instruct them as they wished. Many of the people who settled those
+States came from the Scotch-Irish stock of the Appalachian Mountains,
+where early in the nineteenth century the blacks were in some cases
+treated as equals of the whites.[1]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, P. 31; _The New England Antislavery
+Almanac_, 1841, p. 31; and _The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p.
+16.]
+
+The Quakers, and many Catholics, however, were as effective as the
+mountaineers in elevating Negroes. They had for centuries labored
+to promote religion and education among their colored brethren. So
+earnest were these sects in working for the uplift of the Negro race
+that the reactionary movement failed to swerve them from their course.
+When the other churches adopted the policy of mere verbal training,
+the Quakers and Catholics adhered to their idea that the Negroes
+should be educated to grasp the meaning of the Christian religion just
+as they had been during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.[1]
+This favorable situation did not mean so much, however, since with the
+exception of the Catholics in Maryland and Louisiana and the Quakers
+in Pennsylvania, not many members of these sects lived in communities
+of a large colored population. Furthermore, they were denied access to
+the Negroes in most southern communities, even when they volunteered
+to work as missionaries among the colored people.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp.
+217-221.]
+
+[Footnote 2: In several Southern States special laws were enacted to
+prevent the influx of such Christian workers.]
+
+How difficult it was for these churchmen to carry out their policy
+of religion without letters may be best observed by viewing the
+conditions then obtaining. In most Southern States in which Negro
+preachers could not be deterred from their mission by public
+sentiment, they were prohibited by law from exhorting their fellows.
+The ground for such action was usually said to be incompetency and
+liability to abuse their office and influence to the injury of the
+laws and peace of the country. The elimination of the Christian
+teachers of the Negro race, and the prevention of the immigration of
+workers from the Northern States rendered the blacks helpless
+and dependent upon a few benevolent white ministers of the slave
+communities. During this period of unusual proselyting among the
+whites, these preachers could not minister to the needs of their own
+race.[1] Besides, even when there was found a white clergyman who was
+willing to labor among these lowly people, he often knew little about
+the inner workings of their minds, and failing to enlighten their
+understanding, left them the victims of sinful habits, incident to the
+institution of slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 175.]
+
+To a civilized man the result was alarming. The Church as an
+institution had ceased to be the means by which the Negroes of the
+South could be enlightened. The Sabbath-schools in which so many
+colored people there had learned to read and write had by 1834
+restricted their work to oral instruction.[1] In places where the
+blacks once had the privilege of getting an elementary education, only
+an inconceivable fraction of them could rise above illiteracy. Most of
+these were freedmen found in towns and cities. With the exception of
+a few slaves who were allowed the benefits of religious instruction,
+these despised beings were generally neglected and left to die
+like heathen. In 1840 there were in the South only fifteen colored
+Sabbath-schools, with an attendance of about 1459.
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodell, _Slave Code_, p. 324.]
+
+There had never been any regular daily instruction in Christian
+truths, but after this period only a few masters allowed field hands
+to attend family prayers. Some sections went beyond this point,
+prohibiting by public sentiment any and all kinds of religious
+instruction.[1] In South Carolina a formal remonstrance signed by over
+300 planters and citizens was presented to a Methodist preacher chosen
+by a conference of that State as a "cautious and discreet person"[2]
+especially qualified to preach to slaves, and pledged to confine
+himself to verbal instruction. In Falmouth, Virginia, several white
+ladies began to meet on Sunday afternoons to teach Negro children the
+principles of the Christian religion. They were unable to continue
+their work a month before the local officials stopped them, although
+these women openly avowed that they did not intend to teach reading
+and writing.[3] Thus the development of the religious education of
+the Negroes in certain parts of the South had been from literary
+instruction as a means of imparting Christian truth to the policy
+of oral indoctrination, and from this purely memory teaching to no
+education at all.
+
+[Footnote 1: The cause of this drastic policy was not so much race
+hatred as the fear that any kind of instruction might cause the
+Negroes to assert themselves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Olmsted, _Back Country_, pp. 105, 108.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Conway, _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_, p. 5.]
+
+Thereafter the chief privilege allowed the slaves was to congregate
+for evening prayers conducted by themselves under the surveillance
+of a number of "discreet persons." The leader chosen to conduct the
+services, would in some cases read a passage from the Scriptures and
+"line a hymn," which the slaves took up in their turn and sang in a
+tune of their own suitable to the meter. In case they had present no
+one who could read, or the law forbade such an exercise, some exhorter
+among the slaves would be given an opportunity to address the people,
+basing his remarks as far as his intelligence allowed him on some
+memorized portion of the Bible. The rest of the evening would be
+devoted to individual prayers and the singing of favorite hymns,
+developed largely from the experience of slaves, who while bearing
+their burdens in the heat of the day had learned to sing away their
+troubles.
+
+For this untenable position the slave States were so severely
+criticized by southern and northern friends of the colored people that
+the ministers of that section had to construct a more progressive
+policy. Yet whatever might be the arguments of the critics of the
+South to prove that the enlightenment of Negroes was not a danger, it
+was clear after the Southampton insurrection in 1831 that two factors
+in Negro education would for some time continue generally eliminated.
+These were reading matter and colored preachers.
+
+Prominent among the southerners who endeavored to readjust their
+policy of enlightening the black population, were Bishop William
+Meade,[1] Bishop William Capers,[2] and Rev. C.C. Jones.[3] Bishop
+Meade was a native of Virginia, long noted for its large element of
+benevolent slaveholders who never lost interest in their Negroes. He
+was fortunate in finishing his education at Princeton, so productive
+then of leaders who fought the institution of slavery.[4] Immediately
+after his ordination in the Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Meade
+assumed the role of a reformer. He took up the cause of the colored
+people, devoting no little of his time to them when he was in
+Alexandria and Frederick in 1813 and 1814.[5] He began by preaching to
+the Negroes on fifteen plantations, meeting them twice a day, and in
+one year reported the baptism of forty-eight colored children.[6]
+Early a champion of the colonization of the Negroes, he was sent on a
+successful mission to Georgia in 1818 to secure the release of certain
+recaptured Africans who were about to be sold. Going and returning
+from the South he was active in establishing auxiliaries of the
+American Colonization Society. He helped to extend its sphere also
+into the Middle States and New-England.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, pp. 64-65.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of Bishop William Capers_, p. 294.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, Introductory Chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid_., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Niles Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 165-166.]
+
+Bishop Meade was a representative of certain of his fellow-churchmen
+who were passing through the transitory stage from the position of
+advocating the thorough education of Negroes to that of recommending
+mere verbal instruction. Agreeing at first with Rev. Thomas Bacon,
+Bishop Meade favored the literary training of Negroes, and advocated
+the extermination of slavery.[1] Later in life he failed to urge
+his followers to emancipate their slaves, and did not entreat his
+congregation to teach them to read. He was then committed to the
+policy of only lessening their burden as much as possible without
+doing anything to destroy the institution. Thereafter he advocated the
+education and emancipation of the slaves only in connection with the
+scheme of colonization, to which he looked for a solution of these
+problems.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade,_Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, p. 2; and Goodell,
+_The Southern Platform_, pp. 64, 65.]
+
+[Footnote 2:_Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+Wishing to give his views on the religious instruction of Negroes, the
+Bishop found in Rev. Thomas Bacon's sermons that "every argument which
+was likely to convince and persuade was so forcibly exerted, and that
+every objection that could possibly be made, so fully answered, and
+in fine everything that ought to be said so well said, and the same
+things so happily confirmed ..." that it was deemed "best to refer
+the reader for the true nature and object of the book to the book
+itself."[1] Bishop Meade had uppermost in his mind Bacon's logical
+arraignment of those who neglected to teach their Negroes the
+Christian religion. Looking beyond the narrow circle of his own sect,
+the bishop invited the attention of all denominations to this subject
+in which they were "equally concerned." He especially besought "the
+ministers of the gospel to take it into serious consideration as a
+matter for which they also will have to give an account. Did not
+Christ," said he, "die for these poor creatures as well as for any
+other, and is it not given in charge of the minister to gather his
+sheep into the fold?"[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, pp. 31,32, 81, 90,
+93, 95, 104, and 105.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 104.]
+
+Another worker in this field was Bishop William Capers of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church of South Carolina. A southerner to the
+manner born, he did not share the zeal of the antislavery men who
+would educate Negroes as a preparation for manumission.[1] Regarding
+the subject of abolition as one belonging to the State and entirely
+inappropriate to the Church, he denounced the principles of the
+religious abolitionists as originating in false philosophy. Capers
+endeavored to prove that the relation of slave and master is
+authorized by the Holy Scriptures. He was of the opinion, however,
+that certain abuses which might ensue, were immoralities to be
+prevented or punished by all proper means, both by the Church
+discipline and the civil law.[2] Believing that the neglect of the
+spiritual needs of the slaves was a reflection on the slaveholders, he
+set out early in the thirties to stir up South Carolina to the duty of
+removing this stigma.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 295.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+His plan of enlightening the blacks did not include literary
+instruction. His aim was to adapt the teaching of Christian truth to
+the condition of persons having a "humble intellect and a limited
+range of knowledge by means of constant and patient reiteration."[1]
+The old Negroes were to look to preachers for the exposition of these
+principles while the children were to be turned over to catechists
+who would avail themselves of the opportunity of imparting these
+fundamentals to the young at the time their minds were in the plastic
+state. Yet all instructors and preachers to Negroes had to be careful
+to inculcate the performance of the duty of obedience to their masters
+as southerners found them stated in the Holy Scriptures. Any one who
+would hesitate to teach these principles of southern religion should
+not be employed to instruct slaves. The bishop was certain that such
+a one could not then be found among the preachers of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church of South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 298.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 296.]
+
+Bishop Capers was the leading spirit in the movement instituted in
+that commonwealth about 1829 to establish missions to the slaves. So
+generally did he arouse the people to the performance of this duty
+that they not only allowed preachers access to their Negroes but
+requested that missionaries be sent to their plantations. Such
+petitions came from C.C. Pinckney, Charles Boring, and Lewis
+Morris.[1] Two stations were established in 1829 and two additional
+ones in 1833. Thereafter the Church founded one or two others every
+year until 1847 when there were seventeen missions conducted by
+twenty-five preachers. At the death of Bishop Capers in 1855 the
+Methodists of South Carolina had twenty-six such establishments, which
+employed thirty-two preachers, ministering to 11,546 communicants
+of color. The missionary revenue raised by the local conference had
+increased from $300 to $25,000 a year.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+[Footnote 2; _African Repository_, vol. xxiv., p. 157.]
+
+The most striking example of this class of workers was the Rev. C.C.
+Jones, a minister of the Presbyterian Church. Educated at Princeton
+with men actually interested in the cause of the Negroes, and located
+in Georgia where he could study the situation as it was, Jones became
+not a theorist but a worker. He did not share the discussion of the
+question as to how to get rid of slavery. Accepting the institution as
+a fact, he endeavored to alleviate the sufferings of the unfortunates
+by the spiritual cultivation of their minds. He aimed, too, not to
+take into his scheme the solution of the whole problem but to appeal
+to a special class of slaves, those of the plantations who were left
+in the depths of ignorance as to the benefits of right living. In this
+respect he was like two of his contemporaries, Rev. Josiah Law[1] of
+Georgia and Bishop Polk of Louisiana.[2] Denouncing the policy of
+getting all one could out of the slaves and of giving back as little
+as possible, Jones undertook to show how their spiritual improvement
+would exterminate their ignorance, vulgarity, idleness, improvidence,
+and irreligion; Jones thought that if the circumstances of the Negroes
+were changed, they would equal, if not excel, the rest of the human
+family "in majesty of intellect, elegance of manners, purity of
+morals, and ardor of piety."[3] He feared that white men might cherish
+a contempt for Negroes that would cause them to sink lower in the
+scale of intelligence, morality, and religion. Emphasizing the fact
+that as one class of society rises so will the other, Jones advocated
+the mingling of the classes together in churches, to create kindlier
+feelings among them, increase the tendency of the blacks to
+subordination, and promote in a higher degree their mental and
+religious improvement. He was sure that these benefits could never
+result from independent church organization.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Rev. Josiah Law was almost as successful as Jones in
+carrying the gospel to the neglected Negroes. His life is a large
+chapter in the history of Christianity among the slaves of that
+commonwealth. See Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Rhodes, _History of the U.S_., vol. i., p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 106, 217.]
+
+Meeting the argument of those who feared the insubordination of
+Negroes, Jones thought that the gospel would do more for the obedience
+of slaves and the peace of the community than weapons of war. He
+asserted that the very effort of the masters to instruct their slaves
+created a strong bond of union between them and their masters.[1]
+History, he believed, showed that the direct way of exposing the
+slaves to acts of insubordination was to leave them in ignorance and
+superstition to the care of their own religion.[2] To disprove the
+falsity of the charge that literary instruction given in Neau's school
+in New York was the cause of a rising of slaves in 1709, he produced
+evidence that it was due to their opposition to becoming Christians.
+The rebellions in South Carolina from 1730 to 1739, he maintained,
+were fomented by the Spaniards in St. Augustine. The upheaval in New
+York in 1741 was not due to any plot resulting from the instruction
+of Negroes in religion, but rather to a delusion on the part of the
+whites. The rebellions in Camden in 1816 and in Charleston in 1822
+were not exceptions to the rule. He conceded that the Southampton
+Insurrection in Virginia in 1831 originated under the color of
+religion. It was pointed out, however, that this very act itself was
+a proof that Negroes left to work out their own salvation, had fallen
+victims to "ignorant and misguided teachers" like Nat Turner. Such
+undesirable leaders, thought he, would never have had the opportunity
+to do mischief, if the masters had taken it upon themselves to
+instruct their slaves.[3] He asserted that no large number of slaves
+well instructed in the Christian religion and taken into the churches
+directed by white men had ever been found guilty of taking part in
+servile insurrections.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., pp. 212, 274.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, etc., p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Plumer, _Thoughts_, etc., p. 4.]
+
+To meet the arguments of these reformers the slaveholders found among
+laymen and preachers able champions to defend the reactionary policy.
+Southerners who had not gone to the extreme in the prohibition of the
+instruction of Negroes felt more inclined to answer the critics of
+their radical neighbors. One of these defenders thought that the
+slaves should have some enlightenment but believed that the domestic
+element of the system of slavery in the Southern States afforded
+"adequate means" for the improvement, adapted to their condition and
+the circumstances of the country; and furnished "the natural, safe,
+and effectual means"[1] of the intellectual and moral elevation of the
+Negro race. Another speaking more explicitly, said that the fact
+that the Negro is such per se carried with it the "inference or the
+necessity that his education--the cultivation of his faculties, or the
+development of his intelligence, must be in harmony with itself." In
+other words, "his instruction must be an entirely different thing from
+the training of the Caucasian," in regard to whom "the term education
+had widely different significations." For this reason these defenders
+believed that instead of giving the Negro systematic instruction he
+should be placed in the best position possible for the development of
+his imitative powers--"to call into action that peculiar capacity for
+copying the habits, mental and moral, of the superior race."[2] They
+referred to the facts that slaves still had plantation prayers and
+preaching by numerous members of their own race, some of whom could
+read and write, that they were frequently favored by their masters
+with services expressly for their instruction, that Sabbath-schools
+had been established for the benefit of the young, and finally that
+slaves were received into the churches which permitted them to hear
+the same gospel and praise the same God.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of
+Slavery_, pp. 228 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Van Evrie, _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy of Slavery_, p. 228.]
+
+Seeing even in the policy of religious instruction nothing but danger
+to the position of the slave States, certain southerners opposed it
+under all circumstances. Some masters feared that verbal instruction
+would increase the desire of slaves to learn. Such teaching might
+develop into a progressive system of improvement, which, without any
+special effort in that direction, would follow in the natural order of
+things.[1] Timorous persons believed that slaves thus favored would
+neglect their duties and embrace seasons of religious worship for
+originating and executing plans for insubordination and villainy. They
+thought, too, that missionaries from the free States would thereby
+be afforded an opportunity to come South and inculcate doctrines
+subversive of the interests and safety of that section.[2] It would
+then be only a matter of time before the movement would receive such
+an impetus that it would dissolve the relations of society as then
+constituted and revolutionize the civil institutions of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 192; Olmsted, _Back
+Country_, pp. 106-108.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 106.]
+
+The black population of certain sections, however, was not reduced
+to heathenism. Although often threatening to execute the reactionary
+laws, many of which were never intended to be rigidly enforced,
+the southerners did not at once eliminate the Negro as a religious
+instructor.[1] It was fortunate that a few Negroes who had learned the
+importance of early Christian training, organized among themselves
+local associations. These often appointed an old woman of the
+plantation to teach children too young to work in the fields, to say
+prayers, repeat a little catechism, and memorize a few hymns.[2] But
+this looked too much like systematic instruction. In some States it
+was regarded as productive of evils destructive to southern
+society and was, therefore, discouraged or prohibited.[3] To local
+associations organized by kindly slaveholders there was less
+opposition because the chief aim always was to restrain strangers and
+undesirable persons from coming South to incite the Negroes to servile
+insurrection. Two good examples of these local organizations were
+the ones found in Liberty and McIntosh counties, Georgia. The
+constitutions of these bodies provided that the instruction should be
+altogether oral, embracing the general principles of the Christian
+religion as understood by orthodox Christians.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the testimonies of ex-slaves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 114, 117.]
+
+[Footnote 3: While the laws in certain places were not so drastic as
+to prohibit religious assemblies, the same was effected by patrols and
+mobs.]
+
+[Footnote 4: The Constitution of the Liberty County Association for
+the Religious Instruction of Negroes, Article IV.]
+
+Directing their efforts thereafter toward mere verbal teaching,
+religious workers depended upon the memory of the slave to retain
+sufficient of the truths and principles expounded to effect his
+conversion. Pamphlets, hymn books, and catechisms especially adapted
+to the work were written by churchmen, and placed in the hands of
+discreet missionaries acceptable to the slaveholders. Among other
+publications of this kind were Dr. Capers's Short Catechism for the
+Use of Colored Members on _Trial in the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+South Carolina; A Catechism to be Used by Teachers in the Religious
+Instruction of Persons of Color in the Episcopal Church of South
+Carolina_; Dr. Palmer's _Cathechism_; Rev. John Mine's _Catechism_;
+and C.C. Jones's _Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine and Practice
+Designed for the Original Instruction of Colored People._ Bishop Meade
+was once engaged in collecting such literature addressed particularly
+to slaves in their stations. These extracts were to be read to them
+on proper occasions by any member of the family.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, p. 2.]
+
+Yet on the whole it can be safely stated that there were few
+societies formed in the South to give the Negroes religious and moral
+instruction. Only a few missionaries were exclusively devoted to work
+among them. In fact, after the reactionary period no propaganda of
+any southern church included anything which could be designated as
+systematic instruction of the Negroes.[1] Even owners, who took
+care to feed, clothe, and lodge their slaves well and treated
+them humanely, often neglected to do anything to enlighten their
+understanding as to their responsibility to God. [Footnote 1:
+Madison's Works, vol. in., p. 314; Olmsted, _Back Country_, p. 107;
+Birney, _The American Churches_, etc., p. 6; and Jones, _Religious
+Instruction_, etc., p. 100.]
+
+Observing closely these conditions one would wonder little that many
+Negroes became low and degraded. The very institution of slavery
+itself produced shiftless, undependable beings, seeking relief
+whenever possible by giving the least and getting the most from their
+masters. When the slaves were cut off from the light of the gospel by
+the large plantation system, they began to exhibit such undesirable
+traits as insensibility of heart, lasciviousness, stealing, and lying.
+The cruelty of the "Christian" master to the slaves made the latter
+feel that such a practice was not altogether inhuman. Just as the
+white slave drivers developed into hopeless brutes by having human
+beings to abuse, so it turned out with certain Negroes in their
+treatment of animals and their fellow-creatures in bondage. If some
+Negroes were commanded not to commit adultery, such a prohibition did
+not extend to the slave women forced to have illicit relations with
+masters who sold their mulatto offspring as goods and chattels. If the
+bondmen were taught not to steal the aim was to protect the supplies
+of the local plantation. Few masters raised any serious objection to
+the act of their half-starved slaves who at night crossed over to some
+neighboring plantation to secure food. Many white men made it their
+business to dispose of property stolen by Negroes.
+
+In the strait in which most slaves were, they had to lie for
+protection. Living in an environment where the actions of almost any
+colored man were suspected as insurrectionary, Negroes were frequently
+called upon to tell what they knew and were sometimes forced to say
+what they did not know. Furthermore, to prevent the slaves from
+coöperating to rise against their masters, they were often taught to
+mistreat and malign each other to keep alive a feeling of hatred. The
+bad traits of the American Negroes resulted then not from an instinct
+common to the natives of Africa, but from the institutions of the
+South and from the actual teaching of the slaves to be low and
+depraved that they might never develop sufficient strength to become a
+powerful element in society.
+
+As this system operated to make the Negroes either nominal Christians
+or heathen, the anti-slavery men could not be silent.[1] James G.
+Birney said that the slaveholding churches like indifferent observers,
+had watched the abasement of the Negroes to a plane of beasts without
+remonstrating with legislatures against the iniquitous measures.[2]
+Moreover, because there was neither literary nor systematic oral
+instruction of the colored members of southern congregations, uniting
+with the Church made no change in the condition of the slaves. They
+were thrown back just as before among their old associates, subjected
+to corrupting influences, allowed to forego attendance at public
+worship on Sundays, and rarely encouraged to attend family prayers.[3]
+In view of this state of affairs Birney was not surprised that it
+was only here and there that one could find a few slaves who had an
+intelligent view of Christianity or of a future life.
+
+[Footnote 1: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_, p. 394.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Birney, _American Churches_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 7.]
+
+William E. Charming expressed his deep regret that the whole lot of
+the slave was fitted to keep his mind in childhood and bondage. To
+Channing it seemed shameful that, although the slave lived in a land
+of light, few beams found their way to his benighted understanding. He
+was given no books to excite his curiosity. His master provided for
+him no teacher but the driver who broke him almost in childhood to the
+servile tasks which were to fill up his life. Channing complained that
+when benevolence would approach the slave with instruction it was
+repelled. Not being allowed to be taught, the "voice which would speak
+to him as a man was put to silence." For the lack of the privilege
+to learn the truth "his immortal spirit was systematically crushed
+despite the mandate of God to bring all men unto Him."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Channing, _Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+Discussing the report that slaves were taught religion, Channing
+rejoiced that any portion of them heard of that truth "which gives
+inward freedom."[1] He thought, however, that this number was very
+small. Channing was certain that most slaves were still buried in
+heathen ignorance. But extensive as was this so-called religious
+instruction, he did not see how the teaching of the slave to be
+obedient to his master could exert much power in raising one to the
+divinity of man. How slavery which tends to debase the mind of
+the bondman could prepare it for spiritual truth, or how he could
+comprehend the essential principles of love on hearing it from the
+lips of his selfish and unjust owner, were questions which no defender
+of the system ever answered satisfactorily for Channing. Seeing then
+no hope for the elevation of the Negro as a slave, he became a more
+determined abolitionist.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 78.]
+
+William Jay, a son of the first Chief Justice of the United States,
+and an abolition preacher of the ardent type, later directed his
+attention to these conditions. The keeping of human beings in heathen
+ignorance by a people professing to reverence the obligation of
+Christianity seemed to him an unpardonable sin. He believed that the
+natural result of this "compromise of principle, this suppression
+of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity," had been the adoption of
+expediency as a standard of right and wrong in the place of the
+revealed will of God.[1] "Thus," continued he, "good men and
+good Christians have been tempted by their zeal for the American
+Colonization Society to countenance opinions and practices
+inconsistent with justice and humanity."[2] Jay charged to this
+disastrous policy of neglect the result that in 1835 only 245,000 of
+the 2,245,144 slaves had a saving knowledge of the religion of
+Christ. He deplored the fact that unhappily the evil influence of the
+reactionaries had not been confined to their own circles but had to a
+lamentable extent "vitiated the moral sense" of other communities.
+The proslavery leaders, he said, had reconciled public opinion to the
+continuance of slavery, and had aggravated those sinful prejudices
+which subjected the free blacks to insult and persecution and denied
+them the blessings of education and religious instruction.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26.]
+
+Among the most daring of those who censured the South for its
+reactionary policy was Rev. John G. Fee, an abolition minister of
+the gospel of Kentucky. Seeing the inevitable result in States where
+public opinion and positive laws had made the education of Negroes
+impossible, Fee asserted that in preventing them from reading God's
+Word and at the same time incorporating them into the Church as
+nominal Christians, the South had weakened the institution. Without
+the means to learn the principles of religion it was impossible for
+such an ignorant class to become efficient and useful members.[1]
+Excoriating those who had kept their servants in ignorance to secure
+the perpetuity of the institution of slavery, Fee maintained that
+sealing up the mind of the slave, lest he should see his wrongs, was
+tantamount to cutting off the hand or foot in order to prevent his
+escape from forced and unwilling servitude.[2] "If by our practice,
+our silence, or our sloth," said he, "we perpetuate a system which
+paralyzes our hands when we attempt to convey to them the bread of
+life, and which inevitably consigns the great mass of them to unending
+perdition, can we be guiltless in the sight of Him who hath made us
+stewards of His grace? This is sinful. Said the Saviour: 'Woe unto you
+lawyers! for ye have taken away the key of knowledge: ye entered not
+in yourselves, and them that were entering in ye hindered."'[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 148.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 149.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+LEARNING IN SPITE OF OPPOSITION
+
+
+Discouraging as these conditions seemed, the situation was not
+entirely hopeless. The education of the colored people as a public
+effort had been prohibited south of the border States, but there was
+still some chance for Negroes of that section to acquire knowledge.
+Furthermore, the liberal white people of that section considered these
+enactments, as we have stated above, not applicable to southerners
+interested in the improvement of their slaves but to mischievous
+abolitionists. The truth is that thereafter some citizens disregarded
+the laws of their States and taught worthy slaves whom they desired to
+reward or use in business requiring an elementary education. As these
+prohibitions in slave States were not equally stringent, white and
+colored teachers of free blacks were not always disturbed. In fact,
+just before the middle of the nineteenth century there was so much
+winking at the violation of the reactionary laws that it looked as if
+some Southern States might recede from their radical position and let
+Negroes be educated as they had been in the eighteenth century.
+
+The ways in which slaves thereafter acquired knowledge are
+significant. Many picked it up here and there, some followed
+occupations which were in themselves enlightening, and others learned
+from slaves whose attainments were unknown to their masters. Often
+influential white men taught Negroes not only the rudiments of
+education but almost anything they wanted to learn. Not a few slaves
+were instructed by the white children whom they accompanied to school.
+While attending ministers and officials whose work often lay open to
+their servants, many of the race learned by contact and observation.
+Shrewd Negroes sometimes slipped stealthily into back streets, where
+they studied under a private teacher, or attended a school hidden from
+the zealous execution of the law.
+
+The instances of Negroes struggling to obtain an education read like
+the beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age. Sometimes Negroes
+of the type of Lott Carey[1] educated themselves. James Redpath
+discovered in Savannah that in spite of the law great numbers
+of slaves had learned to read well. Many of them had acquired a
+rudimentary knowledge of arithmetic. "But," said he, "blazon it to the
+shame of the South, the knowledge thus acquired has been snatched from
+the spare records of leisure in spite of their owners' wishes and
+watchfulness."[2] C.G. Parsons was informed that although poor masters
+did not venture to teach their slaves, occasionally one with a thirst
+for knowledge secretly learned the rudiments of education without any
+instruction.[3] While on a tour through parts of Georgia, E.P. Burke
+observed that, notwithstanding the great precaution which was taken
+to prevent the mental improvement of the slaves, many of them "stole
+knowledge enough to enable them to read and write with ease."[4]
+Robert Smalls[5] of South Carolina and Alfred T. Jones[6] of Kentucky
+began their education in this manner.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mott, _Biographical Sketches_, p. 87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Redpath, _Roving Editor_, etc., p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 126.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 152.]
+
+Probably the best example of this class was Harrison Ellis of Alabama.
+At the age of thirty-five he had acquired a liberal education by his
+own exertions. Upon examination he proved himself a good Latin and
+Hebrew scholar and showed still greater proficiency in Greek. His
+attainments in theology were highly satisfactory. _The Eufaula
+Shield_, a newspaper of that State, praised him as a man courteous in
+manners, polite in conversation, and manly in demeanor. Knowing how
+useful Ellis would be in a free country, the Presbyterian Synod of
+Alabama purchased him and his family in 1847 at a cost of $2500 that
+he might use his talents in elevating his own people in Liberia.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxi., p. 296.]
+
+Intelligent Negroes secretly communicated to their fellow men what
+they knew. Henry Banks of Stafford County, Virginia, was taught by
+his brother-in-law to read, but not write.[1] The father of Benedict
+Duncan, a slave in Maryland, taught his son the alphabet.[2] M.W.
+Taylor of Kentucky received his first instruction from his mother.
+H.O. Wagoner learned from his parents the first principles of the
+common branches.[3] A mulatto of Richmond taught John H. Smythe when
+he was between the ages of five and seven.[4] The mother of Dr. C.H.
+Payne of West Virginia taught him to read at such an early age that
+he does not remember when he first developed that power.[5] Dr. E.C.
+Morris, President of the National Baptist Convention, belonged to a
+Georgia family, all of whom were well instructed by his father.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, etc., p. 72.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 110.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 679.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 873.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+The white parents of Negroes often secured to them the educational
+facilities then afforded the superior race. The indulgent teacher of
+J. Morris of North Carolina was his white father, his master.[1]
+W.J. White acquired his education from his mother, who was a white
+woman.[2] Martha Martin, a daughter of her master, a Scotch-Irishman
+of Georgia, was permitted to go to Cincinnati to be educated, while
+her sister was sent to a southern town to learn the milliner's
+trade.[3] Then there were cases like that of Josiah Settle's white
+father. After the passage of the law forbidding free Negroes to remain
+in the State of Tennessee, he took his children to Hamilton, Ohio,
+to be educated and there married his actual wife, their colored
+mother.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This is based on an account given by his son.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Crisis_, vol. v., p. 119.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 143.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 539.]
+
+The very employment of slaves in business establishments accelerated
+their mental development. Negroes working in stores often acquired
+a fair education by assisting clerks. Some slaves were clerks
+themselves. Under the observation of E.P. Burke came the notable case
+of a young man belonging to one of the best families of Savannah. He
+could read, write, cipher, and transact business so intelligently
+that his master often committed important trusts to his care.[1] B.K.
+Bruce, while still a slave, educated himself when he was working at
+the printer's trade in Brunswick, Missouri. Even farther south where
+slavery assumed its worst form, we find that this condition obtained.
+Addressing to the New Orleans _Commercial Bulletin_ a letter on
+African colonization, John McDonogh stated that the work imposed on
+his slaves required some education for which he willingly provided. In
+1842 he had had no white man over his slaves for twenty years. He had
+assigned this task to his intelligent colored manager who did his work
+so well that the master did not go in person once in six months to see
+what his slaves were doing. He says, "They were, besides, my men of
+business, enjoyed my confidence, were my clerks, transacted all my
+affairs, made purchases of materials, collected my rents, leased my
+houses, took care of my property and effects of every kind, and
+that with an honesty and fidelity which was proof against every
+temptation."[2] Traveling in Mississippi in 1852, Olmsted found
+another such group of slaves all of whom could read, whereas the
+master himself was entirely illiterate. He took much pride, however,
+in praising his loyal, capable, and intelligent Negroes.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 86.
+
+Frances Anne Kemble gives in her journal an interesting account of her
+observations in Georgia. She says: "I must tell you that I have been
+delighted, surprised, and the very least perplexed, by the sudden
+petition on the part of our young waiter, Aleck, that I will teach him
+to read. He is a very intelligent lad of about sixteen, and preferred
+his request with urgent humility that was very touching. I will do it;
+and yet, it is simply breaking the laws of the government under which
+I am living. Unrighteous laws are made to be broken--perhaps--but
+then you see, I am a woman, and Mr.---- stands between me and the
+penalty--. I certainly intend to teach Aleck to read; and I'll teach
+every other creature that wants to learn." See Kemble, _Journal_, p.
+34.]
+
+[Footnote 2: McDonogh, "Letter on African Colonization."]
+
+[Footnote 3: Olmsted, _Cotton Kingdom_, vol. ii., p. 70.]
+
+White persons deeply interested in Negroes taught them regardless
+of public opinion and the law. Dr. Alexander T. Augusta of Virginia
+learned to read while serving white men as a barber.[1] A prominent
+white man of Memphis taught Mrs. Mary Church Terrell's mother French
+and English. The father of Judge R.H. Terrell was well-grounded
+in reading by his overseer during the absence of his master from
+Virginia.[2] A fugitive slave from Essex County of the same State was
+not allowed to go to school publicly, but had an opportunity to learn
+from white persons privately.[3] The master of Charles Henry Green, a
+slave of Delaware, denied him all instruction, but he was permitted
+to study among the people to whom he was hired.[4] M.W. Taylor of
+Kentucky studied under attorneys J.B. Kinkaid and John W. Barr, whom
+he served as messenger.[5] Ignoring his master's orders against
+frequenting a night school, Henry Morehead of Louisville learned to
+spell and read sufficiently well to cause his owner to have the school
+unceremoniously closed.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 258.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This is based on the statements of Judge and Mrs.
+Terrell.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 96.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 933.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 180.]
+
+The educational experiences of President Scarborough and of Bishop
+Turner show that some white persons were willing to make unusual
+sacrifices to enlighten Negroes. President Scarborough began to attend
+school in his native home in Bibb County, Georgia, at the age of six
+years. He went out ostensibly to play, keeping his books concealed
+under his arm, but spent six or eight hours each day in school until
+he could read well and had mastered the first principles of geography,
+grammar, and arithmetic. At the age of ten he took regular lessons in
+writing under an old South Carolinian, J.C. Thomas, a rebel of the
+bitterest type. Like Frederick Douglass, President Scarborough
+received much instruction from his white playmates.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 410.]
+
+Bishop Turner of Newberry Court House, in South Carolina, purchased
+a spelling book and secured the services of an old white lady and a
+white boy, who in violation of the State law taught him to spell as
+far as two syllables.[1] The white boy's brother stopped him from
+teaching this lad of color, pointing out that such an instructor was
+liable to arrest. For some time he obtained help from an old colored
+gentleman, a prodigy in sounds. At the age of thirteen his mother
+employed a white lady to teach him on Sundays, but she was soon
+stopped by indignant white persons of the community. When he attained
+the age of fifteen he was employed by a number of lawyers in whose
+favor he ingratiated himself by his unusual power to please people.
+Thereafter these men in defiance of the law taught him to read and
+write and explained anything he wanted to know about arithmetic,
+geography, and astronomy.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bishop Turner says that when he started to learn there
+were among his acquaintances three colored men who had learned to read
+the Bible in Charleston. See Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 806.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 806.]
+
+Often favorite slaves were taught by white children. By hiding books
+in a hayloft and getting the white children to teach him, James W.
+Sumler of Norfolk, Virginia, obtained an elementary education.[1]
+While serving as overseer for his Scotch-Irish master, Daniel
+J. Lockhart of the same commonwealth learned to read under the
+instruction of his owner's boys. They were not interrupted in their
+benevolent work.[2] In the same manner John Warren, a slave of
+Tennessee, acquired a knowledge of the common branches.[3] John
+Baptist Snowden of Maryland was secretly instructed by his owner's
+children.[4] Uncle Cephas, a slave of Parson Winslow of Tennessee,
+reported that the white children taught him on the sly when they came
+to see Dinah, who was a very good cook. He was never without books
+during his stay with his master.[5] One of the Grimké Sisters taught
+her little maid to read while brushing her young mistress's locks.[6]
+Robert Harlan, who was brought up in the family of Honorable J.M.
+Harlan, acquired the fundamentals of the common branches from Harlan's
+older sons.[7] The young mistress of Mrs. Ann Woodson of Virginia
+instructed her until she could read in the first reader.[8] Abdy
+observed in 1834 that slaves of Kentucky had been thus taught to read.
+He believed that they were about as well off as they would have
+been, had they been free.[9] Giving her experiences on a Mississippi
+plantation, Susan Dabney Smedes stated that the white children
+delighted in teaching the house servants. One night she was formally
+invited with the master, mistress, governess, and guests by a
+twelve-year-old school mistress to hear her dozen pupils recite
+poetry. One of the guests was quite astonished to see his servant
+recite a piece of poetry which he had learned for this occasion.[10]
+Confining his operations to the kitchen, another such teacher of this
+plantation was unusually successful in instructing the adult male
+slaves. Five of these Negroes experienced such enlightenment that they
+became preachers.[11]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 97.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Snowden, _Autobiography_, p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Albert, _The House of Bondage_, p. 125.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Birney, _The Grimké Sisters_, p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 8: This fact is stated in one of her letters.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A._,
+1833-1834. P. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Smedes, _A Southern Planter_, pp. 79-80.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Ibid., p. 80.]
+
+Planters themselves sometimes saw to the education of their slaves.
+Ephraim Waterford was bound out in Virginia until he was twenty-one on
+the condition that the man to whom he was hired should teach him to
+read.[1] Mrs. Isaac Riley and Henry Williamson, of Maryland, did not
+attend school but were taught by their master to spell and read but
+not to write.[2] The master and mistress of Williamson Pease, of
+Hardman County, Tennessee, were his teachers.[3] Francis Fredric began
+his studies under his master in Virginia. Frederick Douglass was
+indebted to his kind mistress for his first instruction.[4] Mrs.
+Thomas Payne, a slave in what is now West Virginia, was fortunate
+in having a master who was equally benevolent.[5] Honorable I.T.
+Montgomery, now the Mayor of Mound Bayou, Mississippi, was, while a
+slave of Jefferson Davis's brother, instructed in the common branches
+and trained to be the confidential accountant of his master's
+plantation.[6] While on a tour among the planters of East Georgia,
+C.G. Parsons discovered that about 5000 of the 400,000 slaves there
+had been taught to read and write. He remarked, too, that such slaves
+were generally owned by the wealthy slaveholders, who had them
+schooled when the enlightenment of the bondmen served the purposes of
+their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 133.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 123.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Lee, _Slave Life in Virginia and Kentucky_, p. x.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+The enlightenment of the Negroes, however, was not limited to what
+could be accomplished by individual efforts. In many southern
+communities colored schools were maintained in defiance of public
+opinion or in violation of the law. Patrick Snead of Savannah was sent
+to a private institution until he could spell quite well and then to
+a Sunday-school for colored children.[1] Richard M. Hancock wrote of
+studying in a private school in Newbern, North Carolina;[2] John S.
+Leary went to one in Fayetteville eight years;[3] and W.A. Pettiford
+of this State enjoyed similar advantages in Granville County during
+the fifties. He then moved with his parents to Preston County where he
+again had the opportunity to attend a special school.[4] About 1840,
+J.F. Boulder was a student in a mixed school of white and colored
+pupils in Delaware.[5] Bishop J.M. Brown, a native of the same
+commonwealth, attended a private school taught by a friendly woman of
+the Quaker sect.[6] John A. Hunter, of Maryland, was sent to a school
+for white children kept by the sister of his mistress, but his second
+master said that Hunter should not have been allowed to study and
+stopped his attendance.[7] Francis L. Cardozo of Charleston, South
+Carolina, entered school there in 1842 and continued his studies until
+he was twelve years of age.[8] During the fifties J.W. Morris of the
+same city attended a school conducted by the then distinguished Simeon
+Beard.[9] In the same way T. McCants Stewart[10] and the Grimké
+brothers [11] were able to begin their education there prior to
+emancipation.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 99.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 432.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 469]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 708.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Ibid., 930.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, 428]
+
+[Footnote 9: Ibid., p. 162]
+
+[Footnote 10: Ibid., p. 1052]
+
+[Footnote 11: This is their own statement.]
+
+More schools for slaves existed than white men knew of, for it was
+difficult to find them. Fredrika Bremer heard of secret schools for
+slaves during her visit to Charleston, but she had extreme difficulty
+in finding such an institution. When she finally located one and
+gained admission into its quiet chamber, she noticed in a wretched
+dark hole a "half-dozen poor children, some of whom had an aspect that
+testified great stupidity and mere animal life."[1] She was informed,
+too, that there were in Georgia and Florida planters who had
+established schools for the education of the children of their slaves
+with the intention of preparing them for living as "good free human
+beings."[2] Frances Anne Kemble noted such instances in her diary.[3]
+The most interesting of these cases was discovered by the Union Army
+on its march through Georgia. Unsuspected by the slave power and
+undeterred by the terrors of the law, a colored woman by the name of
+Deveaux had for thirty years conducted a Negro school in the city of
+Savannah.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 491; Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p.
+85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Kemble, _Journal_, etc., p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 340.]
+
+The city Negroes of Virginia continued to maintain schools despite
+the fact that the fear of servile insurrection caused the State to
+exercise due vigilance in the execution of the laws. The father of
+Richard De Baptiste of Fredericksburg made his own residence a school
+with his children and a few of those of his relatives as pupils.
+The work was begun by a Negro and continued by an educated
+Scotch-Irishman, who had followed the profession of teaching in his
+native land. Becoming suspicious that a school of this kind was
+maintained at the home of De Baptiste, the police watched the place
+but failed to find sufficient evidence to close the institution before
+it had done its work.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+In 1854 there was found in Norfolk, Virginia, what the radically
+proslavery people considered a dangerous white woman. It was
+discovered that one Mrs. Douglass and her daughter had for three years
+been teaching a school maintained for the education of Negroes.[1] It
+was evident that this institution had not been run so clandestinely
+but that the opposition to the education of Negroes in that city had
+probably been too weak to bring about the close of the school at an
+earlier date. Mrs. Douglass and her pupils were arrested and brought
+before the court, where she was charged with violating the laws of the
+State. The defendant acknowledged her guilt, but, pleading ignorance
+of the law, was discharged on the condition that she would not commit
+the same "crime" again. Censuring the court for this liberal decision
+the _Richmond Examiner_ referred to it as offering "a very convenient
+way of getting out of the scrape." The editor emphasized the fact
+that the law of Virginia imposed on such offenders the penalty of one
+hundred dollars fine and imprisonment for six months, and that its
+positive terms "allowed no discretion in the community magistrate."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 251; and Lyman,
+_Leaven for Doughfaces_, p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _13th Annual Report of the American and Foreign
+Antislavery Societies_, 1853, p. 143.]
+
+All such schools, however, were not secretly kept. Writing from
+Charleston in 1851 Fredrika Bremer made mention of two colored
+schools. One of these was a school for free Negroes kept with open
+doors by a white master. Their books which she examined were the same
+as those used in American schools for white children.[1] The Negroes
+of Lexington, Kentucky, had in 1830 a school in which thirty colored
+children were taught by a white man from Tennessee.[2] This gentleman
+had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to the uplift of
+his "black brethren."[3] Travelers noted that colored schools were
+found also in Richmond, Maysville, Danville, and Louisville decades
+before the Civil War.[4] William H. Gibson, a native of Baltimore, was
+after 1847 teaching at Louisville in a day and night school with
+an enrollment of one hundred pupils, many of whom were slaves with
+written permits from their masters to attend.[5] Some years later W.H.
+Stewart of that city attended the schools of Henry Adams, W.H. Gibson,
+and R.T.W. James. Robert Taylor began his studies there in Robert
+Lane's school and took writing from Henry Adams.[6] Negroes had
+schools in Tennessee also. R.L. Perry was during these years attending
+a school at Nashville.[7] An uncle of Dr. J.E. Moorland spent some
+time studying medicine in that city.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A_.,
+1833-34, p. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 346-348.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_; Dabney, _Journal of a Tour
+through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185; _Niles Register_, vol. lxxii.,
+p. 322; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 631.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 603.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 629.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 620.]
+
+Many of these opportunities were made possible by the desire to
+teach slaves religion. In fact the instruction of Negroes after the
+enactment of prohibitory laws resembled somewhat the teaching of
+religion with letters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
+Thousands of Negroes like Edward Patterson and Nat Turner learned
+to read and write in Sabbath-schools. White men who diffused such
+information ran the gauntlet of mobs, but like a Baptist preacher of
+South Carolina who was threatened with expulsion from his church, if
+he did not desist, they worked on and overcame the local prejudice.
+When preachers themselves dared not undertake this task it was often
+done by their children, whose benevolent work was winked at as an
+indulgence to the clerical profession. This charity, however, was
+not restricted to the narrow circle of the clergy. Believing with
+churchmen that the Bible is the revelation of God, many laymen
+contended that no man should be restrained from knowing his Maker
+directly.[1] Negroes, therefore, almost worshiped the Bible, and
+their anxiety to read it was their greatest incentive to learn. Many
+southerners braved the terrors of public opinion and taught their
+Negroes to read the Scriptures. To this extent General Coxe of
+Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught about one hundred of his adult
+slaves.[2] While serving as a professor of the Military Institute
+at Lexington, Stonewall Jackson taught a class of Negroes in a
+Sunday-school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Orr, "An Address on the Need of Education in the South,
+1879."]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is made by several of General Coxe's
+slaves who are still living.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _School Journal_, vol. lxxx., p. 332.]
+
+Further interest in the cause was shown by the Evangelical Society
+of the Synods of North Carolina and Virginia in 1834.[1] Later
+Presbyterians of Alabama and Georgia urged masters to enlighten their
+slaves.[2] The attitude of many mountaineers of Kentucky was well set
+forth in the address of the Synod of 1836, proposing a plan for the
+instruction and emancipation of the slaves.[3] They complained that
+throughout the land, so far as they could learn, there was but one
+school in which slaves could be taught during the week. The light
+of three or four Sabbath-schools was seen "glittering through the
+darkness" of the black population of the whole State. Here and there
+one found a family where humanity impelled the master, mistress, or
+children, to the laborious task of private instruction. In consequence
+of these undesirable conditions the Synod recommended that "slaves be
+instructed in the common elementary branches of education."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. x., pp. 174, 205, and 245.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. xi., pp. 140 and 268.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Goodell, _Slave Code_, pp. 323-324.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Enormity of the Slave Trade, etc_., p. 74.]
+
+Some of the objects of such charity turned out to be interesting
+characters. Samuel Lowry of Tennessee worked and studied privately
+under Rev. Mr. Talbot of Franklin College, and at the age of sixteen
+was sufficiently advanced to teach with success. He united with the
+Church of the Disciples and preached in that connection until 1859.[1]
+In some cases colored preachers were judged sufficiently informed,
+not only to minister to the needs of their own congregations, but to
+preach to white churches. There was a Negro thus engaged in the State
+of Florida.[2] Another colored man of unusual intelligence and much
+prominence worked his way to the front in Giles County, Tennessee. In
+1859 he was the pastor of a Hard-shell Baptist Church, the membership
+of which was composed of the best white people in the community. He
+was so well prepared for his work that out of a four days' argument
+on baptism with a white minister he emerged victor. From this
+appreciative congregation he received a salary of from six to seven
+hundred dollars a year.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., pp. 488-491.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Richmond Enquirer_, July, 1859; and _Afr.
+Repository_, vol. xxxv., p. 255.]
+
+Statistics of this period show that the proportionately largest number
+of Negroes who learned in spite of opposition were found among the
+Scotch-Irish of Kentucky and Tennessee. Possessing few slaves, and
+having no permanent attachment to the institution, those mountaineers
+did not yield to the reactionaries who were determined to keep the
+Negroes in heathendom. Kentucky and Tennessee did not expressly forbid
+the education of the colored people.[1] Conditions were probably
+better in Kentucky than in Tennessee. Traveling in Kentucky about this
+time, Abdy was favorably impressed with that class of Negroes who
+though originally slaves saved sufficient from their earnings to
+purchase their freedom and provide for the education of their
+children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1830 one-twelfth of the population of Lexington
+consisted of free persons of color, who since 1822 had had a Baptist
+church served by a member of their own race and a school in which
+thirty-two of their children were taught by a white man from
+Tennessee. He had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to
+the uplift of his colored brethren. One of these free Negroes in
+Lexington had accumulated wealth to the amount of $20,000. In
+Louisville, also a center of free colored population, efforts were
+being made to educate ambitious Negroes. Travelers noted that colored
+schools were found there generations before the Civil War and
+mentioned the intelligent and properly speaking colored preachers,
+who were bought and supported by their congregations. Charles Dabney,
+another traveler through this State in 1837, observed that the slaves
+of this commonwealth were taught to read and believed that they were
+about as well off as they would have been had they been free. See
+Dabney, _Journal of a Tour through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Tour_, etc., 1833-1834, pp. 346-348.]
+
+It was the desire to train up white men to carry on the work of their
+liberal fathers that led John G. Fee and his colaborers to establish
+Berea College in Kentucky. In the charter of this institution was
+incorporated the declaration that "God has made of one blood all
+nations that dwell upon the face of the earth." No Negroes were
+admitted to this institution before the Civil War, but they came in
+soon thereafter, some being accepted while returning home wearing
+their uniforms.[1] The State has since prohibited the co-education of
+the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Catalogue of Berea College, 1896-1897.]
+
+The centers of this interest in the mountains of Tennessee were
+Maryville and Knoxville. Around these towns were found a goodly number
+of white persons interested in the elevation of the colored people.
+There developed such an antislavery sentiment in the former town that
+half of the students of the Maryville Theological Seminary became
+abolitionists by 1841.[1] They were then advocating the social uplift
+of Negroes through the local organ, the _Maryville Intelligencer_.
+From this nucleus of antislavery men developed a community with ideals
+not unlike those of Berea.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Some of the liberal-mindedness of the people of Kentucky
+and Tennessee was found in the State of Missouri. The question of
+slavery there, however, was so ardently discussed and prominently kept
+before the people that while little was done to help the Negroes, much
+was done to reduce them to the plane of beasts. There was not so much
+of the tendency to wink at the violation of the law on the part of
+masters in teaching their slaves. But little could be accomplished by
+private teachers in the dissemination of information among Negroes
+after the free persons of color had been excluded from the State.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, p. 48; and the _New England Antislavery
+Almanac_ for 1841, p. 31.]
+
+The Knoxville people who advocated the enlightenment of the Negroes
+expressed their sentiment through the _Presbyterian Witness_. The
+editor felt that there was not a solitary argument that might be urged
+in favor of teaching a white man that might not as properly be urged
+in favor of enlightening a man of color. "If one has a soul that will
+never die," said he, "so has the other. Has one susceptibilities of
+improvement, mentally, socially, and morally? So has the other. Is one
+bound by the laws of God to improve the talents he has received from
+the Creator's hands? So is the other. Is one embraced in the command
+'Search the Scriptures'? So is the other."[1] He maintained that
+unless masters could lawfully degrade their slaves to the condition of
+beasts, they were just as much bound to teach them to read the Bible
+as to teach any other class of their population.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 16.]
+
+But great as was the interest of the religious element, the movement
+for the education of the Negroes of the South did not again become a
+scheme merely for bringing them into the church. Masters had more
+than one reason for favoring the enlightenment of the slaves. Georgia
+slaveholders of the more liberal class came forward about the middle
+of the nineteenth century, advocating the education of Negroes as a
+means to increase their economic value, and to attach them to their
+masters. This subject was taken up in the Agricultural Convention
+at Macon in 1850, and was discussed again in a similar assembly
+the following year. After some opposition the Convention passed a
+resolution calling on the legislature to enact a law authorizing the
+education of slaves. The petition was presented by Mr. Harlston, who
+introduced the bill embodying this idea, piloted it through the lower
+house, but failed by two or three votes to secure the sanction of the
+senate.[1] In 1855 certain influential citizens of North Carolina[2]
+memorialized their legislature asking among other things that the
+slaves be taught to read. This petition provoked some discussion, but
+did not receive as much attention as that of Georgia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 339]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117-118.]
+
+In view of this renewed interest in the education of the Negroes
+of the South we are anxious to know exactly what proportion of
+the colored population had risen above the plane of illiteracy.
+Unfortunately this cannot be accurately determined. In the first
+place, it was difficult to find out whether or not a slave could read
+or write when such a disclosure would often cause him to be dreadfully
+punished or sold to some cruel master of the lower South. Moreover,
+statistics of this kind are scarce and travelers who undertook to
+answer this question made conflicting statements. Some persons of that
+day left records which indicate that only a few slaves succeeded in
+acquiring an imperfect knowledge of the common branches, whereas
+others noted a larger number of intelligent servants. Arfwedson
+remarked that the slaves seldom learned to read; yet elsewhere
+he stated that he sometimes found some who had that ability.[1]
+Abolitionists like May, Jay, and Garrison would make it seem that the
+conditions in the South were such that it was almost impossible for a
+slave to develop intellectual power.[2] Rev. C.C. Jones[3] believed
+that only an inconsiderable fraction of the slaves could read.
+Witnesses to the contrary, however, are numerous. Abdy, Smedes,
+Andrews, Bremer, and Olmsted found during their stay in the South
+many slaves who had experienced unusual spiritual and mental
+development.[4] Nehemiah Adams, giving the southern view of slavery
+in 1854, said that large numbers of the slaves could read and
+were furnished with the Scriptures.[5] Amos Dresser, who traveled
+extensively in the Southwest, believed that one out of every fifty
+could read and write.[6] C.G. Parsons thought that five thousand
+out of the four hundred thousand slaves of Georgia had these
+attainments.[7] These figures, of course, would run much higher were
+the free people of color included in the estimates. Combining the two
+it is safe to say that ten per cent. of the adult Negroes had the
+rudiments of education in 1860, but the proportion was much less than
+it was near the close of the era of better beginnings about 1825.
+
+[Footnote 1: Arfwedson, _The United States and Canada_, p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See their pamphlets, addresses, and books referred to
+elsewhere.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Redpath, _The Roving Editor_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Adams, _South-Side View of Slavery_, pp. 52 and 59.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Dresser, _The Narrative of Amos Dresser_, p. 27; Dabney,
+_Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 248.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+EDUCATING NEGROES TRANSPLANTED TO FREE SOIL
+
+
+While the Negroes of the South were struggling against odds to acquire
+knowledge, the more ambitious ones were for various reasons making
+their way to centers of light in the North. Many fugitive slaves
+dreaded being sold to planters of the lower South, the free blacks of
+some of the commonwealths were forced out by hostile legislation,
+and not a few others migrated to ameliorate their condition. The
+transplanting of these people to the Northwest took place largely
+between 1815 and 1850. They were directed mainly to Columbia and
+Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Greenwich, New Jersey; and Boston,
+Massachusetts, in the East; and to favorable towns and colored
+communities in the Northwest.[1] The fugitives found ready helpers
+in Elmira, Rochester, Buffalo, New York; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania;
+Gallipolis, Portsmouth, Akron, and Cincinnati, Ohio; and Detroit,
+Michigan.[2] Colored settlements which proved attractive to these
+wanderers had been established in Ohio, Indiana, and Canada. That most
+of the bondmen in quest of freedom and opportunity should seek the
+Northwest had long been the opinion of those actually interested in
+their enlightenment. The attention of the colored people had been
+early directed to this section as a more suitable place for their
+elevation than the jungles of Africa selected by the American
+Colonization Society. The advocates of Western colonization believed
+that a race thus degraded could be elevated only in a salubrious
+climate under the influences of institutions developed by Western
+nations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 32 and 37.]
+
+The rôle played by the Negroes in this migration exhibited the
+development of sufficient mental ability to appreciate this truth.
+It was chiefly through their intelligent fellows that prior to the
+reaction ambitious slaves learned to consider the Northwest Territory
+the land of opportunity. Furthermore, restless freedmen, denied
+political privileges and prohibited from teaching their children, did
+not always choose to go to Africa. Many of them went north of the Ohio
+River and took up land on the public domain. Observing this longing
+for opportunity, benevolent southerners, who saw themselves hindered
+in carrying out their plan for educating the blacks for citizenship,
+disposed of their holdings and formed free colonies of their slaves in
+the same section. White men of this type thus made possible a new era
+of uplift for the colored race by coming north in time to aid the
+abolitionists, who had for years constituted a small minority
+advocating a seemingly hopeless cause.
+
+A detailed description of these settlements has no place in this
+dissertation save as it has a bearing on the development of education
+among the colored people. These settlements, however, are important
+here in that they furnish the key to the location of many of the early
+colored churches and schools of the North and West. Philanthropists
+established a number of Negroes near Sandy Lake in Northwestern
+Pennsylvania.[1] There was a colored settlement near Berlin
+Crossroads, Ohio.[2] Another group of pioneering Negroes emigrating
+to this State found homes in the Van Buren township of Shelby County.
+Edward Coles, a Virginian, who in 1818 emigrated to Illinois, of which
+he later became Governor, made a settlement on a larger scale. He
+brought his slaves to Edwardsville, where they constituted a community
+known as "Coles' Negroes."[3] The settlement made by Samuel Gist, an
+Englishman possessing extensive plantations in Hanover, Amherst, and
+Henrico Counties, Virginia, was still more significant. He provided in
+his will that his slaves should be freed and sent to the North. It was
+further directed "that the revenue from his plantation the last year
+of his life be applied in building schoolhouses and churches for their
+accommodation," and "that all money coming to him in Virginia be
+set aside for the employment of ministers and teachers to instruct
+them."[4] In 1818, Wickham, the executor of this estate, purchased
+land and established these Negroes in what was called the Upper and
+Lower Camps of Brown County, Ohio.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Langston,_From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capitol_, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Davidson and Stuvé,_A Complete History of Illinois_, pp.
+321-322; and Washburne, _Sketch of Edward Cole, Second Governor of
+Illinois_, pp. 44 and 53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _History of Brown County_, pp. 313 _et seq._; and Lane,
+_Fifty Years and over of Akron and Summit County, Ohio_, pp. 579-580.]
+
+Augustus Wattles, a native of Connecticut, made a settlement of
+Negroes in Mercer County early in the nineteenth century.[1] About the
+year 1834 many of the freedmen, then concentrating at Cincinnati, were
+induced to take up 30,000 acres of land in the same vicinity.[2] John
+Harper of North Carolina manumitted his slaves in 1850 and had them
+sent to this community.[3] John Randolph of Roanoke freed his slaves
+at his death, and provided for the purchase of farms for them in
+Mercer County.[4] The Germans, however, would not allow them to take
+possession of these lands. Driven later from Shelby County[5] also,
+these freedmen finally found homes in Miami County.[7] Then there was
+one Saunders, a slaveholder of Cabell County, now West Virginia, who
+liberated his slaves and furnished them homes in free territory. They
+finally made their way to Cass County, Michigan, where philanthropists
+had established a prosperous colored settlement and supplied it
+with missionaries and teachers. The slaves of Theodoric H. Gregg
+of Dinwiddie County, Virginia, were liberated in 1854 and sent to
+Ohio,[7] where some of them were educated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Manuscript in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moreland.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The African Repository_, vol. xxii., pp. 322-323.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 465.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 466.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 723.]
+
+Many free persons of color of Virginia and Kentucky went north about
+the middle of the nineteenth century. The immediate cause in Virginia
+was the enactment in 1838 of a law prohibiting the return of such
+colored students as had been accustomed to go north to attend school
+after they were denied this privilege in that State.[1] Prominent
+among these seekers of better opportunities were the parents
+of Richard De Baptiste. His father was a popular mechanic of
+Fredericksburg, where he for years maintained a secret school.[2] A
+public opinion proscribing the teaching of Negroes was then rendering
+the effort to enlighten them as unpopular in Kentucky as it was in
+Virginia. Thanks to a benevolent Kentuckian, however, an important
+colored settlement near Xenia, Greene County, Ohio, was then taking
+shape. The nucleus of this group was furnished about 1856 by Noah
+Spears, who secured small farms there for sixteen of his former
+bondmen.[3] The settlement was not only sought by fugitive slaves
+and free Negroes, but was selected as the site for Wilberforce
+University.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 492; and _Acts of the
+General Assembly of Virginia_, 1848, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158).]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 373; and
+_Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+During the same period, and especially from 1820 to 1835, a more
+continuous and effective migration of southern Negroes was being
+promoted by the Quakers of Virginia and North Carolina.[1] One of
+their purposes was educational. Convinced that the "buying, selling,
+and holding of men in slavery" is a sin, these Quakers with a view to
+future manumission had been "careful of the moral and intellectual
+training of such as they held in servitude."[2] To elevate their
+slaves to the plane of men, southern Quakers early hit upon the scheme
+of establishing in the Northwest such Negroes as they had by education
+been able to equip for living as citizens. When the reaction in the
+South made it impossible for the Quakers to continue their policy of
+enlightening the colored people, these philanthropists promoted the
+migration of the blacks to the Northwest Territory with still greater
+zeal. Most of these settlements were made in Hamilton, Howard, Wayne,
+Randolph, Vigo, Gibson, Grant, Rush, and Tipton Counties, Indiana, and
+in Darke County, Ohio.[3] Prominent among these promoters was Levi
+Coffin, the Quaker Abolitionist of North Carolina, and reputed
+President of the Underground Railroad. He left his State and settled
+among Negroes at Newport, Indiana.[4] Associated with these leaders
+also were Benjamin Lundy of Tennessee and James G. Birney, once a
+slaveholder of Huntsville, Alabama. The latter manumitted his slaves
+and apprenticed and educated some of them in Ohio.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158); and Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony, etc.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Rural Negro Communities in Indiana" (_Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., pp. 162-166); and Bassett, _Slavery in North
+Carolina_, pp. 67 and 68.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 106.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Birney, _James G. Birney and His Times_, p. 139.]
+
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that it effected an unequal distribution of intelligent
+Negroes. The most ambitious and enlightened ones were fleeing to free
+territory. As late as 1840 there were more intelligent blacks in the
+South than in the North.[1] The number of southern colored people who
+could read was then decidedly larger than that of such persons found
+in the free States. The continued migration of Negroes to the North,
+despite the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, made this
+distribution more unequal. While the free colored population of the
+slave States increased only 23,736 from 1850 to 1860, that of the
+free States increased 29,839. In the South only Delaware, Georgia,
+Maryland, and North Carolina showed a noticeable increase in the
+number of free persons of color during the decade immediately
+preceding the Civil War. This element of the population had only
+slightly increased in Alabama, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee,
+Virginia, Louisiana, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. The
+number of free Negroes of Florida remained practically constant. Those
+of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Texas diminished. In the North, of
+course, the tendency was in the other direction. With the exception of
+Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, which had about the same
+free colored population in 1860 as they had in 1850, there was a
+general increase in the number of Negroes in the free States. Ohio
+led in this respect having had during this period an increase of
+11,394.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction of the Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+On comparing the educational statistics of these sections this truth
+becomes more apparent. In 1850 there were 4,354 colored children
+attending school in the South, but by 1860 this number had dropped
+to 3,651. Slight increases were noted only in Alabama, Missouri,
+Delaware, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. Georgia
+and Mississippi had then practically deprived all Negroes of this
+privilege. The former, which reported one colored child as attending
+school in 1850, had just seven in 1860; the latter had none in 1850
+and only two in 1860. In all other slave States the number of pupils
+of African blood had materially decreased.[1] In the free States there
+were 22,107 colored children in school in 1850, and 28,978 in 1860.
+Most of these were in New Jersey, Ohio, New York, and Pennsylvania,
+which in 1860 had 2,741; 5,671; 5,694; and 7,573, respectively.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE
+  UNITED STATES IN 1850
+
+                             ATTENDING         ADULTS UNABLE
+                               SCHOOL             TO READ
+  STATE      Population Males Females Total Males Females  Total
+
+  Alabama         2,265    33      35    68    108      127     235
+  Arkansas          608     6       5    11     61       55     116
+  California        962     1       0     1     88       29     117
+  Connecticut     7,693   689     575  1,264   292      273     567
+  Delaware       18,073    92      95    187 2,724    2,921   5,645
+  Florida           932    29      37     66   116      154     270
+  Georgia         2,931     1       0      1   208      259     467
+  Illinois        5,436   162     161    323   605      624   1,229
+  Indiana        11,262   484     443    927 1,024    1,146   2,170
+  Iowa              333    12       5     17    15       18      33
+  Kentucky       10,011   128     160    288 1,431    1,588   3,029
+  Louisiana      17,462   629     590  1,219 1,038    2,351   3,389
+  Maine           1,356   144     137    281    77       58     135
+  Maryland       74,723   886     730  1,616 9,422   11,640  21,062
+  Massachusetts   9,064   726     713  1,439   375      431     806
+  Michigan        2,583   106     101    207   201      168     369
+  Mississippi       930     0       0      0    75       48     123
+  Missouri        2,618    23      17     40   271      226     497
+  New Hampshire     520    41      32     73    26       26      52
+  New Jersey     23,810 1,243   1,083  2,326 2,167    2,250   4,417
+  New York       49,069 2,840   2,607  5,447 3,387    4,042   7,429
+  North Carolina 27,463   113     104    217 3,099    3,758   6,857
+  Ohio           25,279 1,321   1,210  2,531 2,366    2,624   4,990
+  Pennsylvania   53,626 3,385   3,114  6,499  4,115   5,229   9,344**
+                                         [** was 6,344 in error.**]
+  Rhode Island    3,670   304     247    551    130     137     267
+  South Carolina  8,960    54      26     80    421     459     880
+  Tennessee       6,422    40      30     70    506     591   1,097
+  Texas             397    11       9     20     34      24      58
+  Vermont           718    58      32     90     32      19      51
+  Virginia       54,333    37      27     64  5,141   6,374  11,515
+  Wisconsin         635    32      35     67     55      37      92
+  District of
+  Columbia       10,059    232    235    467  1,106   2,108   3,214
+  Minnesota          30      0      2      2      0       0       0
+  New Mexico        207      0      0      0      0       0       0
+  Oregon             24      2      0      2      3       2       5
+  Utah               22      0      0      0      1       0       1
+
+  Total         434,495 13,864 12,597 26,461 40,722  49,800  90,522
+
+  See Sixth Census of the United States, 1850.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+The report on illiteracy shows further the differences resulting from
+the divergent educational policies of the two sections. In 1850 there
+were in the slave States 58,444 adult free Negroes who could not read,
+and in 1860 this number had reached 59,832. In all such commonwealths
+except Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, and Mississippi there was an
+increase in illiteracy among the free blacks. These States, however,
+were hardly exceptional, because Arkansas and Mississippi had suffered
+a decrease in their free colored population, that of Florida had
+remained the same, and the difference in the case of Louisiana was
+very slight. The statistics of the Northern States indicate just the
+opposite trend. Notwithstanding the increase of persons of color
+resulting from the influx of the migrating element, there was in all
+free States exclusive of California, Illinois, Minnesota, Michigan,
+Ohio, and Pennsylvania a decrease in the illiteracy of Negroes. But
+these States hardly constitute exceptions; for California, Wisconsin,
+and Minnesota had very few colored inhabitants in 1850, and the others
+had during this decade received so many fugitives in the rough that
+race prejudice and its concomitant drastic legislation impeded the
+educational progress of their transplanted freedmen.[1] In the
+Northern States where this condition did not obtain, the benevolent
+whites had, in coöperation with the Negroes, done much to reduce
+illiteracy among them during these years.
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED
+STATES IN 1860
+
+  STATE          Population| ATTENDING SCHOOL   | ADULTS UNABLE TO READ
+                           +----- +----- +------ +-------- +------- +----
+  --
+                            Males               | Males
+                                 Females        |       Females
+                                          Total |                 Total
+  ---------------- +-------- +----- +------- +------- +------- +-------
+  +------
+  Alabama            2,690    48      65    114     192     263     455
+  Arkansas             144     3       2      5      10      13      23
+  California         4,086    69      84    153     497     207     704
+  Connecticut        8,627   737     641  1,378     181     164     345
+  Delaware          19,829   122     128    250   3,056   3,452   6,508
+  Florida              932     3       6      9      48      72     120
+  Georgia            3,500     3       4      7     255     318     573
+  Illinois           7,628   264     347    611     632     695   1,327
+  Indiana           11,428   570     552  1,122     869     904   1,773
+  Iowa               1,069    77      61    138      92      77     169
+  Kansas               625     8       6     14      25      38      63
+  Kentucky          10,684   102     107    209   1,113   1,350   2,463
+  Louisiana         18,647   153     122    275     485     717   1,202
+  Maine              1,327   148     144    292      25      21      46
+  Maryland          83,942    687    668  1,355   9,904  11,795  21,699
+  Massachusetts      9,602    800    815  1,615     291     368     659
+  Michigan           6,797    555    550  1,105     558     486   1,044
+  Minnesota            259      8     10     18       6       6      12
+  Mississippi          773      0      2      2      50      60     110
+  Missouri           3,572     76     79    155     371     514     885
+  New Hampshire        494     49     31     80      15      19      34
+  New Jersey        25,318  1,413  1,328  2,741   1,720   2,085   3,805
+  New York          49,005  2,955  2,739  5,694   2,653   3,260   5,913
+  North Carolina    30,463     75     58    133   3,067   3,782   6,849
+  Ohio              36,673  2,857  2,814  5,671   2,995   3,191   6,186
+  Oregon               128      0      0      2       7       5      12
+  Pennsylvania      56,949  3,882  3,691  7,573   3,893   5,466   9,359
+  Rhode Island       3,952    276    256    532     119     141     260
+  South Carolina     9,914    158    207    365     633     783   1,416
+  Tennessee          7,300     28     24     52     743     952   1,695
+  Texas                355      4      7     11      25      37      62
+  Vermont              709     65     50    115      27      20      47
+  Virginia          58,042     21     20     41   5,489   6,008  12,397
+  Wisconsin          1,171     62     50    112      53      45      98
+
+  TERRITORIES
+
+  Colorado              46              No returns
+  Dakota                 0      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  District Columbia 11,131    315    363    678   1,131   2,224   3,375
+  Nebraska              67      1      1      2       6       7      13
+  Nevada                45      0      0      0       6       1       7
+  New Mexico            85      0      0      0      12      15      27
+  Utah                  30      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  Washington            30      0      0      0       1       0       1
+
+  Total            488,070 16,594 16,035 32,629  41,275  50,461  91,736
+
+  See Seventh Census of the United States, vol. 1.]
+
+How the problem of educating these people on free soil was solved can
+be understood only by keeping in mind the factors of the migration.
+Some of these Negroes had unusual capabilities. Many of them had
+in slavery either acquired the rudiments of education or developed
+sufficient skill to outwit the most determined pursuers. Owing so
+much to mental power, no man was more effective than the successful
+fugitive in instilling into the minds of his people the value of
+education. Not a few of this type readily added to their attainments
+to equip themselves for the best service. Some of them, like Reverend
+Josiah Henson, William Wells Brown, and Frederick Douglass, became
+leaders, devoting their time not only to the cause of abolition, but
+also to the enlightenment of the colored people. Moreover, the free
+Negroes migrating to the North were even more effective than the
+fugitive slaves in advancing the cause of education.[1] A larger
+number of the former had picked up useful knowledge. In fact, the
+prohibition of the education of the free people of color in the South
+was one of the reasons they could so readily leave their native
+homes.[2] The free blacks then going to the Northwest Territory proved
+to be decidedly helpful to their benefactors in providing colored
+churches and schools with educated workers, who otherwise would have
+been brought from the East at much expense.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugee from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107).]
+
+On perusing this sketch the educator naturally wonders exactly what
+intellectual progress was made by these groups on free soil. This
+question cannot be fully answered for the reason that extant records
+give no detailed account of many colored settlements which underwent
+upheaval or failed to endure. In some cases we learn simply that a
+social center flourished and was then destroyed. On "Black Friday,"
+January 1, 1830, eighty Negroes were driven out of Portsmouth, Ohio,
+at the request of one or two hundred white citizens, set forth in an
+urgent memorial.[1] After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law of
+1850 the colored population of Columbia, Pennsylvania, dropped from
+nine hundred and forty-three to four hundred and eighty-seven.[2] The
+Negro community in the northwestern part of that State was broken up
+entirely.[3] The African Methodist and Baptist churches of Buffalo
+lost many communicants. Out of a membership of one hundred and
+fourteen, the colored Baptist church of Rochester lost one hundred and
+twelve, including its pastor. About the same time eighty-four members
+of the African Baptist church of Detroit crossed into Canada.[4] The
+break-up of these churches meant the end of the day and Sunday-schools
+which were maintained in them. Moreover, the migration of these
+Negroes aroused such bitter feeling against them that their
+schoolhouses were frequently burned. It often seemed that it was just
+as unpopular to educate the blacks in the North as in the South. Ohio,
+Illinois, and Oregon enacted laws to prevent them from coming into
+those commonwealths.
+
+[Footnote 1: Evans, _A History of Scioto County, Ohio_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 250.]
+
+We have, however, sufficient evidence of large undertakings to educate
+the colored people then finding homes in less turbulent parts beyond
+the Ohio. In the first place, almost every settlement made by the
+Quakers was a center to which Negroes repaired for enlightenment.
+In other groups where there was no such opportunity, they had the
+coöperation of certain philanthropists in providing facilities for
+their mental and moral development. As a result, the free blacks had
+access to schools and churches in Hamilton, Howard, Randolph, Vigo,
+Gibson, Rush, Tipton, Grant, and Wayne counties, Indiana,[1] and
+Madison, Monroe, and St. Clair counties, Illinois. There were colored
+schools and churches in Logan, Clark, Columbiana, Guernsey, Jefferson,
+Highland, Brown, Darke, Shelby, Green, Miami, Warren, Scioto, Gallia,
+Ross, and Muskingum counties, Ohio.[2] Augustus Wattles said that with
+the assistance of abolitionists he organized twenty-five such schools
+in Ohio counties after 1833.[3] Brown County alone had six. Not many
+years later a Negro settlement in Gallia County, Ohio, was paying a
+teacher fifty dollars a quarter.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 165; Boone, _The History of Education in
+Indiana_, p. 237; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, pp. 590 and 948.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 948; and Hickok, _The Negro in
+Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Howe, _Historical Collections of Ohio_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 89.]
+
+Still better colored schools were established in Pittsburgh,
+Pennsylvania, and in Springfield, Columbus, and Cincinnati, Ohio.
+While the enlightenment of the few Negroes in Pittsburgh did not
+require the systematic efforts put forth to elevate the race
+elsewhere, much was done to provide them educational facilities in
+that city. Children of color first attended the white schools there
+just as they did throughout the State of Pennsylvania.[1] But when
+larger numbers of them collected in this gateway to the Northwest,
+either race feeling or the pressing needs of the migrating freedmen
+brought about the establishment of schools especially adapted to their
+instruction. Such efforts were frequent after 1830.[2] John Thomas
+Johnson, a teacher of the District of Columbia, moved to Pittsburgh
+in 1838 and became an instructor in a colored school of that city.[3]
+Cleveland had an "African School" as early as 1832. John Malvin, the
+moving spirit of the enterprise in that city, organized about that
+time "The School Fund Society" which established other colored schools
+in Cincinnati, Columbus, and Springfield.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Life of Martin R. Delaney_, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 88.]
+
+The concentration of the freedmen and fugitives at Cincinnati was
+followed by efforts to train them for higher service. The Negroes
+themselves endeavored to provide their own educational facilities in
+opening in 1820 the first colored school in that city. This school
+did not continue long, but another was established the same year.
+Thereafter one Mr. Wing, who kept a private institution, admitted
+persons of color to his evening classes. On account of a lack of
+means, however, the Negroes of Cincinnati did not receive any
+systematic instruction before 1834. After that year the tide turned in
+favor of the free blacks of that section, bringing to their assistance
+a number of daring abolitionists, who helped them to educate
+themselves. Friends of the race, consisting largely of the students of
+Lane Seminary, had then organized colored Sunday and evening schools,
+and provided for them scientific and literary lectures twice a week.
+There was a permanent colored school in Cincinnati in 1834. In 1835
+the Negroes of that city contributed $150 of the $1000 expended for
+their education. Four years later, however, they raised $889.03 for
+this purpose, and thanks to their economic progress, this sacrifice
+was less taxing than that of 1835.[1] In 1844 Rev. Hiram Gilmore
+opened there a high school which among other students attracted P.B.S.
+Pinchback, later Governor of Louisiana. Mary E. Miles, a graduate
+of the Normal School at Albany, New York, served as an assistant of
+Gilmore after having worked among her people in Massachusetts and
+Pennsylvania.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 83.]
+
+[Footnote 1: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+132.]
+
+The educational advantages given these people were in no sense
+despised. Although the Negroes of the Northwest did not always keep
+pace with their neighbors in things industrial they did not permit
+the white people to outstrip them much in education. The freedmen
+so earnestly seized their opportunity to acquire knowledge and
+accomplished so much in a short period that their educational progress
+served to disabuse the minds of indifferent whites of the idea that
+the blacks were not capable of high mental development.[1] The
+educational work of these centers, too, tended not only to produce men
+capable of ministering to the needs of their environment, but to serve
+as a training center for those who would later be leaders of their
+people. Lewis Woodson owed it to friends in Pittsburgh that he became
+an influential teacher. Jeremiah H. Brown, T. Morris Chester, James T.
+Bradford, M.R. Delany, and Bishop Benjamin T. Tanner obtained much
+of their elementary education in the early colored schools of that
+city.[2] J.C. Corbin, a prominent educator before and after the Civil
+War, acquired sufficient knowledge at Chillicothe, Ohio, to qualify in
+1848 as an assistant in Rev. Henry Adams's school in Louisville.[3]
+John M. Langston was for a while one of Corbin's fellow-students at
+Chillicothe before the former entered Oberlin. United States Senator
+Hiram Revels of Mississippi spent some time in a Quaker seminary in
+Union County, Indiana.[4] Rev. J.T. White, one of the leading spirits
+of Arkansas during the Reconstruction, was born and educated in Clark
+County in that State.[5] Fannie Richards, still a teacher at Detroit,
+Michigan, is another example of the professional Negro equipped
+for service in the Northwest before the Rebellion.[6] From other
+communities of that section came such useful men as Rev. J.W. Malone,
+an influential minister of Iowa; Rev. D.R. Roberts, a very successful
+pastor of Chicago; Bishop C.T. Shaffer of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church; Rev. John G. Mitchell, for many years the Dean of
+the Theological Department of Wilberforce University; and President
+S.T. Mitchell, once the head of the same institution.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the accounts of various
+western freedmen.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 829.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 948.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 590.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 1023.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 169.]
+
+In the colored settlements of Canada the outlook for Negro education
+was still brighter. This better opportunity was due to the high
+character of the colonists, to the mutual aid resulting from the
+proximity of the communities, and to the coöperation of the Canadians.
+The previous experience of most of these adventurers as sojourners in
+the free States developed in them such noble traits that they did not
+have to be induced to ameliorate their condition. They had already
+come under educative influences which prepared them for a larger task
+in Canada. Fifteen thousand of sixty thousand Negroes in Canada in
+1860 were free born.[1] Many of those, who had always been free, fled
+to Canada[2] when the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 made it possible
+for even a dark-complexioned Caucasian to be reduced to a state of
+bondage. Fortunately, too, these people settled in the same section.
+The colored settlements at Dawn, Colchester, Elgin, Dresden, Windsor,
+Sandwich, Queens, Bush, Wilberforce, Hamilton, St. Catherines,
+Chatham, Riley, Anderton, Maiden, Gonfield, were all in Southern
+Ontario. In the course of time the growth of these groups produced a
+population sufficiently dense to facilitate coöperation in matters
+pertaining to social betterment. The uplift of the refugees was made
+less difficult also by the self-denying white persons who were their
+first teachers and missionaries. While the hardships incident to this
+pioneer effort all but baffled the ardent apostle to the lowly, he
+found among the Canadian whites so much more sympathy than among the
+northerners that his work was more agreeable and more successful than
+it would have been in the free States. Ignoring the request that the
+refugees be turned from Canada as undesirables, the white people of
+that country protected and assisted them.[3] Canadians later underwent
+some change in their attitude toward their newcomers, but these
+British-Americans never exhibited such militant opposition to the
+Negroes as sometimes developed in the Northern States.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 247-250.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 201 and 233.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 233.]
+
+The educational privileges which the refugees hoped to enjoy in
+Canada, however, were not easily exercised. Under the Canadian law
+they could send their children to the common schools, or use their
+proportionate share of the school funds in providing other educational
+facilities.[1] But conditions there did not at first redound to the
+education of the colored children.[2] Some were too destitute to
+avail themselves of these opportunities; others, unaccustomed to this
+equality of fortune, were timid about having their children mingle
+with those of the whites, and not a few clad their youths so poorly
+that they became too unhealthy to attend regularly[3]. Besides, race
+prejudice was not long in making itself the most disturbing factor.
+In 1852 Benjamin Drew found the minds of the people of Sandwich much
+exercised over the question of admitting Negroes into the public
+schools. The same feeling was then almost as strong in Chatham,
+Hamilton, and London[4]. Consequently, "partly owing to this
+prejudice, and partly to their own preference, the colored people,
+acting under the provision of the law that allowed them to have
+separate schools, set up their own schools in Sandwich and in many
+other parts of Ontario"[5]. There were separate schools at Colchester,
+Amherstburg, Sandwich, Dawn, and Buxton[6]. It was doubtless because
+of the rude behavior of white pupils toward the children of the blacks
+that their private schools flourished at London, Windsor, and other
+places[7]. The Negroes, themselves, however, did not object to the
+coeducation of the races. Where there were a few white children
+in colored settlements they were admitted to schools maintained
+especially for pupils of African descent.[8] In Toronto no distinction
+in educational privileges was made, but in later years there
+flourished an evening school for adults of color.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drew said: "The prejudice against the African race is
+here [Canada] strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy
+school taxes on the colored people. Some three or four years since a
+trustee assessed a school tax on some of the wealthy citizens of that
+class. They sent their children at once into the public school. As
+these sat down the white children near them deserted the benches: and
+in a day or two the white children were wholly withdrawn, leaving the
+schoolhouse to the teacher and his colored pupils. The matter was
+at last 'compromised': a notice 'Select School' was put on the
+schoolhouse: the white children were selected _in_ and the black were
+selected _out_." See Drew's. _A North-side View of Slavery_, etc., p.
+341.]
+
+
+[Footnote 3: Mitchell, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 140, 164, and
+165.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 341.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, Appendix, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Ibid_., p. 15.]
+
+The most helpful schools, however, were not those maintained by the
+state. Travelers in Canada found the colored mission schools with
+a larger attendance and doing better work than those maintained at
+public expense.[1] The rise of the mission schools was due to the
+effort to "furnish the conditions under which whatever appreciation
+of education there was native in a community of Negroes, or whatever
+taste for it could be awakened there," might be "free to assert itself
+unhindered by real or imagined opposition."[2] There were no such
+schools in 1830, but by 1838 philanthropists had established the first
+mission among the Canadian refugees.[3] The English Colonial Church
+and School Society organized schools at London, Amherstburg, and
+Colchester. Certain religious organizations of the United States sent
+ten or more teachers to these settlements.[4] In 1839 these workers
+were conducting four schools while Rev. Hiram Wilson, their inspector,
+probably had several other institutions under his supervision.[5] In
+1844 Levi Coffin found a large school at Isaac Rice's mission at Fort
+Maiden or Amherstburg.[6] Rice had toiled among these people six
+years, receiving very little financial aid, and suffering unusual
+hardships.[7] Mr. E. Child, a graduate of Oneida Institute, was later
+added to the corps of mission teachers.[8] In 1852 Mrs. Laura S.
+Haviland was secured to teach the school of the colony of "Refugees'
+Home," where the colored people had built a structure "for school and
+meeting purposes."[9] On Sundays the schoolhouses and churches were
+crowded by eager seekers, many of whom lived miles away. Among these
+earnest students a traveler saw an aged couple more than eighty
+years old.[10] These elementary schools broke the way for a higher
+institution at Dawn, known as the Manual Labor Institute.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+341, and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Father Henson's Story of His Own Life_, p. 209.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 6: "While at this place we made our headquarters at Isaac J.
+Rice's missionary buildings, where he had a large school for colored
+children. He had labored here among the colored people, mostly
+fugitives, for six years. He was a devoted, self-denying worker, had
+received very little pecuniary help, and had suffered many privations.
+He was well situated in Ohio as pastor of a Presbyterian Church, and
+had fine prospects before him, but believed that the Lord called him
+to this field of missionary labor among the fugitive slaves, who
+came here by hundreds and by thousands, poor, destitute, ignorant,
+suffering from all the evil influences of slavery. We entered into
+deep sympathy with him and his labors, realizing the great need there
+was here for just such an institution as he had established. He had
+sheltered at his missionary home many hundred of fugitives till other
+homes for them could be found. This was the great landing point, the
+principal terminus of the Underground Railroad of the West." See
+Coffin's _Reminiscences_, p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., pp. 249-251.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 202.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 196, 201.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 193.]
+
+With these immigrants, however, this was not a mere passive
+participation in the work of their amelioration. From the very
+beginning the colored people partly supported their schools. Without
+the coöperation of the refugees the large private schools at London,
+Chatham, and Windsor could not have succeeded. The school at Chatham
+was conducted by Alfred Whipper,[1] a colored man, that at Windsor by
+Mary E. Bibb, the wife of Henry Bibb,[2] the founder of the Refugees'
+Home Settlement, and that at Sandwich by Mary Ann Shadd, of
+Delaware.[3] Moreover, the majority of these colonists showed
+increasing interest in this work of social uplift.[4] Foregoing their
+economic opportunities many of the refugees congregated in towns of
+educational facilities. A large number of them left their first abodes
+to settle near Dresden and Dawn because of the advantages offered
+by the Manual Labor Institute. Besides, the Negroes organized "True
+Bands" which effected among other things the improvement of schools
+and the increase of their attendance[5].
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 322.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+131.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, pp. 70, 71, 108, and
+110.]
+
+[Footnote 5: According to Drew a True Band was composed of colored
+persons of both sexes, associated for their own improvement. "Its
+objects," says he, "are manifold: mainly these:--the members are to
+take a general interest in each other's welfare; to pursue such plans
+and objects as may be for their mutual advantage; to improve all
+schools, and to induce their race to send their children into the
+schools; to break down all prejudice; to bring all churches as far as
+possible into one body, and not let minor differences divide them; to
+prevent litigation by referring all disputes among themselves to a
+committee; to stop the begging system entirely (that is, going to the
+United States and thereby representing that the fugitives are starving
+and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which the fugitives
+never receive the benefit,--misrepresenting the character of the
+fugitives for industry and underrating the advance of the country,
+which supplies abundant work for all at fair wages); to raise such
+funds among themselves as may be necessary for the poor, the sick,
+and the destitute fugitive newly arrived; and prepare themselves
+ultimately to bear their due weight of political power." See Drew, _A
+North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+The good results of these schools were apparent. In the same degree
+that the denial to slaves of mental development tended to brutalize
+them the teaching of science and religion elevated the fugitives in
+Canada. In fact, the Negroes of these settlements soon had ideals
+differing widely from those of their brethren less favorably
+circumstanced. They believed in the establishment of homes, respected
+the sanctity of marriage, and exhibited in their daily life a moral
+sense of the highest order. Travelers found the majority of them
+neat, orderly, and intelligent[1]. Availing themselves of their
+opportunities, they quickly qualified as workers among their fellows.
+An observer reported in 1855 that a few were engaged in shop keeping
+or were employed as clerks, while a still smaller number devoted
+themselves to teaching and preaching.[2] Before 1860 the culture of
+these settlements was attracting the colored graduates of northern
+institutions which had begun to give men of African blood an
+opportunity to study in their professional schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: According to the report of the Freedmen's Inquiry
+Commission published by S.G. Howe, an unusually large proportion of
+the colored population believed in education. He says: "Those from the
+free States had very little schooling in youth; those from the slave
+States, none at all. Considering these things it is rather remarkable
+that so many can now read and write. Moreover, they show their esteem
+for instruction by their desire to obtain it for their children. They
+all wish to have their children go to school, and they send them all
+the time that they can be spared.
+
+"Canada West has adopted a good system of public instruction, which
+is well administered. The common schools, though inferior to those of
+several of the States of the United States, are good. Colored children
+are admitted to them in most places; and where a separate school is
+open for them, it is as well provided by the government with teachers
+and apparatus as the other schools are. Notwithstanding the growing
+prejudice against blacks, the authorities evidently mean to deal
+justly by them in regard to instruction; and even those who advocate
+separate schools, promise that they shall be equal to white schools.
+
+"The colored children in the mixed schools do not differ in their
+general appearance and behavior from their white comrades. They are
+usually clean and decently clad. They look quite as the whites; and
+are perhaps a little more mirthful and roguish. The association
+is manifestly beneficial to the colored children." See Howe, _The
+Refugees_, etc., p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 226.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+HIGHER EDUCATION
+
+
+The development of the schools and churches established for these
+transplanted freedmen made more necessary than ever a higher education
+to develop in them the power to work out their own salvation. It
+was again the day of thorough training for the Negroes. Their
+opportunities for better instruction were offered mainly by the
+colonizationists and abolitionists.[1] Although these workers had
+radically different views as to the manner of elevating the colored
+people, they contributed much to their mental development. The more
+liberal colonizationists endeavored to furnish free persons of
+color the facilities for higher education with the hope that their
+enlightenment would make them so discontented with this country
+that they would emigrate to Liberia. Most southern colonizationists
+accepted this plan but felt that those permanently attached to this
+country should be kept in ignorance; for if they were enlightened,
+they would either be freed or exterminated. During the period of
+reaction, when the elevation of the race was discouraged in the North
+and prohibited in most parts of the South, the colonizationists
+continued to secure to Negroes, desiring to expatriate themselves,
+opportunities for education which never would have been given those
+expecting to remain in the United States.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: The views of the abolitionists at that time were well
+expressed by Garrison in his address to the people of color in the
+convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830. He encouraged them to
+get as much education as possible for themselves and their offspring,
+to toil long and hard for it as for a pearl of great price. "An
+ignorant people," said he, "can never occupy any other than a degraded
+place in society; they can never be truly free until they are
+intelligent. It is an old maxim that knowledge is power; and not only
+is it power but rank, wealth, dignity, and protection. That capital
+brings highest return to a city, state, or nation (as the case may
+be) which is invested in schools, academies, and colleges. If I had
+children, rather than that they should grow up in ignorance, I would
+feed upon bread and water: I would sell my teeth, or extract the blood
+from my veins." See _Minutes of the Proceedings of the Convention for
+the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1830, pages 10, 11.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+213-214; and _The African Repository_, under the captions of
+"Education in Liberia," and "African Education Societies," _passim_.]
+
+The policy of promoters of African colonization, however, did not
+immediately become unprogressive. Their plan of education differed
+from previous efforts in that the objects of their philanthropy were
+to be given every opportunity for mental growth. The colonizationists
+had learned from experience in educating Negroes that it was necessary
+to begin with the youth.[1] These workers observed, too, that the
+exigencies of the time demanded more advanced and better endowed
+institutions to prepare colored men to instruct others in science and
+religion, and to fit them for "civil offices in Liberia and Hayti."[2]
+To execute this scheme the leaders of the colonization movement
+endeavored to educate Negroes in "mechanic arts, agriculture, science,
+and Biblical literature."[3] Exceptionally bright youths were to
+be given special training as catechists, teachers, preachers, and
+physicians.[4] A southern planter offered a plantation for the
+establishment of a suitable institution of learning,[5] a few masters
+sent their slaves to eastern schools to be educated, and men organized
+"education societies" in various parts to carry out this work at
+shorter range. In 1817 colonizationists opened at Pasippany, New
+Jersey, a school to give a four-year course to "African youth" who
+showed "talent, discretion, and piety" and were able to read and
+write.[6] Twelve years later another effort was made to establish a
+school of this kind at Newark in that State,[7] while other promoters
+of that faith were endeavoring to establish a similar institution at
+Hartford, Connecticut,[8] all hoping to make use of the Kosciuszko
+fund.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. xxviii., pp. 271, 347; Child, _An Appeal_,
+p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Report of the Proceedings at the Organization of the
+African Education Society_, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 276, and Griffin, _A
+Plea for Africa_, p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _African Repository_, vol. iv., pp. 186, 193, and 375;
+and vol. vi., pp. 47, 48, 49, and _Report of the Proceedings of the
+African Education Society_, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., pp. 7 and 8 and _African Repository_, vol. iv.,
+p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 9: What would become of this plan depended upon the changing
+fortunes of the men concerned. Kosciuszko died in 1817; and as Thomas
+Jefferson refused to take out letters testamentary under this will,
+Benjamin Lincoln Lear, a trustee of the African Education Society, who
+intended to apply for the whole fund, was appointed administrator of
+it. The fund amounted to about $16,000. Later Kosciuszko Armstrong
+demanded of the administrator $3704 bequeathed to him by T. Kosciuszko
+in a will alleged to have been executed in Paris in 1806. The bill was
+dismissed by the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, and the
+decision of the lower Court was confirmed by the United States Supreme
+Court in 1827 on the grounds that the said will had not been admitted
+to probate anywhere. To make things still darker just about the
+time the trustees of the African Education Society were planning to
+purchase a farm and select teachers and mechanics to instruct the
+youth, the heirs of General Kosciuszko filed a bill against Mr.
+Lear in the Supreme Court of the United States on the ground of the
+invalidity of the will executed by Kosciuszko in 1798. The death of
+Mr. Lear in 1832 and that of William Wirt, the Attorney-General of
+the United States, soon thereafter, caused a delay in having the case
+decided. The author does not know exactly what use was finally made of
+this fund. See _African Repository_, vol. it., pp. 163, 233; also 7
+Peters, 130, and 8 Peters, 52.]
+
+The schemes failed, however, on account of the unyielding opposition
+of the free Negroes and abolitionists. They could see no philanthropy
+in educating persons to prepare for doom in a deadly climate. The
+convention of the free people of color assembled in Philadelphia in
+1830, denounced the colonization movement as an evil, and urged their
+fellows not to support it. Pointing out the impracticability of such
+schemes, the convention encouraged the race to take steps toward its
+elevation in this country.[1] Should the colored people be properly
+educated, the prejudice against them would not continue such as to
+necessitate their expatriation. The delegates hoped to establish a
+Manual Labor College at New Haven that Negroes might there acquire
+that "classical knowledge which promotes genius and causes man to soar
+up to those high intellectual enjoyments and acquirements which place
+him in a situation to shed upon a country and people that scientific
+grandeur which is imperishable by time, and drowns in oblivion's cup
+their moral degradation."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 68; and _Minutes of the Proceedings of the
+Third Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, pp.
+9, 10, and 11.]
+
+Influential abolitionists were also attacking this policy of the
+colonizationists. William Jay, however, delivered against them such
+diatribes and so wisely exposed their follies that the advocates
+of colonization learned to consider him as the arch enemy of their
+cause.[1] Jay advocated the education of the Negroes for living
+where they were. He could not see how a Christian could prohibit or
+condition the education of any individual. To do such a thing was
+tantamount to preventing him from having a direct revelation of God.
+How these "educators" could argue that on account of the hopelessness
+of the endeavors to civilize the blacks they should be removed to a
+foreign country, and at the same time undertake to provide for them
+there the same facilities for higher education that white men enjoyed,
+seemed to Jay to be facetiously inconsistent.[2] If the Africans could
+be elevated in their native land and not in America, it was due to the
+Caucasians' sinful condition, for which the colored people should not
+be required to suffer the penalty of expatriation.[3] The desirable
+thing to do was to influence churches and schools to admit students of
+color on terms of equality with all other races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Reese, _Letters to Honorable William Jay._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jay, _Inquiry_, p. 26; and _Letters_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 22.]
+
+Encountering this opposition, the institutions projected by the
+colonization society existed in name only. Exactly how and why the
+organization failed to make good with its educational policy is well
+brought out by the wailing cry of one of its promoters. He asserted
+that "every endeavor to divert the attention of the community or even
+a portion of the means which the present so imperatively calls for,
+from the colonization society to measures calculated to bind the
+colored population to this country and seeking to raise them to a
+level with the whites, whether by founding colleges or in any other
+way, tends directly in the proportion that it succeeds, to counteract
+and thwart the whole plan of colonization."[1] The colonizationists,
+therefore, desisted from their attempt to provide higher education for
+any considerable number of the belated race. Seeing that they could
+not count on the support of the free persons of color, they feared
+that those thus educated would be induced by the abolitionists to
+remain in the United States. This would put the colonizationists in
+the position of increasing the intelligent element of the colored
+population, which was then regarded as a menace to slavery.
+Consequently these timorous "educators" did practically nothing
+during the reactionary period to carry out their plan of establishing
+colleges.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col. Soc._,
+p. 31.]
+
+Thereafter the colonizationists found it advisable to restrict their
+efforts to individual cases. Not much was said about what they were
+doing, but now and then appeared notices of Negroes who had been
+privately prepared in the South or publicly in the North for
+professional work in Liberia. Dr. William Taylor and Dr. Fleet were
+thus educated in medicine in the District of Columbia.[1] In the
+same way John V. DeGrasse, of New York, and Thomas J. White,[2] of
+Brooklyn, were allowed to complete the Medical Course at Bowdoin in
+1849. Garrison Draper, who had acquired his literary education at
+Dartmouth, studied law in Baltimore under friends of the colonization
+cause, and with a view to going to Liberia passed the examination of
+the Maryland Bar in 1857.[3] In 1858 the Berkshire Medical School
+graduated two colored doctors, who were gratuitously educated by the
+American Colonization Society. The graduating class thinned out,
+however, and one of the professors resigned because of their
+attendance.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, and
+_African Repository_, vol. x., p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxv., p. 384.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+Not all colonizationists, however, had submitted to this policy of
+mere individual preparation of those emigrating to Liberia. Certain of
+their organizations still believed that it was only through educating
+the free people of color sufficiently to see their humiliation that a
+large number of them could be induced to leave this country. As long
+as they were unable to enjoy the finer things of life, they could not
+be expected to appreciate the value and use of liberty. It was
+argued that instead of remaining in this country to wage war on its
+institutions, the highly enlightened Negroes would be glad to go to a
+foreign land.[1] By this argument some colonizationists were induced
+to do more for the general education of the free blacks than they
+had considered it wise to do during the time of the bold attempts at
+servile insurrection.[2] In fact, many of the colored schools of the
+free States were supported by ardent colonizationists.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237; and
+_African Repository_, vol. xxx., p. 195.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 195.]
+
+
+The later plan of most colonizationists, however, was to educate the
+emigrating Negroes after they settled in Liberia. Handsome sums
+were given for the establishment of schools and colleges in which
+professorships were endowed for men educated at the expense of
+churches and colonization societies.[1] The first institution of
+consequence in this field was the Alexander High School. To this
+school many of the prominent men of Liberia owed the beginning of
+their liberal education. The English High School at Monrovia, the
+Baptist Boarding School at Bexley, and the Protestant Episcopal High
+School at Cape Palmas also offered courses in higher branches.[2]
+Still better opportunities were given by the College of West Africa
+and Liberia College. The former was founded in 1839 as the head of a
+system of schools established by the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+every county of the Republic.[3] Liberia College was at the request
+of its founders, the directors of the American Colonization Society,
+incorporated by the legislature of the country in 1851. As it took
+some time to secure adequate funds, the main building was not
+completed, and students were not admitted before 1862.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, under the caption of "Education in
+Liberia" in various volumes; and Alexander, _A History of Col._, pp.
+348, 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 348.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 6.]
+
+Though the majority of the colored students scoffed at the idea of
+preparing for work in Liberia their education for service in the
+United States was not encouraged. No Negro had graduated from a
+college before 1828, when John B. Russworm, a classmate of Hon. John
+P. Hale, received his degree from Bowdoin.[1] During the thirties
+and forties, colored persons, however well prepared, were generally
+debarred from colleges despite the protests of prominent men. We have
+no record that as many as fifteen Negroes were admitted to higher
+institutions in this country before 1840. It was only after much
+debate that Union College agreed to accept a colored student on
+condition that he should swear that he had no Negro blood in his
+veins.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dyer, Speech in Congress on the Progress of the Negro,
+1914.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Clarke, _The Condition of the Free People of Color_,
+1859, p. 3, and the _Sixth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 11.]
+
+Having had such a little to encourage them to expect a general
+admission into northern institutions, free blacks and abolitionists
+concluded that separate colleges for colored people were necessary.
+The institution demanded for them was thought to have an advantage
+over the aristocratic college in that labor would be combined with
+study, making the stay at school pleasant and enabling the poorest
+youth to secure an education.[1] It was the kind of higher institution
+which had already been established in several States to meet the needs
+of the illiterate whites. Such higher training for the Negroes was
+considered necessary, also, because their intermediate schools were
+after the reaction in a languishing state. The children of color were
+able to advance but little on account of having nothing to stimulate
+them. The desired college was, therefore, boomed as an institution to
+give the common schools vigor, "to kindle the flame of emulation,"
+"to open to beginners discerning the mysteries of arithmetic other
+mysteries beyond," and above all to serve them as Yale or Harvard did
+as the capstone of the educational system of the other race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Convention of Free People of
+Color held in Philadelphia in 1836_, pp. 7 and 8; _Ibid., Fourth
+Annual Convention_, p. 26; _Proceedings of the New England Antislavery
+Society_, 1836, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+of the Free People of Color_, 1836; Garrison's Address.]
+
+In the course of time these workers succeeded in various communities.
+The movement for the higher education of the Negroes of the District
+of Columbia centered largely around the academy established by Miss
+Myrtilla Miner, a worthy young woman of New York. After various
+discouragements in seeking a special preparation for life's work, she
+finally concluded that she should devote her time to the moral and
+intellectual improvement of Negroes.[1] She entered upon her career in
+Washington in 1851 assisted by Miss Anna Inman, a native of New York,
+and a member of the Society of Friends. After teaching the girls
+French one year Miss Inman returned to her home in Southfield, Rhode
+Island.[2] Finding it difficult to get a permanent location, Miss
+Miner had to move from place to place among colored people who were
+generally persecuted and threatened with conflagration for having a
+white woman working among them. Driven to the extremity of building
+a schoolhouse for her purpose, she purchased a lot with money raised
+largely by Quakers of New York, Philadelphia, and New England, and
+by Harriet Beecher Stowe.[3] Miss Miner had also the support of Mrs.
+Means, an aunt of the wife of President Franklin Pierce, and of United
+States Senator W.H. Seward.[4] Effective opposition, however, was not
+long in developing. Articles appeared in the newspapers protesting
+against this policy of affording Negroes "a degree of instruction so
+far above their social and political condition which must continue in
+this and every other slaveholding community."[5] Girls were insulted,
+teachers were abused along the streets, and for lack of police
+surveillance the house was set afire in 1860. It was sighted, however,
+in time to be saved.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: O'Connor, _Myrtilla Miner_, pp. 11, 12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 207.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 208.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 208, 209, and 210.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The National Intelligencer._]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 209.]
+
+Undisturbed by these efforts to destroy the institution, Miss Miner
+persisted in carrying out her plan for the higher education of colored
+girls of the District of Columbia. She worked during the winter, and
+traveled during the summer to solicit friends and contributions to
+keep the institution on that higher plane where she planned it should
+be. She had the building well equipped with all kinds of apparatus,
+utilized the ample ground for the teaching of horticulture, collected
+a large library, and secured a number of paintings and engravings with
+which she enlightened her pupils on the finer arts. In addition to the
+conventional teaching of seminaries of that day, Miss Miner provided
+lectures on scientific and literary subjects by the leading men of
+that time, and trained her students to teach.[1] She hoped some day to
+make the seminary a first-class teachers' college. During the Civil
+War, however, it was difficult for her to find funds, and health
+having failed her in 1858 she died in 1866 without realizing this
+dream.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Those who assisted her were Helen Moore, Margaret Clapp,
+Anna H. Searing, Amanda Weaver, Anna Jones, Matilda Jones, and Lydia
+Mann, the sister of Horace Mann, who helped Miss Miner considerably
+in 1856 at the time of her failing health. Emily Holland was her firm
+supporter when the institution was passing through the crisis, and
+stood by her until she breathed her last. See _Special Report of the
+U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+
+Earlier in the nineteenth century the philanthropists of Pennsylvania
+had planned to establish for Negroes several higher institutions.
+Chief among these was the Institute for Colored Youth. The founding
+of an institution of this kind had been made possible by Richard
+Humphreys, a Quaker, who, on his death in 1832, devised to a Board
+of Trustees the sum of $10,000 to be used for the education of the
+descendants of the African race.[1] As the instruction of Negroes was
+then unpopular, no steps were taken to carry out this plan until 1839.
+The Quakers then appointed a Board and undertook to execute this
+provision of Humphreys's will. In conformity with the directions of
+the donor, the Board of Trustees endeavored to give the colored
+youth the opportunity to obtain a good education and acquire useful
+knowledge of trades and commercial occupations. Humphreys desired that
+"they might be enabled to obtain a comfortable livelihood by their
+own industry, and fulfill the duties of domestic and social life
+with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious men."[2]
+Accordingly they purchased a tract of land in Philadelphia County and
+taught a number of boys the principles of farming, shoemaking, and
+other useful occupations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+
+Another stage in the development of this institution was reached in
+1842, the year of its incorporation. It then received several small
+contributions and the handsome sum of $18,000 from another Quaker,
+Jonathan Zane. As it seemed by 1846 that the attempt to combine the
+literary with the industrial work had not been successful, it was
+decided to dispose of the industrial equipment and devote the funds of
+the institution to the maintenance of an evening school. An effort at
+the establishment of a day school was made in 1850, but it was not
+effected before 1852. A building was then erected in Lombard Street
+and the school known thereafter as the Institute for Colored Youth was
+opened with Charles L. Reason of New York in charge. Under him the
+institution was at once a success in preparing advanced pupils of
+both sexes for the higher vocations of teaching and preaching. The
+attendance soon necessitated increased accommodations for which Joseph
+Dawson and other Quakers liberally provided in later years.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 380.]
+
+This favorable tendency in Pennsylvania led to the establishment of
+Avery College at Alleghany City. The necessary fund was bequeathed by
+Rev. Charles Avery, a rich man of that section, who left an estate of
+about $300,000 to be applied to the education and Christianization of
+the African race.[1] Some of this fund was devoted to missionary
+work in Africa, large donations were made to colored institutions of
+learning, and another portion was appropriated to the establishment
+of Avery College. This institution was incorporated in 1849. Soon
+thereafter it advertised for students, expressing willingness to make
+every provision without regard to religious proclivities. The school
+had a three-story brick building, up-to-date apparatus for teaching
+various branches of natural science, a library of all kinds
+of literature, and an endowment of $25,000 to provide for its
+maintenance. Rev. Philotas Dean, the only white teacher connected with
+this institution, was its first principal. He served until 1856 when
+he was succeeded by his assistant, M.H. Freeman, who in 1863 was
+succeeded by George B. Vashon. Miss Emma J. Woodson was an assistant
+in the institution from 1856 to 1867. After the din of the Civil War
+had ceased the institution took on new life, electing a new corps of
+teachers, who placed the work on a higher plane. Among these were Rev.
+H.H. Garnett, president, B.K. Sampson, Harriet C. Johnson, and Clara
+G. Toop.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., p. 156.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 381.]
+
+It was due also to the successful forces at work in Pennsylvania that
+the Ashmun Institute, now Lincoln University, was established in that
+State. The need of higher education having come to the attention of
+the Presbytery of New Castle, that body decided to establish within
+its limits an institution for the "scientific, classical, and
+theological education of the colored youth of the male sex." In 1853
+the Synod approved the plans of the founders and provided that the
+institution should be under the supervision and control of the
+Presbytery or Synod within whose bounds it might be located. A
+committee to solicit funds, find a site, and secure a charter for the
+school was appointed. They selected for the location Hensonville,
+Chester County, Pennsylvania.[1] The legislature incorporated the
+institution in 1854 with John M. Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, Robert P.
+DuBois, James Latta, John B. Spottswood, James Crowell, Samuel J.
+Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, John M. Kelton, and William Wilson as
+trustees. Sufficient buildings and equipment having been provided by
+1856, the doors of this institution were opened to young colored men
+seeking preparation for work in this country and Liberia.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 382.]
+
+An equally successful plan of workers in the West resulted in the
+founding of the first higher institution to be controlled by Negroes.
+Having for some years believed that the colored people needed a
+college for the preparation of teachers and preachers, the Cincinnati
+Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in session in 1855
+appointed Rev. John F. Wright as general agent to execute this design.
+Addressing themselves immediately to this task Rev. Mr. Wright and his
+associates solicited from philanthropic persons by 1856 the amount of
+$13,000. The agents then made the purchase payment on the beautiful
+site of Tawawa Springs, long known as the healthy summer resort near
+Xenia, Ohio.[1] That same year the institution was incorporated as
+Wilberforce University. From 1856 to 1862 the school had a fair
+student body, consisting of the mulatto children of southern
+slaveholders.[2] When these were kept away, however, by the operations
+of the Civil War, the institution declined so rapidly that it had to
+be closed for a season. Thereafter the trustees appealed again to the
+African Methodist Episcopal Church which in 1856 had declined the
+invitation to coöperate with the founders. The colored Methodists had
+adhered to their decision to operate Union Seminary, a manual labor
+school, which they had started near Columbus, Ohio.[3] The proposition
+was accepted, however, in 1862. For the amount of the debt of $10,000
+which the institution had incurred while passing through the crisis,
+Rev. Daniel A. Payne and his associates secured the transfer of
+the property to the African Methodist Episcopal Church. These new
+directors hoped to develop a first-class university, offering courses
+in law, medicine, literature, and theology. The debt being speedily
+removed the school showed evidences of new vigor, but was checked in
+its progress by an incendiary, who burned the main building while the
+teachers and pupils were attending an emancipation celebration at
+Xenia, April 14, 1865. With the amount of insurance received and
+donations from friends, the trustees were able to construct a more
+commodious building which still marks the site of these early
+labors.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+372-373.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _History of Greene County, Ohio_, chapter on Wilberforce;
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+A brighter day for the higher education of the colored people at home,
+however, had begun to dawn during the forties. The abolitionists
+were then aggressively demanding consideration for the Negroes. Men
+"condescended" to reason together about slavery and the treatment of
+the colored people. The northern people ceased to think that they had
+nothing to do with these problems. When these questions were openly
+discussed in the schools of the North, students and teachers gradually
+became converted to the doctrine of equality in education. This
+revolution was instituted by President C.B. Storrs, of Western Reserve
+College, then at Hudson, Ohio. His doctrine in regard to the training
+of the mind "was that men are able to be made only by putting youth
+under the responsibilities of men." He, therefore, encouraged the free
+discussion of all important subjects, among which was the appeal of
+the Negroes for enlightenment. This policy gave rise to a spirit of
+inquiry which permeated the whole school. The victory, however, was
+not easy. After a long struggle the mind of the college was carried by
+irresistible argument in favor of fair play for colored youth. This
+institution had two colored students as early as 1834.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 42.]
+
+Northern institutions of learning were then reaching the third stage
+in their participation in the solution of the Negro problem. At first
+they had to be converted even to allow a free discussion of the
+question; next the students on being convinced that slavery was a sin,
+sought to elevate the blacks thus degraded; and finally these workers,
+who had been accustomed to instructing the neighboring colored people,
+reached the conclusion that they should be admitted to their schools
+on equal footing with the whites. Geneva College, then at Northfield,
+Ohio, now at Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, was being moved in this
+manner.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-slavery
+Society_, 1834. p. 43.]
+
+Lane Seminary, however, is the best example of a school which passed
+through the three stages of this revolution. This institution was
+peculiar in that the idea of establishing it originated with a
+southerner, a merchant of New Orleans. It was founded largely by funds
+of southern Presbyterians, was located in Cincinnati about a mile from
+slave territory, and was attended by students from that section.[1]
+When the right of free discussion swept the country many of the
+proslavery students were converted to abolition. To southerners it
+seemed that the seminary had resolved itself into a society for the
+elevation of the free blacks. Students established Sabbath-schools,
+organized Bible classes, and provided lectures for Negroes ambitious
+to do advanced work. Measures were taken to establish an academy for
+colored girls, and a teacher was engaged. But these noble efforts put
+forth so near the border States soon provoked firm opposition from
+the proslavery element. Some of the students had gone so far in the
+manifestation of their zeal that the institution was embarrassed by
+the charge of promoting the social equality of the races.[2] Rather
+than remain in Cincinnati under restrictions, the reform element of
+the institution moved to the more congenial Western Reserve where a
+nucleus of youth and their instructors had assumed the name of Oberlin
+College. This school did so much for the education of Negroes before
+the Civil War that it was often spoken of as an institution for the
+education of the people of color.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 43.]
+
+Interest in the higher education of the neglected race, however, was
+not confined to a particular commonwealth. Institutions of other
+States were directing their attention to this task. Among others were
+a school in New York City founded by a clergyman to offer Negroes an
+opportunity to study the classics,[1] New York Central College at
+McGrawville, Oneida Institute conducted by Beriah Green at Whitesboro,
+Thetford Academy of Vermont, and Union Literary Institute in the
+center of the communities of freedmen transplanted to Indiana. Many
+other of our best institutions were opening their doors to students of
+African descent. By 1852 colored students had attended the Institute
+at Easton, Pennsylvania; the Normal School of Albany, New York;
+Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine; Rutland College, Vermont; Jefferson
+College, Pennsylvania; Athens College, Athens, Ohio; Franklin College,
+New Athens, Ohio; and Hanover College near Madison, Indiana. Negroes
+had taken courses at the Medical School of the University of New York;
+the Castleton Medical School in Vermont; the Berkshire Medical School,
+Pittsfield, Massachusetts; the Rush Medical School in Chicago; the
+Eclectic Medical School of Philadelphia; the Homeopathic College of
+Cleveland; and the Medical School of Harvard University. Colored
+preachers had been educated in the Theological Seminary at Gettysburg,
+Pennsylvania; the Dartmouth Theological School; and the Theological
+Seminary of Charleston, South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 530.]
+
+[Footnote 2: These facts are taken from M.R. Delany's _The Condition,
+Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United
+States Practically Considered_, published in 1852; the _Reports of
+the Antislavery and Colonization Societies_, and _The African
+Repository_.]
+
+Prominent among those who brought about this change in the attitude
+toward the education of the free blacks was Gerrit Smith, one of
+the greatest philanthropists of his time. He secured privileges for
+Negroes in higher institutions by extending aid to such as would open
+their doors to persons of color. In this way he became a patron of
+Oneida Institute, giving it from $3,000 to $4,000 in cash and 3,000
+acres of land in Vermont. Because of the hospitality of Oberlin to
+colored students he gave the institution large sums of money and
+20,000 acres of land in Virginia valued at $50,000. New York Central
+College which opened its doors alike to both races obtained from him
+several donations.[1] This gentleman proceeded on the presumption that
+it is the duty of the white people to elevate the colored and that the
+education of large numbers of them is indispensable to the uplift of
+the degraded classes.[2] He wanted them to have the opportunity for
+obtaining either a common or classical education; and hoped that they
+would go out from our institutions well educated for any work to
+which they might be called in this country or abroad.[3] He himself
+established a colored school at Peterboro, New York. As this
+institution offered both industrial and literary courses we shall
+have occasion to mention it again. Both a cause and result of the
+increasing interest in the higher education of Negroes was that these
+unfortunates had made good with what little training they had. Many
+had by their creative power shown what they could do in business,[4]
+some had convinced the world of the inventive genius of the man of
+color,[5] others had begun to rank as successful lawyers,[6] not a
+few had become distinguished physicians,[7] and scores of intelligent
+Negro preachers were ministering to the spiritual needs of their
+people.[8] S.R. Ward, a scholar of some note, was for a few years the
+pastor of a white church at Courtlandville, New York. Robert Morris
+had been honored by the appointment as Magistrate by the Governor of
+Massachusetts, and in New Hampshire another man of African blood had
+been elected to the legislature.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Among these were John B. Smith, Coffin Pitts, Robert
+Douglas, John P. Bell, Augustus Washington, Alexander S. Thomas, Henry
+Boyd, P.H. Ray, and L.T. Wilcox.]
+
+[Footnote 5: A North Carolina Negro had discovered a cure for
+snakebite; Henry Blair, a slave of Maryland, had invented a
+corn-planter; and Roberts of Philadelphia had made a machine for
+lifting railway cars from the tracks.]
+
+[Footnote 6: The most noted of these lawyers were Robert Morris,
+Malcolm B. Allen, G.B. Vashon, and E.G. Walker.]
+
+[Footnote 7: The leading Negroes of this class were T. Joiner White,
+Peter Ray, John DeGrasse, David P. Jones, J. Gould Bias, James Ulett,
+Martin Delany, and John R. Peck. James McCrummill, Joseph Wilson,
+Thos. Kennard, and Wm. Nickless were noted colored dentists of
+Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 8: The prominent colored preachers of that day were Titus
+Basfield, B.F. Templeton, W.T. Catto, Benjamin Coker, John B. Vashon,
+Robert Purvis, David Ruggles, Philip A. Bell, Charles L. Reason,
+William Wells Brown, Samuel L. Ward, James McCune Smith, Highland
+Garnett, Daniel A. Payne, James C. Pennington, M. Haines, and John F.
+Cook.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+Thanks to the open doors of liberal schools, the race could boast of a
+number of efficient educators.[1] There were Martin H. Freeman, John
+Newton Templeton, Mary E. Miles, Lucy Stratton, Lewis Woodson, John
+F. Cook, Mary Ann Shadd, W.H. Allen, and B.W. Arnett. Professor C.L.
+Reason, a veteran teacher of New York City, was then so well educated
+that in 1844 he was called to the professorship of Belles-Lettres and
+the French Language in New York Central College. Many intelligent
+Negroes who followed other occupations had teaching for their
+avocation. In fact almost every colored person who could read and
+write was a missionary teacher among his people.
+
+[Footnote 1: James B. Russworm, an alumnus of Bowdoin, was the first
+Negro to receive a degree from a college in this country.]
+
+In music, literature, and journalism the Negroes were also doing well.
+Eliza Greenfield, William Jackson, John G. Anderson, and William Appo
+made their way in the musical world. Lemuel Haynes, a successful
+preacher to a white congregation, took up theology about 1815. Paul
+Cuffee wrote an interesting account of Sierra Leone. Rev. Daniel
+Coker published a book on slavery in 1810. Seven years later came
+the publication of the _Law and Doctrine of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church_ and the _Standard Hymnal_ written by Richard Allen.
+In 1836 Rev. George Hogarth published an addition to this volume and
+in 1841 brought forward the first magazine of the sect. Edward W.
+Moore, a colored teacher of white children in Tennessee, wrote an
+arithmetic. C.L. Remond of Massachusetts was then a successful
+lecturer and controversialist. James M. Whitefield, George Horton,
+and Frances E.W. Harper were publishing poems. H.H. Garnett and J.C.
+Pennington, known to fame as preachers, attained success also as
+pamphleteers. R.B. Lewis, M.R. Delany, William Nell, and Catto
+embellished Negro history; William Wells Brown wrote his _Three Years
+in Europe_; and Frederick Douglass, the orator, gave the world his
+creditable autobiography. More effective still were the journalistic
+efforts of the Negro intellect pleading its own cause. [1] Colored
+newspapers varying from the type of weeklies like _The North Star_ to
+that of the modern magazine like _The Anglo-African_ were published in
+most large towns and cities of the North.
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1827 John B. Russworm and Samuel B. Cornish began the
+publication of _The Freedom's Journal_, appearing afterward as
+_Rights to All_. Ten years later P.A. Bell was publishing _The Weekly
+Advocate_. From 1837 to 1842 Bell and Cornish edited _The Colored
+Man's Journal_, while Samuel Ruggles sent from his press _The Mirror
+of Liberty_. In 1847, one year after the appearance of Thomas Van
+Rensselaer's _Ram's Horn_, Frederick Douglass started _The North Star_
+at Rochester, while G. Allen and Highland Garnett were appealing to
+the country through _The National Watchman_ of Troy, New York. That
+same year Martin R. Delany brought out _The Pittsburg Mystery_, and
+others _The Elevator_ at Albany, New York. At Syracuse appeared The
+_Impartial Citizen_ established by Samuel R. Ward in 1848, three years
+after which L.H. Putnam came before the public in New York City with
+_The Colored Man's Journal_. Then came _The Philadelphia Freeman_,
+_The Philadelphia Citizen_, _The New York Phalanx_, _The Baltimore
+Elevator_, and _The Cincinnati Central Star_. Of a higher order was
+_he Anglo-African_, a magazine published in New York in 1859 by Thomas
+Hamilton, who was succeeded in editorship by Robert Hamilton and
+Highland Garnett. In 1852 there were in existence _The Colored
+American_, _The Struggler_, _The Watchman_, _The Ram's Horn_, _The
+Demosthenian Shield_, _The National Reformer_, _The Pittsburg
+Mystery_, _The Palladium of Liberty_, _The Disfranchised American_,
+_The Colored Citizen_, _The National Watchman_, _The Excelsior_,
+_The Christian Herald_, _The Farmer_, _The Impartial Citizen_, _The
+Northern Star_ of Albany, and The _North Star_ of Rochester.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+VOCATIONAL TRAINING
+
+
+Having before them striking examples of highly educated colored men
+who could find no employment in the United States, the free Negroes
+began to realize that their preparation was not going hand in hand
+with their opportunities. Industrial education was then emphasized as
+the proper method of equipping the race for usefulness. The advocacy
+of such training, however, was in no sense new. The early anti-slavery
+men regarded it as the prerequisite to emancipation, and the
+abolitionists urged it as the only safe means of elevating the
+freedmen. But when the blacks, converted to this doctrine, began to
+enter the higher pursuits of labor during the forties and fifties,
+there started a struggle which has been prolonged even into our day.
+Most northern white men had ceased to oppose the enlightenment of the
+free people of color but still objected to granting them economic
+equality. The same investigators that discovered increased facilities
+of conventional education for Negroes in 1834 reported also that there
+existed among the white mechanics a formidable prejudice against
+colored artisans.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+In opposing the encroachment of Negroes on their field of labor the
+northerners took their cue from the white mechanics in the South. At
+first laborers of both races worked together in the same room and at
+the same machine.[1] But in the nineteenth century, when more white
+men in the South were condescending to do skilled labor and trying to
+develop manufactures, they found themselves handicapped by competition
+with the slave mechanics. Before 1860 most southern mechanics,
+machinists, local manufacturers, contractors, and railroad men with
+the exception of conductors were Negroes.[2] Against this custom
+of making colored men such an economic factor the white mechanics
+frequently protested.[3] The riots against Negroes occurring in
+Cincinnati, Philadelphia, New York, and Washington during the thirties
+and forties owed their origin mainly to an ill feeling between the
+white and colored skilled laborers.[4] The white artisans prevailed
+upon the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Georgia to enact
+measures hostile to their rivals.[5] In 1845 the State of Georgia made
+it a misdemeanor for a colored mechanic to make a contract for the
+repair or the erection of buildings.[6] The people of Georgia,
+however, were not unanimously in favor of keeping the Negro artisan
+down. We have already observed that at the request of the Agricultural
+Convention of that State in 1852 the legislature all but passed a bill
+providing for the education of slaves to increase their efficiency and
+attach them to their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _Slave States of America_, vol. ii., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32, 33.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 34,
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 365.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 339.]
+
+It was unfortunate that the free people of color in the North had
+not taken up vocational training earlier in the century before the
+laboring classes realized fraternal consciousness. Once pitted against
+the capitalists during the Administration of Andrew Jackson the
+working classes learned to think that their interests differed
+materially from those of the rich, whose privileges had multiplied at
+the expense of the poor. Efforts toward effecting organizations to
+secure to labor adequate protection began to be successful during
+Van Buren's Administration. At this time some reformers were boldly
+demanding the recognition of Negroes by all helpful groups. One of the
+tests of the strength of these protagonists was whether or not they
+could induce the mechanics of the North to take colored workmen to
+supply the skilled laborers required by the then rapid economic
+development of our free States. Would the whites permit the blacks
+to continue as their competitors after labor had been elevated above
+drudgery? To do this meant the continuation of the custom of taking
+youths of African blood as apprentices. This the white mechanics of
+the North generally refused to do.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention of the Free
+People of Color_, p. 18.]
+
+The friends of the colored race, however, were not easily discouraged
+by that "vulgar race prejudice which reigns in the breasts of working
+classes."[1] Arthur Tappan, Gerrit Smith, and William Lloyd Garrison
+made the appeal in behalf of the untrained laborers.[2] Although they
+knew the difficulties encountered by Negroes seeking to learn trades,
+and could daily observe how unwilling master mechanics were to receive
+colored boys as apprentices, the abolitionists persisted in saying
+that by perseverance these youths could succeed in procuring
+profitable situations.[3] Garrison believed that their failure to find
+employment at trades was not due so much to racial differences as to
+their lack of training. Speaking to the free people of color in their
+convention in Philadelphia in 1831, he could give them no better
+advice than that "wherever you can, put your children to trades. A
+good trade is better than a fortune, because when once obtained it
+cannot be taken away." Discussing the matter further, he said: "Now,
+there can be no reason why your sons should fail to make as ingenious
+and industrious mechanics, as any white apprentices; and when they
+once get trades, they will be able to accumulate money; money begets
+influence, and influence respectability. Influence, wealth, and
+character will certainly destroy those prejudices which now separate
+you from society."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is based on articles appearing in _The
+Liberator_ from time to time.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. II.]
+
+To expect the coöperation of the white working classes in thus
+elevating the colored race turned out to be a delusion. They reached
+the conclusion that in making their headway against capital they had a
+better chance without Negroes than with them. White mechanics of the
+North not only refused to accept colored boys as apprentices, but
+would not even work for employers who persisted in hiring Negroes.
+Generally refused by the master mechanics of Cincinnati, a colored
+cabinet-maker finally found an Englishman who was willing to hire him,
+but the employees of the shop objected, refusing to allow the newcomer
+even to work in a room by himself.[1] A Negro who could preach in a
+white church of the North would have had difficulty in securing the
+contract to build a new edifice for that congregation. A colored man
+could then more easily get his son into a lawyer's office to learn law
+than he could "into a blacksmith shop to blow the bellows and wield
+the sledge hammer."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, June 13, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass_,
+p. 248.]
+
+Left then in a quandary as to what they should do, northern Negroes
+hoped to use the then popular "manual labor schools" to furnish the
+facilities for both practical and classical education. These schools
+as operated for the whites, however, were not primarily trade schools.
+Those which admitted persons of African descent paid more attention to
+actual industrial training for the reason that colored students could
+not then hope to acquire such knowledge as apprentices. This tendency
+was well shown by the action of the free Negroes through their
+delegates in the convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830.
+Conversant with the policy of so reshaping the educational system of
+the country as to carry knowledge even to the hovels, these leaders
+were easily won to the scheme of reconstructing their schools "on the
+manual labor system." In this they saw the redemption of the free
+Negroes of the North. These gentlemen were afraid that the colored
+people were not paying sufficient attention to the development of the
+power to use their hands skillfully.[1] One of the first acts of the
+convention was to inquire as to how fast colored men were becoming
+attached to mechanical pursuits,[2] and whether or not there was any
+prospect that a manual labor school for the instruction of the youth
+would shortly be established. The report of the committee, to which
+the question was referred, was so encouraging that the convention
+itself decided to establish an institution of the kind at New Haven,
+Connecticut. They appealed to their fellows for help, called
+the attention of philanthropists to this need of the race, and
+commissioned William Lloyd Garrison to solicit funds in Great
+Britain.[3] Garrison found hearty supporters among the friends of
+freedom in that country. Some, who had been induced to contribute
+to the Colonization Society, found it more advisable to aid the new
+movement. Charles Stewart of Liverpool wrote Garrison that he could
+count on his British co-workers to raise $1000 for this purpose.[4] At
+the same time Americans were equally active. Arthur Tappan subscribed
+$1000 on the condition that each of nineteen other persons should
+contribute the same amount.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26; and _The Liberator_,
+October 22, 1831; and _The Abolitionist_, November, 1833 (p. 191).]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 27.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Abolitionist_ (November 1833), p. 191.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Liberator_, October 22, 1831.]
+
+Before these well-laid plans could mature, however, unexpected
+opposition developed in New Haven. Indignation meetings were held,
+protests against this project were filed, and the free people of color
+were notified that the institution was not desired in Connecticut.[1]
+It was said that these memorialists feared that a colored college so
+near to Yale might cause friction between the two student bodies, and
+that the school might attract an unusually large number of undesirable
+Negroes. At their meeting the citizens of New Haven resolved "That the
+founding of colleges for educating colored people is an unwarrantable
+and dangerous undertaking to the internal concerns of other states and
+ought to be discouraged, and that the mayor, aldermen, common council,
+and freemen will resist the movement by every lawful means."[2] In
+view of such drastic action the promoters had to abandon their plan.
+No such protests were made by the citizens of New Haven, however, when
+the colonizationists were planning to establish there a mission school
+to prepare Negroes to leave the country.
+
+[Footnote 1: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. iv., p. 406; and _The Liberator_, July 9,
+1831.]
+
+The movement, however, was not then stopped by this outburst of race
+prejudice in New Haven. Directing attention to another community, the
+New England Antislavery Society took up this scheme and collected
+funds to establish a manual labor school. When the officials had on
+hand about $1000 it was discovered that they could accomplish their
+aim by subsidizing the Noyes Academy of Canaan, New Hampshire, and
+making such changes as were necessary to subserve the purposes
+intended.[1] The plan was not to convert this into a colored school.
+The promoters hoped to maintain there a model academy for the
+co-education of the races "on the manual labor system." The treasurer
+of the Antislavery Society was to turn over certain moneys to this
+academy to provide for the needs of the colored students, who then
+numbered fourteen of the fifty-two enrolled. But although it had
+been reported that the people of the town were in accord with the
+principal's acceptance of this proposition, there were soon evidences
+to the contrary. Fearing imaginary evils, these modern Canaanites
+destroyed the academy, dragging the building to a swamp with a hundred
+yoke of oxen.[2] The better element of the town registered against
+this outrage only a slight protest. H.H. Garnett and Alexander
+Crummell were among the colored students who sought education at this
+academy.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, July 4, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34; and Monroe,
+_Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+This work was more successful in the State of New York. There,
+too, the cause was championed by the abolitionists.[1] After the
+emancipation of all Negroes in that commonwealth by 1827 the New York
+Antislavery Society devoted more time to the elevation of the free
+people of color. The rapid rise of the laboring classes in this
+swiftly growing city made it evident to their benefactors that they
+had to be speedily equipped for competition with white mechanics or be
+doomed to follow menial employments. The only one of that section to
+offer Negroes anything like the opportunity for industrial training,
+however, was Gerrit Smith.[2] He was fortunate in having sufficient
+wealth to carry out the plan. In 1834 he established in Madison
+County, New York, an institution known as the Peterboro Manual Labor
+School. The working at trades was provided not altogether to teach the
+mechanic arts, but to enable the students to support themselves while
+attending school. As a compensation for instruction, books, room,
+fuel, light, and board furnished by the founder, the student was
+expected to labor four hours daily at some agricultural or mechanical
+employment "important to his education."[3] The faculty estimated the
+four hours of labor as worth on an average of about 12-1/2 cents for
+each student.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+Efforts were then being made for the establishment of another
+institution near Philadelphia. These endeavors culminated in the
+above-mentioned benefaction of Richard Humphreys, by the will of
+whom $10,000 was devised to establish a school for the purpose of
+instructing "descendants of the African race in school learning in
+the various branches of the mechanical arts and trades and
+agriculture."[1] In 1839 members of the Society of Friends organized
+an association to establish a school such as Humphreys had planned.
+The founders believed that "the most successful method of elevating
+the moral and intellectual character of the descendants of Africa, as
+well as of improving their social condition, is to extend to them the
+benefits of a good education, and to instruct them in the knowledge of
+some useful trade or business, whereby they may be enabled to obtain a
+comfortable livelihood by their own industry; and through these means
+to prepare them for fulfilling the various duties of domestic and
+social life with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious
+men."[2] Directing their attention first to things practical the
+association purchased in 1839 a piece of land in Bristol township,
+Philadelphia County, where they offered boys instruction in farming,
+shoemaking, and other useful trades. Their endeavors, so far as
+training in the mechanic arts was concerned, proved to be a failure.
+In 1846, therefore, the management decided to discontinue this
+literary, agricultural, and manual labor experiment. The trustees then
+sold the farm and stock, apprenticed the male students to mechanical
+occupations, and opened an evening school. Thinking mainly of
+classical education thereafter, the trustees of the fund finally
+established the Institute for Colored Youth of which we have spoken
+elsewhere.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+Some of the philanthropists who promoted the practical education
+of the colored people were found in the Negro settlements of the
+Northwest. Their first successful attempt in that section was the
+establishment of the Emlen Institute in Mercer County, Ohio. The
+founding of this institution was due manly to the efforts of Augustus
+Wattles who was instrumental in getting a number of emigrating
+freedmen to leave Cincinnati and settle in this county about 1835.[1]
+Wattles traveled in almost every colored neighborhood of the State and
+laid before them the benefits of permanent homes and the education for
+their children. On his first journey he organized, with the assistance
+of abolitionists, twenty-five schools for colored children. Interested
+thereafter in providing a head for this system he purchased for
+himself ninety acres of land in Mercer County to establish a manual
+labor institution. He sustained a school on it at his own expense,
+till the 11th of November, 1842. Wattles then visited Philadelphia
+where he became acquainted with the trustees of the late Samuel Emlen,
+a Friend of New Jersey. He had left by his will $20,000 "for the
+support and education in school learning and mechanic arts and
+agriculture of boys of African and Indian descent whose parents
+would give such youths to the Institute."[2] The means of the two
+philanthropists were united. The trustees purchased a farm and
+appointed Wattles as superintendent of the establishment, calling it
+Emlen Institute. Located in a section where the Negroes had sufficient
+interest in education to support a number of elementary schools, this
+institution once had considerable influence.[3] It was removed to
+Bucks County, Pennsylvania, in 1858 and then to Warminster in the same
+county in 1873.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 254.]
+
+Another school of this type was founded in the Northwest. This was the
+Union Literary Institute of Spartanburg, Indiana. The institution owes
+its origin to a group of bold, antislavery men who "in the heat of
+the abolition excitement"[1] stood firm for the Negro. They soon had
+opposition from the proslavery leaders who impeded the progress of
+the institution. But thanks to the indefatigable Ebenezer Tucker,
+its first principal, the "Nigger School" weathered the storm. The
+Institute, however, was founded to educate both races. Its charter
+required that no distinction should be made on account of race, color,
+rank, or religion. Accordingly, although the student body was from
+the beginning of the school partly white, the board of trustees
+represented denominations of both races. Accessible statistics do not
+show that colored persons ever constituted more than one-third of
+the students.[2] It was one of the most durable of the manual labor
+schools, having continued after the Civil War, carrying out to some
+extent the original designs of its founders. As the plan to continue
+it as a private institution proved later to be impracticable the
+establishment was changed into a public school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: According to the _Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education_ in 1893 the colored students then
+constituted about one-third of those then registered at this
+institution. See p. 1944 of this report.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Records of the United States Bureau of Education.]
+
+Scarcely less popular was the British and American Manual Labor
+Institute of the colored settlements in Upper Canada. This school was
+projected by Rev. Hiram Wilson and Josiah Henson as early as 1838, but
+its organization was not undertaken until 1842. The refugees were then
+called together to decide upon the expenditure of $1500 collected in
+England by James C. Fuller, a Quaker. They decided to establish at
+Dawn "a manual labor school, where children could be taught those
+elements of knowledge which are usually the occupations of a grammar
+school, and where boys could be taught in addition the practice of
+some mechanic art, and the girls could be instructed in those domestic
+arts which are the proper occupation and ornament of their sex."[1] A
+tract of three hundred acres of land was purchased, a few buildings
+were constructed, and pupils were soon admitted. The managers
+endeavored to make the school, "self-supporting by the employment of
+the students for certain portions of the time on the land."[2] The
+advantage of schooling of this kind attracted to Dresden and Dawn
+sufficient refugees to make these prosperous settlements. Rev. Hiram
+Wilson, the first principal of the institution, began with fourteen
+"boarding scholars" when there were no more than fifty colored persons
+in all the vicinity. In 1852 when the population of this community
+had increased to five hundred there were sixty students attending
+the school. Indian and white children were also admitted. Among the
+students there were also adults varying later in number from
+fifty-six to one hundred and sixteen.[3] This institution became very
+influential among the Negroes of Canada. Travelers mentioned the
+Institute in accounting for the prosperity and good morals of the
+refugees.[4] Unfortunately, however, after the year 1855 when the
+school reached its zenith, it began to decline on account of bad
+feeling probably resulting from a divided management.
+
+[Footnote 1: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, pp. 73, 74.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 309; and Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 249, 250.]
+
+Studying these facts concerning the manual labor system of education,
+the student of education sees that it was not generally successful.
+This may be accounted for in various ways. One might say that colored
+people were not desired in the higher pursuits of labor and that their
+preparation for such vocations never received the support of the rank
+and file of the Negroes of the North. They saw then, as they often
+do now, the seeming impracticability of preparing themselves for
+occupations which they apparently had no chance to follow. Moreover,
+bright freedmen were not at first attracted to mechanical occupations.
+Ambitious Negroes who triumphed over slavery and made their way to the
+North for educational advantages hoped to enter the higher walks of
+life. Only a few of the race had the foresight of the advocates of
+industrial training. The majority of the enlightened class desired
+that they be no longer considered as "persons occupying a menial
+position, but as capable of the highest development of man."[1]
+Furthermore, bitterly as some white men hated slavery, and deeply as
+they seemingly sympathized with the oppressed, they were loath to
+support a policy which they believed was fatal to their economic
+interests.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention_,
+etc., p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Fifth Report of the American Antislavery Society_,
+p. 115; Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+The chief reason for the failure of the new educational policy was
+that the managers of the manual labor schools made the mistakes often
+committed by promoters of industrial education of our day. At first
+they proceeded on the presumption that one could obtain a classical
+education while learning a trade and at the same time earn sufficient
+to support himself at school. Some of the managers of industrial
+schools have not yet learned that students cannot produce articles for
+market. The best we can expect from an industrial school to-day is a
+good apprentice.
+
+Another handicap was that at that time conditions were seldom
+sufficiently favorable to enable the employer to derive profit enough
+from students' work to compensate for the maintenance of the youth
+at a manual labor school. Besides, such a school could not be
+far-reaching in its results because it could not be so conducted as to
+accommodate a large number of students. With a slight change in its
+aims the manual labor schools might have been more successful in
+the large urban communities, but the aim of their advocates was to
+establish them in the country where sufficient land for agricultural
+training could be had, and where students would not be corrupted by
+the vices of the city.
+
+It was equally unfortunate that the teachers who were chosen to carry
+out this educational policy lacked the preparation adequate to
+their task. They had any amount of spirit, but an evident lack of
+understanding as to the meaning of this new education. They failed
+to unite the qualifications for both the industrial and academic
+instruction. It was the fault that we find to-day in our industrial
+schools. Those who were responsible for the literary training knew
+little of and cared still less for the work in mechanic arts, and
+those who were employed to teach trades seldom had sufficient
+education to impart what they knew. The students, too, in their
+efforts to pursue these uncorrelated courses seldom succeeded in
+making much advance in either. We have no evidence that many Negroes
+were equipped for higher service in the manual labor schools.
+Statistics of 1850 and 1860 show that there was an increase in the
+number of colored mechanics, especially in Philadelphia, Cincinnati,
+Columbus, the Western Reserve, and Canada.[1] But this was probably
+due to the decreasing prejudice of the local white mechanics toward
+the Negro artisans fleeing from the South rather than to formal
+industrial training.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clarke, _Present Condition of the Free People of Color of
+the United States_, 1859, pp. 9, 10, 11, 13, and 29.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 9, 10, and 23.]
+
+Schools of this kind tended gradually to abandon the idea of combining
+labor and learning, leaving such provisions mainly as catalogue
+fictions. Many of the western colleges were founded as manual
+labor schools, but the remains of these beginnings are few and
+insignificant. Oberlin, which was once operated on this basis, still
+retains the seal of "Learning and Labor," with a college building in
+the foreground and a field of grain in the distance. A number of our
+institutions have recitations now in the forenoon that students may
+devote the afternoon to labor. In some schools Monday instead of
+Saturday is the open day of the week because this was wash-day for the
+manual labor colleges. Even after the Civil War some schools had their
+long vacation in the winter instead of the summer because the latter
+was the time for manual labor. The people of our day know little about
+this unsuccessful system.
+
+It is evident, therefore, that the leaders who had up to that time
+dictated the policy of the social betterment of the colored people had
+failed to find the key to the situation. This task fell to the lot
+of Frederick Douglass, who, wiser in his generation than most of his
+contemporaries, advocated actual vocational training as the greatest
+leverage for the elevation of the colored people. Douglass was given
+an opportunity to bring his ideas before the public on the occasion of
+a visit to Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. She was then preparing to go
+to England in response to an invitation from her admirers, who were
+anxious to see this famous author of _Uncle Tom's Cabin_ and to give
+her a testimonial. Thinking that she would receive large sums of money
+in England she desired to get Mr. Douglass's views as to how it could
+be most profitably spent for the advancement of the free people of
+color. She was especially interested in those who had become free by
+their own exertions. Mrs. Stowe informed her guest that several had
+suggested the establishment of an educational institution pure and
+simple, but that she had not been able to concur with them, thinking
+that it would be better to open an industrial school. Douglass was
+opposed both to the establishment of such a college as was suggested,
+and to that of an ordinary industrial school where pupils should
+merely "earn the means of obtaining an education in books." He desired
+what we now call the vocational school, "a series of workshops where
+colored men could learn some of the handicrafts, learn to work in
+iron, wood, and leather, while incidentally acquiring a plain English
+education."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Under Douglass's leadership the movement had a new goal. The learning
+of trades was no longer to be subsidiary to conventional education.
+Just the reverse was true. Moreover, it was not to be entrusted to
+individuals operating on a small scale; it was to be a public effort
+of larger scope. The aim was to make the education of Negroes so
+articulate with their needs as to improve their economic condition.
+Seeing that despite the successful endeavors of many freedmen to
+acquire higher education that the race was still kept in penury,
+Douglass believed that by reconstructing their educational policy the
+friends of the race could teach the colored people to help themselves.
+Pecuniary embarrassment, he thought, was the cause of all evil to
+the blacks, "for poverty kept them ignorant and their lack of
+enlightenment kept them degraded." The deliverance from these evils,
+he contended, could be effected not by such a fancied or artificial
+elevation as the mere diffusion of information by institutions beyond
+the immediate needs of the poor. The awful plight of the Negroes, as
+he saw it, resulted directly from not having the opportunity to learn
+trades, and from "narrowing their limits to earn a livelihood."
+Douglass deplored the fact that even menial employments were rapidly
+passing away from the colored people. Under the caption of "Learn
+Trades or Starve," he tried to drive home the truth that if the
+free people of color did not soon heed his advice, foreigners then
+immigrating in large numbers would elbow them from all lucrative
+positions. In his own words, "every day begins with the lesson and
+ends with the lesson that colored men must find new employments, new
+modes of usefulness to society, or that they must decay under the
+pressing wants to which their condition is bringing them."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Douglass believed in higher education and looked forward to that stage
+in the development of the Negroes when high schools and colleges could
+contribute to their progress. He knew, however, that it was foolish
+to think that persons accustomed to the rougher and harder modes of
+living could in a single leap from their low condition reach that of
+professional men. The attainment of such positions, he thought, was
+contingent upon laying a foundation in things material by passing
+"through the intermediate gradations of agriculture and the mechanic
+arts."[1] He was sure that the higher institutions then open to the
+colored people would be adequate to the task of providing for them all
+the professional men they then needed, and that the facilities for
+higher education so far as the schools and colleges in the free States
+were concerned would increase quite in proportion to the future needs
+of the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 249.]
+
+Douglass deplored the fact that education and emigration had gone
+together. As soon as a colored man of genius like Russworm, Garnett,
+Ward, or Crummell appeared, the so-called friends of the race reached
+the conclusion that he could better serve his race elsewhere. Seeing
+themselves pitted against odds, such bright men had had to seek
+more congenial countries. The training of Negroes merely to aid the
+colonization scheme would have little bearing on the situation at home
+unless its promoters could transplant the majority of the free people
+of color. The aim then should be not to transplant the race but to
+adopt a policy such as he had proposed to elevate it in the United
+States.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times_, p. 250.]
+
+Vocational education, Douglass thought, would disprove the so-called
+mental inferiority of the Negroes. He believed that the blacks should
+show by action that they were equal to the whites rather than depend
+on the defense of friends who based their arguments not on facts but
+on certain admitted principles. Believing in the mechanical genius of
+the Negroes he hoped that in the establishment of this institution
+they would have an opportunity for development. In it he saw a benefit
+not only to the free colored people of the North, but also to the
+slaves. The strongest argument used by the slaveholder in defense of
+his precious institution was the low condition of the free people of
+color of the North. Remove this excuse by elevating them and you
+will hasten the liberation of the slaves. The best refutation of
+the proslavery argument is the "presentation of an industrious,
+enterprising, thrifty, and intelligent free black population."[1] An
+element of this kind, he believed, would rise under the fostering care
+of vocational teachers.
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 251.]
+
+With Douglass this proposition did not descend to the plane of mere
+suggestion. Audiences which he addressed from time to time were
+informed as to the necessity of providing for the colored people
+facilities of practical education.[1] The columns of his paper
+rendered the cause noble service. He entered upon the advocacy of it
+with all the zeal of an educational reformer, endeavoring to show how
+this policy would please all concerned. Anxious fathers whose minds
+had been exercised by the inquiry as to what to do with their sons
+would welcome the opportunity to have them taught trades. It would be
+in line with the "eminently practical philanthropy of the Negroes'
+trans-Atlantic friends." America would scarcely object to it as an
+attempt to agitate the mind on slavery or to destroy the Union. "It
+could not be tortured into a cause for hard words by the American
+people," but the noble and good of all classes would see in the effort
+"an excellent motive, a benevolent object, temperately, wisely, and
+practically manifested."[2] The leading free people of color heeded
+this message. Appealing to them through their delegates assembled in
+Rochester in 1853, Douglass secured a warm endorsement of his plan in
+eloquent speeches and resolutions passed by the convention.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxix., p. 136.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Life and Times of_, p. 252.]
+
+This great enterprise, like all others, was soon to encounter
+opposition. Mrs. Stowe was attacked as soliciting money abroad for her
+own private use. So bitter were these proslavery diatribes that Henry
+Ward Beecher and Frederick Douglass had some difficulty in convincing
+the world that her maligners had no grounds for this vicious
+accusation. Furthermore, on taking up the matter with Mrs. Stowe after
+her return to the United States, Douglass was disappointed to learn
+that she had abandoned her plan to found a vocational institution.
+He was never able to see any force in the reasons for the change of
+policy; but believed that Mrs. Stowe acted conscientiously, although
+her action was decidedly embarrassing to him both at home and
+abroad.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+EDUCATION AT PUBLIC EXPENSE
+
+
+The persistent struggle of the colored people to have their children
+educated at public expense shows how resolved they were to be
+enlightened. In the beginning Negroes had no aspiration to secure such
+assistance. Because the free public schools were first regarded as a
+system to educate the poor, the friends of the free blacks turned
+them away from these institutions lest men might reproach them with
+becoming a public charge. Moreover, philanthropists deemed it wise to
+provide separate schools for Negroes to bring them into contact with
+sympathetic persons, who knew their peculiar needs. In the course of
+time, however, when the stigma of charity was removed as a result
+of the development of the free schools at public expense, Negroes
+concluded that it was not dishonorable to share the benefits of
+institutions which they were taxed to support.[1] Unable then to cope
+with systems thus maintained for the education of the white youth, the
+directors of colored schools requested that something be appropriated
+for the education of Negroes. Complying with these petitions boards
+of education provided for colored schools which were to be partly or
+wholly supported at public expense. But it was not long before the
+abolitionists saw that they had made a mistake in carrying out this
+policy. The amount appropriated to the support of the special schools
+was generally inadequate to supply them with the necessary equipment
+and competent teachers, and in most communities the white people
+had begun to regard the co-education of the races as undesirable.
+Confronted then with this caste prejudice, one of the hardest
+struggles of the Negroes and their sympathizers was that for
+democratic education.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Negroes of Baltimore were just prior to the Civil War
+paying $500 in taxes annually to support public schools which their
+children could not attend.]
+
+The friends of the colored people in Pennsylvania were among the first
+to direct the attention of the State to the duty of enlightening the
+blacks as well as the whites. In 1802, 1804, and 1809, respectively,
+the State passed, in the interest of the poor, acts which although
+interpreted to exclude Negroes from the benefits therein provided,
+were construed, nevertheless, by friends of the race as authorizing
+their education at public expense. Convinced of the truth of this
+contention, officials in different parts of the State began to yield
+in the next decade. At Columbia, Pennsylvania, the names of such
+colored children as were entitled to the benefits of the law for the
+education of the poor were taken in 1818 to enable them to attend the
+free public schools. Following the same policy, the Abolition Society
+of Philadelphia, seeing that the city had established public schools
+for white children in 1818, applied two years later for the share of
+the fund to which the children of African descent were entitled by
+law. The request was granted. The Comptroller opened in Lombard Street
+in 1822 a school for children of color, maintained at the expense of
+the State. This furnished a precedent for other such schools which
+were established in 1833, and 1841.[1] Harrisburg had a colored school
+early in the century, but upon the establishment of the Lancastrian
+school in that city in the thirties, the colored as well as the
+white children were required to attend it or pay for their education
+themselves.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 379.]
+
+In 1834 the legislature of Pennsylvania established a system of public
+schools, but the claims of the Negroes to public education were
+neither guaranteed nor denied.[1] The school law of 1854, however,
+seems to imply that the benefits of the system had always been
+understood to extend to colored children.[2] This measure provided
+that the comptrollers and directors of the several school districts of
+the State could establish within their respective districts separate
+schools for Negro and mulatto children wherever they could be so
+located as to accommodate twenty or more pupils. Another provision was
+that wherever such schools should "be established and kept open four
+months in the year" the directors and comptrollers should not be
+compelled to admit colored pupils to any other schools of that
+district. The law was interpreted to mean that wherever such
+accommodations were not provided the children of Negroes could attend
+the other schools. Such was the case in the rural districts where a
+few colored children often found it pleasant and profitable to attend
+school with their white friends.[3] The children of Robert B. Purvis,
+however, were turned away from the public schools of Philadelphia
+on the ground that special educational facilities for them had been
+provided.[4] It was not until 1881 that Pennsylvania finally swept
+away all the distinctions of caste from her public school system.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pa_., p. 291, sections
+1-23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stroud and Brightly, _Purdon's Digest_, p. 1064, section
+23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+As the colored population of New Jersey was never large, there was not
+sufficient concentration of such persons in that State to give rise
+to the problems which at times confronted the benevolent people of
+Pennsylvania. Great as had been the reaction, the Negroes of New
+Jersey never entirely lost the privilege of attending school with
+white students. The New Jersey Constitution of 1844 provided that the
+funds for the support of the public schools should be applied for the
+equal benefit of all the people of that State.[1] Considered then
+entitled to the benefits of this fund, colored pupils were early
+admitted into the public schools without any social distinction.[2]
+This does not mean that there were no colored schools in that
+commonwealth. Negroes in a few settlements like that of Springtown had
+their own schools.[3] Separate schools were declared illegal by an act
+of the General Assembly in 1881.
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. v., p.
+2604.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Southern Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 390.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 400.]
+
+Certain communities of New York provided separate schools for colored
+pupils rather than admit them to those open to white children. On
+recommendation of the superintendent of schools in 1823 the State
+adopted the policy of organizing schools exclusively for colored
+people.[1] In places where they already existed, the State could aid
+the establishment as did the New York Common Council in 1824, when it
+appropriated a portion of its fund to the support of the African Free
+Schools.[2] In 1841 the New York legislature authorized any district,
+with the approbation of the school commissioners, to establish a
+separate school for the colored children in their locality. The
+superintendent's report for 1847 shows that schools for Negroes had
+been established in fifteen counties in the State, reporting an
+enrollment of 5000 pupils. For the maintenance of these schools
+the sum of $17,000 had been annually expended. Colored pupils were
+enumerated by the trustees in their annual reports, drew public money
+for the district in which they resided, and were equally entitled
+with white children to the benefit of the school fund. In the rural
+districts colored children were generally admitted to the common
+schools. Wherever race prejudice, however, was sufficiently violent to
+exclude them from the village school, the trustees were empowered
+to use the Negroes' share of the public money to provide for their
+education elsewhere. At the same time indigent Negroes were to be
+exempted from the payment of the "rate bill" which fell as a charge
+upon the other citizens of the district.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 48.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+248.]
+
+Some trouble had arisen from making special appropriations for
+incorporated villages. Such appropriations, the superintendent had
+observed, excited prejudice and parsimony; for the trustees of some
+villages had learned to expend only the special appropriations for
+the education of the colored pupils, and to use the public money
+in establishing and maintaining schools for the white children. He
+believed that it was wrong to argue that Negroes were any more a
+burden to incorporated villages than to cities or rural districts, and
+that they were, therefore, entitled to every allowance of money to
+educate them.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+249.]
+
+In New York City much had already been done to enlighten the Negroes
+through the schools of the Manumission Society. But as the increasing
+population of color necessitated additional facilities, the
+Manumission Society obtained from the fund of the Public School
+Society partial support of its system. The next step was to unite the
+African Free Schools with those of the Public School Society to reduce
+the number of organizations participating in the support of Negro
+education. Despite the argument of some that the two systems should
+be kept separate, the property and schools of the Manumission Society
+were transferred to the New York Public School Society in 1834.[2]
+Thereafter the schools did not do as well as they had done before. The
+administrative part of the work almost ceased, the schools lost in
+efficiency, and the former attendance of 1400 startlingly dropped. An
+investigation made in 1835 showed that many Negroes, intimidated by
+frequent race riots incident to the reactionary movement, had left the
+city, while others kept their children at home for safety. It seemed,
+too, that they looked upon the new system as an innovation, did not
+like the action of the Public School Society in reducing their schools
+of advanced grade to that of the primary, and bore it grievously that
+so many of the old teachers in whom they had confidence, had been
+dropped. To bring order out of chaos the investigating committee
+advised the assimilation of the separate schools to the white.
+Thereupon the society undertook to remake the colored schools,
+organizing them into a system which offered instruction in primary,
+intermediate, and grammar departments. The task of reconstruction,
+however, was not completed until 1853, when the property of the
+colored schools was transferred to the Board of Education of New
+York.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+The second transfer marked an epoch in the development of Negro
+education in New York. The Board of Education proceeded immediately
+to perfect the system begun at the time of the first change. The new
+directors reclassified the lower grades, opened other grammar schools,
+and established a normal school according to the recommendation of
+the investigating committee of 1835. Supervision being more rigid
+thereafter, the schools made some progress, but failed to accomplish
+what was expected of them. They were carelessly intrusted for
+supervision to the care of ward officers, some of whom partly
+neglected this duty, while others gave the work no attention whatever.
+It was unfortunate, too, that some of these schools were situated in
+parts of the city where the people were not interested in the uplift
+of the despised race, and in a few cases in wards which were almost
+proslavery. Better results followed after the colored schools were
+brought under the direct supervision of the Board of Education.
+
+Before the close of the Civil War the sentiment of the people of the
+State of New York had changed sufficiently to permit colored children
+to attend the regular public schools in several communities. This,
+however, was not general. It was, therefore, provided in the revised
+code of that State in 1864 that the board of education of any city or
+incorporated village might establish separate schools for children and
+youth of African descent provided such schools be supported in the
+same manner as those maintained for white children. The last vestige
+of caste in the public schools of New York was not exterminated until
+1900, in the administration of Theodore Roosevelt as Governor of New
+York. The legislature then passed an act providing that no one should
+be denied admittance to any public school on account of race, color,
+or previous condition of servitude.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of New York_, 1900, ch. 492.]
+
+In Rhode Island, where the black population was proportionately larger
+than in some other New England States, special schools for persons of
+color continued. These efforts met with success at Newport. In the
+year 1828 a separate school for colored children was established at
+Providence and placed in charge of a teacher receiving a salary of
+$400 per annum.[1] A decade later another such school was opened on
+Pond Street in the same city. About this time the school law of Rhode
+Island was modified so as to make it a little more favorable to the
+people of color. The State temporarily adopted a rule by which the
+school fund was thereafter not distributed, as formerly, according
+to the number of inhabitants below the age of sixteen. It was to be
+apportioned, thereafter, according to the number of white persons
+under the age of ten years, "together with five-fourteenths of the
+said [colored] population between the ages of ten and twenty-four
+years." This law remained in force between the years 1832 and 1845.
+Under the new system these schools seemingly made progress. In 1841
+they were no longer giving the mere essentials of reading and writing,
+but combined the instruction of both the grammar and the primary
+grades.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 169.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 51.]
+
+Thereafter Rhode Island had to pass through the intense antislavery
+struggle which had for its ultimate aim both the freedom of the Negro
+and the democratization of the public schools. Petitions were sent to
+the legislature, and appeals were made to representatives asking for
+a repeal of those laws which permitted the segregation of the colored
+children in the public schools. But intense as this agitation became,
+and urgently as it was put before the public, it failed to gain
+sufficient momentum to break down the barriers prior to 1866 when the
+legislature of Rhode Island passed an act abolishing separate schools
+for Negroes.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Laws of the State of Rhode Island_, 1865-66, p.
+49.]
+
+Prior to the reactionary movement the schools of Connecticut were,
+like most others in New England at that time, open alike to black and
+white. It seems, too, that colored children were well received and
+instructed as thoroughly as their white friends. But in 1830, whether
+on account of the increasing race prejudice or the desire to do for
+themselves, the colored people of Hartford presented to the School
+Society of that city a petition that a separate school for persons of
+color be established with a part of the public school fund which might
+be apportioned to them according to their number. Finding this request
+reasonable, the School Society decided to take the necessary steps to
+comply with it. As such an agreement would have no standing at law
+the matter was recommended to the legislature of the State, which
+authorized the establishment in that commonwealth of several separate
+schools for persons of color.[1] This arrangement, however, soon
+proved unsatisfactory. Because of the small number of Negroes in
+Connecticut towns, they found their pro rata inadequate to the
+maintenance of separate schools. No buildings were provided for them,
+such schools as they had were not properly supervised, the teachers
+were poorly paid, and with the exception of a little help from a few
+philanthropists, the white citizens failed to aid the cause. In 1846,
+therefore, the pastor of the colored Congregational Church sent to the
+School Society of Hartford a memorial calling attention to the fact
+that for lack of means the colored schools had been unable to secure
+suitable quarters and competent teachers. Consequently the education
+of their children had been exceedingly irregular, deficient, and
+onerous. The School Society had done nothing for these institutions
+but to turn over to them every year their small share of the public
+fund. These gentlemen then decided to raise by taxation an amount
+adequate to the support of two better equipped schools and proceeded
+at once to provide for its collection and expenditure.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+The results gave general satisfaction for a while. But as it was a
+time when much was being done to develop the public schools of New
+England, the colored people of Hartford could not remain contented.
+They saw the white pupils housed in comfortable buildings and
+attending properly graded classes, while their own children continued
+to be crowded into small insanitary rooms and taught as unclassified
+students. The Negroes, therefore, petitioned for a more suitable
+building and a better organization of their schools. As this request
+came at the time when the abolitionists were working hard to
+exterminate caste from the schools of New England, the School
+Committee called a meeting of the memorialists to decide whether they
+desired to send their children to the white or separate schools.[1]
+They decided in favor of the latter, provided that the colored people
+should have a building adequate to their needs and instruction of the
+best kind.[2] Complying with this decision the School Society erected
+the much-needed building in 1852. To provide for the maintenance of
+the separate schools the property of the citizens was taxed at such a
+rate as to secure to the colored pupils of the city benefits similar
+to those enjoyed by the white pupils.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+Ardent antislavery men believed that this segregation in the schools
+was undemocratic. They asserted that the colored people would never
+have made such a request had the teachers of the public schools taken
+the proper interest in them. The Negroes, too, had long since been
+convinced that the white people would not maintain separate schools
+with the same equipment which they gave their own. This arrangement,
+however, continued until 1868. The legislature then passed an act
+declaring that the schools of the State should be open to all persons
+alike between the ages of four and sixteen, and that no person should
+be denied instruction in any public school in his school district on
+account of race or color.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Acts of the General Assembly of Conn_., 1868, p.
+296.]
+
+In the State of Massachusetts the contest was most ardent. Boston
+opened its first primary school for colored children in 1820. In other
+towns like Salem and Nantucket, New Bedford and Lowell, where the
+colored population was also considerable, the same policy was carried
+out.[1] Some years later, however, both the Negroes and their friends
+saw the error of their early advocacy of the establishment of special
+schools to escape the stigma of receiving charity. After the change
+in the attitude toward the public free schools and the further
+development of caste in American education, there arose in
+Massachusetts a struggle between leaders determined to restrict the
+Negroes' privileges to the use of poorly equipped separate schools and
+those contending for equality in education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 35.]
+
+Basing their action on the equality of men before the law, the
+advocates of democratic education held meetings from which went
+frequent and urgent petitions to school committees until Negroes were
+accepted in the public schools in all towns in Massachusetts except
+Boston.[1] Children of African blood were successfully admitted to the
+New Bedford schools on equality with the white youth in 1838.[2] In
+1846 the school committee of that town reported that the colored
+pupils were regular in their attendance, and as successful in their
+work as the whites. There were then ninety in all in that system; four
+in the high school, forty in grammar schools, and the remainder in the
+primary department, all being scattered in such a way as to have one
+to four in twenty-one to twenty-eight schools. At Lowell the children
+of a colored family were not only among the best in the schools but
+the greatest favorites in the system.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 20, and _Niles Register_, vol. lxvi., p.
+320.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 25.]
+
+The consolidation of the colored school of Salem with the others of
+that city led to no disturbance. Speaking of the democracy of these
+schools in 1846 Mr. Richard Fletcher said: "The principle of perfect
+equality is the vital principle of the system. Here all classes of
+the community mingle together. The rich and the poor meet on terms of
+equality and are prepared by the same instruction to discharge the
+duties of life. It is the principle of equality cherished in the free
+schools on which our government and free institutions rest. Destroy
+this principle in the schools and the people would soon cease to be
+free." At Nantucket, however, some trouble was experienced because of
+the admission of pupils of color in 1843. Certain patrons criticized
+the action adversely and withdrew fourteen of their children from the
+South Grammar School. The system, however, prospered thereafter rather
+than declined.[1] Many had no trouble in making the change.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 23.]
+
+These victories having been won in other towns of the State by 1846,
+it soon became evident that Boston would have to yield. Not only were
+abolitionists pointing to the ease with which this gain had been made
+in other towns, but were directing attention to the fact that in these
+smaller communities Negroes were both learning the fundamentals and
+advancing through the lower grades into the high school. Boston, which
+had a larger black population than all other towns in Massachusetts
+combined, had never seen a colored pupil prepared for a secondary
+institution in one of its public schools. It was, therefore, evident
+to fair-minded persons that in cities of separate systems Negroes
+would derive practically no benefit from the school tax which they
+paid.
+
+This agitation for the abolition of caste in the public schools
+assumed its most violent form in Boston during the forties. The
+abolitionists then organized a more strenuous opposition to the caste
+system. Why Sarah Redmond and the other children of a family paying
+tax to support the schools of Boston should be turned away from a
+public school simply because they were persons of color was a problem
+too difficult for a fair-minded man.[1] The war of words came,
+however, when in response to a petition of Edmund Jackson, H.J.
+Bowditch, and other citizens for the admission of colored people to
+the public schools in 1844, the majority of the school committee
+refused the request. Following the opinion of Chandler, their
+solicitor, they based their action of making distinction in the
+public schools on the natural distinction of the races, which "no
+legislature, no social customs, can efface," and which "renders a
+promiscuous intermingling in the public schools disadvantageous both
+to them and to the whites."[2] Questioned as to any positive law
+providing for such discrimination, Chandler gave his opinion that the
+School Committee of Boston, under the authority perhaps of the City
+Council, had a legal right to establish and maintain special primary
+schools for the blacks. He believed, too, that in the exercise of
+their lawful discretionary power they could exclude white pupils from
+certain schools and colored pupils from certain other schools when,
+in their judgment, the best interests of all would thereby be
+promoted.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 30.]
+
+Encouraged by the fact that colored children were indiscriminately
+admitted to the schools of Salem, Nantucket, New Bedford, and Lowell,
+in fact, of every city in Massachusetts but Boston, the friends of
+the colored people fearlessly attacked the false legal theories of
+Solicitor Chandler. The minority of the School Committee argued that
+schools are the common property of all, and that each and all are
+legally entitled without "let or hindrance" to the equal benefits of
+all advantages they might confer.[1] Any action, therefore, which
+tended to restrict to any individual or class the advantages and
+benefits designed for all, was an illegal use of authority, and an
+arbitrary act used for pernicious purposes.[2] Their republican
+system, the minority believed, conferred civil equality and legal
+rights upon every citizen, knew neither privileged nor degraded
+classes, made no distinctions, and created no differences between rich
+and poor, learned and ignorant, or white and black, but extended to
+all alike its protection and benefits.[3] The minority considered it a
+merit of the school system that it produced the fusion of all classes,
+promoted the feeling of brotherhood, and the habits of equality. The
+power of the School Committee, therefore, was limited and constrained
+by the general spirit of the civil policy and by the letter and spirit
+of the laws which regulated the system.[4] It was further maintained
+that to debar the colored youth from these advantages, even if they
+were assured the same external results, would be a sore injustice and
+would serve as the surest means of perpetuating a prejudice which
+should be deprecated and discountenanced by all intelligent and
+Christian men.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc. pp. 4 and 5.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 3 _et. seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+To the sophistry of Chandler, Wendell Phillips also made a logical
+reply. He asserted that as members of a legal body, the School
+Committee should have eyes only for such distinctions among their
+fellow-citizens as the law recognized and pointed out. Phillips
+believed that they had precedents for the difference of age and sex,
+for regulation of health, etc., but that when they opened their eyes
+to the varied complexion, to difference of race, to diversity of
+creed, to distinctions of caste, they would seek in vain through the
+laws and institutions of Massachusetts for any recognition of their
+prejudice. He deplored the fact that they had attempted to foist into
+the legal arrangements of the land a principle utterly repugnant
+to the State constitution, and that what the sovereignty of the
+constitution dared not attempt a school committee accomplished. To
+Phillips it seemed crassly inconsistent to say that races permitted to
+intermarry should be debarred by Mr. Chandler's "sapient committee"
+from educational contact.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This agitation continued until 1855 when the opposition had grown too
+strong to be longer resisted. The legislature of Massachusetts then
+enacted a law providing that in determining the qualifications of a
+scholar to be admitted to any public school no distinction should
+be made on account of the race, color, or religious opinion of the
+applicant. It was further provided that a child excluded from school
+for any of these reasons might bring suit for damages against the
+offending town.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Acts and Resolves of the General Court of Mass_., 1855,
+ch. 256.]
+
+In other towns of New England, where the black population was
+considerable, separate schools were established. There was one even in
+Portland, Maine.[1] Efforts in this direction were made in Vermont and
+New Hampshire, but because of the scarcity of the colored people these
+States did not have to resort to such segregation. The Constitution of
+Vermont was interpreted as extending to Negroes the benefits of the
+Bill of Rights, making all men free and equal. Persons of color,
+therefore, were regarded as men entitled to all the privileges of
+freemen, among which was that of education at the expense of the
+State.[2] The framers of the Constitution of New Hampshire were
+equally liberal in securing this right to the dark race.[3] But when
+the principal of an academy at Canaan admitted some Negroes to his
+private institution, a mob, as we have observed above, broke up the
+institution by moving the building to a swamp, while the officials of
+the town offered no resistance. Such a spirit as this accounts for the
+rise of separate schools in places where the free blacks had the right
+to attend any institution of learning supported by the State.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. vi., p.
+3762.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 2471.]
+
+
+The problem of educating the Negroes at public expense was perplexing
+also to the minds of the people of the West. The question became
+more and more important in Ohio as the black population in that
+commonwealth increased. The law of 1825 provided that moneys raised
+from taxation of half a mill on the dollar should be appropriated to
+the support of common schools in the respective counties and that
+these schools should be "open to the youth of every class and grade
+without distinction."[1] Some interpreted this law to include Negroes.
+To overcome the objection to the partiality shown by school officials
+the State passed another law in 1829. It excluded colored people from
+the benefits of the new system, and returned them the amount accruing
+from the school tax on their property.[2] Thereafter benevolent
+societies and private associations maintained colored schools in
+Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and the southern counties of Ohio.[3]
+But no help came from the cities and the State before 1849 when the
+legislature passed a law authorizing the establishment of schools for
+children of color at public expense.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. xxiii., pp. 37 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. liii., pp. 117-118.]
+
+The Negroes of Cincinnati soon discovered that they had not won a
+great victory. They proceeded at once to elect trustees, organized a
+system, and employed teachers, relying on the money allotted them
+by the law on the basis of a per capita division of the school fund
+received by the Board of Education of Cincinnati. So great was the
+prejudice that the school officials refused to turn over the required
+funds on the grounds that the colored trustees were not electors,
+and therefore could not be office holders qualified to receive and
+disburse public funds.[1] Under the leadership of John I. Gaines the
+trustees called indignation meetings, and raised sufficient money to
+employ Flamen Ball, an attorney, to secure a writ of mandamus. The
+case was contested by the city officials even in the Supreme Court of
+the State which decided against the officious whites.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp. 371,
+372.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+Unfortunately it turned out that this decision did not mean very much
+to the Negroes. There were not many of them in certain settlements and
+the per capita division of the fund did not secure to them sufficient
+means to support schools. Even if the funds had been adequate to pay
+teachers, they had no schoolhouses. Lawyers of that day contended that
+the Act of 1849 had nothing to do with the construction of buildings.
+After a short period of accomplishing practically nothing material,
+the law was amended so as to transfer the control of such colored
+schools to the managers of the white system.[1] This was taken as a
+reflection on the standing of the blacks of the city and tended to
+make them refuse to coöperate with the white board. On account of the
+failure of this body to act effectively prior to 1856, the people of
+color were again given power to elect their own trustees.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the State of Ohio_, vol. liii., p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 118.]
+
+During the contest for the control of the colored schools certain
+Negroes of Cincinnati were endeavoring to make good their claim that
+their children had a right to attend any school maintained by the
+city. Acting upon this contention a colored patron sent his son to a
+public school, which on account of his presence became the center of
+unusual excitement.[1] Miss Isabella Newhall, the teacher to whom he
+went, immediately complained to the Board of Education, requesting
+that he be expelled on account of his race. After "due deliberation"
+the Board of Education decided by a vote of fifteen to ten that he
+would have to withdraw from that school. Thereupon two members of that
+body, residing in the district of the timorous teacher, resigned.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855.]
+
+[Footnote 2: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855; and Carlier,
+_L'Esclavage_, etc., p. 339.]
+
+Thereafter some progress in the development of separate schools in
+Cincinnati was noted. By 1855 the Board of Education of that city had
+established four public schools for the instruction of Negro youths.
+The colored pupils were showing their appreciation by regular
+attendance, manly deportment, and rapid progress in the acquisition of
+knowledge. Speaking of these Negroes in 1855, John P. Foote said that
+they shared with the white citizens that respect for education,
+and the diffusion of knowledge, which has ever been one of their
+"characteristics," and that they had, therefore, been more generally
+intelligent than free persons of color not only in other States but in
+all other parts of the world.[1] It was in appreciation of the worth
+of this class of progressive Negroes that in 1858 Nicholas Longworth
+built a comfortable school-house for them in Cincinnati, leasing it
+with the privilege of purchasing it in fourteen years.[2] They met
+these requirements within the stipulated time, and in 1859 secured
+through other agencies the construction of another building in the
+western portion of the city.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 92.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 372.]
+
+The agitation for the admission of colored children to the public
+schools was not confined to Cincinnati alone, but came up throughout
+the section north of the Ohio River.[1] Where the black population was
+large enough to form a social center of its own, Negroes and their
+friends could more easily provide for the education of colored
+children. In settlements, however, in which just a few of them were
+found, some liberal-minded man usually asked the question why persons
+taxed to support a system of free schools should not share its
+benefits. To strengthen their position these benevolent men referred
+to the rapid progress of the belated people, many of whom within
+less than a generation from their emergence from slavery had become
+intelligent, virtuous, and respectable persons, and in not a few
+cases had accumulated considerable wealth.[2] Those who insisted that
+children of African blood should be debarred from the regular public
+schools had for their defense the so-called inequality of the races.
+Some went so far as to concede the claims made for the progressive
+blacks, and even to praise those of their respective communities.[3]
+But great as their progress had been, the advocates of the restriction
+of their educational privileges considered it wrong to claim for them
+equality with the Caucasian race. They believed that society would
+suffer from an intermingling of the children of the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, ch. iii.; and Boone,
+_History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 93.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 92.]
+
+In Indiana the problem of educating Negroes was more difficult. R.G.
+Boone says that, "nominally for the first few years of the educational
+experience of the State, black and white children had equal privileges
+in the few schools that existed."[1] But this could not continue long.
+Abolitionists were moving the country, and freedmen soon found enemies
+as well as friends in the Ohio valley. Indiana, which was in 1824 so
+very "solicitous for a system of education which would guard against
+caste distinction," provided in 1837 that the white inhabitants alone
+of each congressional township should constitute the local school
+corporation.[2] In 1841 a petition was sent to the legislature
+requesting that a reasonable share of the school fund be appropriated
+to the education of Negroes, but the committee to which it was
+referred reported that legislation on that subject was inexpedient.[3]
+With the exception of prohibiting the immigration of such persons into
+that State not much account of them was taken until 1853. Then the
+legislature amended the law authorizing the establishment of schools
+in townships so as to provide that in all enumerations the children
+of color should not be taken, that the property of the blacks and
+mulattoes should not be taxed for school purposes, and that their
+children should not derive any benefit from the common schools of that
+State.[4] This provision had really been incorporated into the former
+law, but was omitted by oversight on the part of the engrossing
+clerk.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Ed. in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1837,
+p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1855,
+p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+A resolution of the House instructing the educational committee to
+report a bill for the establishment of schools for the education of
+the colored children of the State was overwhelmingly defeated in 1853.
+Explaining their position the opponents said that it was held "to be
+better for the weaker party that no privilege be extended to them,"
+as the tendency to such "might be to induce the vain belief that the
+prejudice of the dominant race could ever be so mollified as to break
+down the rugged barriers that must forever exist between their social
+relations." The friends of the blacks believed that by elevating them
+the sense of their degradation would be keener, and so the greater
+would be their anxiety to seek another country, where with the spirit
+of men they "might breathe fresh air of social as well as political
+liberty."[1] This argument, however, availed little. Before the Civil
+War the Negroes of Indiana received help in acquiring knowledge from
+no source but private and mission schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+In Illinois the situation was better than in Indiana, but far from
+encouraging. The constitution of 1847 restricted the benefits of the
+school law to white children, stipulating the word white throughout
+the act so as to make clear the intention of the legislators.[1] It
+seemed to some that, in excluding the colored children from the public
+schools, the law contemplated the establishment of separate schools
+in that it provided that the amount of school taxes collected from
+Negroes should be returned. Exactly what should be done with such
+money, however, was not stated in the act. But even if that were the
+object in view, the provision was of little help to the people of
+color for the reason that the clause providing for the return of
+school taxes was seldom executed. In the few cases in which it was
+carried out the fund thus raised was not adequate to the support of
+a special school, and generally there were not sufficient colored
+children in a community to justify such an outlay. In districts having
+control of their local affairs, however, the children of Negroes were
+often given a chance to attend school.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Constitution of Illinois, in the _Journal of the
+Constitution of the State of Illinois_, 1847, p. 344.]
+
+As this scant consideration given Negroes of Illinois left one-half
+of the six thousand of their children out of the pale of education,
+earnest appeals were made that the restrictive word white be stricken
+from the school law. The friends of the colored people sought to show
+how inconsistent this system was with the spirit of the constitution
+of the State, which, interpreted as they saw it, guaranteed all
+persons equality.[1] They held meetings from which came renewed
+petitions to their representatives, entreating them to repeal or amend
+the old school law. It was not so much a question as to whether or not
+there should be separate schools as it was whether or not the people
+of color should be educated. The dispersed condition of their children
+made it impossible for the State to provide for them in special
+schools the same educational facilities as those furnished the youth
+of Caucasian blood. Chicago tried the experiment in 1864, but failing
+to get the desired result, incorporated the colored children into
+the white schools the following year.[2] The State Legislature had
+sufficient moral courage to do away with these caste distinctions in
+1874.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, Const. of
+Illinois.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 343.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Starr and Curtis, _Annotated Statutes of Illinois_, ch.
+105, p. 2261.]
+
+In other States of the West and the North where few colored people
+were found, the solution of the problem was easier. After 1848 Negroes
+were legal voters in the school meetings of Michigan. Colored
+children were enumerated with others to determine the basis for the
+apportionment of the school funds, and were allowed to attend the
+public schools. Wisconsin granted Negroes equal school privileges.[1]
+After the adoption of a free constitution in 1857, Iowa "determined no
+man's rights by the color of his skin." Wherever the word white had
+served to restrict the privileges of persons of color it was stricken
+out to make it possible for them not only to bear arms and to vote but
+to attend public schools.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 400.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Journal of the Constitutional Convention of the State of
+Iowa_, 1857, p. 3 of the Constitution.]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+
+The following resolutions on the subject treated in this part
+(the instruction of Negroes) are from the works of Dr. Cotton
+Mather.--Bishop William Meade.
+
+1st. I would always remember, that my servants are in some sense my
+children, and by taking care that they want nothing which may be good
+for them, I would make them as my children; and so far as the methods
+of instituting piety into the mind which I use with my children,
+may be properly and prudently used with my servants, they shall be
+partakers in them--Nor will I leave them ignorant of anything, wherein
+I may instruct them to be useful to their generation.
+
+2d. I will see that my servants be furnished with bibles and be able
+and careful to read the lively oracles. I will put bibles and other
+good and proper books into their hands; will allow them time to read
+and assure myself that they do not misspend this time--If I can
+discern any wicked books in their hands, I will take away those
+pestilential instruments of wickedness.
+
+3d. I will have my servants present at the religious exercises of my
+family; and will drop, either in the exhortations, in the prayers or
+daily sacrifices of the family such pages as may have a tendency to
+quicken a sense of religion in them.
+
+4th. The article of catechising, as far as the age or state of the
+servants will permit it to be done with decency, shall extend to them
+also,--And they shall be concerned in the conferences in which I may
+be engaged with my family, in the repetition of the public sermons. If
+any of them when they come to me shall not have learned the catechism,
+I will take care that they do it, and will give them a reward when
+they have accomplished it.
+
+5th. I will be very inquisitive and solicitous about the company
+chosen by my servants; and with all possible earnestness will rescue
+them from the snares of evil company, and forbid their being the
+companions of fools.
+
+6th. Such of my servants as may be capable of the task, I will employ
+to teach lessons of piety to my children, and will recompense them for
+so doing. But I would, by a particular artifice, contrive them to be
+such lessons, as may be for their own edification too.
+
+7th. I will sometimes call my servants alone; talk to them about the
+state of their souls; tell them to close with their only servant,
+charge them to do well and "lay hold on eternal life," and show them
+very particularly how they may render all they do for me a service to
+the glorious Lord; how they may do all from a principle of obedience
+to him, and become entitled to the "reward of the heavenly
+inheritance."
+
+To those resolutions did I add the following pages as an appendix:
+
+Age is nearly sufficient, with some masters to obliterate every letter
+and action in the history of a meritorious life, and old services are
+generally buried under the ruins of an old carcase. It is a barbarous
+inhumanity in men towards their servants, to account their small
+failings as crimes, without allowing their past services to have been
+virtues; gracious God, keep thy servants from such base ingratitude!
+
+But then O servants, if you would obtain "the reward of inheritance,"
+each of you should set yourself to enquire "how shall I approve myself
+such a servant, that the Lord may bless the house of my master, the
+more for my being in it?" Certainly there are many ways by which
+servants may become blessings. Let your studies with your continual
+prayers for the welfare of the family to which you belong: and the
+example of your sober carriage render you such. If you will but
+remember four words and attempt all that is comprised in them,
+Obedience, Honesty, Industry, and Piety, you will be the blessings and
+Josephs of the families in which you live. Let these four words be
+distinctly and frequently recollected; and cheerfully perform all your
+business from this consideration--that it is obedience to heaven, and
+from thence will leave a recompense. It was the observation even of a
+pagan, "That a master may receive a benefit from a servant"; and "what
+is done with the affection of a friend, ceases to be the act of a mere
+servant." Even the maid-servants of a house may render a great service
+to it, by instructing the infants and instilling into their minds the
+lessons of goodness.--In the Appendix of Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons
+Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+EDIT DU ROI
+
+Concernant les Esclaves Négres des Colonies, qui seront amenés, ou
+envoyés en France. Donné à Paris au mois d'Octobre 1716.
+
+I. Nous avons connu la nécessité qu'il y a d'y soutenir l'exécution
+de l'édit du mars 1685, qui en maintenant la discipline de l'Eglise
+Catholique, Apostolique et Romaine, pourvoit à ce qui concerne l'état
+et la qualité des Esclaves Nègres, qu'on entretient dans lesdites
+colonies pour la culture des terres; et comme nous avons été informés
+que plusieurs habitans de nos Isles de l'Amérique désirent envoyer
+en France quelques-uns de leur Esclaves pour les confirmer dans les
+Instructions et dans les Exercices de notre Religion, et pour leur
+faire apprendre en même tems quelque Art et Métier dont les colonies
+recevroient beaucoup d'utilité par le retour de ces Esclaves; mais que
+les habitans craignaient que les Esclaves ne pretendent être libres en
+arrivant en France, ce qui pourroit causer auxdits habitans une perte
+considérable, et les détourner d'un objet aussi pieux et aussi utile.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+II. Si quelques-uns des habitans de nos colonies, ou officiers
+employés sur l'Etat desdites colonies, veulent amener en France avec
+eux des Esclaves Nègres, de l'un & de l'autre sexe, en qualité de
+domestique ou autrement pour les fortifier davantage dans notre
+Religion, tant par les instructions qu'ils recevront, que par
+l'exemple de nos autre sujets, et pour leur faire apprendre en même
+tems quelque Art et Métier, dont les colonies puissent retirer de
+l'utilité, par le retour de ces Esclaves, lesdits propriétaires
+seront tenus d'en obtenir la permission des Gouverneurs Généraux, ou
+Commandans dans chaque Isle, laquelle permission contiendra le nom du
+propriétaire, celui des Esclaves, leur age & leur signalement.--Code
+Noir ou Recueil d'édits, declarations, et arrêts concernant des
+Esclaves Nègres Discipline el le commerce des Esclaves Nègres des
+isles françaises de l'Amérique (in Recueil de règlemens, edits,
+declarations, et arrêts concernant le commerce, l'administration de
+la justice et la police des colonies françaises de l'Amérique et les
+Engages avec le Code Noir et l'addition audit Code) (Jefferson's
+copy). A Paris chez les Libraires Associés, 1745.
+
+
+A PROPOSITION FOR ENCOURAGING THE CHRISTIAN EDUCATION OF INDIAN,
+NEGRO, AND MULATTO CHILDREN AT LAMBETH, VIRGINIA, 1724
+
+"It being a duty of Christianity very much neglected by masters and
+mistresses of this country (America) to endeavor the good instruction
+and education of their heathen slaves in the Christian faith,--the
+said duty being likewise earnestly recommended by his Majesty's
+instructions,--for the facilitating thereof among the young slaves
+that are born among us; it is, therefore, humbly proposed that every
+Indian, Negro, or mulatto child that shall be baptized and afterward
+brought to church and publicly catechized by the minister in church,
+and shall, before the fourteenth year of his or her age, give a
+distinct account of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments,
+and whose master or mistress shall receive a certificate from the
+minister that he or she hath so done, such Indian, Negro or mulatto
+child shall be exempted from paying all levies till the age of
+eighteen years."--Bishop William Meade's _Old Churches, Ministers, and
+Families of Virginia_, vol. i., p. 265.
+
+
+PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Masters and Mistresses of Families in the English Plantations
+abroad; exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian Faith. (About 1727.)
+
+The care of the Plantations abroad being committed to the Bishop of
+London as to Religious Affairs; I have thought it my duty to make
+particular Inquiries into the State of Religion in those Parts, and to
+learn among other Things, what numbers of slaves are employed within
+the several Governments, and what Means are used for their Instruction
+in the Christian Faith: I find the Numbers are prodigiously great; and
+am not a little troubled to observe how small a Progress has been made
+in a Christian country, towards the delivering those poor Creatures
+from the Pagan Darkness and Superstition in which they were bred,
+and the making them Partakers in the Light of the Gospel, and the
+Blessings and Benefits belonging to it. And what is yet more to be
+lamented, I find there has not only been very little Progress made
+in the work but that all Attempts toward it have been by too many
+industriously discouraged and hindered; partly by magnifying the
+Difficulties of the Work beyond what they really are; and partly by
+mistaken Suggestions of the Change which Baptism would make in the
+Condition of the Negroes, to the Loss and Disadvantage of their
+Masters.
+
+As to the Difficulties; it may be pleaded, That the Negroes are grown
+Persons when they come over, and that having been accustomed to the
+Pagan Rites and Idolatries of their own Country, they are prejudiced
+against all other Religions, and more particularly against the
+Christian, as forbidding all that Licentiousness which is usually
+practiced among the Heathens.... But a farther Difficulty is that they
+are utter Strangers to our Language, and we to theirs; and the Gift of
+Tongues being now ceased, there is no Means left of instructing them
+in the Doctrines of the Christian Religion. And this, I own is a real
+Difficulty, as long as it continues, and as far as it reaches. But, if
+I am rightly informed, many of the Negroes, who are grown Persons when
+they come over, do of themselves obtain so much of our Language, as
+enables them to understand, and to be understood, in Things which
+concern the ordinary Business of Life, and they who can go so far of
+their own Accord, might doubtless be carried much farther, if proper
+Methods and Endeavors were used to bring them to a competent Knowledge
+of our Language, with a pious view to instructing them in the
+Doctrines of our Religion. At least, some of them, who are more
+capable and more serious than the rest, might be easily instructed
+both in our Language and Religion, and then be made use of to convey
+Instruction to the rest in their own Language. And this, one would
+hope, may be done with great Ease, wherever there is a hearty and
+sincere Zeal of the Work.
+
+But what Difficulties there may be in instructing those who are
+grown-up before they are brought over; there are not the like
+Difficulties in the Case of their Children, who are born and bred in
+our Plantations, who have never been accustomed to Pagan Rites and
+Superstitions, and who may easily be trained up, like all other
+Children, to any Language whatsoever, and particularly to our own; if
+the making them good Christians be sincerely the Desire and
+Intention of those, who have Property in them, and Government over
+them.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina_, pp. 104-106.
+
+
+ANOTHER PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Missionaries in the English Plantations (about 1727).
+
+DEAR BROTHER,
+
+Having understood by many Letters from the Plantations, and by the
+Accounts of Persons who have come from thence, that very little
+progress hath hitherto been made in the conversion of the Negroes to
+the Christian Faith; I have thought it proper for me to lay before
+Masters and Mistresses the Obligations they are under, and to promote
+and encourage that pious and necessary Work....
+
+As to those Ministers who have Negroes of their own; I cannot but
+esteem it their indispensable Duty to use their best Endeavors to
+instruct them in the Christian Religion, in order to their being
+baptised; both because such Negroes are their proper and immediate
+Care, and because it is in vain to hope that other Masters and
+Mistresses will exert themselves in this Work, if they see it wholly
+neglected, or but coldly pursued, in the Families of the Clergy ...
+
+I would also hope that the Schoolmasters in the several Parishes,
+part of whose Business it is to instruct Youth in the Principles of
+Christianity, might contribute somewhat towards the carrying on of
+this Work; by being ready to bestow upon it some of their Leisure
+Time, and especially on the Lord's Day, when both they and the Negroes
+are most at liberty and the Clergy are taken up with the public Duties
+of their Function.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South
+Carolina_, pages 112-114.
+
+
+AN EXTRACT FROM A SERMON PREACHED BY BISHOP SECKER OF LONDON IN 1741
+
+"The next Object of the Society's Concern, were the poor Negroes.
+These unhappy Wretches learn in their Native Country, the grossest
+Idolatry, and the most savage Dispositions: and then are sold to the
+best Purchaser: sometimes by their Enemies, who would else put them
+to Death; sometimes by the nearest Friends, who are either unable or
+unwilling to maintain them. Their Condition in our Colonies, though it
+cannot well be worse than it would have been at Home, is yet nearly as
+hard as possible: their Servitude most laborious, their Punishments
+most severe. And thus many thousands of them spend their whole
+Days, one Generation after another, undergoing with reluctant Minds
+continual Toil in this World, and comforted with no Hopes of Reward
+in a better. For it is not to be expected that Masters, too commonly
+negligent of Christianity themselves, will take much Pains to teach it
+their slaves; whom even the better Part of them are in a great Measure
+habituated to consider, as they do their Cattle, merely with a view
+to the Profit arising from them. Not a few, therefore, have openly
+opposed their Instruction, from an Imagination now indeed proved and
+acknowledged to be groundless, that Baptism would entitle them to
+Freedom. Others by obliging them to work on Sundays to provide
+themselves Necessaries, leave them neither Time to learn Religion, nor
+any Prospect of being able to subsist, if once the Duty of resting on
+that Day become Part of their Belief. And some, it may be feared,
+have been averse to their becoming Christians because after that,
+no Pretence will remain for not treating them like Men. When these
+Obstacles are added to the fondness they have for their old Heathenish
+Rites, and the strong Prejudices they must have against Teachers from
+among those, whom they serve so unwillingly; it cannot be wondered,
+if the Progress made in their Conversion prove slow. After some
+Experience of this kind, Catechists were appointed in two Places, by
+Way of Trial for Their Instruction alone: whose Success, where it
+was least, hath been considerable; and so great in the Plantation
+belonging to the Society that out of two hundred and thirty, at
+least seventy are now Believers in Christ. And there is lately an
+Improvement to this Scheme begun to be executed, by qualifying and
+employing young Negroes, prudently chosen, to teach their Countrymen:
+from which in the Opinion of the best Judges, we may reasonably
+promise ourselves, that this miserable People, the Generality of whom
+have hitherto sat in Darkness, will see great Light."--Seeker's _A
+Sermon Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, 1741.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE SERMONS OF REV. THOMAS BACON ADDRESSED TO MASTERS
+AND SERVANTS ABOUT 1750
+
+"Next to our children and brethren by blood, our servants, and
+especially our slaves, are certainly in the nearest relation to us.
+They are an immediate and necessary part of our households, by whose
+labors and assistance we are enabled to enjoy the gifts of Providence
+in ease and plenty; and surely we owe them a return of what is just
+and equal for the drudgery and hardships they go through in our
+service....
+
+"It is objected, They are such stubborn creatures, there is no dealing
+with them.
+
+"_Answer_. Supposing this to be true of most of them (which I believe
+will scarcely be insisted on:) may it not fairly be asked, whence doth
+this stubbornness proceed?--Is it from nature?--That cannot be:--for I
+think it is generally acknowledged that _new Negroes_, or those born
+in and imported from the coast of _Guinea_, prove the best and most
+tractable servants. Is it then from education?--for one or the other
+it must proceed from.--But pray who had the care of bringing up those
+that were born here?--Was it not ourselves?--And might not an early
+care, of instilling good principles into them when young, have
+prevented much of that stubbornness and untractableness you complain
+of in country-born negroes?--These, you cry out, are wickeder than the
+others:--and, pray, where did they learn that wickedness?--Was it
+not among ourselves?--for those who come immediately from their own
+country, you say, have more simplicity and honesty. A sad reproach
+to a Christian people indeed! that such poor ignorant heathens shall
+bring better morals and dispositions from home with them, that they
+can learn or actually do contract amongst us!
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"It is objected,--they are so ignorant and unteachable, they cannot be
+brought to any knowledge in these matters.
+
+"_Answer_. This objection seems to have little or no truth in it, with
+respect to the bulk of them.--Their ignorance, indeed, about matters
+of religion, is not to be disputed;--they are sunk in it to a sad and
+lamentable degree, which has been shown to be chiefly owing to
+the negligence of their owners.--But that they are so stupid and
+unteachable, as that they cannot be brought to any competent knowledge
+in these matters, is false, and contrary to fact and experience. In
+regard to their work, they learn it, and grow dexterous enough in a
+short time. Many of them have learned trades and manufactures, which
+they perform well, and with sufficient ingenuity:--whence it is
+plain they are not unteachable; do not want natural parts and
+capacities.--Most masters and mistresses will complain of their art
+and cunning in contriving to deceive them.--Is it reasonable to deny
+then they can learn what is good, when it is owned at the same time
+they can be so artful in what is bad?--Their ignorance, therefore,
+if born in the country, must absolutely be the fault of their
+owners:--and such as are brought here from Africa may, surely, be
+taught something of advantage to their own future state, as well as to
+work for their masters' present gain.--The difference plainly consists
+in this;--that a good deal of pains is taken to shew them how to
+labour, and they are punished if they neglect it.--This sort of
+instruction their owners take care to give them every day, and look
+well to it that it be duly followed.--But no such pains are taken in
+the other case.--They are generally left to themselves, whether they
+will serve God, or worship Devils--whether they become christians, or
+remain heathens as long as they live: as if either their souls were
+not worth the saving, or as if we were under no obligation of giving
+them any instruction:--which is the true reason why so many of them
+who are grown up, and lived many years among us, are as entirely
+ignorant of the principles of religion, as if they had never come into
+a christian country:--at least, as to any good or practical purposes.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"I have dwelt the longer upon this head, because it is of the utmost
+importance, and seems to be but little considered among us.--For there
+is too much reason to fear, that the many vices and immoralities so
+common among white people;--the lewdness, drunkenness, quarrelling,
+abusiveness, swearing, lying, pride, backbiting, overreaching,
+idleness, and sabbath-breaking, everywhere to be seen among us, are a
+great encouragement to our Negroes to do the like, and help strongly
+to confirm them in the habits of wickedness and impiety.
+
+"We ought not only to avoid giving them bad examples, and abstain from
+all appearance of evil, but also strive to set a daily good example
+before their eyes, that seeing us lead the way in our own person, they
+may more readily be persuaded to follow us in the wholesome paths of
+religion and virtue.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought to make this reading and studying the holy scriptures, and
+the reading and explaining them to our children and slaves, and the
+catechizing or instructing them in the principles of the Christian
+religion, a stated duty.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought in a particular manner to take care of the children, and
+instil early principles of piety and religion into their minds.
+
+"If the grown up slaves, from confirmed habits of vice, are hard to be
+reclaimed, the children surely are in our power, and may be trained up
+in the way they should go, with rational hopes that when they are old,
+they will not depart from it.--We ought, therefore, to take charge
+of their education principally upon ourselves, and not leave them
+entirely to the care of their wicked parents.--If the present
+generation be bad, we may hope by this means that the succeeding ones
+will be much better. One child well instructed, will take care when
+grown up to instruct his children; and they again will teach their
+posterity good things.--And I am fully of opinion, that the common
+notion of _wickedness running in the blood_, is not so general in fact
+as to be admitted for an axiom. And that the vices we see descending
+from parents to their children are chiefly owing to the malignant
+influence of bad example and conversation.--And though some persons
+may be, and undoubtedly are, born with stronger passions and
+appetites, or with a greater propensity to some particular
+gratifications or pursuits than others, yet we do not want convincing
+instances how effectually they may be restrained, or at least
+corrected and turned to proper and laudable ends, by the force of an
+early care, and a suitable education.
+
+"To you of the female sex, (whom I have had occasion more than once to
+take notice of with honor in this congregation) I would address a few
+words on this head.--You, who by your stations are more confined at
+home, and have the care of the younger sort more particularly under
+your management, may do a great deal of good in this way.--I know not
+when I have been more affected, or my heart touched with stronger and
+more pleasing emotions, than at the sight and conversation of a little
+negro boy, not above seven years old, who read to me in the new
+testament, and perfectly repeated his catechism throughout, and all
+from the instruction of his careful, pious mistress, now I hope with
+God, enjoying the blessed fruits of her labours while on earth.--This
+example I would recommend to your serious imitation, and to enforce it
+shall only remark, that a shining part of the character of Solomon's
+excellent daughter is, that she looketh well to the ways of her
+household."--Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_, pp. 4, 48, 49, 51, 64, 65, 69, 70, 73, 74.
+
+
+PORTIONS OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT's ADDRESS TO THE CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN
+VIRGINIA ABOUT 1755
+
+"Rejoice and be exceeding glad, that you are delivered either from the
+Frauds of Mohamet, or Pagan Darkness, and Worship of Daemons; and are
+not now taught to place your Dependence upon those other dead Men,
+whom the Papists impiously worship, to the Neglect and Dishonor of
+Jesus Christ, the one only Mediator between God and Men. Christ, tho'
+he was dead, is alive again, and liveth forever-more. It is Christ,
+who is able also to save them to the uttermost, that come unto God by
+him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. Bless God,
+with all your Heart, that the Holy Scriptures are put into your Hands,
+which are able to make you wise unto Salvation, thro' Faith which is
+in Christ Jesus. Read and study the Bible for yourselves; and consider
+how Papists do all they can to hide it from their Followers, for Fear
+such divine Light should discover the gross Darkness of their false
+Doctrines and Worship. Be particularly thankful to the Ministers of
+Christ around you, who are faithfully labouring to teach you the Truth
+as it is in Jesus....
+
+"Contrary to these evident Truths and precious Comforts of the Word
+of God, you may perhaps be tempted very unjustly to renounce your
+Fidelity and Obedience to your Old Masters, in Hope of finding new
+ones, with whom you may live more happily. At one time or other it
+will probably be suggested to you, that the French will make better
+Masters than the English. But I beseech you to consider, that your
+Happiness as Men and Christians exceedingly depends upon your doing
+all in your Power to support the British Government, and that kind of
+Christianity which is called the Protestant Religion; and likewise in
+opposing, with all your Might, the Power of the French, the Delusions
+of Popish Priests, and all the Rage and Malice of such Indians, as are
+in the French Interest. If the Power of France was to prevail in the
+Country where you now live, you have Nothing to expect but the most
+terrible Increase of your Sufferings. Your Slavery would then, not
+merely extend to Body, but also to the Soul; not merely run thro' your
+Days of Labour, but even thro' your Lord's Days. Your Bibles would
+then become like a sealed Book, and your Consciences would be fettered
+with worse than Iron-Chains. Therefore be patient, be submissive and
+obedient, be faithful and true, even when some of your Masters are
+most unkind. This is the only way for you to have Consciences void
+of Offense towards God and Man. This will really be taking the most
+effectual Measures, to secure for yourselves a Share in the invaluable
+Blessings and Privileges of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God,
+which you have already received thro' the Channel of the British
+Government, and which no other Government upon the Face of the Earth
+is so calculated to support and preserve.
+
+"The Lord Jesus Christ is now saying to you, as he did to Peter, when
+thou art converted strengthen thy Brethren....
+
+"Therefore let me entreat you to look upon your Country-men around
+you, and pity them, not so much for their being Fellow-Captives with
+you in a strange Land; as for this, that they are not yet, like you,
+delivered from the Power of Darkness....
+
+"Invite them to learn to read, and direct them where they may apply
+for Assistance, especially to those faithful Ministers, who have been
+your Instructors and Fathers in Christ...."--Fawcett's _Address to the
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 8, 17, 18, 24, 25.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE APPENDIX OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT'S "ADDRESS TO THE
+CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN VIRGINIA"
+
+"The first Account, I ever met with, of any considerable Number of
+Negroes embracing the Gospel, is in a letter written by Mr. Davies,
+Minister at Hanover in Virginia, to Mr. Bellamy of Bethlehem in New
+England, dated June 28, 1751. It appears that the Letter was designed
+for Publication; and I suppose, was accordingly printed at Boston
+in New England. It is to be seen in vol. ii., pages 330-338, of the
+_Historical Collections_ relating to remarkable Periods of the Success
+of the Gospel, and eminent Instruments employed in promoting it;
+Compiled by Mr. John Gillies, one of the Ministers of Glasgow: Printed
+by Foulis in 1754. Mr. Davies fills the greatest part of his Letter,
+with an Account of the declining State of Religion in Virginia, and
+the remarkable Means used by Providence to revive it, for a few Years
+before his Settlement there, which was in 1747; not in the character
+of a Missionary, but that of a dissenting Minister, invited by a
+particular People, and fixed with them. Such, he observes, was the
+scattered State of his Congregation, that he soon found it necessary
+to license seven Meeting-Houses, the nearest of which are twelve or
+fifteen Miles distant from each other, and the extremes about Forty;
+yet some of his People live twenty, thirty, and a few forty Miles from
+the nearest Meeting-House. He computes his Communicants at about three
+Hundred. He then says, 'There is also a Number of Negroes. Some times
+I see a Hundred and more among my Hearers. I have baptized about Forty
+of them within the last three Years, upon such a Profession of Faith
+as I then judged credible. Some of them, I fear, have apostatized; but
+others, I trust, will persevere to the End. I have had as satisfying
+Evidences of the sincere Piety of several of them, as ever I had from
+any Person in my Life; and their artless Simplicity, their passionate
+Aspirations after Christ, their incessant Endeavors to know and do
+the Will of God, have charmed me. But, alas! while my Charge is
+so extensive, I cannot take sufficient Pains with them for their
+Instruction, which often oppresses my Heart....'"
+
+At the Close of the above Letter, in the _Historical Collections_
+(vol. ii., page 338), there is added the following Marginal
+Note.--"May 22, 1754. Mr. G. Tennent and Mr. Davies being at
+Edinburgh, as Agents for the Trustees of the College of New Jersey,
+Mr. Davies informs,--that when he left Virginia in August last, there
+was a hopeful Appearance of a greater Spread of a religious Concern
+amongst the Negroes;--And a few weeks before he left Home, he baptized
+in one Day fifteen Negroes, after they had been catechized for some
+Months, and given credible Evidences of their sincerely embracing the
+Gospel."
+
+After these Gentlemen had finished the Business of their late Mission
+in this part of the World, Mr. Davies gave the following Particulars
+to his Correspondent in London, in a letter which he wrote in the
+Spring of the previous Year, six Weeks after his safe return to his
+Family and Friends.--"The Inhabitants of Virginia are computed to be
+about 300,000 Men, the one-half of which Number are supposed to be
+Negroes. The Number of those who attend my Ministry at particular
+Times is uncertain, but generally about three Hundred who give a
+stated Attendance. And never have I been so much struck with the
+Appearance of an Assembly, as when I have glanced my Eye to that Part
+of the Meeting-House, where they usually sit; adorned, for so it had
+appeared to me, with so many black Countenances, eagerly attentive to
+every Word they hear, and frequently bathed in Tears. A considerable
+Number of them, about a Hundred, have been baptized, after the proper
+Time for Instruction, and having given credible Evidences, not only
+of their Acquaintance with the important Doctrines of the Christian
+Religion, but also a deep Sense of them upon their Minds, attested
+by a Life of the strictest Piety and Holiness. As they are not
+sufficiently polished to dissemble with a good Grace, they express the
+sentiments of their Souls so much in the Language of simple Nature,
+and with such genuine Indications of Sincerity, that it is impossible
+to suspect their Professions, especially when attended with a truly
+Christian Life and exemplary Conduct.--My worthy Friend, Mr. Tod,
+Minister of the next Congregation, has near the same Number under his
+Instructions, who, he tells me, discover the same serious Turn of
+Mind. In short, Sir, there are Multitudes of them in different Places,
+who are willing, and eagerly desirous to be instructed, and embrace
+every Opportunity of acquainting themselves with the Doctrines of the
+Gospel; and tho' they have generally very little Help to learn to
+read, yet, to my agreeable Surprise, many of them, by the Dint of
+Application in their Leisure-Hours, have made such a Progress, that
+they can intelligibly read a plain Author, and especially their
+Bibles; and Pity it is that many of them should be without them.
+Before I had the Pleasure of being admitted a Member of your Society
+[Mr. Davies here means the Society for promoting religious Knowledge
+among the Poor, which was first begun in London in August, 1750] the
+Negroes were wont frequently to come to me, with such moving Accounts
+of their Necessities in this Respect, that I could not help supplying
+them with Books to the utmost of my small Ability; and when I
+distributed those among them, which my Friends with you sent over, I
+had Reason to think that I never did an Action in all my Life,
+that met with so much Gratitude from the Receivers. I have already
+distributed all the Books I brought over, which were proper for them.
+Yet still, on Saturday Evenings, the only Time they can spare [they
+are allowed some short Time, viz., Saturday afternoon, and Sunday,
+says Dr. Douglass in his Summary. See the _Monthly Review_ for
+October, 1755, page 274] my House is crowded with Numbers of them,
+whose very Countenances still carry the air of importunate Petitioners
+for the same Favors with those who came before them. But, alas!
+my Stock is exhausted, and I must send them away grieved and
+disappointed.--Permit me, Sir, to be an Advocate with you, and, by
+your Means, with your generous Friends in their Behalf. The Books I
+principally want for them are, Watts' Psalms and Hymns, and Bibles.
+The two first they cannot be supplied with any other Way than by a
+Collection, as they are not among the Books which your Society give
+away. I am the rather importunate for a good Number of these, and I
+cannot but observe, that the Negroes, above all the Human Species that
+I ever knew, have an Ear for Musick, and a kind of extatic Delight in
+Psalmody; and there are no Books they learn so soon, or take so much
+Pleasure in as those used in that heavenly Part of divine Worship.
+Some Gentlemen in London were pleased to make me a private Present of
+these Books for their Use, and from the Reception they met with, and
+their Eagerness for more, I can easily foresee, how acceptable and
+useful a larger Number would be among them. Indeed, Nothing would be a
+greater Inducement to their Industry to learn to read, than the Hope
+of such a Present; which they would consider, both as a Help, and a
+Reward for their Diligence"....--_Fawcett's Address to the Christian
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 33. 34. 35. 36, 37. 38.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM JONATHAN BOUCHER'S "A VIEW OF THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
+OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION"(1763)
+
+"If ever these colonies, now filled with slaves, be improved to their
+utmost capacity, an essential part of the improvement must be the
+abolition of slavery. Such a change would be hardly more to the
+advantage of the slaves than it would be to their owners....
+
+"I do you no more than justice in bearing witness, that in no part of
+the world were slaves better treated than, in general, they are in the
+colonies.... In one essential point, I fear, we are all deficient;
+they are nowhere sufficiently instructed. I am far from recommending
+it to you, at once to set them free; because to do so would be an
+heavy loss to you, and probably no gain to them; but I do entreat
+you to make them some amends for the drudgery of their bodies by
+cultivating their minds. By such means only can we hope to fulfil the
+ends, which we may be permitted to believe, Providence had in view in
+suffering them to be brought among us. You may unfetter them from the
+chains of ignorance; you may emancipate them from the bondage of sin,
+the worst slavery to which they can be subjected; and by thus setting
+at liberty those that are bruised, though they still continue to be
+your slaves, they shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption
+into the glorious liberty of the Children of God."--Jonathan Boucher's
+_A View of the Causes and Consequences_, etc., pp. 41, 42, 43.
+
+
+BOUCHER ON AMERICAN EDUCATION IN 1773
+
+"You pay far too little regard to parental education....
+
+"What is still less credible is that at least two-thirds of the little
+education we receive is derived from instructors who are either
+indented servants or transported felons. Not a ship arrives either
+with redemptioners or convicts, in which schoolmasters are not as
+regularly advertised for sale as weavers, tailors, or any other trade;
+with little other difference, that I can hear of, excepting perhaps
+that the former do not usually fetch so good a price as the latter....
+
+"I own, however, that I dislike slavery and among other reasons
+because as it is here conducted it has pernicious effects on the
+social state, by being unfavorable to education. It certainly is no
+necessary circumstance, essential to the condition of a slave, that he
+be uneducated; yet this is the general and almost universal lot of the
+slaves. Such extreme, deliberate, and systematic inattention to all
+mental improvement, in so large portion of our species, gives far too
+much countenance and encouragement to those abject persons who are
+contented to be rude and ignorant."--Jonathan Boucher's _A View of the
+Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution_, pp. 183, 188,
+189.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ESSAY OF BISHOP PORTEUS TOWARD A PLAN FOR THE MORE
+EFFECTUAL CIVILIZATION AND CONVERSION OF THE NEGRO SLAVES ON THE TRENT
+ESTATE IN BARBADOES BELONGING TO THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF
+THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. (WRITTEN IN 1784)
+
+"We are expressly commanded to preach the gospel to every creature;
+and therefore every human creature must necessarily be capable of
+receiving it. It may be true, perhaps, that the generality of
+the Negro slaves are extremely dull of apprehension, and slow of
+understanding; but it may be doubted whether they are more so than
+some of the lowest classes of our own people; at least they are
+certainly not inferior in capacity to the Greenlanders, many of whom
+have made very sincere Christians. Several travellers of good credit
+speak in very favorable terms, both of the understandings and
+dispositions of the native Africans on the coast of Guinea; and it is
+a well-known fact, that many even of the Negro slaves in our islands,
+although laboring under disadvantages and discouragements, that might
+well depress and stupefy even the best understandings, yet give
+sufficient proofs of the great quickness of parts and facility in
+learning. They have, in particular, a natural turn to the mechanical
+arts, in which several of them show much ingenuity, and arrive at no
+small degree of perfection. Some have discovered marks of genius for
+music, poetry, and other liberal accomplishments; and there are not
+wanting instances among them of a strength of understanding, and a
+generosity, dignity, and heroism of mind, which would have done honour
+to the most cultivated European. It is not, therefore, to any natural
+or unconquerable disability in the subject we had to work upon, that
+the little success of our efforts is to be ascribed. This would indeed
+be an insuperable obstacle, and must put an effectual stop to all
+future attempts of the same nature; but as this is far from being the
+case, we must look for other causes of our disappointment; which may
+perhaps appear to be, though of a serious, yet less formidable nature,
+and such as it is in the power of human industry and perseverance,
+with the blessing of Providence, to remove. The principal of them, it
+is conceived, are these which here follow:
+
+1. "Although several of our ministers and catechists in the college of
+Barbadoes have been men of great worth and piety, and good intentions,
+yet in general they do not appear (if we may judge from their letters
+to the Board) to have possessed that peculiar sort of talents and
+qualifications, that facility and address in conveying religious
+truths, that unconquerable activity, patience, and perseverance, which
+the instruction of dull and uncultivated minds requires, and which
+we sometimes see so eminently and successfully displayed in the
+missionaries of other churches.
+
+"And indeed the task of instructing and converting near three hundred
+Negro slaves, and of educating their children in the principles of
+morality and religion, is too laborious for any one person to execute
+well; especially when the stipend is too small to animate his
+industry, and excite his zeal.
+
+2. "There seems also to have been a want of other modes of
+instruction, and of other books and tracts for that purpose, besides
+those made use of hitherto by our catechists. And there is reason
+moreover to believe, that the time allotted to the instruction of the
+Negroes has not been sufficient.
+
+3. "Another impediment to the progress of our slaves in Christian
+knowledge has been their too frequent intercourse with the Negroes of
+the neighboring plantations, and the accession of fresh slaves to our
+own, either hired from other estates, or imported from Africa. These
+are so many constant temptations in their way to revert to their
+former heathenish principles and savage manners, to which they have
+always a strong natural propensity; and when this propensity is
+continually inflamed by the solicitations of their unconverted
+brethren, or the arrival of new companions from the coast of Guinea,
+it frequently becomes very difficult to be resisted, and counteracts,
+in a great degree, all the influence and exhortations of their
+religious teachers.
+
+4. "Although this society has been always most honourably
+distinguished by the gentleness with which the negroes belonging to
+its trust estates have been generally treated, yet even these (by the
+confession of our missionaries) are in too abject, and depressed, and
+uncivilized a state to be proper subjects for the reception of the
+divine truths of revelation. They stand in need of some further marks
+of the society's regard and tenderness for them, to conciliate their
+affections, to invigorate their minds, to encourage their hopes,
+and to rouse them out of that state of languor and indolence and
+insensibility, which renders them indifferent and careless both about
+this world and the next.
+
+5. "A still further obstacle to the effectual conversion of the
+Negroes has been the almost unrestrained licentiousness of their
+manner, the habits of vice and dissoluteness in which they are
+permitted to live, and the sad examples they too frequently see in
+their managers and overseers. It can never be expected that people
+given up to such practices as these, can be much disposed to receive a
+pure and undefiled religion: or that, if after their conversion they
+are allowed, as they generally are, to retain their former habits,
+their christianity can be anything more than a mere name.
+
+"These probably the society will, on inquiry, find to have been the
+principal causes of the little success they have hitherto had in their
+pious endeavors to render their own slaves real christians. And it is
+with a view principally to the removal of these obstacles that the
+following regulations are, with all due deference to better judgments,
+submitted to their consideration.
+
+"The first and most essential step towards a real and effectual
+conversion of our Negroes would be the appointment of a missionary
+(in addition to the present catechist) properly qualified for that
+important and difficult undertaking. He should be a clergyman sought
+out for in this country, of approved ability, piety, humanity,
+industry, and a fervent, yet prudent zeal for the interests of
+religion, and the salvation of those committed to his care; and should
+have a stipend not less than 200 f. sterling a year if he has an
+apartment and is maintained in the College, or 300 f. a year if he is
+not.
+
+"This clergyman might be called (for a reason to be hereafter
+assigned) 'The Guardian of the Negroes'; and his province should be
+to superintend the moral and spiritual concern of the slaves, to take
+upon himself the religious instruction of the adult Negroes, and to
+take particular care that all the Negro children are taught to read
+by the catechist and the two assistant women (now employed by the
+society) and also that they are diligently instructed by the catechist
+in the principles of the Christian religion, till they are fifteen
+years of age, when they shall be instructed by himself with the adult
+Negroes.
+
+"This instruction of the Negro children from their earliest years is
+one of the most important and essential parts of the whole plan; for
+it is to the education of the young Negroes that we are principally
+to look for the success of our spiritual labours. These may be easily
+taught to understand and to speak the English language with fluency;
+these may be brought up from their earliest youth in habits of virtue,
+and restrained from all licentious indulgences: these may have the
+principles and the precepts of religion impressed so early upon their
+tender minds as to sink deep, and to take firm root, and bring forth
+the fruits of a truly Christian life. To this great object, therefore,
+must our chief attention be directed; and as almost everything must
+depend on the ability, the integrity, the assiduity, the perseverance
+of the person to whom we commit so important a charge, it is
+impossible for us to be too careful and too circumspect in our choice
+of a CATECHIST. He must consider it his province, not merely to teach
+the Negroes the use of letters, but the elements of Christianity; not
+only to improve their understandings, but to form their hearts. For
+this purpose they must be put into his hands the moment they are
+capable of articulating their words, and their instruction must be
+pursued with unrelenting diligence. So long as they continue too young
+to work, they may be kept constantly in the school; as they grow fit
+to labour, their attendance on the CATECHIST must gradually lessen,
+till at length they take their full share of work with the grown
+Negroes.
+
+"A school of this nature was formerly established by the society
+of Charlestown in South Carolina, about the year 1745, under the
+direction of Mr. Garden, the Bishop of London's commissary in that
+province. This school flourished greatly, and seemed to answer their
+utmost wishes. There were at one time sixty scholars in it, and twenty
+young Negroes were annually sent out from it well instructed in the
+English language, and the Christian faith. Mr. Garden, in his letters
+to the society, speaks in the highest terms of the progress made
+by his scholars, and says, that the Negroes themselves were highly
+pleased with their own acquirements. But it is supposed that on a
+parochial establishment being made in Charlestown by government, this
+excellent institution was dropt; for after the year 1751, no further
+mention is made of it in the minutes of the society. From what little
+we know of it, however, we may justly conceive the most pleasing
+hopes from a similar foundation at Barbadoes."--_The Works of Bishop
+Porteus_, vi., pp., 171-179.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM "THE ACTS OF DR. BRAY'S VISITATION HELD AT ANNAPOLIS IN
+MARYLAND, MAY 23, 24, 25, ANNO 1700"
+
+_Words of Dr. Bray_
+
+"I think, my REVEREND BRETHREN, that we are now gone through such
+measures as may be necessary to be considered for the more universal
+as well as successful Catechising, and Instruction of Youth. And I
+heartily thank you for your so ready Concurrence in every thing that
+I have offered to you: And which, I hope, will appear no less in the
+Execution, than it has been to the Proposals.
+
+"And that proper Books may not be wanting for the several Classes of
+Catechumens, there is care taken for the several sorts, which may be
+all had in this Town. And it may be necessary to acquaint you,
+that for the poor Children and Servants, they shall be given
+Gratis."--Hawks's _Ecclesiastical History of the United States_, vol.
+ii., pp. 503-504.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE MEETINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF
+FRIENDS....
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PENNSYLVANIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1774
+
+"And having grounds to conclude that there are some brethren who have
+these poor captives under their care, and are desirous to be wisely
+directed in the restoring them to liberty: Friends who may be
+appointed by quarterly and monthly meetings on the service now
+proposed, are earnestly desired to give their weighty and solid
+attention for the assistance of such who are thus honestly and
+religiously concerned for their own relief, and the essential benefit
+of the negro. And in such families where there are young ones, or
+others of suitable age, that they excite the masters, or those who
+have them, to give them sufficient instruction and learning, in order
+to qualify them for the enjoyment of liberty intended, and that they
+may be instructed by themselves, or placed out to such masters and
+mistresses who will be careful of their religious education, to serve
+for such time, and no longer, as is prescribed by law and custom, for
+white people."--_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony of the Religious Society of Friends against Slavery and the
+Slave Trade_. Published by direction of the Yearly Meeting, held in
+Philadelphia, in the Fourth Month, 1843, p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PHILADELPHIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1779
+
+"A tender Christian sympathy appears to be awakened in the minds of
+many who are not in religious profession with us, who have seriously
+considered the oppressions and disadvantages under which those people
+have long laboured; and whether a pious care extended to their
+offspring is not justly due from us to them, is a consideration worthy
+of our serious and deep attention; or if this obligation did not
+weightily lay upon us, can benevolent minds be directed to any object
+more worthy of their liberality and encouragement, than that of laving
+a foundation in the rising generation for their becoming good and
+useful men? remembering what was formerly enjoined, 'If thy brethren
+be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve
+him; yea, though he be a stranger, or a sojourner; that he may live
+with thee.'"--_Ibid_., p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF CHESTER
+
+"The consideration of the temporal and spiritual welfare of the
+Africans, and the necessary instruction of their offspring now being
+resumed, and after some time spent thereon, it is closely recommended
+to our several monthly meetings to pay due attention to the advice of
+the Yearly Meeting on this subject, and proceed as strength may be
+afforded, in looking after them in their several habitations by a
+religious visit; giving them such counsel as their situation may
+require."--_Ibid_., p. 39.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE HADDONFIELD QUARTERLY MEETING
+
+"In Haddonfield Quarterly Meeting, a committee was kept steadily under
+appointment for several years to assist in manumissions, and in the
+education of the negro children. Religious meetings were frequently
+held for the people of color; and Haddonfield Monthly Meeting raised
+on one occasion 131 pounds, for the education of negro children.
+
+"In Salem Monthly Meeting, frequent meetings of worship for the people
+of color were held by direction of the monthly meeting; funds were
+raised for the education of their children, and committees appointed
+in the different meetings to provide books, place the children
+at school, to visit the schools, and inspect their conduct and
+improvement.
+
+"Meetings for Divine worship were regularly held for people of color,
+at least once in three months, under the direction of the monthly
+meetings of Friends in Philadelphia; and schools were also established
+at which their children were gratuitously instructed in useful
+learning. One of these, originally instituted by Anthony Benezet, is
+now in operation in the city of Philadelphia, and has been continued
+under the care of one of the monthly meetings of Friends of that city,
+and supported by funds derived from voluntary contributions of the
+members, and from legacies and bequests, yielding an income of about
+$1000 per annum. The average number of pupils is about sixty-eight of
+both sexes."--_Ibid_., pp. 40-41.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE RHODE ISLAND QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS,
+1769
+
+A committee reported "that having met, and entered into a solemn
+consideration of the subject, they were of the mind that a useful
+alteration might be made in the query referred to; yet apprehending
+some further Christian endeavors in labouring with such who continue
+in possession of slaves should be first promoted, by which means the
+eyes of Friends may be more clearly opened to behold the iniquity
+of the practice of detaining our fellow creatures in bondage, and a
+disposition to set such free who are arrived to mature age; and when
+the labour is performed and report made to the meeting, the meeting
+may be better capable of determining what further step to take in this
+affair, which hath given so much concern to faithful Friends, and that
+in the meantime it should be enforced upon Friends that have them in
+possession, to treat them with tenderness; impress God's fear on their
+minds; promote their attending places of religious worship; and give
+such as are young, so much learning, that they may be capable of
+reading.
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing, buying, or any ways disposing of
+negroes or slaves; and do they use those well who are under their
+care, and not in circumstances, through nonage or incapacity, to
+be set at liberty? And do they give those that are young such an
+education as becomes Christians; and are the others encouraged in a
+religious and virtuous life? Are all set at liberty that are of age,
+capacity, and ability suitable for freedom?"--_Ibid_., pp. 45,46.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF VIRGINIA IN
+1757 AND 1773
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing or buying negroes to trade on; and
+do they use those well which they are possessed of by inheritance
+or otherwise, endeavoring to train them in the principles of the
+Christian religion?"
+
+The meeting of 1773 recommended to Friends, "seriously to consider the
+circumstances of these poor people, and the obligation we are under to
+discharge our religious duties to them, which being disinterestedly
+pursued, will lead the professor to Truth, to advise and assist them
+on all occasions, particularly in promoting their instruction in the
+principles of the Christian religion, and the pious education of their
+children; also to advise them in their worldly concerns, as occasions
+offer; and it advised that Friends of judgment and experience may be
+nominated for this necessary service, it being the solid sense of
+this meeting, that we, of the present generation, are under strong
+obligations to express our love and concern for the offspring of those
+people, who, by their labours, have greatly contributed toward the
+cultivation of these colonies, under the afflictive disadvantage of
+enduring a hard bondage; and many amongst us are enjoying the benefit
+of their toil."--_Ibid._, pp. 51, 52, and 54.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE METHODIST CONFERENCE, 1785
+
+"Q. What directions shall we give for the promotion of the spiritual
+welfare of the colored people?
+
+"A. We conjure all our ministers and preachers, by the love of God and
+the salvation of souls, and do require them, by all the authority that
+is invested in us, to leave nothing undone for the spiritual benefit
+and salvation of them, within their respective circuits or districts;
+and for this purpose to embrace every opportunity of inquiring into
+the state of their souls, and to unite in society those who appear to
+have a real desire of fleeing from the wrath to come, to meet such a
+class, and to exercise the whole Methodist Discipline among them."
+
+"Q. What can be done in order to instruct poor children, white and
+black to read?
+
+"A. Let us labor, as the heart of one man, to establish Sunday
+schools, in or near the place of public worship. Let persons be
+appointed by the bishop, elders, deacons, or preachers, to teach
+gratis all that will attend or have the capacity to learn, from six
+o'clock in the morning till ten, and from two o'clock in the afternoon
+till six, where it does not interfere with public worship. The
+council shall compile a proper school book to teach them learning and
+piety."--Rev. Charles Elliott's _History of the Great Secession front
+the Methodist Episcopal Church_, etc., p. 35.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
+IN 1800.
+
+The Assembly recommended:
+
+"2. The instruction of Negroes, the poor and those who are destitute
+of the means of grace in various parts of this extensive country;
+whoever contemplates the situation of this numerous class of persons
+in the United States, their gross ignorance of the plainest principles
+of religion, their immorality and profaneness, their vices and
+dissoluteness of manners, must be filled with anxiety for their
+present welfare, and above all for their future and eternal happiness.
+
+"3. The purchasing and disposing of Bibles and also of books and short
+essays on the great principles of religion and morality, calculated
+to impress the minds of those to whom they are given with a sense of
+their duty both to God and man, and consequently of such a nature as
+to arrest the attention, interest the curiosity and touch the feelings
+of those to whom they are given."--_Act and Proceedings of the General
+Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in the Year 1800_,
+Philadelphia.
+
+
+AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN 1801
+
+"The Assembly resumed the consideration of the communication from the
+Trustees of the General Assembly and having gone through the same,
+thereupon resolved,
+
+"5. That there be made a purchase of so many cheap and pious books as
+a due regard to the other objects of the Assembly's funds will admit,
+with a view of distributing them not only among the frontiers of these
+States, but also among the poorer classes of people, and the blacks,
+or wherever it is thought useful; which books shall be given away, or
+lent, at the discretion of the distributor; and that there be received
+from Mr. Robert Aitken, toward the discharge of his debt, books to
+such amount as shall appear proper to the Trustees of the Assembly,
+who are hereby requested to take proper measures for the distribution
+of same."--_Act and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the
+Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A._
+
+
+PLAN FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS
+
+The business relative to free blacks shall be transacted by a
+committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot at a
+meeting of this Society, in the month called April, and in order to
+perform the different services with expedition, regularity and energy
+this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees,
+viz.:
+
+I. A Committee of Inspection, who shall superintend the morals,
+general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free negroes, and
+afford them advice and instruction, protection from wrongs, and other
+friendly offices.
+
+II. A Committee of Guardians, who shall place out children and young
+people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time
+of apprenticeship or servitude) learn some trade or other business
+of subsistence. The committee may effect this partly by a persuasive
+influence on parents and the persons concerned, and partly by
+coöperating with the laws, which are or may be enacted for this
+and similar purposes. In forming contracts of these occasions, the
+committee shall secure to the Society as far as may be practicable the
+right of guardianship over the person so bound.
+
+III. A Committee of Education, who shall superintend the school
+instruction of the children and youth of the free blacks. They
+may either influence them to attend regularly the schools already
+established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall,
+in either case, provide, that the pupils may receive such learning as
+is necessary for their future situation in life, and especially a deep
+impression of the most important and generally acknowledged moral and
+religious principles. They shall also procure and preserve a regular
+record of the marriages, births, and manumissions of all free blacks.
+
+IV. The Committee of Employ, who shall endeavor to procure constant
+employment for those free negroes who are able to work; as the want of
+this would occasion poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. This
+committee will by sedulous inquiry be enabled to find common labor for
+a great number; they will also provide that such as indicate proper
+talents may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon
+them to bind themselves for such a term of years as shall compensate
+their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction and
+maintenance. The committee may attempt the institution of some simple
+and useful manufactures which will require but little skill, and also
+may assist, in commencing business, such as appear to be qualified for
+it.
+
+Whenever the Committee of Inspection shall find persons of any
+particular description requiring attention, they shall immediately
+direct them to the committee of whose care they are the proper
+objects.
+
+In matters of a mixed nature, the committee shall confer, and, if
+necessary, act in concert. Affairs of great importance shall be
+referred to the whole committee.
+
+The expense incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall be
+defrayed by a fund, to be formed by donations or subscriptions for
+these particular purposes, and to be kept separate from the other
+funds of the Society.
+
+The Committee shall make a report on their proceedings, and of the
+state of their stock, to the Society, at their quarterly meetings, in
+the months called April and October.--Smyth's _Writings of Benjamin
+Franklin_, vol. x, p. 127.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES FROM
+THE ABOLITION SOCIETIES, 1795"
+
+"We cannot forbear expressing to you our earnest desire, that you will
+continue, without ceasing, to endeavor, by every method in your power
+which can promise any success, to procure, either an absolute repeal
+of all the laws in your state, which countenance slavery, or such an
+amelioration of them as will gradually produce an entire abolition.
+Yet, even should that great end be happily attained, it cannot put
+a period to the necessity of further labor. The education of the
+emancipated, the noblest and most arduous task which we have to
+perform, will require all our wisdom and virtue, and the constant
+exercise of the greatest skill and discretion. When we have broken his
+chains, and restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the
+great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished--The new
+born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful
+impressions of moral and religious truths, which will render him
+capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to
+himself and to his country. By educating some in the higher branches
+of science, and all the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts
+of religion and morality, we shall not only do away with the reproach
+and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of
+truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of Africa, in spite of the
+degrading influence of slavery, are in no wise inferior to the more
+fortunate inhabitants of Europe and America.
+
+"As a means of effectuating, in some degree, a design so virtuous and
+laudable, we recommend to you to appoint a committee, annually, or
+for any other more convenient period, to execute such plans, for the
+improvement of the condition and moral character of the free blacks
+in your state, as you may think best adapted to your particular
+situation."--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of
+Delegates, 1795._
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES TO
+THE FREE AFRICANS AND OTHER FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR, 1796"
+
+"In the first place, We earnestly recommend to you, a regular
+attention to the duty of public worship; by which means you will
+evince gratitude to your CREATOR, and, at the same time, promote
+knowledge, union, friendship, and proper conduct among yourselves.
+
+"Secondly, we advise such of you, as have not been taught reading,
+writing, and the first principles of arithmetic, to acquire them
+as early as possible. Carefully attend to the instruction of your
+children in the same simple and useful branches of education. Cause
+them, likewise, early and frequently to read the holy Scriptures. They
+contain, among other great discoveries, the precious record of the
+original equality of mankind, and of the obligations of universal
+justice and benevolence, which are derived from the relation of the
+human race to each other in a COMMON FATHER.
+
+"Thirdly, Teach your children useful trades, or to labor with their
+hands in cultivating the earth. These employments are favorable to
+health and virtue. In the choice of masters, who are to instruct them
+in the above branches of business, prefer those who will work with
+them; by this means they will acquire habits of industry, and be
+better preserved from vice, than if they worked alone, or under the
+eye of persons less interested in their welfare. In forming contracts
+for yourselves or children, with masters, it may be useful to consult
+such persons as are capable of giving you the best advice, who are
+known to be your friends, in order to prevent advantages being taken
+of your ignorance of the laws and customs of your country."_--Minutes
+of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates, 1796.
+American Convention of Abolition Societies, Minutes, 1795-1804_
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR BY THE AMERICAN
+CONVENTION FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, 1819
+
+"The great work of emancipation is not to be accomplished in a
+day;--it must be the result of time, of long and continued exertions:
+it is for you to show by an orderly and worthy deportment that you are
+deserving of the rank which you have attained. Endeavor as much as
+possible to use economy in your expenses, so that you may be enabled
+to save from your earnings, something for the education of your
+children, and for your support in time of sickness and in old age: and
+let all those who by attending to this admonition, have acquired the
+means, send their children to school as soon as they are old enough,
+where their morals will be the object of attention, as well as their
+improvement in school learning; and when they arrive at a suitable
+age, let it be your especial care to have them instructed in some
+mechanical art suited to their capacities, or in agricultural
+pursuits; by which they may afterwards be enabled to support
+themselves and a family. Encourage also, those among you who are
+qualified as teachers of schools, and when you are of ability to pay,
+never send your children to free schools; this may be considered as
+robbing the poor, of the opportunities which were intended for them
+alone."
+
+
+THE WILL OF KOSCIUSZKO
+
+I, Thaddeus Kosciuszko, being just on my departure from America, do
+hereby declare and direct, that, should I make no other testamentary
+disposition of my property in the United States, I hereby authorize my
+friend, Thomas Jefferson, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes from his own or any others, and giving them liberty in my
+name, in giving them an education in trade or otherwise, and in having
+them instructed for their new condition in the duties of morality,
+which may make them good neighbors, good fathers or mothers, husbands
+or wives in their duties as citizens, teaching them to be defenders of
+their liberty and country, and of the good order of society, and in
+whatsoever may make them happy and useful. And I make the said Thomas
+Jefferson my executor of this.
+
+(Signed) T. KOSCIUSZKO. May 5, 1798. [See _African Repository_, vol.
+xi., p. 294.]
+
+
+FROM WASHINGTON'S WILL
+
+"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the
+slaves whom I now hold in my own right shall receive their freedom....
+And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this
+devise, there may be some who, from old age or bodily infirmities,
+and others who on account of their infancy will be unable to support
+themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first
+and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my
+heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have
+no parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide for
+them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age
+of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced,
+whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgement of court upon its
+own view of the subject shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus
+bound are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and
+write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to
+the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of
+orphan and other poor children."--Benson J. Lossing's _Life of George
+Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.
+
+
+THIS INTERESTING DIALOGUE WAS WRITTEN BY AN AMERICAN ABOUT 1800
+
+The following dialogue took place between Mr. Jackson the master of a
+family, and the slave of one of his neighbors who lived adjoining the
+town, on this occasion. Mr. Jackson was walking through the common and
+came to a field of this person's farm. He there saw the slave leaning
+against the fence with a book in his hand, which he seemed to be very
+intent upon; after a little time he closed the book, and clasping it
+in both his hands, looked upwards as if engaged in mental prayer;
+after this, he put the book in his bosom, and walked along the fence
+near where Mr. Jackson was standing. Surprised at seeing a person of
+his color engaged with a book, and still more by the animation and
+delight that he observed in his countenance; he determines to enquire
+about it, and calls to him as he passes.
+
+_Mr. J_. So I see you have been reading, my lad?
+
+_Slave_. Yes, sir.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, I have a great curiosity to see what you were reading
+so earnestly; will you show me the book?
+
+_Slave_. To be sure, sir. (And he presented it to him very
+respectfully.)
+
+_Mr. J_. The Bible!--Pray when did you get this book? And who taught
+you to read it?
+
+_Slave_. I thank God, sir, for the book. I do not know the good
+gentleman who gave it to me, but I am sure God sent it to me. I was
+learning to read in town at nights, and one morning a gentleman met me
+in the road as I had my spelling book open in my hand: he asked me if
+I could read, I told him a little, and he gave me this book and told
+me to make haste and learn to read it, and to ask God to help me, and
+that it would make me as happy as any body in the world.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well did you do so?
+
+_Slave_. I thought about it for some time, and I wondered that any
+body should give me a book or care about me; and I wondered what that
+could be which could make a poor slave like me so happy; and so I
+thought more and more of it, and I said I would try and do as the
+gentleman bid me, and blessed be God! he told me nothing but the
+truth.
+
+_Mr. J_. Who is your master?
+
+_Slave_. Mr. Wilkins, sir, who lives in that house.
+
+_Mr. J_. I know him; he is a very good man; but what does he say to
+your leaving his work to read your book in the field?
+
+_Slave_. I was not leaving his work, sir. This book does not teach me
+to neglect my master's work. I could not be happy if I did that.--I
+have done my breakfast, sir, and am waiting till the horses are done
+eating.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, what does that book teach you?
+
+_Slave_. Oh, sir! every thing that I want to know--all I am to do,
+this book tells me, and so plain. It shew me first that I was a
+wretched, ruined sinner, and what would become of me if I died in that
+state, and then when I was day and night in dread of God's calling me
+to account for my wickedness, and did not know which way to look for
+my deliverance, reading over and over again those dreadful words,
+"depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire," then it revealed to
+me how Jesus Christ had consented to come and suffer punishment for
+us in our stead, and bought pardon for us by his blood, and how by
+believing on him and serving him, I might become a child of God, so
+that I need be no more terrified by the thoughts of God's anger but
+sure of his forgiveness and love....
+
+(Here Mr. J. pursued his walk; but soon reflecting on what he had
+heard, he resolved to walk by Mr. Wilkins's house and enquire into
+this affair from him. This he did, and finding him the following
+conversation took place between them.)
+
+_Mr. J_. Sir, I have been talking with a man of yours in that field,
+who was engaged, while his horses were eating, in reading a book;
+which I asked him to shew me and found it was the Bible; thereupon I
+asked him some questions and his answers, and the account he gave of
+himself, have surprised me greatly.
+
+_Mr. W_. I presume it was Will--and though I do not know what he
+may have told you, yet I will undertake to say that he has told you
+nothing but the truth. I am always safe in believing him, and do
+not believe he would tell me an untruth for any thing that could be
+offered him....
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, sir, you have seen I trust in your family, good fruits
+from the beginning.
+
+_Mr. W_. Yes indeed, sir, and that man was most instrumental in
+reconciling and encouraging all my people in the change. From that
+time I have regarded him as more a friend and assistant, than a slave.
+He has taught the younger ones to read, and by his kindness and
+example, has been a great benefit to all. I have told them that I
+would do what I could to instruct and improve them; and that if I
+found any so vicious, that they would not receive it and strive to
+amend, I would not keep them; that I hoped to have a religious,
+praying family, and that none would be obstinately bent on their own
+ruin. And from time to time, I endeavored to convince them that I was
+aiming at their own good. I cannot tell you all the happiness of the
+change, that God has been pleased to make among us, all by these
+means. And I have been benefited both temporally and spiritually by
+it; for my work is better done, and my people are more faithful,
+contented, and obedient than before; and I have the comfort of
+thinking that when my Lord and master shall call me to account for
+those committed to my charge, I shall not be ashamed to present
+them.--Bishop William Meade's "Tracts and Dialogues," etc., in
+the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_.
+
+
+A TRUE ACCOUNT OF A PIOUS NEGRO
+
+(Written about 1800)
+
+Some years ago an English gentleman had occasion to be in North
+America, where, among other adventures, the following circumstances
+occurred to him which are related in his own words.
+
+"Every day's observation convinces me that the children of God, viz.
+those who believe in him, and on such terms are accepted by him
+through Jesus Christ, are made so by his own especial grace and power
+inclining them to what is good, and, assisting them when they endeavor
+to be and continue so.
+
+"In one of my excursions, while I was in the province of New York, I
+was walking by myself over a considerable plantation, amused with its
+husbandry, and comparing it with that of my own country, till I came
+within a little distance of a middle aged negro, who was tilling the
+ground. I felt a strong inclination to converse with him. After asking
+him some little questions about his work, which he answered very
+sensibly, I wished him to tell me, whether his state of slavery was
+not disagreeable to him, and whether he would not gladly exchange it
+for his liberty?"
+
+"Massah," said he, looking seriously upon me, "I have wife and
+children; my massah takes care of them, and I have no care to provide
+anything; I have a good massah, who teach me to read; and I read good
+book, that makes me happy." "I am glad," replied I, "to hear you say
+so; and pray what is the good book you read?" "The Bible, massah,
+God's own good book." "Do you understand, friend, as well as read this
+book? for many can read the words well, who cannot get hold of the
+true and good sense." "O massah," says he, "I read the book much
+before I understand; but at last I found things in the book which made
+me very uneasy." "Aye," said I, "and what things were they?" "Why
+massah, I found that I was a sinner, massah, a very great sinner,
+I feared that God would destroy me, because I was wicked, and done
+nothing as I should do. God was holy, and I was very vile and naughty;
+so I could have nothing from him but fire and brimstone in hell, if I
+continued in this state." In short, he fully convinced me that he was
+thoroughly sensible of his errors, and he told me what scriptures came
+to his mind, which he had read, that both probed him to the bottom of
+his sinful heart, and were made the means of light and comfort to his
+soul. I then inquired of him, what ministry or means he made use of
+and found that his master was a Quaker, a plain sort of man who had
+taught his slaves to read, and had thus afforded him some means of
+obtaining religious knowledge, though he had not ever conversed with
+this negro upon the state of his soul. I asked him likewise, how he
+got comfort under all his trials? "O massah," said he, "it was God
+gave me comfort by his word. He bade me come unto him, and he would
+give me rest, for I was very weary and heavy laden." And here he went
+through a line of the most striking texts in the Bible, showing me, by
+his artless comment upon them as he went along, what great things God
+had done in the course of some years for his soul....--Bishop William
+Meade's "Tracts, Dialogues," etc., in the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's
+_Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+LETTER TO ABBÉ GRÉGOIRE, OF PARIS, 1809
+
+I have received the favor of your letter of August 19th, and with
+it the volume you were so kind as to send me on the Literature of
+Negroes. Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than
+I do to see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on par with
+ourselves. My doubts were the result of personal observation in the
+limited sphere of my own state, where the opportunities for the
+development of their genius were not favorable, and those of
+exercising it still less so. I expressed them therefore with great
+hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent it is no measure
+of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in
+understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person and property
+of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions
+of nations, and hopeful advances are making towards their
+re-establishment on an equal footing with the other colors of the
+human family. I pray you therefore to accept my thanks for the many
+instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence
+in that race of men, which cannot fail to have effect in hastening the
+day of their relief; and to be sure of the sentiments of the high and
+just esteem and consideration which I tender to yourself with all
+sincerity.--_Writings of Thomas Jefferson_, Memorial Edition, 1904,
+vol. xii., p. 252.
+
+
+PORTION OF JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO M.A. JULIEN, JULY 23, 1818
+
+Referring to Kosciuszko, Jefferson said:
+
+"On his departure from the United States in 1798 he left in my hands
+an instrument appropriating after his death all the property he had
+in our public funds, the price of his military services here, to the
+education and emancipation of as many of the children of bondage
+in this country as this should be adequate to. I am now too old to
+undertake a business _de si longue haleine_; but I am taking measures
+to place it in such hands as will ensure a faithful discharge of the
+philanthropic intentions of the donor. I learn with pleasure your
+continued efforts for the instruction of the future generations of
+men, and, believing it the only means of effectuating their rights, I
+wish them all possible success, and to yourself the eternal gratitude
+of those who will feel their benefits, and beg leave to add the
+assurance of my high esteem and respect."--_Writings of Thomas
+Jefferson_, Memorial Edition. 1904, vol. xv., pp. 173-174.
+
+
+FROM MADISON'S LETTER TO MISS FRANCES WRIGHT, SEPTEMBER 1, 1825
+
+"Supposing these conditions to be duly provided for, particularly the
+removal of the emancipated blacks, the remaining questions relate to
+the aptitude and adequacy of the process by which the slaves are at
+the same time to earn funds, entire or supplemental, required for
+their emancipation and removal; and to be sufficiently educated for a
+life of freedom and of social order....
+
+"With respect to the proper course of education, no serious
+difficulties present themselves. As they are to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period, and to be within the
+jurisdiction of States recognizing ample authority over them, a
+competent discipline cannot be impracticable. The degree in which this
+discipline will enforce the needed labour, and in which a voluntary
+industry will supply the defect of compulsory labour, are vital
+points, on which it may not be safe to be very positive without some
+light from actual experiment.
+
+"Considering the probable composition of the labourers, and the known
+fact that, where the labour is compulsory, the greater the number of
+labourers brought together (unless, indeed, where co-operation of
+many hands is rendered essential by a particular kind of work or of
+machinery) the less are the proportional profits, it may be doubted
+whether the surplus from that source merely, beyond the support of the
+establishment, would sufficiently accumulate in five, or even more
+years, for the objects in view. And candor obliges me to say that I am
+not satisfied either that the prospect of emancipation at a future
+day will sufficiently overcome the natural and habitual repugnance to
+labour, or that there is such an advantage of united over individual
+labour as is taken for granted.
+
+"In cases where portions of time have been allotted to slaves, as
+among the Spaniards, with a view to their working out their freedom,
+it is believed that but few have availed themselves of the opportunity
+by a voluntary industry; and such a result could be less relied on
+in a case where each individual would feel that the fruits of his
+exertions would be shared by others, whether equally or unequally
+making them, and that the exertions of others would equally avail him,
+notwithstanding a deficiency in his own. Skilful arrangements might
+palliate this tendency, but it would be difficult to counteract it
+effectually.
+
+"The examples of the Moravians, the Harmonites, and the Shakers,
+in which the united labours of many for a common object have been
+successful, have, no doubt, an imposing character. But it must be
+recollected that in all these establishments there is a religious
+impulse in the members, and a religious authority in the head, for
+which there will be no substitutes of equivalent efficacy in the
+emancipating establishment. The code of rules by which Mr. Rapp
+manages his conscientious and devoted flock, and enriches a common
+treasury, must be little applicable to the dissimilar assemblage
+in question. His experience may afford valuable aid in its general
+organization, and in the distribution of details of the work to be
+performed. But an efficient administration must, as is judiciously
+proposed, be in hands practically acquainted with the propensities and
+habits of the members of the new community."
+
+
+FROM FREDERICK DOUGLASS'S PAPER, 1853: "LEARN TRADES OR STARVE"
+
+These are the obvious alternatives sternly presented to the free
+colored people of the United States. It is idle, yea even ruinous, to
+disguise the matter for a single hour longer; every day begins and
+ends with the impressive lesson that free negroes must learn trades,
+or die.
+
+The old avocations, by which colored men obtained a livelihood, are
+rapidly, unceasingly and inevitably passing into other hands; every
+hour sees the black man elbowed out of employment by some newly
+arrived emigrant, whose hunger and whose color are thought to give him
+a better title to the place; and so we believe it will continue to be
+until the last prop is levelled beneath us.
+
+As a black man, we say if we cannot stand up, let us fall down. We
+desire to be a man among men while we do live; and when we cannot,
+we wish to die. It is evident, painfully evident to every reflecting
+mind, that the means of living, for colored men, are becoming more
+and more precarious and limited. Employments and callings formerly
+monopolized by us, are so no longer.
+
+White men are becoming house-servants, cooks and stewards on
+vessels--at hotels.--They are becoming porters, stevedores,
+wood-sawers, hod-carriers, brick-makers, white-washers and barbers,
+so that the blacks can scarcely find the means of subsistence--a few
+years ago, a _white_ barber would have been a curiosity--now their
+poles stand on every street. Formerly blacks were almost the exclusive
+coachmen in wealthy families: this is so no longer; white men are now
+employed, and for aught we see, they fill their servile station with
+an obsequiousness as profound as that of the blacks. The readiness and
+ease with which they adapt themselves to these conditions ought not to
+be lost sight of by the colored people. The meaning is very important,
+and we should learn it. We are taught our insecurity by it. Without
+the means of living, life is a curse, and leaves us at the mercy of
+the oppressor to become his debased slaves. Now, colored men, what do
+you mean to do, for you must do something? The American Colonization
+Society tells you to go to Liberia. Mr. Bibb tells you to go to
+Canada. Others tell you to go to school. We tell you to go to work;
+and to work you must go or die. Men are not valued in this country, or
+in any country, for what they are; they are valued for what they can
+_do_. It is in vain that we talk of being men, if we do not the work
+of men. We must become valuable to society in other departments of
+industry than those servile ones from which we are rapidly being
+excluded. We must show that we can _do_ as well as be; and to this end
+we must learn trades. When we can build as well as live in houses;
+when we can _make_ as well as _wear_ shoes; when we can produce as
+well as consume wheat, corn and rye--then we shall become valuable to
+society. Society is a hard-hearted affair.--With it the helpless may
+expect no higher dignity than that of paupers. The individual must lay
+society under obligation to him, or society will honor him only as a
+stranger and sojourner. _How_ shall this be done? In this manner; use
+every means, strain every nerve to master some important mechanical
+art. At present, the facilities for doing so are few--institutions of
+learning are more readily opened to you than the work-shop; but the
+Lord helps them who will help themselves, and we have no doubt that
+new facilities will be presented as we press forward.
+
+If the alternative were presented to us of learning a trade or of
+getting an education, we would learn the trade, for the reason, that
+with the trade we could get the education while with the education we
+could not get the trade. What we, as a people, most need, is the means
+for our own elevation.--An educated colored man, in the United States,
+unless he has within him the heart of a hero, and is willing to engage
+in a lifelong battle for his rights, as a man, finds few inducements
+to remain in this country. He is isolated in the land of his
+birth--debarred by his color from congenial association with whites;
+he is equally cast out by the ignorance of the _blacks_. The remedy
+for this must comprehend the elevation of the masses; and this can
+only be done by putting the mechanic arts within the reach of colored
+men.
+
+We have now stated pretty strongly the case of our colored countrymen;
+perhaps some will say, _too_ strongly, but we know whereof we affirm.
+
+In view of this state of things, we appeal to the abolitionists.
+What Boss anti-slavery mechanic will take a black boy into his
+wheelwright's shop, his blacksmith's shop, his joiner's shop, his
+cabinet shop? Here is something _practical_; where are the whites
+and where are the blacks that will respond to it? Where are the
+antislavery milliners and seamstresses that will take colored girls
+and teach them trades, by which they can obtain an honorable living?
+The fact that we have made good cooks, good waiters, good barbers, and
+white-washers, induces the belief that we may excel in higher branches
+of industry. _One thing is certain; we must find new methods of
+obtaining a livelihood, for the old ones are failing us very fast_.
+
+We, therefore, call upon the intelligent and thinking ones amongst
+us, to urge upon the colored people within their reach, in all
+seriousness, the duty and the necessity of giving their children
+useful and lucrative trades, by which they may commence the battle
+of life with weapons, commensurate with the exigencies of
+conflict.--_African Repository_, vol. xxix., pp. 136, 137.
+
+
+EDUCATION OF COLORED PEOPLE
+
+(_Written by a highly respectable gentleman of the South in_ 1854)
+
+Several years ago I saw in the _Repository_, copied from the
+_Colonization Herald_, a proposal to establish a college for the
+education of young colored men in this country. Since that time I have
+neither seen nor heard anything more of it, and I should be glad to
+hear whether the proposed plan was ever carried into execution.
+
+Four years ago I conversed with one of the officers of the
+Colonization Society on the subject of educating in this country
+colored persons intending to emigrate to Liberia, and expressed my
+firm conviction of the paramount importance of high moral and mental
+training as a fit preparation for such emigrants.
+
+To my great regret the gentleman stated that under existing
+circumstances the project, all important as he confessed it to be, was
+almost impracticable; so strong being the influence of the enemies of
+colonization that they would dissuade any colored persons so educated
+from leaving the United States.
+
+I know that he was thoroughly acquainted with the subject in all its
+bearings, and therefore felt that he must have good reasons for what
+he said; still I hoped the case was not so bad as he thought, and,
+at any rate, I looked forward with strong hope to the time when the
+colored race would, as a body, open their eyes to the miserable,
+unnatural position they occupy in America; when they would see who
+were their true friends, those who offered them real and complete
+freedom, social and political, in a land where there is no white race
+to keep them in subjection, where they govern themselves by their own
+laws; or those pretended friends who would keep the African where he
+can never be aught but a serf and bondsman of a despised caste, and
+who, by every act of their pretended philanthropy, make the colored
+man's condition worse.
+
+Most happily, since that time, the colored race has been aroused to a
+degree never before known, and the conviction has become general among
+them that they must go to Liberia if they would be free and happy.
+
+Under these circumstances the better the education of the colored
+man the more keenly will he feel his present situation and the more
+clearly he will see the necessity of emigration.
+
+Assuming such to be the feelings of the colored race, I think the
+immense importance of a collegiate institution for the education of
+their young must be felt and acknowledged by every friend of the
+race. Some time since the legislature of Liberia passed an act to
+incorporate a college in Liberia, but I fear the project has failed,
+as I have heard nothing more of it since. Supposing however the funds
+raised for such an institution, where are the professors to come from?
+They _must_ be educated in this country; and how can that be done
+without establishing an institution specially for young colored men?
+
+There is not a college in the United States where a young man of color
+could gain admission, or where, supposing him admitted, he could
+escape insult and indignity. Into our Theological Seminaries a few are
+admitted, and are, perhaps, treated well; but what difficulty they
+find in obtaining a proper preparatory education. The cause of
+religion then, no less than that of secular education, calls for such
+a measure.
+
+I think a strong and earnest appeal ought to be made to every friend
+of colonization throughout the United States to support the scheme
+with heart, hand and purse. Surely there are enough friends of the
+cause to subscribe at least a moderate sum for such a noble object;
+and in a cause like this, wealthy colored persons ought to, and
+doubtless will, subscribe according to their means. In addition to the
+general appeal through the _Repository_, let each individual friend
+of colonization use all his influence with his personal friends and
+acquaintances, especially with such as are wealthy. I know from my own
+experience how much can be done by personal application, even in cases
+where success appears nearly hopeless.--I will pledge myself to use my
+humble endeavors to the utmost with my personal acquaintances. A large
+sum would not be _absolutely necessary_ to found the college; and it
+would certainly be better to commence in the humblest way than to give
+up the scheme altogether.
+
+Buildings for instance might be purchased in many places for a very
+moderate sum that would answer every purpose, or they might be built
+in the cheapest manner; in short, everything might be commenced on the
+most economical scale and afterwards enlarged as funds increased.
+
+Those who are themselves engaged in teaching, such as the faculties of
+colleges, etc., would, of course, be most competent to prepare a
+plan for the proposed institution, and the ablest of them should be
+consulted; meantime almost anyone interested in the cause may offer
+some useful hint. In that spirit, I would myself offer a few brief
+suggestions, in case this appeal should be favorably received.
+
+Probably few men of my time of life have studied the character and
+condition of the African race more attentively than I have, with what
+success I cannot presume to say, but the opinion of any one devoting
+so much of his time to the subject ought to be of _some_ value.
+
+My opinion of their capacity has been much raised during my attempts
+at instructing them, but at the same time, I am convinced that they
+require a _totally different mode of training from whites_, and that
+any attempt to educate the two races together must prove a failure.
+I now close these desultory remarks with the hope that some one more
+competent than myself will take up the cause and urge it until some
+definite plan is formed.--_African Repository_, vol. xxx., pp. 194,
+195, 196.
+
+
+FROM A MEMORIAL TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NORTH CAROLINA, CIRCULATED AMONG
+THE CITIZENS OF THAT STATE IN 1855, TO SECURE THE MODIFICATION OF
+CERTAIN LAWS REGULATING SLAVES AND FREE PERSONS OF COLOR.
+
+ELEVATION OF THE COLORED RACE
+
+The Memorial is thus introduced:
+
+"Your memorialists are well aware of the delicate nature of the
+subject to which the attention of the Legislature is called, and
+of the necessity of proceeding with deliberation and caution. They
+propose some radical changes in the law of slavery, demanded by our
+common christianity, by public morality, and by the common weal of
+the whole South. At the same time they have no wish or purpose
+inconsistent with the best interests of the slaveholder, and suggest
+no reform which may impair the efficiency of slave labor. On the
+contrary, they believe that the much desired modifications of our
+slave code will redound to the welfare of all classes, and to the
+honor and character of the State throughout the civilized world."
+
+The attention of the Legislature was then asked to the following
+propositions: "1. That it behooves us as christian people to establish
+the institution of matrimony among our slaves, with all its legal
+obligations and guarantees as to its duration between the parties. 2.
+That under no circumstances should masters be permitted to disregard
+these natural and sacred ties of relationship among their slaves, or
+between slaves belonging to different masters. 3. That the parental
+relation to be acknowledged by law; and that the separation of parents
+from their young children, say of twelve years and under, be strictly
+forbidden, under heavy pains and penalties. 4. That the laws which
+prohibit the instruction of slaves and free colored persons,
+by teaching them to read the Bible and other good books, be
+repealed."--_African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117, 118.
+
+
+A LAWYER FOR LIBERIA
+
+On the sailing of almost every expedition we have had occasion to
+chronicle the departure of missionaries, teachers, or a physician, but
+not until the present time, that of a lawyer. The souls and bodies of
+the emigrants have been well cared for; now, it is no doubt supposed,
+they require assistance in guarding their money, civil rights, etc.
+Most professional emissaries have been educated at public expense,
+either by Missionary or the Colonization Societies, but the first
+lawyer goes out independent of any associated aid. Mr. Garrison
+Draper, a colored man of high respectability, and long a resident of
+Old Town, early determined on educating his only son for Africa. He
+kept him at some good public school in Pennsylvania till fitted for
+college, then sent him to Dartmouth where he remained four years and
+graduated, maintaining always a very respectable standing, socially,
+and in his class. After much consultation with friends, he determined
+upon the study of law. Mr. Charles Gilman, a retired member of the
+Baltimore Bar, very kindly consented to give young Draper professional
+instruction, and for two years he remained under his tuition. Not
+having any opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the routine of
+professional practice, the rules, habits, and courtesy of the Bar,
+in Baltimore, Mr. Draper spent some few months in the office of a
+distinguished lawyer in Boston. On returning to the city to embark
+for Liberia, he underwent an examination by Judge Lee of the Superior
+Court, and obtained from him a certificate of his fitness to practice
+the profession of law, a copy of which we append hereto.
+
+We consider the settlement of Mr. Draper in the Republic as an event
+of no little importance. It seemed necessary that there should be one
+regularly educated lawyer in a community of several thousand people,
+in a Republic of freemen. True, there are many very intelligent, well
+informed men now in the practice of law in Liberia, but they have not
+been educated to the profession, and we believe, no one makes that his
+exclusive business. We doubt not that they will welcome Mr. Draper as
+one of their fraternity. To our Liberia friends we commend him as a
+well-educated, intelligent man, of good habits and principles; one in
+whom they may place the fullest confidence, and we bespeak for him, at
+their hands, kind considerations and patronage.
+
+
+STATE OF MARYLAND,
+
+CITY OF BALTIMORE,
+
+October 29, 1857.
+
+Upon the application of Charles Gilman, Esq., of the Baltimore Bar,
+I have examined Edward G. Draper, a young man of color, who has been
+reading law under the direction of Mr. Gilman, with the view of
+pursuing its practice in Liberia, Africa. And I have found him
+most intelligent and well informed in his answers to the questions
+propounded by me, and qualified in all respects to be admitted to the
+Bar in Maryland, if he was a free white citizen of this State. Mr.
+Gilman, in whom I have the highest confidence, has also testified to
+his good moral character.
+
+This certificate is therefore furnished to him by me, with a view to
+promote his establishment and success in Liberia at the Bar there.
+
+Z. COLLINS LEE,
+
+Judge of Superior Court, Balt., Md.
+
+_African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+There is no helpful bibliography on the early education of the
+American Negro. A few books treating the recent problems of education
+in this country give facts about the enlightenment of the colored
+people before their general emancipation, but the investigator has to
+depend on promiscuous sources for adequate information of this kind.
+With the exception of a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored
+Population in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different
+States_, published in the Report of the United States Commissioner of
+Education in 1871, there has been no attempt at a general treatment
+of this phase of our history. This treatise, however, is too brief to
+inculcate an appreciation of the extensive efforts to enlighten the
+ante-bellum Negro.
+
+Considered as a local problem this question has received more
+attention. A few writers have undertaken to sketch the movement to
+educate the colored people of certain communities before the Civil
+War. Their objective point, however, has been rather to treat of later
+periods. The books mentioned below give some information with respect
+to the period treated in this monograph.
+
+
+BOOKS ON EDUCATION
+
+Andrews, C.C. _The history of the New York African Free Schools from
+their Establishment in 1787 to the Present Time_. (New York, 1830.)
+Embraces a period of more than forty years, also a brief account of
+the successful labors of the New York Manumission Society, with an
+appendix containing specimens of original composition, both in
+prose and verse, by several of the pupils; pieces spoken at public
+examinations; an interesting dialogue between Doctor Samuel L.
+Mitchell, of New York, and a little boy of ten years old, and lines
+illustrative of the Lancastrian system of instruction. Andrews was
+a white man who was for a long time the head of this colored school
+system.
+
+Boese, Thomas. _Public Education in the City of New York, Its History,
+Condition, and Statistics, an Official Report of the Board of
+Education_. (New York, 1869.) While serving as clerk of the Board of
+Education Boese had an opportunity to learn much about the New York
+African Free Schools.
+
+Boone, R.G. _A History of Education in Indiana._ (New York, 1892.)
+Contains a brief account of the work of the Abolitionists in behalf of
+the education of the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+BUTLER, N.M. _Education in the United States_. A series of monographs.
+(New York, 1910.)
+
+FOOTE, J.P. _The Schools of Cincinnati and Its Vicinity_. (Cincinnati,
+1855.) A few pages of this book are devoted to the establishment and
+the development of colored schools in that city.
+
+GOODWIN, M.B. "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Published in the Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education in 1871.) This is the most thorough research
+hitherto made in this field. The same system has been briefly treated
+by W.S. Montgomery in his _Historical Sketch of Education for the
+Colored Race in the District of Columbia_, 1807-1907. (Washington,
+D.C., 1907.) A less detailed account of the same is found in James
+Storum's "_The Colored Public Schools of Washington,--Their Origin,
+Growth, and Present Condition." (A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. v., p.
+279.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _The Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United
+States_. (Savannah, 1842.) In trying to depict the spiritual condition
+of the colored people the writer tells also what he thought about
+their intellectual status.
+
+MERIWETHER, C. _History of Higher Education in South Carolina, with
+a Sketch of the Free School System_. (Washington, 1889.) The author
+accounts for the early education of the colored people in that
+commonwealth but gives no details.
+
+MILLER, KELLY. "_The Education of the Negro_." Constitutes Chapter
+XVI. of the Report of the United States Commissioner of Education for
+the year 1901. Contains a brief sketch of the early education of the
+Negro race in this country.
+
+ORR, GUSTAVUS. _The Need of Education in the South_. (Atlanta, 1880.)
+An address delivered before the Department of Superintendence of the
+National Educational Association in 1879. Mr. Orr referred to the
+first efforts to educate the Negroes of the South.
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_.
+Reference is made here to the early work of the Moravians among the
+colored people.
+
+RANDALL, SAMUEL SIDWELL. _The Common School System of the State of New
+York_. (New York, 1851.) Comprises the several laws relating to common
+schools, together with full expositions, instructions, and forms, to
+which is prefixed an historical sketch of the system. Prepared in
+pursuance of an act of the legislature, under the direction of the
+Honorable Christopher Morgan, Superintendent of Common Schools.
+
+STOCKWELL, THOMAS B. _A History of Public Education in Rhode Island
+from 1636 to 1876_. (Providence, 1876.) Compiled by authority of the
+Board of Education of Providence. Takes into account the various
+measures enacted to educate the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+WICKERSHAM, J.P. _A History of Education in Pennsylvania, Private and
+Public, Elementary and Higher, from the Time the Swedes Settled on the
+Delaware to the Present Day_. (Lancaster, Pa., 1886.) Considerable
+space is given to the education of the Negroes.
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., SR. _A Brief Historical Sketch of Negro Education in
+Georgia_. (Savannah, 1894.) The movement during the early period in
+that State is here disposed of in a few pages.
+
+_A Brief Sketch of the Schools for the Black People and their
+Descendants, Established by the Society of Friends_, etc.
+(Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY FOREIGNERS
+
+ABDY, E.S. _Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States from
+April, 1833, to October, 1834_. Three volumes. (London, 1835.) Abdy
+was a fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge.
+
+ALLIOT, PAUL. _Réflexions historiques et politigues sur la Louisiane_.
+(Cleveland, 1911.) Good for economic conditions. Valuable for
+information concerning New Orleans about the beginning of the
+nineteenth century.
+
+ARFWEDSON, C.D. _The United States and Canada in 1833 and 1834_. Two
+volumes. (London, 1834.) Somewhat helpful.
+
+BREMER, FREDERIKA. _The Homes of the New World; Impressions of
+America_. Translated by M. Howitt. Two volumes. (London, 1853.) The
+teaching of Negroes in the South is mentioned in several places.
+
+BRISSOT DE WARVILLE, J.P. _New Travels in the United States of
+America: including the Commerce of America with Europe, particularly
+with Great Britain and France_. Two volumes. (London, 1794.) Gives
+general impressions, few details.
+
+BUCKINGHAM, J.S. _America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive_.
+Two volumes. (New York, 1841.)
+
+---- _Eastern and Western States of America_. Three volumes. (London
+and Paris, 1842.) Contains useful information.
+
+BULLOCK, W. _Sketch of a Journey through the Western States of North
+America from New Orleans by the Mississippi, Ohio, City of Cincinnati,
+and Falls of Niagara to New York_. (London, 1827.) The author makes
+mention of the condition of the Negroes.
+
+COKE, THOMAS. _Extracts from the Journals of the Rev. Dr. Coke's Three
+Visits to America_. (London, 1790.) Contains general information.
+
+---- _A Journal of the Reverend Doctor Coke's Fourth Tour on the
+Continent of America_. (London, 1792.) Brings out the interest of this
+churchman in the elevation of the Negroes.
+
+CUMING, F. _Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country through the
+States of Kentucky and Ohio; a Voyage down the Ohio and Mississippi
+Rivers and a Trip through the Mississippi Territory and Part of West
+Florida, Commenced at Philadelphia in the Winter of 1807 and Concluded
+in 1809_. (Pittsburg, 1810.) Gives a few facts.
+
+FAUX, W. _Venerable Days in America_. (London, 1823.) A "journal of
+a tour in the United States principally undertaken to ascertain by
+positive evidence, the condition and probable prospects of British
+emigrants, including accounts of Mr. Kirkbeck's settlement in Illinois
+and intended to show men and things as they are in America." The
+Negroes are casually mentioned.
+
+HUMBOLDT, FRIEDRICH HEINRICH ALEXANDER, FREIHERR VON. _The Travels and
+Researches of Friedrich Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt._ (London,
+1833.) The author gives a "condensed narrative of his journeys in
+the equinoctial regions in America and in Asiatic Russia." The work
+contains also analyses of his important investigations. He throws
+a little light on the condition of the mixed breeds of the Western
+Hemisphere.
+
+KEMBLE, FRANCES ANNE. _Journal of a Residence on a Plantation in
+1838-1839._ (New York, 1863.) This diary is quoted extensively as one
+of the best sources for Southern conditions before the Civil War.
+
+LAMBERT, JOHN. _Travels through Canada and the United States, in the
+Years 1806, 1807, and 1808._ Two volumes. (London, 1813.) To this
+journal are added notices and anecdotes of some of the leading
+characters in the United States. This traveler saw the Negroes.
+
+PONS, FRANÇOIS RAYMOND DE. _Travels in Parts of South America, during
+the Years 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804._ (London, 1806.) Contains a
+description of Caracas; an account of the laws, commerce, and natural
+productions of that country; and a view of the customs and manners of
+the Spaniards and native Indians. Negroes are mentioned.
+
+PRIEST, WILLIAM. _Travels in the United States Commencing in the Year
+1793 and ending in the Year 1797._ (London, 1802.) Priest made two
+voyages across the Atlantic to appear at the theaters of Baltimore,
+Boston, and Philadelphia. He had something to say about the condition
+of the Negroes.
+
+ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT, DUC DE. _Travels through the United States of
+America, the Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada in the Years
+1795, 1796, and 1797._ (London, 1799.) The author discusses the
+attitude of the people toward the uplift of the Negroes.
+
+SCHOEPF, JOHANN DAVID. _Reise durch der Mittlern und Sudlichen
+Vereinigten Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und den Bahama
+Inseln unternommen in den Jahren 1783 und 1784._ (Cincinnati, 1812.)
+A translation of this work was published by Alfred J. Morrison at
+Philadelphia in 1911. Gives general impressions.
+
+SMYTH, J.F.D. _A Tour in the United States_. (London, 1848.) This
+writer incidentally mentions the people of color.
+
+SUTCLIFF, ROBERT. _Travels in Some Parts of North America in the Years
+1804, 1805, and 1806_. (Philadelphia, 1812.) While traveling in slave
+territory Sutcliff studied the mental condition of the colored people.
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY AMERICANS
+
+BROWN, DAVID. _The Planter, or Thirteen Years in the South_.
+(Philadelphia, 1853.) Here we get a Northern white man's view of the
+heathenism of the Negroes.
+
+BURKE, EMILY. _Reminiscences of Georgia_. (Oberlin, Ohio, 1850.)
+Presents the views of a woman who was interested in the uplift of the
+Negro race.
+
+EVANS, ESTWICK. _A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles through the
+Western States and Territories during the Winter and Spring of 1818_.
+(Concord, N.H., 1819.) Among the many topics treated is the
+author's contention that the Negro is capable of the highest mental
+development.
+
+OLMSTED, FREDERICK LAW. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, with
+Remarks on their Economy_. (New York, 1859.)
+
+---- _A Journey in the Back Country_. (London, i860.)
+
+---- _Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom_. (London,
+1861.) Olmsted was a New York farmer. He recorded a few important
+facts about the education of the Negroes immediately before the Civil
+War.
+
+PARSONS, E.G. _Inside View of Slavery, or a Tour among the Planters_.
+(Boston, 1855.) The introduction was written by Harriet Beecher Stowe.
+It was published to aid the antislavery cause, but in describing the
+condition of Negroes the author gave some educational statistics.
+
+REDPATH, JAMES. _The Roving Editor, or Talks with Slaves in Southern
+States_. (New York 1859.) The slaves are here said to be telling their
+own story.
+
+SMEDES, MRS. SUSAN (DABNEY). _Memorials of a Southern Planter_.
+(Baltimore, 1887.) The benevolence of those masters who had their
+slaves taught in spite of public opinion and the law, is well brought
+out in this volume.
+
+TOWER, REVEREND PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked_. (Rochester, 1856.) Valuable
+chiefly for the author's arraignment of the so-called religious
+instruction of the Negroes after the reactionary period.
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _Journal of John Woolman, with an Introduction by John
+G. Whittier_. (Boston, 1873.) Woolman traveled so extensively in the
+colonies that he probably knew more about the mental state of the
+Negroes than any other Quaker of his time.
+
+
+LETTERS
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. Letters of Thomas Jefferson to Abbé Grégoire,
+M.A. Julien, and Benjamin Banneker. In _Jefferson's Works_, Memorial
+Edition, xii. and xv. He comments on Negroes' talents.
+
+MADISON, JAMES. Letter to Prances Wright. _In Madison's Works_, vol.
+iii., p. 396. The training of Negroes is discussed.
+
+MAY, SAMUEL JOSEPH. _The Right of the Colored People to Education_.
+(Brooklyn, 1883.) A collection of public letters addressed to Andrew
+T. Judson, remonstrating on the unjust procedure relative to Miss
+Prudence Crandall.
+
+MCDONOGH, JOHN. "A Letter of John McDonogh on African Colonization
+addressed to the Editor of _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_,"
+McDonogh was interested in the betterment of the colored people and
+did much to promote their mental development.
+
+SHARPE, H. ED. _The Abolition of Negro Apprenticeship_. A letter to
+Lord Brougham. (London, 1838.)
+
+_A Southern Spy, or Curiosities of Negro Slavery in the South. Letters
+from a Southern to a Northern Gentleman_. The comment of a passer-by.
+
+_A Letter to an American Planter from his Friend in London in 1781_.
+The writer discussed the instruction of Negroes.
+
+
+BIOGRAPHIES
+
+BIRNEY, CATHERINE H. _The Grimké Sisters; Sara and Angelina Grimké,
+the First American Women Advocates of Abolition and Woman's Rights_.
+(Boston, 1885.) Mentions the part these workers played in the secret
+education of Negroes in the South.
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and His Times_. (New York, 1890.) A
+sketch of an advocate of Negro education.
+
+BOWEN, CLARENCE W. _Arthur and Lewis Tappan_. A paper read at the
+fiftieth anniversary of the New York Anti-Slavery Society, at the
+Broadway Tabernacle, New York City, October 2, 1883. An honorable
+mention of two promoters of the colored manual labor schools.
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _Isaac T. Hopper: A True Life_. (Boston and
+Cleveland, 1853.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Astronomer_.
+(London, 1864.)
+
+(COOPER, JAMES F.) _Notions of the Americans Picked up by a Traveling
+Bachelor_. (Philadelphia, 1828.) General.
+
+DREW, BENJAMIN. _A North-side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the
+Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada_. Related by themselves, with
+an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of
+Upper Canada. (New York and Boston, 1856.)
+
+GARRISON, FRANCIS AND WENDELL P. _William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879.
+The Story of his Life told by his Children_. Four volumes. (Boston
+and New York, 1894.) Includes a brief account of what he did for the
+education of the colored people.
+
+HALLOWELL, A.D. _James and Lucretia Mott; Life and Letters_. (Boston,
+1884.) These were ardent abolitionists who advocated the education of
+the colored people.
+
+JOHNSON, OLIVER. _William Lloyd Garrison and his Times_. (Boston,
+1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.)
+
+LOSSING, BENSON J. _Life of George Washington, a Biography, Military
+and Political_. Three volumes. (New York, 1860.) Gives the will of
+George Washington, who provided that at the stipulated time his slaves
+should be freed and that their children should be taught to read.
+
+MATHER, COTTON. _The Life and Death of the Reverend John Elliot who
+was the First Preacher of the Gospel to the Indians in America_. The
+third edition carefully corrected. (London, 1694.) Sets forth the
+attitude of John Elliot toward the teaching of slaves.
+
+MOTT, A. _Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons
+of Color; with a Selection of Pieces of Poetry_. (New York, 1826.)
+Some of these sketches show how ambitious Negroes learned to read and
+write in spite of opposition.
+
+SIMMONS, W.J. _Men of Mark: Eminent, Progressive, and Rising, with
+an Introductory Sketch of the Author by Reverend Henry M. Turner_.
+(Cleveland, Ohio, 1891.) Accounts for the adverse circumstances under
+which many ante-bellum Negroes acquired knowledge.
+
+SNOWDEN, T.B. _The Autobiography of John B. Snowden_. (Huntington, W.
+Va., 1900.)
+
+WIGHTMAN, WILLIAM MAY. _Life of William Capers, one of the Bishops of
+the Methodist Episcopal Church South; including an Autobiography_.
+(Nashville, Tenn., 1858.) Shows what Capers did for the religious
+instruction of the colored people.
+
+
+AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
+
+ASBURY, BISHOP FRANCIS. _The Journal of the Reverend Francis Asbury,
+Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1781, to
+December 7, 1815_. Three volumes. (New York, 1821.)
+
+COFFIN, LEVI. _Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the
+Under Ground Railroad_. (Second edition, Cincinnati, 1880.) Mentions
+the teaching of slaves.
+
+DOUGLASS, FREDERICK. _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as
+an American Slave_. Written by himself. (Boston, 1845.) Gives several
+cases of secret Negro schools.
+
+---- _The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass from 1817 to 1882_.
+Written by himself. Illustrated. With an Introduction by the Right
+Honorable John Bright, M.P. Edited by John Loeb, F.R.G.S., of the
+_Christian Age_, Editor of _Uncle Tom's Story of his Life_. (London,
+1882.) Contains Douglass's appeal in behalf of vocational training.
+
+FLINT, TIMOTHY. _Recollections of the last Ten Years_. A series of
+letters to the Reverend James Flint of Salem, Massachusetts, by T.
+Flint, Principal of the Seminary of Rapide, Louisiana. (Boston, 1826.)
+Mentions the teaching of Negroes.
+
+
+GENERAL HISTORIES
+
+BANCROFT, GEORGE. _History of the United States_. Ten volumes.
+(Boston, 1857-1864.)
+
+HART, A.B., Editor. _American History told by Contemporaries_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1898.)
+
+---- _The American Nation; A history, etc_. Twenty-seven volumes. (New
+York, 1904-1908.) The volumes which have a bearing on the subject
+treated in this monograph are Bourne's _Spain in America_, Edward
+Channing's _Jeffersonian System_, F.J. Turner's _Rise of the New
+West_, and Hart's _Slavery and Abolition_.
+
+HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE. _Historia General de los hechos de
+los Castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano. Escrito
+por Antonio herrera coronista mayor de Sr. M. de las Indias y si
+coronista de Castilla. En Quatro decadas desde el año de 1492 hasta el
+de 1554. Decada primera del rey Nuro Señor_. (En Madrid en la Imprenta
+real de Nicolas Rodriguez Franco, año 1726-1727.)
+
+MCMASTER, JOHN B. _History of the United States_. Six volumes. (New
+York, 1900.)
+
+RHODES, J.F. _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850
+to the Final Restoration of Home Rule in the South_. (New York and
+London, Macmillan & Company, 1892-1906.)
+
+
+VON HOLST, HERMAN. _The Constitutional and Political History of the
+United States of America_. (Seven volumes. Chicago, 1877.)
+
+
+STATE HISTORIES
+
+ASHE, S.A. _History of North Carolina_. (Greensboro, 1908.)
+
+BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE. _History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888_.
+(San Francisco, 1890.)
+
+BEARSE, AUSTIN. _Reminiscences of Fugitive Slave Days in Boston_.
+(Boston, 1880.)
+
+BETTLE, EDWARD. "Notices of Negro Slavery as Connected with
+Pennsylvania." Read before the Historical Society of
+
+Pennsylvania, 8th Mo., 7th, 1826. _Memoirs of Historical Society of
+Pennsylvania_.
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFREY R. _The Negro in Maryland_. Johns Hopkins University
+Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.)
+
+COLLINS, LEWIS. _Historical Sketches of Kentucky_. (Maysville, Ky.,
+and Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847.)
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK, JR. _History of Georgia_. (Boston, 1883.)
+
+MCCRADY, EDWARD. _The History of South Carolina under the Royal
+Government, 1719-1776_, by Edward McCrady, a Member of the Bar of
+South Carolina and President of the Historical Society of South
+Carolina, Author of _A History of South Carolina under the Proprietary
+Government_. (New York and London, 1899.)
+
+STEINER, B.C. _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, 1893.)
+
+STUVÉ, BERNARD, and Alexander Davidson. _A Complete History of
+Illinois from 1673 to 1783_. (Springfield, 1874.)
+
+TREMAIN, MARY M.A. _Slavery in the District of Columbia_. (University
+of Nebraska Seminary Papers, April, 1892.)
+
+_History of Brown County, Ohio_. (Chicago, 1883.)
+
+"_Slavery in Illinois, 1818-1824." (Massachusetts Historical Society
+Collections_, volume x.)
+
+
+CHURCH HISTORIES
+
+BANGS, NATHAN. _A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1845.)
+
+BENEDICT, DAVID. _A General History of the Baptist Denomination in
+America and in Other Parts of the World_. (Boston, 1813.)
+
+---- _Fifty Years among the Baptists_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+DALCHO, FREDERICK. _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina, from the First Settlement of the Province to
+the War of the Revolution_; with notices of the present State of the
+Church in each Parish: and some Accounts of the early Civil History of
+Carolina never before published. To which are added: the Laws relating
+to Religious Worship, the Journal and Rules of the Convention of South
+Carolina; the Constitution and Canons of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church and the Course of Ecclesiastical Studies. (Charleston, 1820.)
+
+DAVIDSON, REV. ROBERT. _History of the Presbyterian Church in the
+State of Kentucky; with a Preliminary Sketch of the Churches in the
+Valley of Virginia._ (New York, Pittsburgh, and Lexington, Kentucky,
+1847.)
+
+HAMILTON, JOHN T. _A History of the Church Known as the Moravian
+Church, or the Unitas Fratrum, or the Unity of Brethren during the
+Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries._ (Bethlehem, Pa., 1900.)
+
+HAWKS, FRANCIS L. _Ecclesiastical History of the United States._ (New
+York, 1836.)
+
+JAMES, CHARLES P. _Documentary History of the Struggle for Religious
+Liberty in Virginia._ (Lynchburg, Va., 1900.)
+
+MATLACK, LUCIUS. _The History of American Slavery and Methodism from
+1780 to 1849: and History of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of
+America. In Two Parts with an Appendix._ (New York, 1849.)
+
+MCTYEIRE, HOLLAND N. _A History of Methodism; comprising a View of the
+Rise of the Revival of Spiritual Religion in the First Half of the
+Eighteenth Century, and the Principal Agents by whom it was promoted
+in Europe and America, with some Account of the Doctrine and Polity of
+Episcopal Methodism in the United States and the Means and Manner of
+its Extension down to 1884._ (Nashville, Tenn., 1884.) McTyeire was
+one of the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church South.
+
+REICHEL, L.T. _The Early History of the Church of the United Brethren
+(Unitas Fratrum) commonly Called Moravians in North America, from 1734
+to 1748._ (Nazareth, Pa., 1888.)
+
+RUSH, CHRISTOPHER. _A Short Account of the African Methodist Episcopal
+Church in America._ Written by the aid of George Collins. Also a view
+of the Church Order or Government from Scripture and from some of the
+best Authors relative to Episcopacy. (New York, 1843.)
+
+SEMPLE, R.B. _History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in
+Virginia._ (Richmond, 1810.)
+
+
+SERMONS, ORATIONS, ADDRESSES
+
+BACON, THOMAS. _Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants._ Published
+in 1743. Republished with other tracts by Rev. William Meade.
+(Winchester, Va., 1805.)
+
+BOUCHER, JONATHAN. "American Education." This address is found in the
+author's volume entitled _A View of the Causes and Consequences of
+the American Revolution_; in thirteen discourses, preached in North
+America between the years 1763 and 1775: with an historical preface.
+(London, 1797.)
+
+BUCHANAN, GEORGE. _An Oration upon the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_. Delivered at a Public Meeting of the Maryland Society for
+Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and Relief of Free Negroes
+and others unlawfully held in Bondage. Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+(Baltimore, 1793.)
+
+CATTO, WILLIAM T. _A Semicentenary Discourse Delivered in the First
+African Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, on the 4th Sabbath of May,
+1857_: with a History of the Church from its first organization;
+including a brief Notice of Reverend John Gloucester, its First
+Pastor. Also an appendix containing sketches of all the Colored
+Churches in Philadelphia. (Philadelphia, 1857.) The author was then
+pastor of this church.
+
+DANA, JAMES. _The African Slave Trade_. A Discourse delivered in the
+City of New Haven, September 9, 1790, before the Connecticut Society
+for the Promotion of Freedom. (New Haven, 1790.) Dr. Dana was at that
+time the pastor of the First Congregational Church of New Haven.
+
+FAWCETT, BENJAMIN. _A Compassionate Address to the Christian Negroes
+in Virginia, and other British Colonies in North America_. With
+an appendix containing some account of the rise and progress of
+Christianity among that poor people. (The second edition, Salop,
+printed by F. Edwards and F. Cotton.)
+
+GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD. _An Address Delivered before the Free People
+of Color in Philadelphia, New York, and other Cities during the Month
+of June, 1831_. (Boston, 1831.)
+
+GRIFFIN, EDWARD DORR. _A Plea for Africa_. A Sermon preached October
+26, 1817, in the First Presbyterian Church in the City of New York
+before the Synod of New York and New Jersey at the Request of the
+Board of Directors of the African School established by the Synod.
+(New York, 1817.) The aim was to arouse interest in this school.
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK. _The Religious Instruction of Negroes_. A
+Sermon delivered before the Association of the Planters in Liberty and
+McIntosh Counties, Georgia. (Princeton, N.J., 1832.) Jones was then
+engaged in the work which he was discussing.
+
+MAYO, A.D. "Address on Negro Education." (_Springfield Republican_,
+July 9, 1897; and the _New England Magazine_, October, 1898.)
+
+RUSH, BENJAMIN. _An Address to the Inhabitants of the British
+Settlements in America upon Slave Keeping_. The second edition with
+observations on a pamphlet entitled _Slavery not Forbidden by
+the Scripture or a Defense of the West Indian Planters by a
+Pennsylvanian_. (Philadelphia, 1773.) The Negroes' need of education
+is pointed out.
+
+SECKER, THOMAS, Archbishop of Canterbury. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20, 1741. (London 1741.) In this
+discourse Secker set forth his plan of teaching the Negroes to elevate
+themselves.
+
+SIDNEY, JOSEPH. _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States Delivered before the Wilberforce
+Philanthropic Association in the City of New York on January 2, 1809_.
+(New York, 1809.) The speaker did not forget the duty of all men to
+uplift those unfortunates who had already been degraded.
+
+SMITH, THOMAS P. _An Address before the Colored Citizens of Boston in
+Opposition to the Abolition of Colored Schools, 1849_. (Boston, 1850.)
+
+WARBURTON, WILLIAM, Bishop of Gloucester. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow on Friday, February 21, 1766. (London, 1766.) The speaker
+urged his hearers to enlighten the Indians and Negroes.
+
+
+REPORTS ON THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE
+
+_Report of the Proceedings at the Formation of the African Education
+Society_; instituted at Washington, December 28, 1829. With an Address
+to the Public by the Board of Managers. (Washington, 1830.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee of the Primary School Board
+on the Caste Schools of the City of Boston._ With some remarks on the
+City Solicitor's Opinion, by Wendell Phillips. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of a Special Committee of the Grammar School Board of Boston,
+Massachusetts._ Abolition of the Smith Colored School. (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Report of the Primary School Committee, Boston, Massachusetts._
+Abolition of the Colored Schools. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee upon the Petition of J.T.
+Hilton and other Colored Citizens of Boston, Praying for the Abolition
+of the Smith Colored School._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Opinion of Honorable Richard Fletcher as to whether Colored Children
+can be Lawfully Excluded from Free Public Schools._ (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Improvement
+of the Public Schools in the District of Columbia_, containing M.B.
+Goodwin's "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Washington, 1871.)
+
+_Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the New York Public School Society,
+1842._ (New York, 1842.)
+
+
+STATISTICS
+
+CLARKE, J.F. _Present Condition of the Free Colored People of the
+United States._ (New York and Boston, the American Antislavery
+Society, 1859.) Published also in the March number of the _Christian
+Examiner_.
+
+_Condition of the Free People of Color in Ohio._ With interesting
+anecdotes. (Boston, 1839.)
+
+_Institute for Colored Youth._ (Philadelphia, 1860-1865.) Contains a
+list of the officers and students.
+
+_Report of the Condition of the Colored People of Cincinnati, 1835._
+(Cincinnati, 1835.)
+
+_Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society of Abolition on
+Present Condition of the Colored People, etc._, 1838. (Philadelphia,
+1838.)
+
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the People of Color of the
+City and Districts of Philadelphia._ (Philadelphia, 1849.) _Statistics
+of the Colored People of Philadelphia in 1859_, compiled by Benj. C.
+Bacon. (Philadelphia, 1859.)
+
+_Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1898._ Prepared by the
+Bureau of Statistics. (Washington, D.C., 1899.)
+
+_Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A_,
+1790-1830. (Published by the Department of State in 1835.)
+
+_The Present State and Condition of the Free People of Color of the
+city of Philadelphia and adjoining districts as exhibited by the
+Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery._ Read First Month (January), 5th, 1838.
+(Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+_Trades of the Colored People._ (Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+United States Censuses of 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850,
+and 1860.
+
+VARLE, CHARLES. _A Complete View of Baltimore_; with a Statistical
+Sketch of all the Commercial, Mercantile, Manufacturing, Literary,
+Scientific Institutions and Establishments in the same Vicinity ...
+derived from personal Observation and Research. (Baltimore, 1833.)
+
+
+CHURCH REPORTS
+
+_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of
+Friends against Slavery and the Slave Trade._ Published by direction
+of the Yearly Meeting held in Philadelphia in the Fourth Month, 1843.
+Shows the action taken by various Friends to educate the Negroes.
+
+_A Collection of the Acts, Deliverances, and Testimonies of the
+Supreme Judicatory of the Presbyterian Church, from its Origin in
+America to the Present Time._ By Samuel J. Baird. (Philadelphia,
+1856.)
+
+_Acts and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
+Church in the United States of America in the Year 1800._
+(Philadelphia, 1800.) The question of instructing the Negroes came up
+in this meeting.
+
+PASCOE, C.F. _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1892, with much
+Supplementary Information._ (London, 1893.) A good source for the
+accounts of the efforts of this organization among Negroes.
+
+"Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1785." Found in Rev. Charles
+Elliott's _History of the Great Secession from the Methodist Episcopal
+Church_, etc. This conference discussed the education of the colored
+people.
+
+
+REPORTS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION, 1794-1831
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies
+established in different Parts of the United States, assembled at
+Philadelphia on the first Day of January, one thousand seven hundred
+and ninety-four, and continued by Adjournments, until the seventh Day
+of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1794.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the seventh Day of
+January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1795.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of January,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the seventh Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1796.)
+
+--_Address to Free Africans and other Free People of Colour in the
+United States._ (1796.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fourth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of May,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and continued by
+Adjournments, until the ninth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1797.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fifth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of June,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1798.)
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of the Sixth Convention of Delegates from the Abolition
+Societies established in different parts of the United States,
+assembled at Philadelphia, on the fourth Day of June, one thousand
+eight hundred, and continued by Adjournments, until the sixth Day of
+the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1800.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Seventh Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of June, one
+thousand eight hundred and one, and continued by Adjournments until
+the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1801.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eighth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia, on the tenth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and three, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1803.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Ninth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the ninth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and four, and continued by Adjournments
+until the thirteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1804.)
+
+--_Address of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of
+Slavery and improving the Condition of the African Race, assembled at
+Philadelphia, in January, 1804, to the People of the United States._
+(Philadelphia, 1804.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Tenth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of
+the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the fourteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the seventeenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eleventh American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia, on the thirteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and six, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1806.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of a Special Meeting of the Fifteenth
+American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and
+improving the Condition of the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia
+on the tenth Day of December, 1818, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1818.)
+
+--_Constitution of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition
+of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the African Race. Adopted
+on the eleventh Day of December, 1818, to take effect on the fifth Day
+of October, 1819._ (Philadelphia, 1819.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Eighteenth Session of the American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the
+African Race. Convened at Philadelphia, on the seventh Day of October,
+1823._ (Philadelphia, 1823.)
+
+--_To the Clergy and Pastors throughout the United States._ (Dated
+Philadelphia, September 18, 1826.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Adjourned Session of the Twentieth Biennial American
+Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Held at Baltimore,
+November 28._ (Philadelphia, 1828.)
+
+
+REPORTS OF ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Societies, presented at New York, May 6, 1847, with the Addresses and
+Resolutions._ (New York, 1847.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societies,
+with the Addresses and Resolutions._ (New York, 1851.)
+
+_The First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in Chatham
+Street Chapel in the City of New York, on the sixth Day of May by
+Adjournment on the eighth, in the Rev. Dr. Lansing's Church, and the
+Minutes of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_The Second Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held
+in the City of New York, on the twelfth of May, 1835, and the Minutes
+and Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1835.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on May the tenth, 1836, and Minutes of the Meetings of the
+Society for Business._ (New York, 1836.)
+
+_The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on the ninth of May, 1837._ (New York, 1837.)
+
+_The Fifth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting and the Minutes and
+Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1838.)
+
+_The Sixth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City
+of New York, on the seventh Day of May, 1839, and the Minutes of the
+Meetings of the Society for Business, held on the evenings of the
+three following days._ (New York, 1839.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society by the
+Executive Committee for the year ending May 1, 1859._ (New York,
+1860.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the Managers of the New England
+Anti-Slavery Society presented June 2, 1835_. (Boston, 1835.)
+
+_Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery
+Society, 1831-end_.
+
+_Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Convention, 1833-end_.
+
+
+REPORTS OF COLONIZATION SOCIETIES
+
+_Reports of the American Colonization Society, 1818-1832_.
+
+_Report of the New York Colonization Society, October 1, 1823_. (New
+York, 1823.)
+
+_The Seventh Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the City of
+New York_. (New York, 1839.)
+
+_Proceedings of the New York State Colonization Society, 1831_.
+(Albany, 1831.)
+
+_The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the State
+of New York_. (New York, 1850.)
+
+REPORTS OF CONVENTIONS OF FREE NEGROES
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People
+of Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the
+sixth to the eleventh of June, inclusive_, 1831.
+
+(Philadelphia, 1831.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th
+of June, inclusive, 1832_,(Philadelphia, 1832.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the city of Philadelphia, in 1833. (New York,
+1833.)_ These proceedings were published also in the New York
+Commercial Advertiser, April 27, 1833.
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in the United States. held by
+Adjournments in the Asbury Church, New York, from the 2d to the 12th
+of June, 1834._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_Proceedings of the Convention of the Colored Freedmen of Ohio at
+Cincinnati, January 14, 1852._ (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1852.)
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS
+
+ADAMS, ALICE DANA. _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America._
+Radcliffe College Monographs No. 14. (Boston and London, 1908.)
+Contains some valuable facts about the education of the Negroes during
+the first three decades of the nineteenth century.
+
+ADAMS, JOHN. _The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United
+States_; with a Life of the Author, Notes, and Illustrations by his
+Grandson, Charles Francis Adams. Ten volumes. Volume x., shows the
+attitude of James Otis toward the Negroes.
+
+ADAMS, NEHEMIAH. _A South-Side View of Slavery; or Three Months at
+the South in 1854._ (Boston, 1854.) The position of the South on the
+education of the colored people is well set forth.
+
+AGRICOLA (pseudonym). _An Impartial View of the Real State of the
+Black Population in the United States._ (Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+ALBERT, O.V. _The House of Bondage_; or Charlotte Brooks and other
+Slaves Original and Life-like as they appeared in their Plantation
+and City Slave Life; together with pen Pictures of the peculiar
+Institution, with Sights and Insights into their new Relations as
+Freedmen, Freemen, and Citizens, with an Introduction by Reverend
+Bishop Willard Mallalieu. (New York and Cincinnati, 1890.)
+
+ALEXANDER, A. _A History of Colonization on the Western Continent of
+Africa._ (Philadelphia, 1846.) Treats of education in "An Account of
+the Endeavors used by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
+Foreign Parts, to instruct Negroes in the City of New York, together
+with two of Bishop Gibson's Letters on that subject, being an Extract
+from Dr. Humphrey's Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts from its Foundation in
+the Year 1728." (London, 1730.)
+
+_An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery,
+by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, 1830._ (Greensborough, 1830.)
+
+_An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky proposing a Plan for the
+Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves by a Committee of the
+Synod of Kentucky._ (Newburyport, 1836.)
+
+ANDERSON, MATTHEW._Presbylerianism--Its Relation to the Negro._
+(Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+ANDREWS, E.E. _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade in the United
+States._ In a series of letters addressed to the Executive Committee
+of the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+Race. (Boston, 1836.)
+
+BALDWIN, EBENEZER. _Observations on the Physical and Moral Qualities
+of our Colored Population with Remarks on the Subject of Emancipation
+and Colonization._ (New Haven, 1834.)
+
+BASSETT, J.S. _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina._
+(Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+Fourteenth Series, iv.-v. Baltimore, 1896.)
+
+---- _Slavery in the State of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVII.,
+Nos. 7-8. Baltimore, 1899.)
+
+---- _Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVI.,
+No. 6. Baltimore, 1898.)
+
+BAXTER, RICHARD. _Practical Works._ Twenty-three volumes. (London,
+1830.)
+
+BENEZET, ANTHONY. _A Caution to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a
+Short Representation of the calamitous state of the enslaved Negro in
+the British Dominions._ (Philadelphia, 1784.)
+
+---- _The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed Africans,
+respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the
+Legislature of Great Britain, by the People called Quakers._ (London,
+1783.)
+
+---- _Observations on the enslaving, importing, and purchasing of
+Negroes; with some advice thereon, extracted from the Epistle of the
+Yearly-Meeting of the People called Quakers, held at London in the
+Year 1748._ (Germantown, 1760.)
+
+---- _The Potent Enemies of America laid open: being some Account of
+the baneful Effects attending the Use of distilled spirituous Liquors,
+and the Slavery of the Negroes._ (Philadelphia.)
+
+---- _A Short Account of that Part of Africa, inhabited by the
+Negroes. With respect to the Fertility of the Country; the good
+Disposition of many of the Natives, and the Manner by which the Slave
+Trade is carried on._ (Philadelphia, 1792.)
+
+---- _Short Observations on Slavery, Introductory to Some Extracts
+from the Writings of the Abbé Raynal, on the Important Subject._
+
+---- _Some Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation, Produce, and
+the General Disposition of its Inhabitants. With an Inquiry into
+the Rise and Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable
+Effects._ (London, 1788.)
+
+BIRNEY, JAMES G. _The American Churches, the Bulwarks of American
+Slavery, by an American._ (Newburyport, 1842.)
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and his Times. The Genesis of the
+Republican Party, with Some Account of the Abolition Movements in the
+South before 1828._ (New York, 1890.)
+
+BOURNE, WILLIAM O. _History of the Public School Society of the City
+of New York, with Portraits of the Presidents of the Society._ (New
+York, 1870.)
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFERY R._The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution
+of Slavery._ (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 1889).
+
+BRANAGAN, THOMAS. _A Preliminary Essay on the Oppression of the Exiled
+Sons of Africa, Consisting of Animadversions on the Impolicy and
+Barbarity of the Deleterious Commerce and Subsequent Slavery of the
+Human Species_. (Philadelphia: Printed for the Author by John W.
+Scott, 1804.)
+
+BRANAGAN, T. _Serious Remonstrances Addressed to the Citizens of the
+Northern States and their Representatives, being an Appeal to their
+Natural Feelings and Common Sense; Consisting of Speculations and
+Animadversions, on the Recent Revival of the Slave Trade in the
+American Republic_. (Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+BROWN, W.W. _My Southern Home_. (Boston, 1882.)
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans
+Called Africans_. (Boston: Allen & Ticknor, 1833, and New York: J.S.
+Taylor, 1836.)
+
+CHANNING, WILLIAM E. _Slavery_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co., 1835.)
+
+---- _Remarks on the Slavery Question_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co.,
+1839.)
+
+COBB, T.R.R. _An Historical Sketch of Slavery_. (Philadelphia: T. &
+J.W. Johnson, 1858.)
+
+---- _An Inquiry into the Law of Negro Slavery in the United States
+of America. To which is Prefixed an Historical Sketch of Slavery by
+Thomas R.R. Cobb of Georgia_. (Philadelphia and Savannah, 1858.)
+
+COFFIN, JOSHUA. _An Account of Some of the Principal Slave
+Insurrections and Others which have Occurred or been attempted in
+the United States and Elsewhere during the Last Two Centuries. With
+Various Remarks. Collected from Various Sources_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_. (London:
+Chapman & Hall, 1865.) The author was a native of Virginia.
+
+CULP, D.W. _Twentieth Century Negro Literature, or a Cyclopedia of
+Thought, Vital Topics Relating to the American Negro by One Hundred of
+America's Greatest Negroes_. (Toronto, Naperville, Ill., and Atlanta,
+Ga., 1902.)
+
+DE BOW, J.D.B. _Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western
+States_. (New Orleans, 1852-1853.)
+
+DELANY, M.R. _The Condition of the Colored People in United States_.
+(Boston, 1852.)
+
+DRESSER, AMOS. _The Narrative of Amos Dresser with Stone's Letters
+from Natchez--an Obituary Notice of the Writer and Two Letters from
+Tallahassee Relating to the Treatment of Slaves_. (New York, 1836.)
+
+DREWERY, WILLIAM SIDNEY. _Slave Insurrections in Virginia, 1830-1865._
+(Washington, 1900.)
+
+DUBOIS, W.E.B. _The Philadelphia Negro._ (Philadelphia, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States
+of America, 1638-1870._ Harvard Historical Studies, Vol. i. (New York,
+London, and Bombay, 1896.)
+
+---- Atlanta University Publications, _The Negro Common School._
+(Atlanta, 1901.)
+
+---- _The College-Bred Negro._ (Atlanta, 1900.)
+
+---- _The Negro Church._ (Atlanta, 1903.)
+
+---- and Dill, A.G. _The College-Bred Negro American._ (Atlanta,
+1910.)
+
+---- _The Common School and the Negro American._ (Atlanta, 1911.)
+
+---- _The Negro American Artisan._ (Atlanta, 1912.)
+
+ELLIOTT, REV. CHARLES. _History of the Great Secession from the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, etc._
+
+_Exposition of the Object and Plan of the American Union for the
+Relief and Improvement of the Colored Race._ (Boston, 1835.)
+
+FEE, JOHN G. _Anti-Slavery Manual._ (Maysville, 1848.)
+
+FISH, C.R. _Guide to the Materials for American History in Roman and
+Other Italian Archives._ (Washington, D.C., Carnegie Institution,
+1911.)
+
+FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN. _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin Collected and
+Edited with a Life and Introduction by Albert Henry Smyth._ (New York,
+1905-1907.)
+
+FROST, W.G. "Appalachian America." In vol. i. of _The Americana_ (New
+York, 1912.)
+
+GARNETT, H.H. _The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the
+Colored Race._ (Troy, 1848.)
+
+GOODLOE, D.R. _The Southern Platform._ (Boston, 1858.)
+
+GRÉGOIRE, BISHOP. _De la Littêrature des Nègres._ (Paris, 1808.)
+Translated and published by D.B. Warden at Brooklyn, in 1810.
+
+HARRISON, SAMUEL ALEXANDER. _Wenlock Christison, and the Early
+Friends in Talbot County, Maryland._ A Paper read before the Maryland
+Historical Society, March 9, 1874. (Baltimore, 1878.)
+
+HENSON, JOSIAH. _The Life of Josiah Henson._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+HICKOK, CHARLES THOMAS. _The Negro in Ohio_, 1802-1870. (Cleveland,
+1896.)
+
+HODGKIN, THOMAS A. _Inquiry into the Merits of the American
+Colonization Society and Reply to the Charges Brought against it, with
+an Account of the British African Colonization Society_. (London,
+1833.)
+
+HOLLAND, EDWIN C. _Refutation of Calumnies Circulated against the
+Southern and Western States_. (Charleston, 1822.)
+
+HOWE, SAMUEL G. _The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Report to
+the Freedmen's Inquiry Committee_. (Boston, 1864.)
+
+INGLE, EDWARD. _The Negro in the District of Columbia_. (Johns Hopkins
+Studies in Historical and Political Sciences, vol. xi., Baltimore,
+1893.)
+
+JAY, JOHN. _The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, First
+Chief Justice of the United States and President of the Continental
+Congress, Member of the Commission to Negotiate the Treaty of
+Independence, Envoy to Great Britain, Governor of New York, etc_.,
+1782-1793. (New York and London, 1891.) Edited by Henry P. Johnson,
+Professor of History in the College of the City of New York.
+
+JAY, WILLIAM. _An Inquiry into the Character and Tendencies of the
+American Colonization and American Anti-Slavery Societies_. Second
+edition. (New York, 1835.)
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Memorial Edition.
+Autobiography, Notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Manual, Official
+Papers, Messages and Addresses, and Other Writings Official and
+Private, etc. (Washington, 1903.)
+
+Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+H.B. Adams, Editor. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _A Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine, and Practice_.
+(Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+KIRK, EDWARD E. _Educated Labor, etc_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+LANGSTON, JOHN M. _From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capital; or, The First and Only Negro Representative in Congress from
+the Old Dominion_. (Hartford, 1894.)
+
+_L'Esclavage dans les États Confédérés par un missionaire_. Deuxième
+édition. (Paris, 1865.)
+
+LOCKE, M.S. _Anti-Slavery in America, from the Introduction of African
+Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave Trade_, 1619-1808. Radcliffe
+College Monographs, No. 11. (Boston, 1901.)
+
+LONG, J.D. _Pictures of Slavery in Church and State, Including
+Personal Reminiscences, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., with
+Appendix Containing the Views of John Wesley and Richard Watson on
+Slavery_. (Philadelphia, 1857.)
+
+LOWERY, WOODBURY. _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits
+of the United States. Florida_, 1562-1574. (New York and London,
+1905.)
+
+MADISON, JAMES. _Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Published
+by Order of Congress_. Four volumes. (Philadelphia, 1865.)
+
+MALLARY, R.O. _Maybank: Some Memoirs of a Southern Christian
+Household; Family Life of C.C. Jones_.
+
+MAY, S.J. _Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict_.
+
+MCLEOD, ALEXANDER. _Negro Slavery Unjustifiable. A Discourse by the
+Late Alexander McLeod, 1802, with an Appendix_. (New York, 1863.)
+
+MEADE, BISHOP WILLIAM. _Old Churches, Ministers, and Families, of
+Virginia_. (Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+MONROE, JAMES. _The Writings of James Monroe, Including a Collection
+of his Public and Private Papers and Correspondence now for the First
+Time Printed, Edited by S.M. Hamilton_. (Boston, 1900.)
+
+MOORE, GEORGE H. _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts
+by George H. Moore, Librarian of the New York Historical Society and
+Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society_. (New
+York, 1866.)
+
+MORGAN, THOMAS J. _The Negro in America_. (Philadelphia, 1898.)
+
+NEEDLES, EDWARD. _Ten Years' Progress, or a Comparison of the State
+and Condition of the Colored People in the City and County of
+Philadelphia from 1837 to 1847_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)
+
+OTHELLO (PSEUDONYM). "Essays on Negro Slavery." Published in _The
+American Museum_ in 1788. Othello was a free Negro.
+
+OVINGTON, M.W. _Half-a-Man_. (New York, 1911.) Treats of the Negro in
+the State of New York. A few pages are devoted to the education of the
+colored people.
+
+PARRISH, JOHN. _Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed
+to the Citizens of the United States, Particularly to those who are in
+Legislative or Executive Stations in the General or State Governments;
+and also to Such Individuals as Hold them in Bondage_. (Philadelphia,
+1806.)
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of the Negroes of
+this Country_. (Savannah, 1848.)
+
+Plymouth Colony, New. _Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New
+England_. Printed by Order of the Legislature of the Commonwealth
+of Massachusetts. Edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, Member of the
+Massachusetts Historical Society, and Fellow of the Antiquarians of
+London. (Boston, 1855.)
+
+PORTEUS, BISHOP BEILBY. _The Works of the Rev. Beilby Porteus, D.D.,
+Late Bishop of London, with his Life by the Rev. Robert Hodgson,
+A.M., F.R.S., Rector of St. George's, Hanover Square, and One of the
+Chaplains in ordinary to His Majesty_. A new edition in six volumes.
+(London, 1816.)
+
+POWER, REV. JOHN H. _Review of the Lectures of William A. Smith,
+D.D., on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as Exhibited in the
+Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States, with the Duties
+of Masters to Slaves in a Series of Letters addressed to the Author_.
+(Cincinnati, 1859.)
+
+Quaker Pamphlet.
+
+RICE, DAVID. _Slavery Inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy:
+Proved by a Speech Delivered in the Convention Held at Danville,
+Kentucky_. (Philadelphia, 1792, and London, 1793.)
+
+SCOBER, J. _Negro Apprenticeship in the Colonies_. (London, 1837.)
+
+SECKER, THOMAS. _The Works of the Right Reverend Thomas Seeker,
+Archbishop of Canterbury with a Review of his Life and Character by B.
+Porteus_. (New edition in six volumes, London, 1811.)
+
+SIEBERT, WILBUR H. _The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom,
+by W.H. Siebert, Associate Professor of History in the Ohio State
+University, with an Introduction by A.B. Hart_. (New York, 1898.)
+
+SMITH, WILLIAM A. _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery
+as Exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with the Duties of Masters to Slaves_. (Nashville, Tenn.,
+1856.) Doctor Smith was the President and Professor of Moral and
+Intellectual Philosophy of Randolph-Macon College.
+
+_Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of America,
+being Inquiries to Questions Transmitted by the Committee of the
+British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery
+and the Slave Trade throughout the World. Presented to the General
+Anti-Slavery Convention Held in London, June, 1840, by the Executive
+Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society._ (London, 1841.)
+
+_The Enormity of the Slave Trade and the Duty of Seeking the Moral
+and Spiritual Elevation of the Colored Race._ (New York.) This work
+includes speeches of Wilberforce and other documents.
+
+_The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels, and Explorations
+of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791. The Original
+French, Latin, and Italian Texts with English Translations and Notes;
+Illustrated by Portraits, Maps, and Facsimiles. Edited by Reuben Gold
+Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin._
+(Cleveland, 1896.)
+
+_The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of the Northern
+Abolitionists._ (Philadelphia, 1836.)
+
+THOMPSON, GEORGE. _Speech at the Meeting for the Extinction of Negro
+Apprenticeship._ (London, 1838.)
+
+---- _The Free Church Alliance with Manstealers. Send Back the Money.
+Great Anti-Slavery Meeting in the City Hall, Glasgow, Containing the
+Speeches Delivered by Messrs. Wright, Douglass, and Buffum, from
+America, and by George Thompson of London, with a Summary Account of
+a Series of Meetings Held in Edinburgh by the Abovenamed Gentlemen._
+(Glasgow, 1846.)
+
+TORREY, JESSE, JR. _A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with Reflections on the Practicability of Restoring the Moral
+Rights of the Slave, without Impairing the Legal Privileges of the
+Possessor, and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of
+Color, Including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves,
+and on Kidnapping, Illustrated with Engravings by Jesse Torrey, Jr.,
+Physician, Author of a Series of Essays on Morals and the Diffusion of
+Knowledge._ (Philadelphia, 1817.)
+
+---- _American Infernal Slave Trade; with Reflections on the Project
+for forming a Colony of Blacks in Africa_. (London, 1822.)
+
+TOWER, PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked: Being a Truthful Narrative of Three
+Years' Residence and Journeying in Eleven Southern States; to which
+is Added "The Invasion of Kansas," Including the Last Chapter of her
+Wrongs_. (Rochester, 1856.)
+
+TURNER, E.R. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Washington, 1911.)
+
+_Tyrannical Libertymen: a Discourse upon Negro Slavery in the United
+States; Composed at---- in New Hampshire; on the Late Federal
+Thanksgiving Day_. (Hanover, N.H., 1795.)
+
+VAN EVRIE, JOHN H. _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, by J.H. Van Evrie,
+M.D. _Introductory Chapter: Causes of Popular Delusion on the
+Subject_. (Washington, 1853.)
+
+---- _White Supremacy and Negro Subordination; or, Negroes a
+Subordinate Race, and So-called Slavery its Normal Condition. With an
+Appendix Showing the Past and Present Condition of the Countries South
+of us_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+WALKER, DAVID. _Walker's Appeal in Four Articles, together with a
+Preamble, to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in Particular and
+very Expressly to those of the United States of America. Written in
+Boston, State of Massachusetts, September_ 28, 1820. Second edition.
+(Boston, 1830.) Walker was a Negro who hoped to arouse his race to
+self-assertion.
+
+WASHINGTON, B.T. _The Story of the Negro_. Two volumes (New York,
+1909.)
+
+WASHINGTON, GEORGE. _The Writings of George Washington, being his
+Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other Papers, Official and
+Private, Selected and Published from the Original Manuscripts with
+the Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by Jared Sparks_.
+(Boston, 1835.)
+
+WEEKS, STEPHEN B. _Southern Quakers and Slavery. A Study in
+Institutional History_. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South; with Unpublished
+Letters from John Stuart Mill and Mrs. Stowe_. (Southern History
+Association Publications. Volume ii., No. 2, Washington, D. C, April,
+1898.)
+
+WESLEY, JOHN. _Thoughts upon Slavery. In the Potent Enemies of America
+Laid Open.... London, printed: Reprinted in Philadelphia with Notes,
+and Sold by Joseph Cruikshank_. 1774.
+
+WIGHAM, ELIZA. _The Anti-Slavery Cause in America and its Martyrs_.
+(London, 1863.)
+
+WILLIAMS, GEORGE W. _History of the Negro Race in the United States
+from 1619-1880. Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens:
+together with a Preliminary Consideration of the Unity of the Human
+Family, an Historical Sketch of Africa and an Account of the Negro
+Governments of Sierra Leone and Liberia_. (New York, 1883.)
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _The Works of John Woolman. In two parts. Part I: a
+Journal of the Life, Gospel-Labors, and Christian Experiences of that
+Faithful Minister of Christ, John Woolman, Late of Mount Holly, in the
+Province of New Jersey_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Same. Part Second. Containing his Last Epistle and other
+Writings_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Recommended to
+the Professors of Christianity of every Denomination_. (Philadelphia,
+1754.)
+
+---- _Considerations on Keeping Negroes; Recommended to the Professors
+of Christianity of every Denomination. Part Second_. (Philadelphia,
+1762.)
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., JR. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Philadelphia, 1912.)
+
+
+MAGAZINES
+
+_The Abolitionist, or Record of the New England Anti-Slavery Society_.
+Edited by a committee. Appeared in January, 1833.
+
+_The African Methodist Episcopal Church Review_. Valuable for the
+following articles:
+
+"The Colored Public Schools of Washington," by James Storum, vol. v.,
+p. 279.
+
+"The Negro as an Inventor," by R.R. Wright, vol. ii., p. 397. "Negro
+Poets," vol. iv., p. 236.
+
+"The Negro in Journalism," vols. vi., 309, and xx., 137.
+
+_The African Repository_. Published by the American Colonization
+Society from 1826 to 1832. A very good source for the development of
+Negro education both in this country and Liberia. Some of its most
+valuable articles are: "Learn Trades or Starve," by Frederick
+Douglass, vol. xxix., pp. 136 and 137. Taken from Frederick Douglass's
+Paper.
+
+"Education of the Colored People," by a highly respectable gentleman
+of the South, vol. xxx., pp. 194,195, and 196.
+
+"Elevation of the Colored Race," a memorial circulated in North
+Carolina, vol. xxxi., pp. 117 and 118.
+
+"A Lawyer for Liberia," a sketch of Garrison Draper, vol. xxxiv., pp.
+26 and 27.
+
+
+Numerous articles on the religious instruction of the Negroes occur
+throughout the foregoing volumes. Information about the actual
+literary training of the colored people is given as news items.
+
+_The American Museum_, or _Repository of Ancient and Modern Fugitive
+Pieces, etc., Prose and Poetical_. Vols. i.-iv. (First and second
+editions, Philadelphia, 1788. Third edition, Philadelphia, 1790.)
+Contains some interesting essays on the intellectual status of the
+Negroes, etc., contributed by "Othello," a free Negro.
+
+_The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom_. The author has been able
+to find only the volume which contains the numbers for the year 1834.
+
+_The Crisis_. A record of the darker races published by the National
+Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
+
+_The Maryland Journal of Colonization_. Published as the official
+organ of the Maryland Colonization Society. Among its important
+articles are: "The Capacities of the Negro Race," vol. iii., p. 367;
+and "The Educational Facilities of Liberia," vol. vii., p. 223.
+
+_The Non-Slaveholder_. Two volumes of this publication are now found
+in the Library of Congress.
+
+_The School Journal_.
+
+_The Southern Workman_. Volume xxxvii. contains Dr. R.R. Wright's
+valuable dissertation on "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana."
+
+
+NEWSPAPERS
+
+  District of Columbia.
+    _The Daily National Intelligencer_.
+
+  Louisiana
+    _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin._
+
+  Maryland.
+    _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser._
+    _The Maryland Gazette._
+    _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette_ or _The Baltimore Advertiser._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+    _The Liberator._
+
+  New York.
+    _The New York Daily Advertiser._
+    _The New York Tribune._
+
+  North Carolina.
+    _The State Gazette of North Carolina._
+    _The Newbern Gazette._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+    _The Philadelphia Gazette._
+
+  South Carolina.
+    _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser._
+    _The State Gazette of South Carolina._
+    _The Charleston Courier._
+    _The South Carolina Weekly Advertiser._
+    _The Carolina Gazette._
+    _The Columbian Herald._
+
+  Virginia.
+    _The Richmond Enquirer._
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald._
+    _The Virginia Herald._ (Fredericksburg.)
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle._
+
+
+LAWS, DIGESTS, CHARTERS, CONSTITUTIONS, AND REPORTS
+
+GENERAL
+
+Code Noir ou Recueil d'édits, déclarations et arrêts concernant la
+Discipline et le commerce des esclaves Nègres des isles françaises de
+l'Amérique (in Recueils de réglemens, édits, déclarations et arrêts,
+concernant le commerce, l'administration de la justice et la police
+des colonies françaises de l'Amérique, et les engagés avec le Code
+Noir, et l'addition audit code). (Paris, 1745.)
+
+GOODELL, WILLIAM. _The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice: Its
+Distinctive Features Shown by its Statutes, Judicial Decisions, and
+Illustrative Facts._ (New York, 1853.)
+
+PETERS, RICHARD. _Condensed Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in
+the Supreme Court of the United States._ Six volumes. (Philadelphia,
+1830-1834.)
+
+THORPE, F.N. _Federal and State Constitution, Colonial Charters, and
+Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies now or
+heretofore Forming the United States of America. Compiled and Edited
+under an Act of Congress, June 30, 1906._ (Washington, 1909.)
+
+
+STATE
+
+  Alabama.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly Passed by the State of Alabama._
+  CLAY, C.C. _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama to
+  1843._ (Tuscaloosa, 1843.)
+
+  Connecticut.
+  _Public Acts Passed by the General Assembly of Connecticut._
+
+  Delaware.
+  _Laws of the State of Delaware Passed by the General Assembly._
+
+  District of Columbia.
+  BURCH, SAMUEL. _A Digest of the Laws of the Corporation of
+  the City of Washington, with an Appendix of the Laws of the
+  United States Relating to the District of Columbia._ (Washington,
+  1823.)
+
+  Florida.
+  _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida._
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  Florida._
+
+  Georgia.
+  _Laws of the State of Georgia._
+  COBB, HOWELL. _A Digest of the Statutes of Georgia in General
+  Use to 1846._ (New York, 1846.)
+  DAWSON, WILLIAM. _A Compilation of the Laws of the State
+  of Georgia to 1831._ (Milledgeville, 1831.)
+  PRINCE, O.H. _A Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia to
+  1837._ (Athens, 1837.)
+
+  Illinois.
+  _Laws of the State of Illinois Passed by the General Assembly._
+  STARR, M., and RUSSELL H. CURTIS. _Annotated Statutes of
+  Illinois in Force, January 1, 1885._
+
+  Indiana.
+  _Laws of a General Nature Passed by the State of Indiana._
+
+  Kentucky.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky._
+
+  Louisiana.
+  _Acts Passed by the Legislature of the State of Louisiana._
+  BULLARD, HENRY A., and THOMAS CURRY. _A New Digest of
+  the Statute Laws of the State of Louisiana to 1842._ (New
+  Orleans, 1842.)
+
+  Maryland.
+  _Laws Made and Passed by the General Assembly of the State of
+  Maryland._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts._
+  QUINCY, JOSIAH, JR. _Reports of Cases, Superior Court of
+  Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1761-1772._
+  (Boston, 1865.)
+
+  Mississippi.
+  _Laws of the State of Mississippi Passed at the Regular Sessions
+  of the Legislature._
+  POINDEXTER, GEORGE. _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi._
+  (Natchez, 1824.)
+  HUTCHINSON, A. _Code of Mississippi._ (Jackson, 1848.)
+
+  Missouri.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Missouri._
+
+  New Jersey.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of New Jersey._
+
+  New York.
+  _Laws of the State of New York._
+
+  Ohio.
+  _Acts of a General Nature Passed by the General Assembly of
+  the State of Ohio._
+  _Acts of a Local Nature Passed by the General Assembly of the
+  State of Ohio._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+  _Laws of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania._
+  BRIGHTLY, FRANK F. _A Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania._
+  STROUD, G.M. _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania
+  from 1700 to 1851._ (Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+  Rhode Island.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Assembly of the State
+  of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations._
+
+  South Carolina.
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  South Carolina._
+  BREVARD, JOSEPH. _An Alphabetical Digest of the Public
+  Statute Laws of South Carolina from 1692 to 1813._ Three
+  volumes. (Charleston, 1814.)
+
+  Tennessee.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee._
+
+  Virginia.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia._
+  HENING, W.W. _Statutes at Large: A Collection of all the Laws
+  of Virginia from the First Session of the Legislature in the
+  Year 1816._ (Richmond, 1819 to 1823.) Published pursuant
+  to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
+  passed on the 5th of February, 1808. The work was extended
+  by S. Shepherd who published three additional
+  volumes in 1836. Chief source of historical material for
+  the history of Virginia.
+  TATE, Joseph. _A Digest of the Laws of Virginia._ (Richmond,
+  1841.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  Abdy, E.S., learned that slaves were taught
+  Abolitionists, interested in the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Account of a pious Negro
+  Actual education after the revolutionary period
+  Adams, Rev. Henry, teacher at Louisville
+  Adams, John, report of James Otis's argument on the Writs of
+  Assistance; views on slavery
+  Address of the American Convention of Abolition Societies
+  African Benevolent Society of Rhode Island, school of
+  African Episcopalians of Philadelphia, school of
+  African Free School of Baltimore
+  African Free Schools of New York
+  African Methodist Episcopal Church, established Union Seminary;
+  purchased Wilberforce
+  Agricultural Convention of Georgia recommended that slaves be taught to
+    read
+  Alabama, law of 1832; provision for teaching Negroes at Mobile;
+  Presbyterians of, interested
+  Albany Normal School, colored student admitted
+  Alexandria, Virginia Quakers of, instructed Negroes; Benjamin Davis, a
+  teacher of
+  Allen, Richard, organized A.M.E. Church; author
+  Allen, W.H., teacher of Negroes
+  Ambush, James E., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  American Colonization Society, The, efforts of, to educate Negroes
+  American Convention of Abolition Societies, The, interested in the
+  education of Negroes; recommended industrial education; addresses of
+  American Union, The, organized; names of its promoters (see note 1 on
+  page 142)
+  Amherstburg, Canada, opened a colored school; established a mission
+  school
+  Anderson, John G., musician
+  Andrew, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina
+  Andrews, C.C. principal of New York African Free Schools
+  Andrews, E.A., student of the needs of the Negroes
+  Anti-slavery agitation, effect of, on education in cities
+  Appalachian Mountains, settled by people favorable to Negroes
+  Appo, William, musician
+  Arnett, B.W., teacher in Pennsylvania
+  Ashmun Institute, founded; names of the trustees
+  Athens College, admitted colored students
+  Attainments of Negroes at the close of the eighteenth century
+  Auchmutty, Reverend, connected with the school established by Elias
+    Neau
+  Augusta, Dr. A.T., learned to read in Virginia
+  Avery College, established
+  Avery, Rev. Charles, donor of $300,000 for the education
+    and Christianization of the African race
+
+  Bacon, Rev. Thomas, sermons on the instruction of Negroes
+  Baldwin County, Alabama, provision for teaching Negroes
+  Baltimore, several colored churches; colored schools of; an adult
+    school of 180 pupils; Sunday-schools; day and night school; Bible
+    Society; African Free School; donation of Wells; donation of
+    Crane; school tax paid by Negroes, note on page----
+  Banks, Henry, learned to read in Virginia
+  Banneker, Benjamin, studied in Maryland; made a clock; took up
+  astronomy;
+    encouraged by Ellicott; corresponded with Thomas Jefferson
+  Baptist preacher, taught Negroes in South Carolina
+  Baptists, aided the education of Negroes; established school at
+    Bexley, Liberia; changed attitude toward the uplift of Negroes
+  Barclay, David, gave money to build school-house
+  Barclay, Reverend, instructed Negroes in New York
+  Barr, John W., taught M.W. Taylor in Kentucky
+  Baxter, Richard, instructed masters to enlighten their slaves
+  Beard, Simeon, had a school in Charleston
+  Becraft, Maria, established a school in the District of Columbia
+  Bell family, progress of
+  Bell, George, built first colored school-house in District of Columbia
+  Bell School established
+  Benezet, Anthony, advocated the education of Negroes; taught Negroes;
+    believed in western colonization; opinion on Negro intellect;
+    bequeathed wealth to educate Negroes; school-house built
+    with the fund;(see note giving sketch of his career)
+  Berea College, founded
+  Berkshire Medical School had trouble admitting Negroes; graduated
+  colored physicians
+  Berry's portraiture of the Negroes' condition after the reaction
+  Bibb, Mary E., taught at Windsor, Canada
+  Billings, Maria, taught in the District of Columbia
+  Birney, James G., criticized the church; helped Negroes on free soil
+  Bishop, Josiah, preached to white congregation in Portsmouth, Virginia
+  Bishop of London, declared that the conversion of slaves did not work
+    manumission
+  "Black Friday," Portsmouth, Ohio, Negroes driven out
+  Blackstone, studied to justify the struggle for the rights of man; his
+    idea of the body politic forgotten
+  Bleecker, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+  Boone, R.G., sketch of education in Indiana
+  Boston, Massachusetts, colored school opened; opened its first primary
+    school; school in African Church; several colored churches; struggle
+  for democratic education; (see also Massachusetts)
+  Boucher, Jonathan, interested in the uplift of Negroes; an advocate of
+  education; (see note on, 56); extract from address of
+  Boulder, J.F., student in a mixed school in Delaware
+  Bowditch, H.J., asked that Negroes be admitted to Boston public schools
+  Bowdoin College, admitted a Negro
+  Bradford, James T., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Branagan advocated colonization of the Negroes in the West
+  Bray, Dr. Thomas, a promoter of the education of Negroes; "Associates
+    of Dr. Bray,"; plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+  Brearcroft, Dr., alluded to the plan for the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Breckenridge, John, contributed to the education of the colored people
+    of Baltimore
+  Bremer, Fredrika, found colored schools in the South; observed the
+    teaching of slaves
+  British American Manual Labor Institute, established at Dawn, Canada
+  Brown, a graduate of Harvard College, taught colored children in Boston
+  Brown County, Ohio, colored schools of, established
+  Brown, Jeremiah H., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Brown, J.M., attended school in Delaware
+  Brown, William Wells, author; leader and educator
+  Browning family, progress of
+  Bruce, B.K., learned to read,
+  Bryan, Andrew, preacher in Georgia
+  Buchanan, George, on mental capacity of Negroes
+  Buffalo, colored Methodist and Baptist churches of, lost
+    members
+  Burke, E.P., found enlightened Negroes in the South
+    mentioned case of a very intelligent Negro
+  Burlington, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in the uplift
+    of the colored people
+  Butler, Bishop, urged the instruction of Negroes
+  Buxton, Canada, separate schools established in
+
+  Caesar, a Negro poet of North Carolina
+  Calvert, Mr., an Englishman who taught Negroes in the
+    District of Columbia
+  Camden Insurrection, effect of
+  Cameron, Paul C., sketch of John Chavis
+  Canaan, New Hampshire, academy broken up
+  Canada, education of Negroes in; names of settlements with schools;
+    difficulties of races; separate schools; mission schools; results
+    obtained; (see Drew's note on condition of)
+  Capers, Bishop William, opinion on reconstructing the policy of Negro
+    education; plan of, to instruct Negroes; work of, among the colored
+    people; catechism of
+  Cardozo, F.L., entered school in Charleston
+  Carey, Lott, educated himself
+  Cass County, Michigan, school facilities in the colored settlement of
+  Castleton Medical School, admitted Negroes
+  Catholics, interested in the education of Negroes
+  Catto, Rev. William T., author and preacher
+  Cephas, Uncle, learned from white children
+  Chandler, solicitor, of Boston, opinion on the segregation of
+    colored pupils
+  Channing, William, criticized the church for its lack of interest
+    in the uplift of the Negroes
+  Charleston, colored members of church of; Minor Society of;
+    colored schools of, attended by Bishop Daniel A. Payne;
+    insurrection of; theological seminary of, admitted a Negro
+  Charlton, Reverend, friend of Negroes in New York
+  Chatham, Canada, colored schools of
+  Chavis, John, educated at Princeton; a teacher of white youths
+    in North Carolina
+  Chester, T. Morris, student at Pittsburgh
+  Chicago, separate schools of; disestablished
+  Child, M.E., teacher in Canada
+  Churches, aided education through Sabbath-schools
+  Christians not to be held as slaves
+  Cincinnati, colored schools of; Negroes of; sought public support
+    for their schools; a teacher of, excluded a colored boy from a
+    public school; law of
+  City, the influences of, on the education of Negroes; attitude of
+    anti-slavery societies of, toward the education of the Negroes
+  Clapp, Margaret, aided Myrtilla Miner in the District of Columbia; (see
+    note 2)
+  Clarkson Hall Schools of Philadelphia
+  Clarkson, Matthew, a supporter of the New York African Free Schools
+  Cleveland, C.F., Argument of, in favor of Connecticut law against
+    colored schools
+  Cleveland, colored schools of
+  Code Noir, referred to; (see note, 23)
+  Co-education of the races
+  Coffin, Levi, taught Negroes in North Carolina; promoted the migration
+    of Negroes to free soil; traveled in Canada
+  Coffin, Vestal, assistant of his father in North Carolina
+  Cogswell, James, aided the New York African Free Schools
+  Coker, Daniel, a teacher in Baltimore
+  Colbura, Zerah, a calculator who tested Thomas Fuller
+  Colchester, Canada, mission school at
+  Cole, Edward, made settlement of Negroes in Illinois
+  Colgan, Reverend; connected with Neau's school in New York
+  College of West Africa established
+  Colleges, Negroes not admitted; manual labor idea of; change in
+    attitude of
+  Colonization scheme, influence of, on education
+  Colonizationists, interest of, in the education of Negroes
+  Colored mechanics, prejudice against; slight increase in
+  Columbia, Pennsylvania, Quakers of, interested in the uplift of Negroes
+  Columbian Institute established in the District of Columbia
+  Columbus, Ohio, colored schools of
+  Condition of Negroes, in the eighteenth century; at the close of the
+    reaction
+  Connecticut, defeated the proposed Manual Labor College at New Haven;
+    spoken of as place for a colored school of the American Colonization
+  Society; allowed separate schools at Hartford; inadequately supported
+    colored schools; struggle against separate schools of;
+    disestablishment of separate schools of
+  Convention of free people of color, effort to establish a college
+  Convent of Oblate Sisters of Providence, educated colored girls in
+    academy of
+  Cook, John F., teacher in the District of Columbia; forced by the Snow
+    Riot to go to Pennsylvania
+  Corbin, J.C. student at Chillicothe, Ohio
+  Cornish, Alexander, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Costin, Louisa Parke, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Cox, Ann, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, Eliza J., teacher in the New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, General, of Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught his slaves to read
+    the Bible
+  Coxe, R.S., a supporter of Hays's school in the District of Columbia
+  Crandall, Prudence, admitted colored girls to her academy; opposed by
+    whites; law against her enacted; arrested, imprisoned, and tried;
+    abandoned her school
+  Crane, William, erected a building for the education of Negroes in
+    Baltimore
+  Crummell, Alexander, sought admission to the academy at Canaan, New
+    Hampshire
+  Cuffee, Paul, author
+
+  D'Alone, contributor to a fund for the education of Negroes
+  Dartmouth, theological school of, admitted Negroes
+  Davies, Reverend, teacher of Negroes in Virginia
+  Davis, Benjamin, taught Negroes in Alexandria, Virginia
+  Davis, Cornelius, teacher of New York African Free Schools
+  Davis, Rev. Daniel, interest of, in the uplift of the people of color
+  Dawn, Canada, colored schools of
+  Dawson, Joseph, aided colored schools
+  Dean, Rev. Philotas, principal of Avery College
+  De Baptiste, Richard, student in a school at his father's home in
+    Fredericksburg
+  De Grasse, Dr. John V., educated for Liberia
+  Delany, M.R., attended school at Pittsburgh
+  Delaware, abolition Society of, provided for the education of the
+    Negroes; law of 1831; law of 1863
+  Detroit, African Baptist Church of; separate schools of
+  Dialogue on the enlightenment of Negroes about 1800
+  District of Columbia, separate schools of; churches of, contributed to
+    education of Negroes
+  Douglass, Mrs., a white teacher of Negroes in Norfolk
+  Douglass, Frederick, learned to read; leader and advocate of education;
+    author; opinion of, on vocational education; extract from paper of
+  Douglass, Sarah, teacher of Philadelphia
+  Dove, Dr., owner of Dr. James Durham
+  Dow, Dr. Jesse E., co-worker of Charles Middleton of the District of
+    Columbia
+  Draper, Garrison, studied law after getting education at Dartmouth; an
+    account of
+  Drew, Benjamin, note of, on Canada; found prejudice in schools of
+    Canada
+  Duncan, Benedict, taught by his father
+  Durham, James, a colored physician of New Orleans
+  Dwight, Sarah, teacher of colored girls
+
+  _Édit du'roi_,
+  _Education of Colored People_,
+  Education of colored children at public expense,
+    (see also Chapter XIII,)
+  Edwards, Mrs. Haig, interest of, in the uplift of slaves,
+  Eliot, Rev. John, appeal in behalf of the conversion of slaves,
+  Ellis, Harrison, educated blacksmith,
+  Ellsworth, W.W., argument of, against the constitutionality of the
+    Connecticut law prohibiting the establishment of colored schools,
+  Emancipation of slaves, effects of, on education,
+  Emlen Institute established in Ohio,
+  Emlen, Samuel, philanthropist,
+  England, ministers of the Church of, maintained a school for colored
+    children at Newport,
+  English Colonial Church established mission schools in Canada,
+  English High School established at Monrovia,
+  Essay of Bishop Porteus,
+  Established Church of England directed attention to the uplift of the
+    slaves,
+  Everly, mentioned resolutions bearing on the instruction of slaves,
+  Evidences of the development of the intellect of Negroes,
+
+  Falmouth colored Sunday-school broken up,
+  Fawcett, Benjamin, address to Negroes of Virginia,
+    extract from,
+  Fee, Rev. John G., criticized church because it neglected the Negroes,
+    founded Berea College,
+  Fleet, Dr. John, educated for Liberia,
+    teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Fleetwood, Bishop, urged that Negroes be instructed,
+    (see note on p.)
+  Fletcher, Mr. and Mrs., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Flint, Rev. James, received letters bearing on the teaching of Negroes,
+  Florida, law of, unfavorable to the enlightenment of Negroes,
+    a more stringent law of,
+  Foote, John P., praised the colored schools of Cincinnati,
+  Ford, George, a Virginia lady who taught pupils of color in the
+  District of Columbia,
+  Fort Maiden, Canada, schools of,
+  Fortie, John, teacher in Baltimore,
+  Fothergill, on colonization,
+  Fox, George, urged Quakers to instruct the colored people,
+  Franklin College, New Athens, Ohio, admitted colored students,
+  Franklin, Benjamin, aided the teachers of Negroes,
+  Franklin, Nicholas, helped to build first schoolhouse for colored
+  children in the District of Columbia,
+  Frederic, Francis, taught by his master,
+  Free schools not sought at first by Negroes,
+  Freeman, M.H., teacher; principal of Avery College
+  French, the language of, taught in colored schools; educated Negroes
+  Friends, minutes of the meetings of, bearing on the instruction of
+    Negroes
+  Fugitive Slave Law, effects of
+  Fuller, James C, left a large sum for the education of Negroes
+  Fuller, Thomas, noted colored mathematician
+
+  Gabriel's insurrection, effect of
+  Gaines, John I., led the fight for colored trustees in Cincinnati, Ohio
+  Gallia County, Ohio, school of
+  Gardner, Newport, teacher in Rhode Island
+  Garnett, H.H., was to be a student at Canaan, New Hampshire; author;
+    president of Avery College
+  Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, appeal of, in behalf of the education of Negroes;
+    speech of, on education; solicited funds for colored manual
+    labor school
+  Geneva College, change in attitude of
+  Georgetown, teachers and schools of
+  Georgia, prohibitive legislation of; objections of the people of,
+    to the education of Negroes; colored mechanics of, opposed;
+    Presbyterians of, taught Negroes; slaveholders of,
+    in Agricultural Convention urged the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Gettysburg Theological Seminary, admitted a Negro
+  Gibson, Bishop, of London, appeal in behalf of the neglected Negroes;
+    letters of
+  Giles County, Tennessee, colored preacher of, pastor of a white church
+  Gilmore, Rev. H., established a high school in Cincinnati
+  Gist, Samuel, made settlement of Negroes
+  Gloucester, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in teaching Negroes
+  Gloucester, John, preacher in Philadelphia
+  Goddard, Calvin, argument of, against the constitutionality
+    of the law prohibiting colored schools in Connecticut
+  Goodwyn, Morgan, urged that Negroes be elevated
+  Grant, Nancy, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Green, Charles Henry, studied in Delaware
+  Greenfield, Eliza, musician
+  Gregg of Virginia, settled his slaves on free soil
+  Grégoire, H., on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  Grimké brothers, students in Charleston
+
+  Haddonfield, New Jersey, Quakers of, instructed Negroes
+  Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of the revolution of
+  Halgy, Mrs., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Hall,
+    a graduate of Harvard University, teacher in the Boston colored
+    school,
+  Hall, Anna Maria, student in Alexandria,
+    teacher,
+  Hall, Primus, established a colored school at his home in Boston,
+  Hamilton, Alexander, advocate of the rights of man,
+  Hampton, Fannie, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Hancock, Richard M., studied at Newberne,
+  Hanover College, Indiana, accepted colored students,
+  Harlan, Robert, learned to read in Kentucky,
+  Harper, Chancellor, views of, on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Harper, Frances E.W., poet,
+  Harper, John, took his slaves from North Carolina to Ohio and liberated
+    them,
+  Harry, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina,
+  Hartford,
+    separate schools of,
+    dissatisfaction of the Negroes of,
+    with poor school facilities,
+    struggle of some citizens of,
+    against caste in education,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Haviland, Laura A., teacher in Canada,
+  Hays, Alexander, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Haynes, Lemuel, pastor of a white church,
+  Heathenism, Negroes reduced to,
+  Henry, Patrick, views of, on the rights of man,
+  Henson, Rev. Josiah, leader and educator,
+  Higher education of Negroes urged by free people of color,
+    change in the attitude of some Negroes toward,
+    promoted in the District of Columbia,
+    in Pennsylvania,
+    in Ohio,
+  Hildreth, connected with Neau's school in New York,
+  Hill, Margaret, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Hillsborough, North Carolina, influence of the insurrection of,
+  Homeopathic College, Cleveland, admitted colored students,
+  Horton, George, poet,
+  Huddlestone, connected with Neau's school,
+  Humphreys, Richard, gave $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Hunter, John A., attended a mixed school,
+
+  Illinois, schools of, for benefits of whites,
+    separate schools of, a failure,
+    unfavorable legislation of,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Indiana, schools in colored settlements of,
+    attitude of, toward the education of the colored people,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Industrial education recommended,
+  Industrial revolution, effect of, on education,
+  Inman, Anna, assistant of Myrtilla Miner,
+  Institute for Colored Youth established at Philadelphia,
+  Institute of Easton, Pennsylvania, admitted a Negro,
+  Instruction, change in meaning of the word
+  Inventions of Negroes; (see note 1)
+  Insurrections, slave, effect of
+  Iowa, Negroes of, had good school privileges
+
+  Jackson, Edmund, demanded the admission of colored pupils to Boston
+    schools
+  Jackson, Stonewall, teacher in a colored Sunday-school
+  Jackson, William, musician
+  Jay, John, a friend of the Negroes
+  Jay, William, criticized the Church for its failure to elevate the
+    Negroes;
+    attacked the policy of the colonizationists
+  Jefferson College, Pennsylvania, admitted Negroes
+  Jefferson, Thomas, views of, on the education of Negroes; (see note);
+    letter of, to Abbé H. Grégoire; letter to M.A. Julien; failed to
+    act as Kosciuszko's executor; corresponded with Banneker
+  Jesuits, French, instructed slaves
+  Jesuits, Spanish, teachers of Negroes
+  Johnson, Harriet C., assistant at Avery College
+  Johnson, John Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia;
+    teacher in Pittsburgh
+  Jones, Alfred T., learned to read in Kentucky
+  Jones, Anna, aided Myrtilla Miner
+  Jones, Arabella, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Jones, Rev. C.C., a white preacher among Negroes of Georgia;
+    Argument of,
+    for the religious instruction of Negroes; catechism of, for religious
+    instruction; estimate of those able to read
+  Jones, Matilda, supported Myrtilla Miner
+  Journalistic efforts of Negroes; (see note)
+  Judson, A.T., denounced Prudence Crandall's policy; upheld the law
+    prohibiting the establishment of colored schools in Connecticut
+
+  Keith, George, advocated religious training for the Negroes
+  Kemble, Frances Anne, discovered that the Negroes of some masters
+    were taught to read; (see note 4)
+  Kentucky, Negroes of, learned the rudiments of education; work of the
+    Emancipating Labor Society of; work of the Presbyterians of;
+    public opinion of; colored schools of
+  Kinkaid, J.B., taught M.W. Taylor of Kentucky
+  Knoxville, people of, favorable to the uplift of the colored race
+  Kosciuszko, T., plan of, to educate Negroes; (see note);
+    will of; fund of
+
+  Lafayette, Marquis de, visited New York African Free Schools;
+    said to be interested in a colored school in the West
+  Lancastrian method of instruction, effect of
+  Lane Seminary, students of, taught Negroes
+  Langston, J.M., student at Chillicothe and Oberlin
+  Latin, taught in a colored school
+  Law, Rev. Josiah, instructed Negroes in Georgia; (see note 1)
+  Lawrence, Nathaniel, supporter of New York colored schools
+  _Lawyer for Liberia_, a document
+  Lawyers, colored, recognized in the North; (see note 2)
+  Lay, Benjamin, advocate of the instruction of slaves
+  Leary, John S., went to private school
+  Lee, Thomas, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Leile, George, preacher in Georgia and Jamaica
+  Le Jeune, taught a little Negro in Canada
+  Le Petit instructed Negroes
+  Lewis, R.B., author
+  Lexington, Kentucky, colored school of; (see note 1, p. 223)
+  Liberia, education of Negroes for; education of Negroes in
+  Liberia College, founded
+  Liberty County, Georgia, instruction of Negroes in
+  Liverpool, Moses, one of the founders of the first colored school in
+    the District of Columbia
+  Livingston, W., teacher in Baltimore
+  Locke, John, influence of
+  Lockhart, Daniel J., instructed by white boys
+  London, Bishop of, formal declarations of, abrogating the law that a
+    Christian could not be held a slave
+  London, Canada, private school; mission school
+  Longworth, Nicholas, built a school-house for Negroes
+  Louisiana, education of Negroes in; hostile legislation of; Bishop Polk
+    of, on instruction of Negroes
+  Louisville, Kentucky, colored schools of
+  L'Ouverture, Toussaint, influence of
+  Lowell, Massachusetts, colored schools of; disestablished
+  Lowry, Rev. Samuel, taught by Rev. Talbot of Franklin College
+  Lowth, Bishop, interested in the uplift of the heathen
+  Lucas, Eliza, teacher of slaves
+  Lundy, Benjamin, helped Negroes on free soil
+  Lunenburg County, Virginia, colored congregation of
+
+  Madison, James, on the education of Negroes; letter of
+  Maine, separate school of
+  Malone, Rev. J.W., educated in Indiana
+  Malvin, John, organized schools in Ohio cities
+  Mangum, P.H., and W.P., pupils of John Chavis, a colored teacher
+  Manly, Gov. Charles, of North Carolina, taught by John Chavis
+  Mann, Lydia, aided Myrtilla Miner,
+  Manual Labor College, demand for,
+  Manumission, effect of the laws of,
+  Martin, Martha, sent to Cincinnati to be educated,
+    sister sent to a southern town to learn a trade,
+  Maréchal, Rev. Ambrose, helped to maintain colored schools,
+  Maryland, Abolition Society of, to establish an academy for Negroes,
+    favorable conditions,
+    public opinion against the education of Negroes,
+    law of, against colored mechanics,
+  Maryville Theological Seminary, students of, interested in the uplift
+    of Negroes,
+  Mason, Joseph T. and Thomas H., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Massachusetts, schools of,
+    struggles for democratic education,
+    disestablishment of separate schools,
+  Mather, Cotton, on the instruction of Negroes,
+    resolutions of,
+  Matlock, White, interest of, in Negroes,
+  Maule, Ebenezer, helped to found a colored school in Virginia,
+  May, Rev. Samuel, defender of Prudence Crandall,
+  McCoy, Benjamin, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  McDonogh, John, had educated slaves,
+  McIntosh County, Georgia, religious instruction of Negroes,
+  McLeod, Dr., criticized the inhumanity of men to Negroes,
+  Meade, Bishop William, interested in the elevation of Negroes,
+    work of, in Virginia,
+    followed Bacon's policy,
+    collected literature on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Means, supported Myrtilla Miner,
+  Mechanics, opposed colored artisans,
+  Medical School of Harvard University open to colored students,
+  Medical School of the University of New York admitted colored students,
+  Memorial to Legislature of North Carolina, the education of slaves
+    urged,
+  Methodist preacher in South Carolina, work of, stopped by the people,
+  Methodists, enlightened Negroes,
+    change in attitude of,
+    founded Wilberforce,
+  Michigan, Negroes admitted to schools of,
+  Middleton, Charles, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Miles, Mary E.. assistant of Gilmore in Cincinnati,
+  Milton, influence of,
+  Miner, Myrtilla, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    founded a school,
+  Minor Society of Charleston established a school for Negroes,
+  Minority report of Boston School Committee opposed segregation of
+    colored pupils,
+  Minutes of Methodist Episcopal Conference, resolution
+    on the instruction of Negroes
+  Minutes of the Meetings of Friends,
+    action taken to elevate the colored people
+  Missionaries,
+    English, interested in uplift of Negroes
+    French
+    Spanish
+  Missouri, prohibitive legislation of
+  Mitchell, John G., student in Indiana
+  Mitchell, S.T., began his education in Indiana
+  Mobile, provision for the education of the Negroes
+  Montgomery, I.T., educated under the direction of his master
+  Moore, Edward W., teacher, and author of an arithmetic
+  Moore, Helen, helped Myrtilla Miner
+  Moorland, Dr. J.E., an uncle of, studied medicine
+  Moravian Brethren, instructed colored people
+  Morris, Dr. E. C, instructed by his father
+  Morris, J., taught by his white father
+  Morris, J.W., student in Charleston
+  Morris, Robert, appointed magistrate
+  Murray, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+
+  Nantucket, Massachusetts, colored schools of
+  Neau, Elias, founded a colored school in New York City
+  Negroes,
+    learning to read and write
+    free education of
+    learning in spite of opposition
+    instructing white persons
+    reduced to heathenism
+  Neill, Rev. Hugh, missionary teacher of Negroes in Pennsylvania
+  Nell, Wm., author
+  New Bedford, Massachusetts,
+    colored schools of
+    disestablished
+  Newbern, North Carolina, effects of insurrection of
+  New Castle, Presbytery of,
+    established Ashmun Institute
+  New England,
+    schools in Anti-Slavery Society of
+    planned to establish a manual labor college
+    sent colored students to Canaan, New Hampshire
+  Newhall, Isabella, excluded a colored boy from school
+  New Hampshire, academy of,
+    broken up
+    schools of, apparently free to all
+  New Haven, separate schools of
+    colored Manual Labor College not wanted
+    interested in the education of persons for Africa and Haiti
+  New Jersey, Quakers of,
+    endeavored to elevate colored people
+    law of, to teach slaves
+    Negroes of, in public schools
+    Presbyterians of, interested in Negroes
+    separate schools
+    caste in schools abolished
+  New Orleans, education of the Negroes of
+  Newport, Rhode Island, separate schools
+  New York, Quakers of,
+    taught Negroes
+    Presbyterians
+    of, interested in Negroes,
+    work of Anti-Slavery Society of,
+    separate schools of,
+    schools opened to all,
+  New York Central College, favorable to Negroes,
+  New York City, African Free Schools,
+    transfer to Public School Society,
+    transfer to Board of Education,
+    society of free people of color of, organized a school,
+  Newspapers, colored, gave evidence of intellectual progress,
+    (see note 1,)
+  North Carolina, Quakers of, instructed Negroes,
+    Presbyterians of, interested in the education of Negroes,
+    Tryon's instructions against certain teachers,
+    manumission societies of, promoting the education of colored people,
+    reactionary laws of,
+    memorial sent to Legislature of, for permission to teach slaves,
+  Northwest Territory, education of transplanted Negroes,
+    settlements of, with schools,
+  Noxon, connected with Neau's school in New York City,
+  Nutall, an Englishman, taught Negroes in New York,
+
+  Oberlin grew out of Lane Seminary,
+  Objections to the instruction of Negroes considered and answered,
+  Ohio, colored schools of (see Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and
+  Northwest Territory); struggle for education at public expense,
+    unfavorable legislation,
+    law of 1849,
+  Olmsted, P.L., found a plantation of enlightened slaves,
+  O'Neal of South Carolina Bar discussed with Chancellor Harper the
+    question of instructing Negroes,
+  Oneida Institute contributed to the education of Negroes,
+  Oregon, law of, hostile to Negroes,
+  Othello, a free Negro, denounced the policy of neglecting the Negroes,
+  Otis, James, on the rights of all men,
+
+  Palmer, Dr., catechism of,
+  Pamphlet, Gowan, a preacher in Virginia,
+  Parry, Alfred H., successful teacher,
+  Parsons, C.G., observed that some Negroes were enlightened,
+  _Pastoral Letters of Bishop Gibson of London_,
+  Patterson, Edward, learned to read in a Sabbath-school,
+  Payne, Dr. C.H., taught by his mother to read,
+  Payne, Bishop Daniel, student in Charleston,
+    agent to purchase Wilberforce,
+  Payne, Mrs. Thomas, studied under her master,
+  Pease, W., instructed by his owner,
+  Penn, William, believed in emancipation to afford Negroes an
+  opportunity for improvement,
+  Pennington, J. C, writer, teacher, and preacher of influence,
+  Pennsylvania, work of Quakers of,
+    favorable legislation,
+    law of,
+    against colored mechanics,
+    (see also Quakers, Friends, Presbyterians, and Philadelphia)
+  Perry, R.L., attended school at Nashville
+  Peterboro School of New York established
+  Petersburg, Virginia, colored schools of, colored churches
+  Pettiford, W.A., attended private school in North
+    Carolina
+  Philadelphia, Negroes of, taught by Quakers, early
+    colored schools, public aid secured for the education of Negroes,
+    names of teachers public and private, statistics of colored schools,
+    (see Quakers, Presbyterians, and Pennsylvania)
+  Phillips, Wendell, argument against the segregation of
+    colored people in Boston
+  Physicians, colored, (see note 3, 279)
+  Pinchback, P.B.S., studied in the Gilmore High School in
+    Cincinnati
+  Pinkney, William, views on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  _Pious Negro, True Account of_, a document
+  Pittsburgh, colored schools of
+  _Plan for the Improvement of the Free Black_, a document
+  Plantation system, the rise of,
+    effects of, on the enlightenment
+    of the Negroes
+  Pleasants, Robert, founder of a colored manual labor school
+  Polk, Bishop, of Louisiana, advocate of the instruction
+    of Negroes
+  Porteus, Bishop, a portion of his essay on the uplift of
+    Negroes (see also, note 2)
+  Portland, Maine, colored schools of
+  Potter, Henry, taught Negroesin the District of Columbia
+  Preachers, colored, preached to Negroes (see note 4). preached
+    to white people
+  Presbyterians, taught Negroes,
+    struggles of,
+    Acts of
+    Synods of, a document
+  _Presbyterian Witness_, criticized
+    churchmen neglectful of the
+    Negroes
+  _Proposition for encouraging the Christian education of
+    Indian and Mulatto children at Lambeth, Virginia_
+  Protestant Episcopal High School at Cape Palmas, Liberia
+  Prout, John, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Providence, Rhode Island, separate schools of
+  Providence Convent of Baltimore, influence of
+  Purcell, Jack, bearing of the confession of
+  Puritans, attitude of, toward the uplift of Negroes
+
+  Quakers, educational work among Negroes,
+    promoting education in the Northwest Territory,
+    (see also Friends)
+
+  Racial inferiority, the argument of
+  Randolph, John, slaves of, sent to Ohio
+  Raymond, Daniel, contributed to the education of Negroes
+  Reaction, the effect of
+  Reason, Chas. L., teacher in Institute for Colored Youth
+  Redmond, Sarah, denied admission to Boston School
+  Redpath, James, observation in the South
+  Refugees from Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of;
+    bearing of, on insurrection
+  Refugees Home School established
+  Religious instruction discussed by Churchmen
+  Remond, C.L., lecturer and orator
+  Resolute Beneficial Society established a school
+  Revels, U.S. Senator Hiram, student in Quaker Seminary
+  Rhode Island, work of Quakers of; efforts of colored
+    people of; African Benevolent Society of; school laws of;
+    separate schools disestablished
+  Rice, Rev. David, complained that slaves were not enlightened
+  Rice, Rev. Isaac, mission of, in Canada
+  Richards, Fannie, teacher in Detroit
+  Riley, Mrs. Isaac, taught by master
+  Riots of cities, effect of
+  Roberts, Rev. D.R., attended school in Indiana
+  Rochester, Baptist Church of, lost members
+  Roe, Caroline, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Rush, Dr. Benjamin, desire to elevate the slaves; objections
+    of masters considered; interview with Dr. James Durham;
+  Rush Medical School admitted colored student
+  Russworm, John B., first colored man to graduate from college
+  Rutland College, Vermont, opened to colored students
+
+  Sabbath-schools, a factor in education; separation of the races
+  St. Agnes Academy established in the District of Columbia
+  St. Frances Academy established in Baltimore
+  Salem, Massachusetts, colored school of
+  Salem, New Jersey, work of Quakers of
+  Sampson, B.K., assistant teacher of Avery College
+  Samson, Rev. Dr., aided Hays, a teacher of Washington
+  Sanderson, Bishop, interest in the uplift of the heathen
+  Sandiford, Ralph, attacked slavery
+  Sandoval, Alfonso, opposed keeping slaves
+  Sandwich, Canada, separate school of
+  Sandy Lake Settlement broken up
+  Saunders of Cabell County, West Virginia, settled his slaves
+    on free soil
+  Savannah,
+    colored schools of
+    churches of
+  Scarborough, President W.S.,
+    early education of
+  Schoepf, Johann, found conditions favorable
+  Seaman, Jacob, interest of, in New York colored schools
+  Searing, Anna H., a supporter of Myrtilla Miner
+  Seaton, W.W., a supporter of Alexander Hays's School
+  Secker, Bishop,
+    plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+    had Negroes educated for Africa
+    extract from sermon of
+  Settle, Josiah T., was educated in Ohio
+  Sewell, Chief Justice, on the instruction of Negroes
+  Shadd, Mary Ann, teacher in Canada
+  Shaffer, Bishop C.T., early education of, in Indiana
+  Sharp, Granville, on the colonization of Negroes
+  Sidney, Thomas, gave money to build school-house
+  Slave in Essex County, Virginia, learned to read
+  Slavery, ancient, contrasted with the modern
+  Small, Robert, student in South Carolina
+  Smedes, Susan Dabney, saw slaves instructed
+  Smith, Gerrit,
+    contributed money to the education of the Negro
+    founder of the Peterboro School
+    appeal in behalf of colored mechanics
+  Smith, Melancthon, interest of, in the New York African Free Schools
+  Smothers, Henry, founded a school in Washington
+  Snow riot, results of
+  Snowden, John Baptist, instructed by white children
+  Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
+    efforts of
+  South Carolina,
+    schools of unfavorable conditions
+    prohibitive legislation
+    governor of, discussed the Vesey insurrection
+  Spain, King of, desired trade in enlightened slaves only
+  Spanish missionaries taught Negroes in America
+  Springfield, colored schools of
+  Statistics on the intellectual condition of Negroes
+  Stewart, Rev., a missionary in North Carolina
+  Stewart, T. McCants, student in Charleston
+  Stokes, Richard, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Storrs, C.B.,
+    advocate of free discussion
+    influence of
+  Stowe, H.B.,
+    assisted Myrtilla Miner
+    interest of, in industrial education
+  Stratton, Lucy, taught Negroes
+  Sturgeon, Rev. William, work of, in Philadelphia
+  Sumler, Jas. W., learned to read with difficulty
+  Sylvester, Elisha, efforts of, in Boston
+
+  Tabbs, Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Talbot County, Maryland, the education of the Negro in
+  Talbot, Mr., tutor in the District of Columbia,
+  Talbot, Reverend, taught Samuel Lowry at Franklin College,
+  Tappan, Arthur, work of, in behalf of Negroes,
+  Tanner, Bishop Benjamin Tucker, attended school in Pennsylvania,
+  Tarborough, North Carolina, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Tatem, Isaac, instructed Negroes,
+  Taylor, M.W., taught by his mother,
+  Taylor, Dr. Wm., educated for service in Liberia,
+  Taylor, Reverend, interest of, in the enlightenment of Negroes,
+  Templeton, John N., educational efforts of,
+  Tennessee, education of the Negroes of,
+    legislation of,
+  Terrell, Mary Church, mother of, taught by white gentleman,
+  Terrell, Robert H., father of, learned to read,
+  Thetford Academy opened to Negroes,
+  Thomas, J.C. teacher of W.S. Scarborough,
+  Thomas, Rev. Samuel, teacher in South Carolina,
+  Thompson, Margaret, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+  Thornton, views of, on colonization,
+  Toop, Clara G., an instructor at Avery College,
+  Toronto, Canada, evening school organized,
+  Torrey, Jesse, on education and emancipation,
+  Trenton, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested,
+  Troumontaine, Julian, teacher in Savannah,
+  "True Bands," educational work of, in Canada,
+    (see also note 1,)
+  Trumbull, John, teacher in Philadelphia,
+  Tucker, Ebenezer, principal of Union Literary Institute,
+  Tucker, Judge St. George, discussed slave insurrections,
+  Turner, Bishop Henry M., early education of,
+  Turner, Nathaniel, the education of,
+    effects of the insurrection of,
+
+  Union College admitted a Negro,
+  Union Literary Institute, Indiana, favorable to the instruction of
+    Negroes,
+
+  Vanlomen, Father, aided Maria Becraft,
+  Vashon, George B., principal of Avery College,
+  Vermont, required practically no segregation,
+  Vesey, Denmark, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Vesey, Reverend, interest of, in Neau's school,
+  Virginia, question of instructing Negroes of,
+    education of Negroes of, given legal sanction,
+    colored schools of,
+    work of abolitionists of,
+    interest of Quakers of,
+    efforts of Presbyterians of,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Vocational training emphasized by Frederick Douglass,
+    interest of H.B. Stowe in,
+
+  Wagoner, H.O., taught by his parents,
+  Walker, David, appeal of,
+  Wall, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Ward, S.R., attainments of,
+  Warren, John W., studied under white children,
+  Warville, Brissot de, found desirable conditions,
+  Washington, George, attitude of,
+    will of,
+  Waterford, Ephraim, taught by his employer,
+  Watkins, Wm., teacher in Baltimore,
+  Watrum, François Philibert, inquiry of, about instructing Negroes,
+  Wattles, Augustus, philanthropist and educator,
+  Wayman, Reverend, advocate of the instruction of Negroes,
+  Wayman, Rev. Dr., interest of, in free schools,
+  Weaver, Amanda, assisted Myrtilla Miner,
+  Wells, Nelson, bequeathed $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Wesley, John, opinion of, on the intellect of Negroes,
+  Western Reserve converted to democratic education,
+  Wetmore, Reverend, a worker connected with Neau's school,
+  Wheatley, Phyllis, education of,
+    poetry of,
+  White, j. T., attended school in Indiana,
+  White, Dr. Thomas J., educated for Liberia,
+  White, W.J., educated by his white mother,
+  Whitefield, Rev. George, interest in the uplift of Negroes,
+    plan of, to establish a school,
+  Whitefield, Rev. James, promoted education in Baltimore,
+  Whitefield, James M., poet,
+  Wickham, executor of Samuel Gist,
+  Williams, Bishop, urged the duty of converting the Negroes,
+  Williamson, Henry, taught by his master,
+  Wilmington, Delaware, educational work of abolitionists of,
+  Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, published a pamphlet on the uplift of
+    the Negroes,
+    contributed money to educate the Negroes of Talbot County, Maryland,
+  Wilson, Rev. Hiram, inspector of schools in Canada,
+    founder of a manual labor school,
+  Windsor, Canada, school privileges of,
+  Wing, Mr., teacher in Cincinnati,
+  Winslow, Parson, children of, indulgent to Uncle Cephas,
+  Wisconsin, equal school facilities of,
+  Woodson, Ann, taught by her young mistress,
+  Woodson, Emma J., instructor at Avery College,
+  Woodson, Louis, teacher in Pittsburgh,
+  Woolman, John, interest of,
+  Wormley, James, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Wormley, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Wortham, Dr. James L., pupil of John Chavis
+  Wright, Rev. John F., one of the founders of Wilberforce University
+
+  Xenia, Ohio, settlement of, Wilberforce University established near
+
+  Zane, Jonathan, gave $18,000 for the education of Negroes
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Education Of The Negro Prior To
+1861, by Carter Godwin Woodson
+
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+The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Education Of The Negro Prior To 1861
+by Carter Godwin Woodson
+
+This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
+almost no restrictions whatsoever.  You may copy it, give it away or
+re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
+with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
+
+
+Title: The Education Of The Negro Prior To 1861
+       A History of the Education of the Colored People of the
+         United States from the Beginning of Slavery to the Civil War
+
+Author: Carter Godwin Woodson
+
+Release Date: February 15, 2004 [EBook #11089]
+
+Language: English
+
+Character set encoding: ASCII
+
+*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK EDUCATION OF THE NEGRO ***
+
+
+
+
+Produced by Suzanne Shell, Josephine Paoluccci and the Online Distributed
+Proofreading Team.
+
+
+
+
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+A History of the Education of the Colored People of the United States
+from the Beginning of Slavery to the Civil War
+
+
+By
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+1919
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+About two years ago the author decided to set forth in a small volume
+the leading facts of the development of Negro education, thinking that
+he would have to deal largely with the movement since the Civil War.
+In looking over documents for material to furnish a background for
+recent achievements in this field, he discovered that he would write
+a much more interesting book should he confine himself to the
+ante-bellum period. In fact, the accounts of the successful strivings
+of Negroes for enlightenment under most adverse circumstances read
+like beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age.
+
+Interesting as is this phase of the history of the American Negro, it
+has as a field of profitable research attracted only M.B. Goodwin, who
+published in the Special Report of the United States Commissioner
+of Education of 1871 an exhaustive _History of the Schools for the
+Colored Population in the District of Columbia_. In that same document
+was included a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored Population
+in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different States_. But
+although the author of the latter collected a mass of valuable
+material, his report is neither comprehensive nor thorough. Other
+publications touching this subject have dealt either with certain
+localities or special phases.
+
+Yet evident as may be the failure of scholars to treat this neglected
+aspect of our history, the author of this dissertation is far from
+presuming that he has exhausted the subject. With the hope of vitally
+interesting some young master mind in this large task, the undersigned
+has endeavored to narrate in brief how benevolent teachers of both
+races strove to give the ante-bellum Negroes the education through
+which many of them gained freedom in its highest and best sense.
+
+The author desires to acknowledge his indebtedness to Dr. J.E.
+Moorland, International Secretary of the Young Men's Christian
+Association, for valuable information concerning the Negroes of Ohio.
+
+C.G. Woodson.
+
+Washington, D.C. _June 11, 1919._
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+CHAPTER
+
+     I.--Introduction
+
+    II.--Religion with Letters
+
+   III.--Education as a Right of Man
+
+    IV.--Actual Education
+
+     V.--Better Beginnings
+
+    VI.--Educating the Urban Negro
+
+   VII.--The Reaction
+
+  VIII.--Religion without Letters
+
+    IX.--Learning in Spite of Opposition
+
+     X.--Educating Negroes Transplanted to Free Soil
+
+    XI.--Higher Education
+
+   XII.--Vocational Training
+
+  XIII.--Education at Public Expense
+
+  Appendix: Documents
+
+  Bibliography
+
+  Index
+
+
+
+
+The Education of the Negro Prior to 1861
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+Brought from the African wilds to constitute the laboring class of
+a pioneering society in the new world, the heathen slaves had to be
+trained to meet the needs of their environment. It required little
+argument to convince intelligent masters that slaves who had some
+conception of modern civilization and understood the language of their
+owners would be more valuable than rude men with whom one could not
+communicate. The questions, however, as to exactly what kind of
+training these Negroes should have, and how far it should go, were to
+the white race then as much a matter of perplexity as they are now.
+Yet, believing that slaves could not be enlightened without developing
+in them a longing for liberty, not a few masters maintained that the
+more brutish the bondmen the more pliant they become for purposes of
+exploitation. It was this class of slaveholders that finally won the
+majority of southerners to their way of thinking and determined that
+Negroes should not be educated.
+
+The history of the education of the ante-bellum Negroes, therefore,
+falls into two periods. The first extends from the time of the
+introduction of slavery to the climax of the insurrectionary movement
+about 1835, when the majority of the people in this country answered
+in the affirmative the question whether or not it was prudent to
+educate their slaves. Then followed the second period, when the
+industrial revolution changed slavery from a patriarchal to an
+economic institution, and when intelligent Negroes, encouraged by
+abolitionists, made so many attempts to organize servile insurrections
+that the pendulum began to swing the other way. By this time most
+southern white people reached the conclusion that it was impossible
+to cultivate the minds of Negroes without arousing overmuch
+self-assertion.
+
+The early advocates of the education of Negroes were of three classes:
+first, masters who desired to increase the economic efficiency of
+their labor supply; second, sympathetic persons who wished to help the
+oppressed; and third, zealous missionaries who, believing that the
+message of divine love came equally to all, taught slaves the English
+language that they might learn the principles of the Christian
+religion. Through the kindness of the first class, slaves had their
+best chance for mental improvement. Each slaveholder dealt with the
+situation to suit himself, regardless of public opinion. Later,
+when measures were passed to prohibit the education of slaves, some
+masters, always a law unto themselves, continued to teach their
+Negroes in defiance of the hostile legislation. Sympathetic persons
+were not able to accomplish much because they were usually reformers,
+who not only did not own slaves, but dwelt in practically free
+settlements far from the plantations on which the bondmen lived.
+
+The Spanish and French missionaries, the first to face this problem,
+set an example which influenced the education of the Negroes
+throughout America. Some of these early heralds of Catholicism
+manifested more interest in the Indians than in the Negroes, and
+advocated the enslavement of the Africans rather than that of the Red
+Men. But being anxious to see the Negroes enlightened and brought into
+the Church, they courageously directed their attention to the teaching
+of their slaves, provided for the instruction of the numerous
+mixed-breed offspring, and granted freedmen the educational privileges
+of the highest classes. Put to shame by this noble example of the
+Catholics, the English colonists had to find a way to overcome the
+objections of those who, granting that the enlightenment of the slaves
+might not lead to servile insurrection, nevertheless feared that their
+conversion might work manumission. To meet this exigency the
+colonists secured, through legislation by their assemblies and formal
+declarations of the Bishop of London, the abrogation of the law that
+a Christian could not be held as a slave. Then allowed access to the
+bondmen, the missionaries of the Church of England, sent out by the
+Society for the Propagation of the Gospel among the Heathen in Foreign
+Parts, undertook to educate the slaves for the purpose of extensive
+proselyting.
+
+Contemporaneous with these early workers of the Established Church of
+England were the liberal Puritans, who directed their attention to the
+conversion of the slaves long before this sect advocated abolition.
+Many of this connection justified slavery as established by the
+precedent of the Hebrews, but they felt that persons held to service
+should be instructed as were the servants of the household of Abraham.
+The progress of the cause was impeded, however, by the bigoted class
+of Puritans, who did not think well of the policy of incorporating
+undesirable persons into the Church so closely connected then with the
+state. The first settlers of the American colonies to offer Negroes
+the same educational and religious privileges they provided for
+persons of their own race, were the Quakers. Believing in the
+brotherhood of man and the fatherhood of God, they taught the colored
+people to read their own "instruction in the book of the law that they
+might be wise unto salvation."
+
+Encouraging as was the aspect of things after these early efforts, the
+contemporary complaints about the neglect to instruct the slaves show
+that the cause lacked something to make the movement general. Then
+came the days when the struggle for the rights of man was arousing the
+civilized world. After 1760 the nascent social doctrine found response
+among the American colonists. They looked with opened eyes at the
+Negroes. A new day then dawned for the dark-skinned race. Men like
+Patrick Henry and James Otis, who demanded liberty for themselves,
+could not but concede that slaves were entitled at least to freedom of
+body. The frequent acts of manumission and emancipation which followed
+upon this change in attitude toward persons of color, turned loose
+upon society a large number of men whose chief needs were education
+and training in the duties of citizenship. To enlighten these freedmen
+schools, missions, and churches were established by benevolent and
+religious workers. These colaborers included at this time the Baptists
+and Methodists who, thanks to the spirit of toleration incident to the
+Revolution, were allowed access to Negroes bond and free.
+
+With all of these new opportunities Negroes exhibited a rapid
+mental development. Intelligent colored men proved to be useful and
+trustworthy servants; they became much better laborers and artisans,
+and many of them showed administrative ability adequate to the
+management of business establishments and large plantations. Moreover,
+better rudimentary education served many ambitious persons of color as
+a stepping-stone to higher attainments. Negroes learned to appreciate
+and write poetry and contributed something to mathematics, science,
+and philosophy. Furthermore, having disproved the theories of
+their mental inferiority, some of the race, in conformity with the
+suggestion of Cotton Mather, were employed to teach white children.
+
+Observing these evidences of a general uplift of the Negroes, certain
+educators advocated the establishment of special colored schools. The
+founding of these institutions, however, must not be understood as a
+movement to separate the children of the races on account of caste
+prejudice. The dual system resulted from an effort to meet the needs
+peculiar to a people just emerging from bondage. It was easily seen
+that their education should no longer be dominated by religion.
+Keeping the past of the Negroes in mind, their friends tried to unite
+the benefits of practical and cultural education. The teachers of
+colored schools offered courses in the industries along with advanced
+work in literature, mathematics, and science. Girls who specialized in
+sewing took lessons in French.
+
+So startling were the rapid strides made by the colored people in
+their mental development after the revolutionary era that certain
+southerners who had not seriously objected to the enlightenment of the
+Negroes began to favor the half reactionary policy of educating them
+only on the condition that they should be colonized. The colonization
+movement, however, was supported also by some white men who, seeing
+the educational progress of the colored people during the period of
+better beginnings, felt that they should be given an opportunity to
+be transplanted to a free country where they might develop without
+restriction.
+
+Timorous southerners, however, soon had other reasons for their
+uncharitable attitude. During the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century two effective forces were rapidly increasing the number of
+reactionaries who by public opinion gradually prohibited the education
+of the colored people in all places except certain urban communities
+where progressive Negroes had been sufficiently enlightened to provide
+their own school facilities. The first of these forces was the
+worldwide industrial movement. It so revolutionized spinning and
+weaving that the resulting increased demand for cotton fiber gave rise
+to the plantation system of the South, which required a larger number
+of slaves. Becoming too numerous to be considered as included in the
+body politic as conceived by Locke, Montesquieu, and Blackstone,
+the slaves were generally doomed to live without any enlightenment
+whatever. Thereafter rich planters not only thought it unwise to
+educate men thus destined to live on a plane with beasts, but
+considered it more profitable to work a slave to death during seven
+years and buy another in his stead than to teach and humanize him with
+a view to increasing his efficiency.
+
+The other force conducive to reaction was the circulation through
+intelligent Negroes of antislavery accounts of the wrongs to colored
+people and the well portrayed exploits of Toussaint L'Ouverture.
+Furthermore, refugees from Haiti settled in Baltimore, Norfolk,
+Charleston, and New Orleans, where they gave Negroes a first-hand
+story of how black men of the West Indies had righted their wrongs. At
+the same time certain abolitionists and not a few slaveholders were
+praising, in the presence of slaves, the bloody methods of the
+French Revolution. When this enlightenment became productive of
+such disorders that slaveholders lived in eternal dread of servile
+insurrection, Southern States adopted the thoroughly reactionary
+policy of making the education of Negroes impossible.
+
+The prohibitive legislation extended over a period of more than a
+century, beginning with the act of South Carolina in 1740. But with
+the exception of the action of this State and that of Georgia the
+important measures which actually proscribed the teaching of Negroes
+were enacted during the first four decades of the nineteenth century.
+The States attacked the problem in various ways. Colored people beyond
+a certain number were not allowed to assemble for social or religious
+purposes, unless in the presence of certain "discreet" white men;
+slaves were deprived of the helpful contact of free persons of color
+by driving them out of some Southern States; masters who had employed
+their favorite blacks in positions which required a knowledge of
+bookkeeping, printing, and the like, were commanded by law to
+discontinue that custom; and private and public teachers were
+prohibited from assisting Negroes to acquire knowledge in any manner
+whatever.
+
+The majority of the people of the South had by this time come to the
+conclusion that, as intellectual elevation unfits men for servitude
+and renders it impossible to retain them in this condition, it should
+be interdicted. In other words, the more you cultivate the minds of
+slaves, the more unserviceable you make them; you give them a higher
+relish for those privileges which they cannot attain and turn what you
+intend for a blessing into a curse. If they are to remain in slavery
+they should be kept in the lowest state of ignorance and degradation,
+and the nearer you bring them to the condition of brutes the better
+chance they have to retain their apathy. It had thus been brought to
+pass that the measures enacted to prevent the education of Negroes had
+not only forbidden association with their fellows for mutual help and
+closed up most colored schools in the South, but had in several States
+made it a crime for a Negro to teach his own children.
+
+The contrast of conditions at the close of this period with those
+of former days is striking. Most slaves who were once counted as
+valuable, on account of their ability to read and write the English
+language, were thereafter considered unfit for service in the
+South and branded as objects of suspicion. Moreover, when within a
+generation or so the Negroes began to retrograde because they had been
+deprived of every elevating influence, the white people of the South
+resorted to their old habit of answering their critics with the bold
+assertion that the effort to enlighten the blacks would prove futile
+on account of their mental inferiority. The apathy which these
+bondmen, inured to hardships, consequently developed was referred to
+as adequate evidence that they were content with their lot, and
+that any effort to teach them to know their real condition would be
+productive of mischief both to the slaves and their masters.
+
+The reactionary movement, however, was not confined to the South. The
+increased migration of fugitives and free Negroes to the asylum of
+Northern States, caused certain communities of that section to feel
+that they were about to be overrun by undesirable persons who could
+not be easily assimilated. The subsequent anti-abolition riots in the
+North made it difficult for friends of the Negroes to raise funds to
+educate them. Free persons of color were not allowed to open schools
+in some places, teachers of Negroes were driven from their stations,
+and colored schoolhouses were burned.
+
+Ashamed to play the role of a Christian clergy guarding silence on the
+indispensable duty of saving the souls of the colored people, certain
+of the most influential southern ministers hit upon the scheme of
+teaching illiterate Negroes the principles of Christianity by memory
+training or the teaching of religion without letters. This the clergy
+were wont to call religious instruction. The word instruction,
+however, as used in various documents, is rather confusing. Before the
+reactionary period all instruction of the colored people included the
+teaching of the rudiments of education as a means to convey Christian
+thought. But with the exception of a few Christians the southerners
+thereafter used the word instruction to signify the mere memorizing of
+principles from the most simplified books. The sections of the South
+in which the word instruction was not used in this restricted sense
+were mainly the settlements of Quakers and Catholics who, in defiance
+of the law, persisted in teaching Negroes to read and write. Yet it
+was not uncommon to find others who, after having unsuccessfully used
+their influence against the enactment of these reactionary laws,
+boldly defied them by instructing the Negroes of their communities.
+Often opponents to this custom winked at it as an indulgence to the
+clerical profession. Many Scotch-Irish of the Appalachian Mountains
+and liberal Methodists and Baptists of the Western slave States did
+not materially change their attitude toward the enlightenment of the
+colored people during the reactionary period. The Negroes among
+these people continued to study books and hear religious instruction
+conveyed to maturing minds.
+
+Yet little as seemed this enlightenment by means of verbal
+instruction, some slaveholders became sufficiently inhuman to object
+to it on the grounds that the teaching of religion would lead to the
+teaching of letters. In fact, by 1835 certain parts of the South
+reached the third stage in the development of the education of the
+Negroes. At first they were taught the common branches to enable them
+to understand the principles of Christianity; next the colored people
+as an enlightened class became such a menace to southern institutions
+that it was deemed unwise to allow them any instruction beyond that
+of memory training; and finally, when it was discovered that many
+ambitious blacks were still learning to stir up their fellows, it was
+decreed that they should not receive any instruction at all. Reduced
+thus to the plane of beasts, where they remained for generations,
+Negroes developed bad traits which since their emancipation have been
+removed only with great difficulty.
+
+Dark as the future of the Negro students seemed, all hope was not yet
+gone. Certain white men in every southern community made it possible
+for many of them to learn in spite of opposition. Slaveholders were
+not long in discovering that a thorough execution of the law was
+impossible when Negroes were following practically all the higher
+pursuits of labor in the South. Masters who had children known to be
+teaching slaves protected their benevolent sons and daughters from the
+rigors of the law. Preachers, on finding out that the effort at verbal
+education could not convey Christian truths to an undeveloped mind,
+overcame the opposition in their localities and taught the colored
+people as before. Negroes themselves, regarding learning as forbidden
+fruit, stole away to secret places at night to study under the
+direction of friends. Some learned by intuition without having had the
+guidance of an instructor. The fact is that these drastic laws were
+not passed to restrain "discreet" southerners from doing whatever they
+desired for the betterment of their Negroes. The aim was to cut off
+their communication with northern teachers and abolitionists, whose
+activity had caused the South to believe that if such precaution were
+not taken these agents would teach their slaves principles subversive
+of southern institutions. Thereafter the documents which mention the
+teaching of Negroes to read and write seldom even state that the
+southern white teacher was so much as censured for his benevolence.
+In the rare cases of arrest of such instructors they were usually
+acquitted after receiving a reprimand.
+
+With this winking at the teaching of Negroes in defiance of the law a
+better day for their education brightened certain parts of the
+South about the middle of the nineteenth century. Believing that an
+enlightened laboring class might stop the decline of that section,
+some slaveholders changed their attitude toward the elevation of
+the colored people. Certain others came to think that the policy of
+keeping Negroes in ignorance to prevent servile insurrections was
+unwise. It was observed that the most loyal and subordinate slaves
+were those who could read the Bible and learn the truth for
+themselves. Private teachers of colored persons, therefore, were often
+left undisturbed, little effort was made to break up the Negroes'
+secret schools in different parts, and many influential white men took
+it upon themselves to instruct the blacks who were anxious to learn.
+
+Other Negroes who had no such opportunities were then finding a way of
+escape through the philanthropy of those abolitionists who colonized
+some freedmen and fugitives in the Northwest Territory and promoted
+the migration of others to the East. These Negroes were often
+fortunate. Many of them settled where they could take up land and had
+access to schools and churches conducted by the best white people
+of the country. This migration, however, made matters worse for the
+Negroes who were left in the South. As only the most enlightened
+blacks left the slave States, the bondmen and the indigent free
+persons of color were thereby deprived of helpful contact. The
+preponderance of intelligent Negroes, therefore, was by 1840 on the
+side of the North. Thereafter the actual education of the colored
+people was largely confined to eastern cities and northern communities
+of transplanted freedmen. The pioneers of these groups organized
+churches and established and maintained a number of successful
+elementary schools.
+
+In addition to providing for rudimentary instruction, the free Negroes
+of the North helped their friends to make possible what we now call
+higher education. During the second quarter of the nineteenth century
+the advanced training of the colored people was almost prohibited by
+the refusals of academies and colleges to admit persons of African
+blood. In consequence of these conditions, the long-put-forth efforts
+to found Negro colleges began to be crowned with success before the
+Civil War. Institutions of the North admitted Negroes later for
+various reasons. Some colleges endeavored to prepare them for service
+in Liberia, while others, proclaiming their conversion to the doctrine
+of democratic education, opened their doors to all.
+
+The advocates of higher education, however, met with no little
+opposition. The concentration in northern communities of the crude
+fugitives driven from the South necessitated a readjustment of things.
+The training of Negroes in any manner whatever was then very unpopular
+in many parts of the North. When prejudice, however, lost some of its
+sting, the friends of the colored people did more than ever for
+their education. But in view of the changed conditions most of these
+philanthropists concluded that the Negroes were very much in need
+of practical education. Educators first attempted to provide such
+training by offering classical and vocational courses in what they
+called the "manual labor schools." When these failed to meet the
+emergency they advocated actual vocational training. To make this new
+system extensive the Negroes freely cooeperated with their benefactors,
+sharing no small part of the real burden. They were at the same time
+paying taxes to support public schools which they could not attend.
+
+This very condition was what enabled the abolitionists to see that
+they had erred in advocating the establishment of separate schools for
+Negroes. At first the segregation of pupils of African blood was, as
+stated above, intended as a special provision to bring the colored
+youth into contact with sympathetic teachers, who knew the needs of
+their students. When the public schools, however, developed at the
+expense of the state into a desirable system better equipped than
+private institutions, the antislavery organizations in many Northern
+States began to demand that the Negroes be admitted to the public
+schools. After extensive discussion certain States of New England
+finally decided the question in the affirmative, experiencing no great
+inconvenience from the change. In most other States of the North,
+however, separate schools for Negroes did not cease to exist until
+after the Civil War. It was the liberated Negroes themselves who,
+during the Reconstruction, gave the Southern States their first
+effective system of free public schools.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+RELIGION WITH LETTERS
+
+
+The first real educators to take up the work of enlightening American
+Negroes were clergymen interested in the propagation of the gospel
+among the heathen of the new world. Addressing themselves to this
+task, the missionaries easily discovered that their first duty was to
+educate these crude elements to enable them not only to read the truth
+for themselves, but to appreciate the supremacy of the Christian
+religion. After some opposition slaves were given the opportunity to
+take over the Christian civilization largely because of the adverse
+criticism[1] which the apostles to the lowly heaped upon the planters
+who neglected the improvement of their Negroes. Made then a device for
+bringing the blacks into the Church, their education was at first too
+much dominated by the teaching of religion.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241; and _The Penn. Mag.
+of History_, xii., 265.]
+
+Many early advocates of slavery favored the enlightenment of the
+Africans. That it was an advantage to the Negroes to be brought within
+the light of the gospel was a common argument in favor of the slave
+trade.[1] When the German Protestants from Salsburg had scruples about
+enslaving men, they were assured by a message from home stating that
+if they took slaves in faith and with the intention of conducting
+them to Christ, the action would not be a sin, but might prove a
+benediction.[2] This was about the attitude of Spain. The missionary
+movement seemed so important to the king of that country that he at
+first allowed only Christian slaves to be brought to America, hoping
+that such persons might serve as apostles to the Indians.[3] The
+Spaniards adopted a different policy, however, when they ceased their
+wild search for an "El Dorado" and became permanently attached to the
+community. They soon made settlements and opened mines which
+they thought required the introduction of slavery. Thus becoming
+commercialized, these colonists experienced a greed which,
+disregarding the consequences of the future, urged the importation
+of all classes of slaves to meet the demand for cheap labor.[4] This
+request was granted by the King of Spain, but the masters of such
+bondmen were expressly ordered to have them indoctrinated in the
+principles of Christianity. It was the failure of certain Spaniards to
+live up to these regulations that caused the liberal-minded Jesuit,
+Alphonso Sandoval, to register the first protest against slavery in
+America.[5] In later years the change in the attitude of the Spaniards
+toward this problem was noted. In Mexico the ayuntamientos were under
+the most rigid responsibility to see that free children born of slaves
+received the best education that could be given them. They had to
+place them "for that purpose at the public schools and other places of
+instruction wherein they" might "become useful to society."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Proslavery Argument; and Lecky, _History of England_,
+vol. ii., p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Faust, _German Element in United States_, vol. i., pp.
+242-43.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Bancroft, _History of United States_, vol. i., p. 124.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Herrera, _Historia General_, dec. iv., libro ii.; dec.
+v., libro ii.; dec. vii., libro iv.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 389.]
+
+In the French settlements of America the instruction of the Negroes
+did not early become a difficult problem. There were not many Negroes
+among the French. Their methods of colonization did not require many
+slaves. Nevertheless, whenever the French missionary came into contact
+with Negroes he considered it his duty to enlighten the unfortunates
+and lead them to God. As early as 1634 Paul Le Jeune, a Jesuit
+missionary in Canada, rejoiced that he had again become a real
+preceptor in that he was teaching a little Negro the alphabet. Le
+Jeune hoped to baptize his pupil as soon as he learned sufficient to
+understand the Christian doctrine.[1] Moreover, evidence of a general
+interest in the improvement of Negroes appeared in the Code Noir which
+made it incumbent upon masters to enlighten their slaves that they
+might grasp the principles of the Christian religion.[2] To carry
+out this mandate slaves were sometimes called together with white
+settlers. The meeting was usually opened with prayer and the reading
+of some pious book, after which the French children were turned over
+to one catechist, and the slaves and Indians to another. If a large
+number of slaves were found in the community their special instruction
+was provided for in meetings of their own.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 63.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Code Noir, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Jesuit Relations_, vol. v., p. 62.]
+
+
+After 1716, when Jesuits were taking over slaves in larger numbers,
+and especially after 1726, when Law's Company was importing many to
+meet the demand for laborers in Louisiana, we read of more instances
+of the instruction of Negroes by French Catholics.[1] Writing about
+this task in 1730, Le Petit spoke of being "settled to the instruction
+of the boarders, the girls who live without, and the Negro women."[2]
+In 1738 he said, "I instruct in Christian morals the slaves of our
+residence, who are Negroes, and as many others as I can get from their
+masters."[3] Years later Francois Philibert Watrum, seeing that some
+Jesuits had on their estates one hundred and thirty slaves, inquired
+why the instruction of the Indian and Negro serfs of the French did
+not give these missionaries sufficient to do.[4] Hoping to enable
+the slaves to elevate themselves, certain inhabitants of the French
+colonies requested of their king a decree protecting their title to
+property in such bondmen as they might send to France to be confirmed
+in their instruction and in the exercise of their religion, and to
+have them learn some art or trade from which the colonies might
+receive some benefit by their return from the mother country.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., vol. lxvii., pp. 259 and 343.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. lxviii., p. 201.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. lxix., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. lxx., p. 245.]
+
+The education of Negroes was facilitated among the French and Spanish
+by their liberal attitude toward their slaves. Many of them were
+respected for their worth and given some of the privileges of
+freemen. Estevanecito, an enlightened slave sent by Niza, the Spanish
+adventurer, to explore Arizona, was a favored servant of this
+class.[1] The Latin custom of miscegenation proved to be a still more
+important factor in the education of Negroes in the colonies. As the
+French and Spanish came to America for the purpose of exploitation,
+leaving their wives behind, many of them, by cohabiting with and
+marrying colored women, gave rise to an element of mixed breeds. This
+was especially true of the Spanish settlements. They had more persons
+of this class than any other colonies in America. The Latins, in
+contradistinction to the English, generally liberated their mulatto
+offspring and sometimes recognized them as their equals. Such Negroes
+constituted a class of persons who, although they could not aspire to
+the best in the colony, had a decided advantage over other inhabitants
+of color. They often lived in luxury, and, of course, had a few
+social privileges. The Code Noir granted freedmen the same rights,
+privileges, and immunities as those enjoyed by persons born free, with
+the view that the accomplishment of acquired liberty should have on
+the former the same effect that the happiness of natural liberty
+caused in other subjects.[2] As these mixed breeds were later lost, so
+to speak, among the Latins, it is almost impossible to determine what
+their circumstances were, and what advantages of education they had.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bancroft, _Arizona and New Mexico_, pp. 27-32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: The Code Noir obliged every planter to have his Negroes
+instructed and baptized. It allowed the slave for instruction,
+worship, and rest not only every Sunday, but every festival usually
+observed by the Roman Catholic Church. It did not permit any market to
+be held on Sundays or holidays. It prohibited, under severe penalties,
+all masters and managers from corrupting their female slaves. It did
+not allow the Negro husband, wife, or infant children to be sold
+separately. It forbade them the use of torture, or immoderate and
+inhuman punishments. It obliged the owners to maintain their old and
+decrepit slaves. If the Negroes were not fed and clothed as the law
+prescribed, or if they were in any way cruelly treated, they might
+apply to the Procureur, who was obliged by his office to protect them.
+See Code Noir, pp. 99-100.]
+
+
+The Spanish and French were doing so much more than the English to
+enlighten their slaves that certain teachers and missionaries in the
+British colonies endeavored more than ever to arouse their countrymen
+to discharge their duty to those they held in bondage. These reformers
+hoped to do this by holding up to the members of the Anglican Church
+the praiseworthy example of the Catholics whom the British had for
+years denounced as enemies of Christ. The criticism had its effect.
+But to prosecute this work extensively the English had to overcome
+the difficulty found in the observance of the unwritten law that
+no Christian could be held a slave. Now, if the teaching of slaves
+enabled them to be converted and their Christianization led to
+manumission, the colonists had either to let the institution gradually
+pass away or close all avenues of information to the minds of their
+Negroes. The necessity of choosing either of these alternatives
+was obviated by the enactment of provincial statutes and formal
+declarations by the Bishop of London to the effect that conversion did
+not work manumission.[1] After the solution of this problem English
+missionaries urged more vigorously upon the colonies the duty of
+instructing the slaves. Among the active churchmen working for this
+cause were Rev. Morgan Goodwyn and Bishops Fleetwood, Lowth, and
+Sanderson.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 2: On observing that laws had been passed in Virginia to
+prevent slaves from attending the meetings of Quakers for purposes of
+being instructed, Morgan Goodwyn registered a most earnest protest. He
+felt that prompt attention should be given to the instruction of the
+slaves to prevent the Church from falling into discredit, and to
+obviate the causes for blasphemy on the part of the enemies of the
+Church who would not fail to point out that ministers sent to the
+remotest parts had failed to convert the heathen. Therefore, he
+preached in Westminster Abbey in 1685 a sermon "to stir up and
+provoke" his "Majesty's subjects abroad, and even at home, to use
+endeavors for the propagation of Christianity among their domestic
+slaves and vassals." He referred to the spreading of mammonism and
+irreligion by which efforts to instruct and Christianize the heathen
+were paralyzed. He deplored the fact that the slaves who were the
+subjects of such instruction became the victims of still greater
+cruelty, while the missionaries who endeavored to enlighten them were
+neglected and even persecuted by the masters. They considered the
+instruction of the Negroes an impracticable and needless work of
+popish superstition, and a policy subversive of the interests of
+slaveholders. Bishop Sanderson found it necessary to oppose this
+policy of Virginia which had met the denunciation of Goodwyn. In
+strongly emphasizing this duty of masters, Bishop Fleetwood moved the
+hearts of many planters of North Carolina to allow missionaries access
+to their slaves. Many of them were thereafter instructed and baptized.
+See Goodwyn, _The Negroes and Indians' Advocate_; Hart, _History Told
+by Contemporaries_, vol. i., No. 86; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._,
+1871, p. 363; _An Account of the Endeavors of the Soc._, etc., p. 14.]
+
+Complaints from men of this type led to systematic efforts to
+enlighten the blacks. The first successful scheme for this purpose
+came from the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts. It was organized by the members of the Established Church in
+London in 1701[1] to do missionary work among Indians and Negroes.
+To convert the heathen they sent out not only ministers but
+schoolmasters. They were required to instruct the children, to teach
+them to read the Scriptures and other poems and useful books, to
+ground them thoroughly in the Church catechism, and to repeat "morning
+and evening prayers and graces composed for their use at home."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pascoe, _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society
+for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Dalcho, _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, p. 39; _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The first active schoolmaster of this class was Rev. Samuel Thomas of
+Goose Creek Parish in South Carolina. He took up this work there in
+1695, and in 1705 could count among his communicants twenty Negroes,
+who with several others "well understanding the English tongue" could
+read and write.[1] Rev. Mr. Thomas said: "I have here presumed to give
+an account of one thousand slaves so far as they know of it and are
+desirous of Christian knowledge and seem willing to prepare themselves
+for it, in learning to read, for which they redeem the time from their
+labor. Many of them can read the Bible distinctly, and great numbers
+of them were learning when I left the province."[2] But not only had
+this worker enlightened many Negroes in his parish, but had enlisted
+in the work several ladies, among whom was Mrs. Haig Edwards. The Rev.
+Mr. Taylor, already interested in the cause, hoped that other masters
+and mistresses would follow the example of Mrs. Edwards.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123].
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Rep. U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 13-14.]
+
+Through the efforts of the same society another school was opened in
+New York City in 1704 under Elias Neau.[1] This benefactor is commonly
+known as the first to begin such an institution for the education of
+Negroes; but the school in Goose Creek Parish, South Carolina, was
+in operation at least nine years earlier. At first Neau called the
+Negroes together after their daily toil was over and taught them at
+his house. By 1708 he was instructing thus as many as two hundred.
+Neau's school owes its importance to the fact that not long after its
+beginning certain Negroes who organized themselves to kill off their
+masters were accredited as students of this institution. For this
+reason it was immediately closed.[2] When upon investigating the
+causes of the insurrection, however, it was discovered that only one
+person connected with the institution had taken part in the struggle,
+the officials of the colony permitted Neau to continue his work and
+extended him their protection. After having been of invaluable service
+to the Negroes of New York this school was closed in 1722 by the
+death of its founder. The work of Neau, however, was taken up by Mr.
+Huddlestone. Rev. Mr. Wetmore entered the field in 1726. Later there
+appeared Rev. Mr. Colgan and Noxon, both of whom did much to promote
+the cause. In 1732 came Rev. Mr. Charlton who toiled in this field
+until 1747 when he was succeeded by Rev. Mr. Auchmutty. He had the
+cooeperation of Mr. Hildreth, the assistant of his predecessor. Much
+help was obtained from Rev. Mr. Barclay who, at the death of Mr. Vesey
+in 1764, became the rector of the parish supporting the school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 6-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+The results obtained in the English colonies during the early period
+show that the agitation for the enlightenment of the Negroes spread
+not only wherever these unfortunates were found, but claimed the
+attention of the benevolent far away. Bishop Wilson of Sodor and Man,
+active in the cause during the first half of the eighteenth century,
+availed himself of the opportunity to aid those missionaries who
+were laboring in the colonies for the instruction of the Indians
+and Negroes. In 1740 he published a pamphlet written in 1699 on the
+_Principles and Duties of Christianity in their Direct Bearing on the
+Uplift of the Heathen_. To teach by example he further aided this
+movement by giving fifty pounds for the education of colored children
+in Talbot County, Maryland.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 364.]
+
+After some opposition this work began to progress somewhat in
+Virginia.[1] The first school established in that colony was for
+Indians and Negroes.[2] In the course of time the custom of teaching
+the latter had legal sanction there. On binding out a "bastard or
+pauper child black or white," churchwardens specifically required
+that he should be taught "to read, write, and calculate as well as to
+follow some profitable form of labor."[3] Other Negroes also had an
+opportunity to learn. Reports of an increase in the number of colored
+communicants came from Accomac County where four or five hundred
+families were instructing their slaves at home, and had their children
+catechized on Sunday. Unusual interest in the cause at Lambeth, in the
+same colony, is attested by an interesting document, setting forth
+in 1724 a proposition for "_Encouraging the Christian Education of
+Indian, Negro, and Mulatto Children_." The author declares it to be
+the duty of masters and mistresses of America to endeavor to educate
+and instruct their heathen slaves in the Christian faith, and
+mentioned the fact that this work had been "earnestly recommended by
+his Majesty's instructions." To encourage the movement it was proposed
+that "every Indian, Negro and Mulatto child that should be baptized
+and afterward brought into the Church and publicly catechized by the
+minister, and should before the fourteenth year of his or her age
+give a distinct account of the creed, the Lord's Prayer, and the Ten
+Commandments," should receive from the minister a certificate which
+would entitle such children to exemption from paying all levies until
+the age of eighteen.[4] The neighboring colony of North Carolina
+also was moved by these efforts despite some difficulties which the
+missionaries there encountered.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, p. 264;
+Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, pp.
+11-12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, in J.H.U. Studies,
+Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Meade, _Old Families and Churches in Virginia_, pp.
+264-65.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, pp. 389-90.]
+
+This favorable attitude toward the people of color, and the successful
+work among them, caused the opponents of this policy to speak out
+boldly against their enlightenment. Some asserted that the Negroes
+were such stubborn creatures that there could be no such close dealing
+with them, and that even when converted they became saucier than
+pious. Others maintained that these bondmen were so ignorant and
+indocile, so far gone in their wickedness, so confirmed in their
+habit of evil ways, that it was vain to undertake to teach them such
+knowledge. Less cruel slaveholders had thought of getting out of the
+difficulty by the excuse that the instruction of Negroes required more
+time and labor than masters could well spare from their business. Then
+there were others who frankly confessed that, being an ignorant and
+unlearned people themselves, they could not teach others.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: For a summary of this argument see Meade, _Four Sermons
+of Reverend Bacon_, pp. 81-97; also, _A Letter to an American Planter
+from his Friend in London_, p. 5.]
+
+Seeing that many leading planters had been influenced by those opposed
+to the enlightenment of Negroes, Bishop Gibson of London issued an
+appeal in behalf of the bondmen, addressing the clergy and laymen in
+two letters[1] published in London in 1727. In one he exhorted masters
+and mistresses of families to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian faith. In the other epistle he directed
+the missionaries of the colonies to give to this work whatever
+assistance they could. Writing to the slaveholders, he took the
+position that considering the greatness of the profit from the labor
+of the slaves it might be hoped that all masters, those especially who
+were possessed of considerable numbers, should be at some expense in
+providing for the instruction of those poor creatures. He thought
+that others who did not own so many should share in the expense of
+maintaining for them a common teacher.
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, pp. 16, 21, and 32; and
+Dalcho, _An Historical Account_, etc., pp. 104 et seq.]
+
+Equally censorious of these neglectful masters was Reverend Thomas
+Bacon, the rector of the Parish Church in Talbot County, Maryland.
+In 1749 he set forth his protest in four sermons on "the great and
+indispensable duty of all Christian masters to bring up their slaves
+in the knowledge and fear of God."[1] Contending that slaves
+should enjoy rights like those of servants in the household of the
+patriarchs, Bacon insisted that next to one's children and brethren
+by blood, one's servants, and especially one's slaves, stood in the
+nearest relation to him, and that in return for their drudgery the
+master owed it to his bondmen to have them enlightened. He believed
+that the reading and explaining of the Holy Scriptures should be made
+a stated duty. In the course of time the place of catechist in each
+family might be supplied out of the intelligent slaves by choosing
+such among them as were best taught to instruct the rest.[2] He was of
+the opinion, too, that were some of the slaves taught to read, were
+they sent to school for that purpose when young, were they given
+the New Testament and other good books to be read at night to their
+fellow-servants, such a course would vastly increase their knowledge
+of God and direct their minds to a serious thought of futurity.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 31 et seq.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 116 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 118.]
+
+With almost equal zeal did Bishops Williams and Butler plead the same
+cause.[1] They deplored the fact that because of their dark skins
+Negro slaves were treated as a species different from the rest of
+mankind. Denouncing the more cruel treatment of slaves as cattle,
+unfit for mental and moral improvement, these churchmen asserted that
+the highest property possible to be acquired in servants could not
+cancel the obligation to take care of the religious instruction of
+those who "despicable as they are in the eyes of man are nevertheless
+the creatures of God."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+On account of these appeals made during the seventeenth and eighteenth
+centuries a larger number of slaves of the English colonies were
+thereafter treated as human beings capable of mental, moral, and
+spiritual development. Some masters began to provide for the
+improvement of these unfortunates, not because they loved them, but
+because instruction would make them more useful to the community. A
+much more effective policy of Negro education was brought forward in
+1741 by Bishop Secker.[1] He suggested the employment of young Negroes
+prudently chosen to teach their countrymen. To carry out such a plan
+he had already sent a missionary to Africa. Besides instructing
+Negroes at his post of duty, this apostle sent three African natives
+to England where they were educated for the work.[2] It was doubtless
+the sentiment of these leaders that caused Dr. Brearcroft to allude to
+this project in a discourse before the Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts in 1741.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Secker, _Works_, vol. v., p. 88.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. vi., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p.6.]
+
+This organization hit upon the plan of purchasing two Negroes named
+Harry and Andrew, and of qualifying them by thorough instruction in
+the principles of Christianity and the fundamentals of education, to
+serve as schoolmasters to their people. Under the direction of Rev.
+Mr. Garden, the missionary who had directed the training of these
+young men, a building costing about three hundred and eight pounds was
+erected in Charleston, South Carolina. In the school which opened in
+this building in 1744 Harry and Andrew served as teachers.[1] In the
+beginning the school had about sixty young students, and had a very
+good daily attendance for a number of years. The directors of the
+institution planned to send out annually between thirty and forty
+youths "well instructed in religion and capable of reading their
+Bibles to carry home and diffuse the same knowledge to their fellow
+slaves."[2] It is highly probable that after 1740 this school was
+attended only by free persons of color. Because the progress of Negro
+education had been rather rapid, South Carolina enacted that year a
+law prohibiting any person from teaching or causing a slave to be
+taught, or from employing or using a slave as a scribe in any manner
+of writing.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meriwether, _Education in South Carolina_, p. 123;
+McCrady, _South Carolina_, etc., p. 246; Dalcho, _An Historical
+Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South Carolina_, pp.
+156, 157, 164.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 157 and 164.]
+
+In 1764 the Charleston school was closed for reasons which it is
+difficult to determine. From one source we learn that one of the
+teachers died, and the other having turned out profligate, no
+instructors could be found to continue the work. It does not seem that
+the sentiment against the education of free Negroes had by that time
+become sufficiently strong to cause the school to be discontinued.[1]
+It is evident, however, that with the assistance of influential
+persons of different communities the instruction of slaves continued
+in that colony. Writing about the middle of the eighteenth century,
+Eliza Lucas, a lady of South Carolina, who afterward married Justice
+Pinckney, mentions a parcel of little Negroes whom she had undertaken
+to teach to read.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _An Account of the Endeavors Used by the Society for the
+Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bourne, _Spain in America_, p. 241.]
+
+The work of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts was also effective in communities of the North in which the
+established Church of England had some standing. In 1751 Reverend Hugh
+Neill, once a Presbyterian minister of New Jersey, became a missionary
+of this organization to the Negroes of Pennsylvania. He worked among
+them fifteen years. Dr. Smith, Provost of the College of Philadelphia,
+devoted a part of his time to the work, and at the death of Neill in
+1766 enlisted as a regular missionary of the Society.[1] It seems,
+however, that prior to the eighteenth century not much had been done
+to enlighten the slaves of that colony, although free persons of
+color had been instructed. Rev. Mr. Wayman, another missionary to
+Pennsylvania about the middle of the eighteenth century, asserted that
+"neither" was "there anywhere care taken for the instruction of Negro
+slaves," the duty to whom he had "pressed upon masters with little
+effect."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 362.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+248.]
+
+To meet this need the Society set the example of maintaining
+catechetical lectures for Negroes in St. Peter's and Christ Church of
+Philadelphia, during the incumbency of Dr. Jennings from 1742 to 1762.
+William Sturgeon, a student of Yale, selected to do this work, was
+sent to London for ordination and placed in charge in 1747.[1] In this
+position Rev. Mr. Sturgeon remained nineteen years, rendering such
+satisfactory services in the teaching of Negroes that he deserves to
+be recorded as one of the first benefactors of the Negro race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 241.]
+
+Antedating this movement in Pennsylvania were the efforts of Reverend
+Dr. Thomas Bray. In 1696 he was sent to Maryland by the Bishop of
+London on an ecclesiastical mission to do what he could toward the
+conversion of adult Negroes and the education of their children.[1]
+Bray's most influential supporter was M. D'Alone, the private
+secretary of King William. D'Alone gave for the maintenance of the
+cause a fund, the proceeds of which were first used for the employment
+of colored catechists, and later for the support of the Thomas Bray
+Mission after the catechists had failed to give satisfaction. At the
+death of this missionary the task was taken up by certain followers
+of the good man, known as the "Associates of Doctor Bray."[2] They
+extended their work beyond the confines of Maryland. In 1760 two
+schools for the education of Negroes were maintained in Philadelphia
+by these benefactors. It was the aid obtained from the Dr. Bray fund
+that enabled the abolitionists to establish in that city a permanent
+school which continued for almost a hundred years.[3] About the close
+of the French and Indian War, Rev. Mr. Stewart, a missionary in North
+Carolina, found there a school for the education of Indians and free
+Negroes, conducted by Dr. Bray's Associates. The example of these men
+appealing to him as a wise policy, he directed to it the attention of
+the clergy at home.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252; Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p.
+23; and vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p.
+249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery and Servitude in North Carolina_, Johns
+Hopkins University Studies, vol. xv., p. 226.]
+
+Not many slaves were found among the Puritans, but the number sufficed
+to bring the question of their instruction before these colonists
+almost as prominently as we have observed it was brought in the case
+of the members of the Established Church of England. Despite the fact
+that the Puritans developed from the Calvinists, believers in the
+doctrine of election which swept away all class distinction, this sect
+did not, like the Quakers, attack slavery as an institution. Yet if
+the Quakers were the first of the Protestants to protest against the
+buying and selling of souls, New England divines were among the first
+to devote attention to the mental, moral, and spiritual development of
+Negroes.[1] In 1675 John Eliot objected to the Indian slave trade, not
+because of the social degradation, but for the reason that he desired
+that his countrymen "should follow Christ his Designe in this matter
+to promote the free passage of Religion" among them. He further
+said: "For to sell Souls for Money seemeth to me to be dangerous
+Merchandise, to sell away from all Means of Grace whom Christ hath
+provided Means of Grace for you is the Way for us to be active in
+destroying their Souls when they are highly obliged to seek their
+Conversion and Salvation." Eliot bore it grievously that the souls of
+the slaves were "exposed by their Masters to a destroying Ignorance
+meerly for the Fear of thereby losing the Benefit of their
+Vassalage."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Pennsylvania Magazine of History_, vol. xiii., p. 265.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Locke, _Anti-slavery Before 1808_, p. 15; Mather, _Life
+of John Eliot_, p. 14; _New Plymouth Colony Records_, vol. x., p.
+452.]
+
+Further interest in the work was manifested by Cotton Mather. He
+showed his liberality in his professions published in 1693 in a set of
+_Rules for the Society of Negroes_, intended to present the claims of
+the despised race to the benefits of religious instruction.[1] Mather
+believed that servants were in a sense like one's children, and that
+their masters should train and furnish them with Bibles and other
+religious books for which they should be given time to read. He
+maintained that servants should be admitted to the religious exercises
+of the family and was willing to employ such of them as were competent
+to teach his children lessons of piety. Coming directly to the issue
+of the day, Mather deplored the fact that the several plantations
+which lived upon the labor of their Negroes were guilty of the
+"prodigious Wickedness of deriding, neglecting, and opposing all
+due Means of bringing the poor Negroes unto God." He hoped that
+the masters, of whom God would one day require the souls of slaves
+committed to their care, would see to it that like Abraham they have
+catechised servants. They were not to imagine that the "Almighty God
+made so many thousands reasonable Creatures for nothing but only to
+serve the Lusts of Epicures, or the Gains of Mammonists."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, p. 137 _et seq_.]
+
+The sentiment of the clergy of this epoch was more directly expressed
+by Richard Baxter, the noted Nonconformist, in his "Directions to
+Masters in Foreign Plantations," incorporated as rules into the
+_Christian Directory_.[1] Baxter believed in natural liberty and
+the equality of man, and justified slavery only on the ground of
+"necessitated consent" or captivity in lawful war. For these reasons
+he felt that they that buy slaves and "use them as Beasts for their
+meer Commodity, and betray, or destroy or neglect their Souls are
+fitter to be called incarnate Devils than Christians, though they be
+no Christians whom they so abuse."[2] His aim here, however, is not to
+abolish the institution of slavery but to enlighten the Africans and
+bring them into the Church.[3] Exactly what effect Baxter had on this
+movement cannot be accurately figured out. The fact, however, that his
+creed was extensively adhered to by the Protestant colonists among
+whom his works were widely read, leads us to think that he influenced
+some masters to change their attitude toward their slaves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baxter, _Practical Works_, vol. i., p. 438-40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 440.]
+
+The next Puritan of prominence who enlisted among the helpers of the
+African slaves was Chief Justice Sewall, of Massachusetts. In 1701
+he stirred his section by publishing his _Selling of Joseph_, a
+distinctly anti-slavery pamphlet, based on the natural and inalienable
+right of every man to be free.[1] The appearance of this publication
+marked an epoch in the history of the Negroes. It was the first direct
+attack on slavery in New England. The Puritan clergy had formerly
+winked at the continuation of the institution, provided the masters
+were willing to give the slaves religious instruction. In the _Selling
+of Joseph_ Sewall had little to say about their mental and moral
+improvement, but in the _Athenian Oracle_, which expressed his
+sentiments so well that he had it republished in 1705,[2] he met more
+directly the problem of elevating the Negro race. Taking up this
+question, Sewall said: "There's yet less doubt that those who are of
+Age to answer for themselves would soon learn the Principles of our
+Faith, and might be taught the Obligation of the Vow they made in
+Baptism, and there's little Doubt but Abraham instructed his Heathen
+Servants who were of Age to learn, the Nature of Circumcision before
+he circumcised them; nor can we conclude much less from God's own
+noble Testimony of him, 'I know him that he will command his Children
+and his Household, and they shall keep the Way of the Lord.'"[3]
+Sewall believed that the emancipation of the slaves should be promoted
+to encourage Negroes to become Christians. He could not understand
+how any Christian could hinder or discourage them from learning the
+principles of the Christian religion and embracing the faith.
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 91.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Massachusetts_, p. 92; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 91; _The Athenian
+Oracle_, vol. ii., pp. 460 _et seq_.]
+
+This interest shown in the Negro race was in no sense general among
+the Puritans of that day. Many of their sect could not favor such
+proselyting,[1] which, according to their system of government,
+would have meant the extension to the slaves of social and political
+privileges. It was not until the French provided that masters should
+take their slaves to church and have them indoctrinated in the
+Catholic faith, that the proposition was seriously considered by many
+of the Puritans. They, like the Anglicans, felt sufficient compunction
+of conscience to take steps to Christianize the slaves, lest the
+Catholics, whom they had derided as undesirable churchmen, should put
+the Protestants to shame.[2] The publication of the Code Noir probably
+influenced the instructions sent out from England to his Majesty's
+governors requiring them "with the assistance of our council to find
+out the best means to facilitate and encourage the conversion of
+Negroes and Indians to the Christian Religion." Everly subsequently
+mentions in his diary the passing of a resolution by the Council Board
+at Windsor or Whitehall, recommending that the blacks in plantations
+be baptized, and meting out severe censure to those who opposed this
+policy.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This good example of the Catholics was in later years
+often referred to by Bishop Porteus. _Works of Bishop Porteus_, vol.
+vi, pp. 168, 173, 177, 178, 401; Moore, _Notes on Slavery_, etc., p.
+96.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 96.]
+
+More effective than the efforts of other sects in the enlightenment of
+the Negroes was the work of the Quakers, despite the fact that they
+were not free to extend their operations throughout the colonies. Just
+as the colored people are indebted to the Quakers for registering in
+1688 the first protest against slavery in Protestant America, so are
+they indebted to this denomination for the earliest permanent and
+well-developed schools devoted to the education of their race. As the
+Quakers believed in the freedom of the will, human brotherhood,
+and equality before God, they did not, like the Puritans, find
+difficulties in solving the problem of enlightening the Negroes.
+While certain Puritans were afraid that conversion might lead to the
+destruction of caste and the incorporation of undesirable persons into
+the "Body Politick," the Quakers proceeded on the principle that all
+men are brethren and, being equal before God, should be considered
+equal before the law. On account of unduly emphasizing the relation of
+man to God the Puritans "atrophied their social humanitarian instinct"
+and developed into a race of self-conscious saints. Believing in human
+nature and laying stress upon the relation between man and man the
+Quakers became the friends of all humanity.
+
+Far from the idea of getting rid of an undesirable element by merely
+destroying the institution which supplied it, the Quakers endeavored
+to teach the Negro to be a man capable of discharging the duties of
+citizenship. As early as 1672 their attention was directed to this
+important matter by George Fox.[1] In 1679 he spoke out more boldly,
+entreating his sect to instruct and teach their Indians and Negroes
+"how that Christ, by the Grace of God, tasted death for every man."[2]
+Other Quakers of prominence did not fail to drive home this thought.
+In 1693 George Keith, a leading Quaker of his day, came forward as a
+promoter of the religious training of the slaves as a preparation for
+emancipation.[3] William Penn advocated the emancipation of slaves,[4]
+that they might have every opportunity for improvement. In 1696 the
+Quakers, while protesting against the slave trade, denounced also the
+policy of neglecting their moral and spiritual welfare.[5] The
+growing interest of this sect in the Negroes was shown later by the
+development in 1713 of a definite scheme for freeing and returning
+them to Africa after having been educated and trained to serve as
+missionaries on that continent.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 8; Moore, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p.
+79.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 79.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 376.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 6;
+Bancroft, _History of the United States_, vol. ii., p. 401.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+The inevitable result of this liberal attitude toward the Negroes
+was that the Quakers of those colonies where other settlers were
+so neglectful of the enlightenment of the colored race, soon found
+themselves at war with the leaders of the time. In slaveholding
+communities the Quakers were persecuted, not necessarily because they
+adhered to a peculiar faith, not primarily because they had manners
+and customs unacceptable to the colonists, but because in answering
+the call of duty to help all men they incurred the ill will of the
+masters who denounced them as undesirable persons, bringing into
+America spurious doctrines subversive of the institutions of the
+aristocratic settlements.
+
+Their experience in the colony of Virginia is a good example of how
+this worked out. Seeing the unchristian attitude of the preachers in
+most parts of that colony, the Quakers inquired of them, "Who made you
+ministers of the Gospel to white people only, and not to the tawny and
+blacks also?"[1] To show the nakedness of the neglectful clergy there
+some of this faith manifested such zeal in teaching and preaching to
+the Negroes that their enemies demanded legislation to prevent them
+from gaining ascendancy over the minds of the slaves. Accordingly, to
+make the colored people of that colony inaccessible to these workers
+it was deemed wise in 1672 to enact a law prohibiting members of that
+sect from taking Negroes to their meetings. In 1678 the colony enacted
+another measure excluding Quakers from the teaching profession by
+providing that no person should be allowed to keep a school in
+Virginia unless he had taken the oath of allegiance and supremacy.[2]
+Of course, it was inconsistent with the spirit and creed of the
+Quakers to take this oath.
+
+[Footnote 1: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. i., 532; ii., 48, 165,
+166, 180, 198, and 204. _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_.,
+1871, p. 391.]
+
+The settlers of North Carolina followed the same procedure to check
+the influence of Quakers, who spoke there in behalf of the man of
+color as fearlessly as they had in Virginia. The apprehension of the
+dominating element was such that Governor Tryon had to be instructed
+to prohibit from teaching in that colony any person who had not
+a license from the Bishop of London.[1] Although this order was
+seemingly intended to protect the faith and doctrine of the Anglican
+Church, rather than to prevent the education of Negroes, it operated
+to lessen their chances for enlightenment, since missionaries from
+the Established Church did not reach all parts of the colony.[2] The
+Quakers of North Carolina, however, had local schools and actually
+taught slaves. Some of these could read and write as early as 1731.
+Thereafter, household servants were generally given the rudiments of
+an English education.
+
+[Footnote 1: Ashe, _History of North Carolina_, vol. i., p. 389. The
+same instructions were given to Governor Francis Nicholson.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 389, 390.]
+
+It was in the settlements of New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and New York
+that the Quakers encountered less opposition in carrying out their
+policy of cultivating the minds of colored people. Among these Friends
+the education of Negroes became the handmaiden of the emancipation
+movement. While John Hepburn, William Burling, Elihu Coleman, and
+Ralph Sandiford largely confined their attacks to the injustice of
+keeping slaves, Benjamin Lay was working for their improvement as a
+prerequisite of emancipation.[1] Lay entreated the Friends to "bring
+up the Negroes to some Learning, Reading and Writing and" to "endeavor
+to the utmost of their Power in the sweet love of Truth to instruct
+and teach 'em the Principles of Truth and Religiousness, and learn
+some Honest Trade or Imployment and then set them free. And," says he,
+"all the time Friends are teaching of them let them know that they
+intend to let them go free in a very reasonable Time; and that our
+Religious Principles will not allow of such Severity, as to keep them
+in everlasting Bondage and Slavery."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 32.]
+
+
+The struggle of the Northern Quakers to enlighten the colored people
+had important local results. A strong moral force operated in the
+minds of most of this sect to impel them to follow the example of
+certain leaders who emancipated their slaves.[1] Efforts in this
+direction were redoubled about the middle of the eighteenth century
+when Anthony Benezet,[2] addressing himself with unwonted zeal to the
+uplift of these unfortunates, obtained the assistance of Clarkson and
+others, who solidified the antislavery sentiment of the Quakers and
+influenced them to give their time and means to the more effective
+education of the blacks. After this period the Quakers were also
+concerned with the improvement of the colored people's condition in
+other settlements.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dr. DuBois gives a good account of these efforts in his
+_Suppression of the African Slave Trade_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benezet was a French Protestant. Persecuted on account of
+their religion, his parents moved from France to England and later to
+Philadelphia. He became a teacher in that city in 1742. Thirteen years
+later he was teaching a school established for the education of the
+daughters of the most distinguished families in Philadelphia. He was
+then using his own spelling-book, primer, and grammar, some of the
+first text-books published in America. Known to persecution himself,
+Benezet always sympathized with the oppressed. Accordingly, he
+connected himself with the Quakers, who at that time had before
+them the double task of fighting for religious equality and the
+amelioration of the condition of the Negroes. Becoming interested in
+the welfare of the colored race, Benezet first attacked the slave
+trade, so exposing it in his speeches and writings that Clarkson
+entered the field as an earnest advocate of the suppression of the
+iniquitous traffic. See Benezet, _Observations_, p. 30, and the
+_African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 31.]
+
+What the other sects did for the enlightenment of Negroes during this
+period, was not of much importance. As the Presbyterians, Methodists,
+and Baptists did not proselyte extensively in this country prior to
+the middle of the eighteenth century, these denominations had little
+to do with Negro education before the liberalism and spirit of
+toleration, developed during the revolutionary era, made it possible
+for these sects to reach the people. The Methodists, however, confined
+at first largely to the South, where most of the slaves were found,
+had to take up this problem earlier. Something looking like an attempt
+to elevate the Negroes came from Wesley's contemporary, George
+Whitefield,[1] who, strange to say, was regarded by the Negro race
+as its enemy for having favored the introduction of slavery. He was
+primarily interested in the conversion of the colored people. Without
+denying that "liberty is sweet to those who are born free," he
+advocated the importation of slaves into Georgia "to bring them within
+the reach of those means of grace which would make them partake of a
+liberty far more precious than the freedom of body."[2] While on a
+visit to this country in 1740 he purchased a large tract of land at
+Nazareth, Pennsylvania, for the purpose of founding a school for the
+education of Negroes.[3] Deciding later to go south, he sold the site
+to the Moravian brethren who had undertaken to establish a mission
+for Negroes at Bethlehem in 1738.[4] Some writers have accepted the
+statement that Whitefield commenced the erection of a schoolhouse at
+Nazareth; others maintain that he failed to accomplish anything.[5] Be
+that as it may, accessible facts are sufficient to show that, unwise
+as was his policy of importing slaves, his intention was to improve
+their condition. It was because of this sentiment in Georgia in 1747,
+when slavery was finally introduced there, that the people through
+their representatives in convention recommended that masters should
+educate their young slaves, and do whatever they could to make
+religious impressions upon the minds of the aged. This favorable
+attitude of early Methodists toward Negroes caused them to consider
+the new churchmen their friends and made it easy for this sect to
+proselyte the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 128.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Equally interested in the Negroes were the Moravians who
+settled in the uplands of Pennsylvania and roamed over the hills of
+the Appalachian region as far south as Carolina. A painting of a
+group of their converts prior to 1747 shows among others two Negroes,
+Johannes of South Carolina and Jupiter of New York. See Hamilton,
+_History of the Church known as the Moravian_, p. 80; Plumer,
+_Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 3; Reichel,
+_The Moravians in North Carolina_, p. 139.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1869, p. 374.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+EDUCATION AS A RIGHT OF MAN
+
+
+In addition to the mere diffusion of knowledge as a means to teach
+religion there was a need of another factor to make the education of
+the Negroes thorough. This required force was supplied by the response
+of the colonists to the nascent social doctrine of the eighteenth
+century. During the French and Indian War there were set to work
+certain forces which hastened the social and political upheaval called
+the American Revolution. "Bigoted saints" of the more highly favored
+sects condescended to grant the rising denominations toleration,
+the aristocratic elements of colonial society deigned to look more
+favorably upon those of lower estate, and a large number of leaders
+began to think that the Negro should be educated and freed. To
+acquaint themselves with the claims of the underman Americans
+thereafter prosecuted more seriously the study of Coke, Milton, Locke,
+and Blackstone. The last of these was then read more extensively in
+the colonies than in Great Britain. Getting from these writers strange
+ideas of individual liberty and the social compact theory of man's
+making in a state of nature government deriving its power from the
+consent of the governed, the colonists contended more boldly than ever
+for religious freedom, industrial liberty, and political equality.
+Given impetus by the diffusion of these ideas, the revolutionary
+movement became productive of the spirit of universal benevolence.
+Hearing the contention for natural and inalienable rights, Nathaniel
+Appleton[1] and John Woolman,[2] were emboldened to carry these
+theories to their logical conclusion. They attacked not only the
+oppressors of the colonists but censured also those who denied the
+Negro race freedom of body and freedom of mind. When John Adams heard
+James Otis basing his argument against the writs of assistance on the
+British constitution "founded in the laws of nature," he "shuddered at
+the doctrine taught and the consequences that might be derived from
+such premises."[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 19, 20, 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Works of John Woolman_ in two parts, pp. 58 and 73;
+Moore, _Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. x., p. 315; Moore,
+_Notes on Slavery in Mass._, p. 71.]
+
+So effective was the attack on the institution of slavery and its
+attendant evils that interest in the question leaped the boundaries
+of religious organizations and became the concern of fair-minded men
+throughout the country. Not only did Northern men of the type of John
+Adams and James Otis express their opposition to this tyranny of men's
+bodies and minds, but Laurens, Henry, Wythe, Mason, and Washington
+pointed out the injustice of such a policy. Accordingly we find
+arrayed against the aristocratic masters almost all the leaders of the
+American Revolution.[1] They favored the policy, first, of suppressing
+the slave trade, next of emancipating the Negroes in bondage, and
+finally of educating them for a life of freedom.[2] While students of
+government were exposing the inconsistency of slaveholding among a
+people contending for political liberty, and men like Samuel Webster,
+James Swan, and Samuel Hopkins attacked the institution on economic
+grounds;[3] Jonathan Boucher,[4] Dr. Rush,[5] and Benjamin Franklin[6]
+were devising plans to educate slaves for freedom; and Isaac Tatem[7]
+and Anthony Benezet[8] were actually in the schoolroom endeavoring to
+enlighten their black brethren.
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Slavery_, etc., p. 82.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Smyth, _Works of
+Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431; Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol.
+ix., p. 163; Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 227;
+Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition Societies, 1794,
+1795, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Webster, _A Sermon Preached before the Honorable
+Council_, etc.; Webster, _Earnest Address to My Country on Slavery_;
+Swan, _A Dissuasion to Great Britain and the Colonies_; Hopkins,
+_Dialogue Concerning Slavery_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Boucher, _A View of the Causes and Consequences of the
+American Revolution_, p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Rush, _An Address to the Inhabitants of_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. iv., p. 23; vol. v., p.
+431.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., p. 250; _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of
+Ed_., 1869, p. 375; _African Repository_, vol. iv., p. 61; Benezet,
+_Observations_; Benezet, _A Serious Address to the Rulers of
+America_.]
+
+The aim of these workers was not merely to enable the Negroes to take
+over sufficient of Western civilization to become nominal Christians,
+not primarily to increase their economic efficiency, but to enlighten
+them because they are men. To strengthen their position these
+defendants of the education of the blacks cited the customs of the
+Greeks and Romans, who enslaved not the minds and wills, but only the
+bodies of men. Nor did these benefactors fail to mention the cases of
+ancient slaves, who, having the advantages of education, became poets,
+teachers, and philosophers, instrumental in the diffusion of knowledge
+among the higher classes. There was still the idea of Cotton Mather,
+who was willing to treat his servants as part of the family, and to
+employ such of them as were competent to teach his children lessons of
+piety.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, appendix.]
+
+The chief objection of these reformers to slavery was that its victims
+had no opportunity for mental improvement. "Othello," a free person
+of color, contributing to the _American Museum_ in 1788, made the
+institution responsible for the intellectual rudeness of the Negroes
+who, though "naturally possessed of strong sagacity and lively parts,"
+were by law and custom prohibited from being instructed in any kind
+of learning.[1] He styled this policy an effort to bolster up an
+institution that extinguished the "divine spark of the slave, crushed
+the bud of his genius, and kept him unacquainted with the world." Dr.
+McLeod denounced slavery because it "debases a part of the human race"
+and tends "to destroy their intellectual powers."[2] "The slave from
+his infancy," continued he, "is obliged implicitly to obey the will of
+another. There is no circumstance which can stimulate him to exercise
+his intellectual powers." In his arraignment of this system Rev. David
+Rice complained that it was in the power of the master to deprive
+the slaves of all education, that they had not the opportunity for
+instructing conversation, that it was put out of their power to
+learn to read, and that their masters kept them from other means of
+information.[3] Slavery, therefore, must be abolished because it
+infringes upon the natural right of men to be enlightened.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The American Museum_, vol. iv., pp. 415 and 511.]
+
+
+[Footnote 2: McLeod, _Negro Slavery_, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Rice, Speech in the Constitutional Convention of
+Kentucky, p. 5.]
+
+During this period religion as a factor in the educational progress of
+the Negroes was not eliminated. In fact, representative churchmen of
+the various sects still took the lead in advocating the enlightenment
+of the colored people. These protagonists, however, ceased to claim
+this boon merely as a divine right and demanded it as a social
+privilege. Some of the clergy then interested had not at first
+seriously objected to the enslavement of the African race, believing
+that the lot of these people would not be worse in this country where
+they might have an opportunity for enlightenment. But when this result
+failed to follow, and when the slavery of the Africans' bodies turned
+out to be the slavery of their minds, the philanthropic and religious
+proclaimed also the doctrine of enlightenment as a right of man.
+Desiring to see Negroes enjoy this privilege, Jonathan Boucher,[1] one
+of the most influential of the colonial clergymen, urged his hearers
+at the celebration of the Peace of 1763 to improve and emancipate
+their slaves that they might "participate in the general joy."
+With the hope of inducing men to discharge the same duty, Bishop
+Warburton[2] boldly asserted a few years later that slaves are
+"rational creatures endowed with all our qualities except that of
+color, and our brethren both by nature and grace." John Woolman,[3] a
+Quaker minister, influenced by the philosophy of John Locke, began to
+preach that liberty is the right of all men, and that slaves, being
+the fellow-creatures of their masters, had a natural right to be
+elevated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jonathan Boucher was a rector of the Established Church
+in Maryland. Though not a promoter of the movement for the political
+rights of the colonists, Boucher was, however, so moved by the spirit
+of uplift of the downtrodden that he takes front rank among those who,
+in emphasizing the rights of servants, caused a decided change in the
+attitude of white men toward the improvement of Negroes. Boucher was
+not an immediate abolitionist. He abhorred slavery, however, to the
+extent that he asserted that if ever the colonies would be improved to
+their utmost capacity, an essential part of that amelioration had
+to be the abolition of slavery. His chief concern then was the
+cultivation of the minds in order to make amends for the drudgery to
+their bodies. See Boucher, _Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 363.]
+
+[Footnote 3: An influential minister of the Society of Friends and an
+extensive traveler through the colonies, Woolman had an opportunity to
+do much good in attacking the policy of those who kept their Negroes
+in deplorable ignorance, and in commending the good example of those
+who instructed their slaves in reading. In his _Considerations on the
+Keeping of Slaves_ he took occasion to praise the Friends of North
+Carolina for the unusual interest they manifested in the cause at
+their meetings during his travels in that colony about the year 1760.
+With such workers as Woolman in the field it is little wonder that
+Quakers thereafter treated slaves as brethren, alleviated their
+burdens, enlightened their minds, emancipated and cared for them until
+they could provide for themselves. See _Works of John Woolman_ in two
+parts, pp. 58 and 73.]
+
+Thus following the theories of the revolutionary leaders these
+liberal-minded men promulgated along with the doctrine of individual
+liberty that of the freedom of the mind. The best expression of this
+advanced idea came from the Methodist Episcopal Church, which reached
+the acme of antislavery sentiment in 1784. This sect then boldly
+declared: "We view it as contrary to the golden law of God and the
+prophets, and the inalienable rights of mankind as well as every
+principle of the Revolution to hold in deepest abasement, in a more
+abject slavery than is perhaps to be found in any part of the world,
+except America, so many souls that are capable of the image of
+God."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, pp.
+29 _et seq_.; McTyeire, _History of Methodism_, p. 28.]
+
+Frequently in contact with men who were advocating the right of the
+Negroes to be educated, statesmen as well as churchmen could not
+easily evade the question. Washington did not have much to say about
+it and did little more than to provide for the ultimate liberation of
+his slaves and the teaching of their children to read.[1] Less aid to
+this movement came from John Adams, although he detested slavery to
+the extent that he never owned a bondman, preferring to hire freemen
+at extra cost to do his work.[2] Adams made it clear that he favored
+gradual emancipation. But he neither delivered any inflammatory
+speeches against slaveholders neglectful of the instruction of their
+slaves, nor devised any scheme for their enjoyment of freedom. So was
+it with Hamilton who, as an advocate of the natural rights of man,
+opposed the institution of slavery, but, with the exception of what
+assistance he gave the New York African Free Schools[3] said and did
+little to promote the actual education of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: Lossing, _Life of George Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Works of John Adams_, vol. viii., p. 379; vol.
+ix., p. 92; vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 57.]
+
+Madison in stating his position on this question was a little more
+definite than some of his contemporaries. Speaking of the necessary
+preparation of the colored people for emancipation he thought it was
+possible to determine the proper course of instruction. He believed,
+however, that, since the Negroes were to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period and to be within the
+jurisdiction of commonwealths recognizing ample authority over them,
+"a competent discipline" could not be impracticable. He said further
+that the "degree in which this discipline" would "enforce the needed
+labor and in which a voluntary industry" would "supply the defect of
+compulsory labor, were vital points on which it" might "not be safe
+to be very positive without some light from actual experiment."[1]
+Evidently he was of the opinion that the training of slaves to
+discharge later the duties of freemen was a difficult task but, if
+well planned and directed, could be made a success.
+
+[Footnote 1: Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496.]
+
+No one of the great statesmen of this time was more interested in the
+enlightenment of the Negro than Benjamin Franklin.[1] He was for a
+long time associated with the friends of the colored people and turned
+out from his press such fiery anti-slavery pamphlets as those of Lay
+and Sandiford. Franklin also became one of the "Associates of Dr.
+Bray." Always interested in the colored schools of Philadelphia,
+the philosopher was, while in London, connected with the English
+"gentlemen concerned with the pious design,"[2] serving as chairman of
+the organization for the year 1760. He was a firm supporter of Anthony
+Benezet,[3] and was made president of the Abolition Society of
+Philadelphia which in 1774 founded a successful colored school.[4]
+This school was so well planned and maintained that it continued about
+a hundred years.
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. v., p. 431.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., vol. x., p. 127; and Wickersham, _History of
+Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+John Jay kept up his interest in the Negro race.[1] In the Convention
+of 1787 he cooeperated with Gouverneur Morris, advocating the abolition
+of the slave trade and the rejection of the Federal ratio. His efforts
+in behalf of the colored people were actuated by his early conviction
+that the national character of this country could be retrieved only
+by abolishing the iniquitous traffic in human souls and improving
+the Negroes.[2] Showing his pity for the downtrodden people of color
+around him, Jay helped to promote the cause of the abolitionists of
+New York who established and supported several colored schools in
+that city. Such care was exercised in providing for the attendance,
+maintenance, and supervision of these schools that they soon took rank
+among the best in the United States.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _Works of John Jay_, vol. i., p. 136; vol. iii, p.
+331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. iii., p. 343.]
+
+More interesting than the views of any other man of this epoch on the
+subject of Negro education were those of Thomas Jefferson. Born of
+pioneer parentage in the mountains of Virginia, Jefferson never
+lost his frontier democratic ideals which made him an advocate of
+simplicity, equality, and universal freedom. Having in mind when he
+wrote the Declaration of Independence the rights of the blacks as well
+as those of whites, this disciple of John Locke, could not but feel
+that the slaves of his day had a natural right to education and
+freedom. Jefferson said so much more on these important questions than
+his contemporaries that he would have been considered an abolitionist,
+had he lived in 1840.
+
+Giving his views on the enlightenment of the Negroes he asserted
+that the minds of the masters should be "apprized by reflection and
+strengthened by the energies of conscience against the obstacles of
+self-interest to an acquiescence in the rights of others." The owners
+would then permit their slaves to be "prepared by instruction and
+habit" for self-government, the honest pursuit of industry, and social
+duty.[1] In his scheme for a modern system of public schools Jefferson
+included the training of the slaves in industrial and agricultural
+branches to equip them for a higher station in life, else he thought
+they should be removed from the country when liberated.[2] Capable of
+mental development, as he had found certain men of color to be, the
+Sage of Monticello doubted at times that they could be made the
+intellectual equals of white men,[3] and did not actually advocate
+their incorporation into the body politic.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., vol. viii., p. 380; and Mayo, _Educational
+Movement in the South_, p. 37.]
+
+[Footnote 3: As to what Jefferson thought of the Negro intellect
+we are still in doubt. Writing in 1791 to Banneker, the Negro
+mathematician and astronomer, he said that nobody wished to see more
+than he such proofs as Banneker exhibited that nature has given to our
+black brethren talents equal to those of men of other colors, and that
+the appearance of a lack of such native ability was owing only to
+their degraded condition in Africa and America. Jefferson expressed
+himself as being ardently desirous of seeing a good system commenced
+for raising the condition both of the body and the mind of the slaves
+to what it ought to be as fast as the "imbecility" of their then
+existence and other circumstances, which could not be neglected, would
+admit. Replying to Gregoire of Paris, who wrote an interesting essay
+on the _Literature of Negroes_, showing the power of their intellect,
+Jefferson assured him that no person living wished more sincerely
+than he to see a complete refutation of the doubts he himself had
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on a par
+with white men. These doubts, he said, were the result of personal
+observations in the limited sphere of his own State where "the
+opportunities for the development of their genius were not favorable,
+and those of exercising it still less so." He said that he had
+expressed them with great hesitation; but "whatever be the degree of
+their talent, it is no measure of their rights. Because Sir Isaac
+Newton was superior to others in understanding, he was not therefore
+lord of the person or property of others." In this respect he believed
+they were gaining daily in the opinions of nations, and hopeful
+advances were being made toward their reestablishment on an equal
+footing with other colors of the human family. He prayed, therefore,
+that God might accept his thanks for enabling him to observe the "many
+instances of respectable intelligence in that race of men, which could
+not fail to have effect in hastening the day of their relief." Yet
+a few days later when writing to Joel Barlow, Jefferson referred to
+Bishop Gregoire's essay and expressed his doubt that this pamphlet was
+weighty evidence of the intellect of the Negro. He said that the whole
+did not amount in point of evidence to what they themselves knew of
+Banneker. He conceded that Banneker had spherical knowledge enough to
+make almanacs, but not without the suspicion of aid from Ellicott
+who was his neighbor and friend, and never missed an opportunity of
+puffing him. Referring to the letter he received from Banneker, he
+said it showed the writer to have a mind of very common stature
+indeed. See Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. v., pp. 429 and
+503.]
+
+So much progress in the improvement of slaves was effected with all of
+these workers in the field that conservative southerners in the midst
+of the antislavery agitation contented themselves with the thought
+that radical action was not necessary, as the institution would
+of itself soon pass away. Legislatures passed laws facilitating
+manumission,[1] many southerners emancipated their slaves to give them
+a better chance to improve their condition, regulations unfavorable to
+the assembly of Negroes for the dissemination of information almost
+fell into desuetude, a larger number of masters began to instruct
+their bondmen, and persons especially interested in these unfortunates
+found the objects of their piety more accessible.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Locke, Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 220;
+Johann Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+Not all slaveholders, however, were thus induced to respect this new
+right claimed for the colored people. Georgia and South Carolina
+were exceptional in that they were not sufficiently stirred by the
+revolutionary movement to have much compassion for this degraded
+class. The attitude of the people of Georgia, however, was then more
+favorable than that of the South Carolinians.[1] Nevertheless, the
+Georgia planters near the frontier were not long in learning that the
+general enlightenment of the Negroes would endanger the institution of
+slavery. Accordingly, in 1770, at the very time when radical reformers
+were clamoring for the rights of man, Georgia, following in the wake
+of South Carolina, reenacted its act of 1740 which imposed a penalty
+on any one who should teach or cause slaves to be taught or employ
+them "in any manner of writing whatever."[2] The penalty, however,
+was less than that imposed in South Carolina.[3] The same measure
+terminated the helpful mingling of slaves by providing for their
+dispersion when assembled for the old-time "love feast" emphasized so
+much among the rising Methodists of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: The laws of Georgia were not so harsh as those of South
+Carolina. A larger number of intelligent persons of color were
+found in the rural districts of Georgia. Charleston, however, was
+exceptional in that its Negroes had unusual educational advantages.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statutes of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+Those advocating the imposition of restraints upon Negroes acquiring
+knowledge were not, however, confined to South Carolina and Georgia
+where the malevolent happened to be in the majority. The other States
+had not seen the last of the generation of those who doubted that
+education would fit the slaves for the exalted position of citizens.
+The retrogressives made much of the assertion that adult slaves lately
+imported, were, on account of their attachment to heathen practices
+and idolatrous rites, loath to take over the Teutonic civilization,
+and would at best learn to speak the English language imperfectly
+only.[1] The reformers, who at times admitted this, maintained that
+the alleged difficulties encountered in teaching the crudest element
+of the slaves could not be adduced as an argument against the
+religious instruction of free Negroes and the education of the
+American born colored children.[2] This problem, however, was not a
+serious one in most Northern States, for the reason that the small
+number of slaves in that section obviated the necessity for much
+apprehension as to what kind of education the blacks should have,
+and whether they should be enlightened before or after emancipation.
+Although the Northern people believed that the education of the race
+should be definitely planned, and had much to say about industrial
+education, most of them were of the opinion that ordinary training
+in the fundamentals of useful knowledge and in the principles of
+Christian religion, was sufficient to meet the needs of those
+designated for freedom.
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Porteus, _Works of_, vol. vi., p. 177; Warburton, _A
+Sermon_, etc., pp. 25 and 27.]
+
+On the other hand, most southerners who conceded the right of the
+Negro to be educated did not openly aid the movement except with the
+understanding that the enlightened ones should be taken from their
+fellows and colonized in some remote part of the United States or
+in their native land.[1] The idea of colonization, however, was not
+confined to the southern slaveholders, for Thornton, Fothergill, and
+Granville Sharp had long looked to Africa as the proper place for
+enlightened people of color.[2] Feeling that it would be wrong to
+expatriate them, Benezet and Branagan[3] advocated the colonization of
+such Negroes on the public lands west of the Alleghanies. There was
+some talk of giving slaves training in the elements of agriculture
+and then dividing plantations among them to develop a small class of
+tenants. Jefferson, a member of a committee appointed in 1779 by the
+General Assembly of that commonwealth to revise its laws, reported a
+plan providing for the instruction of its slaves in agriculture and
+the handicrafts to prepare them for liberation and colonization under
+the supervision of the home government until they could take care of
+themselves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., pp. 261, 266, 292,
+295, 321, 322, 336, 338, 349, 351, 352, 353, 378.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _Travels_, vol. i., p. 262.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Tyrannical Libertymen_, pp. 10-11; Locke,
+_Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 31-32; Branagan, _Serious Remonstrance_, p.
+18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iii., p. 296; vol.
+iv., p. 291 and vol. viii., p. 380.]
+
+Without resorting to the subterfuge of colonization, not a few
+slaveholders were still wise enough to show why the improvement of the
+Negroes should be neglected altogether. Vanquished by the logic of
+Daniel Davis[1] and Benjamin Rush,[2] those who had theretofore
+justified slavery on the ground that it gave the bondmen a chance to
+be enlightened, fell back on the theory of African racial inferiority.
+This they said was so well exhibited by the Negroes' lack of
+wisdom and of goodness that continued heathenism of the race was
+justifiable.[3] Answering these inconsistent persons, John Wesley
+inquired: "Allowing them to be as stupid as you say, to whom is that
+stupidity owing? Without doubt it lies altogether at the door of the
+inhuman masters who give them no opportunity for improving their
+understanding and indeed leave them no motive, either from hope or
+fear to attempt any such thing." Wesley asserted, too, that the
+Africans were in no way remarkable for their stupidity while they
+remained in their own country, and that where they had equal motives
+and equal means of improvement, the Negroes were not only not inferior
+to the better inhabitants of Europe, but superior to some of them.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Davis was a logical antislavery agitator. He believed
+that if the slaves had had the means of education, if they had been
+treated with humanity, making slaves of them had been no more than
+doing evil that good might come. He thought that Christianity and
+humanity would have rather dictated the sending of books and teachers
+into Africa and endeavors for their salvation.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Benjamin Rush was a Philadelphia physician of Quaker
+parentage. He was educated at the College of New Jersey and at the
+Medical School of Edinburgh, where he came into contact with some of
+the most enlightened men of his time. Holding to the ideals of his
+youth, Dr. Rush was soon associated with the friends of the Negroes on
+his return to Philadelphia. He not only worked for the abolition of
+the slave trade but fearlessly advocated the right of the Negroes
+to be educated. He pointed out that an inquiry into the methods of
+converting Negroes to Christianity would show that the means were
+ill suited to the end proposed. "In many cases," said he, "Sunday
+is appropriated to work for themselves. Reading and writing are
+discouraged among them. A belief is inculcated among some that they
+have no souls. In a word, every attempt to instruct or convert them
+has been constantly opposed by their masters." See Rush, _An Address
+to the Inhabitants_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, pp. 81-97.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wesley, _Thoughts upon Slavery_, p. 92.]
+
+William Pinkney, the antislavery leader of Maryland, believed also
+that Negroes are no worse than white people under similar conditions,
+and that all the colored people needed to disprove their so-called
+inferiority was an equal chance with the more favored race.[1] Others
+like George Buchanan referred to the Negroes' talent for the fine arts
+and to their achievements in literature, mathematics, and philosophy.
+Buchanan informed these merciless aristocrats "that the Africans
+whom you despise, whom you inhumanly treat as brutes and whom you
+unlawfully subject to slavery with tyrannizing hands of despots are
+equally capable of improvement with yourselves."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Pinkney, _Speech in Maryland House of Delegates_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Buchanan, _An Oration on the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_, p. 10.]
+
+Franklin considered the idea of the natural inferiority of the
+Negro as a silly excuse. He conceded that most of the blacks were
+improvident and poor, but believed that their condition was not due to
+deficient understanding but to their lack of education. He was very
+much impressed with their achievements in music.[1] So disgusting was
+this notion of inferiority to Abbe Gregoire of Paris that he wrote an
+interesting essay on "Negro Literature" to prove that people of color
+have unusual intellectual power.[2] He sent copies of this pamphlet
+to leading men where slavery existed. Another writer discussing
+Jefferson's equivocal position on this question said that one would
+have thought that "modern philosophy himself" would not have the face
+to expect that the wretch, who is driven out to labor at the dawn of
+day, and who toils until evening with a whip over his head, ought to
+be a poet. Benezet, who had actually taught Negroes, declared "with
+truth and sincerity" that he had found among them as great variety of
+talents as among a like number of white persons. He boldly asserted
+that the notion entertained by some that the blacks were inferior
+in their capacities was a vulgar prejudice founded on the pride or
+ignorance of their lordly masters who had kept their slaves at such a
+distance as to be unable to form a right judgment of them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Franklin_, vol. vi., p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Gregoire, _La Litterature des Negres_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ACTUAL EDUCATION
+
+
+Would these professions of interest in the mental development of the
+blacks be translated into action? What these reformers would do to
+raise the standard of Negro education above the plane of rudimentary
+training incidental to religious instruction, was yet to be seen.
+Would they secure to Negroes the educational privileges guaranteed
+other elements of society? The answer, if not affirmative, was
+decidedly encouraging. The idea uppermost in the minds of these
+workers was that the people of color could and should be educated as
+other races of men.
+
+In the lead of this movement were the antislavery agitators.
+Recognizing the Negroes' need of preparation for citizenship, the
+abolitionists proclaimed as a common purpose of their organizations
+the education of the colored people with a view to developing in them
+self-respect, self-support, and usefulness in the community.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smyth, _Works of Benjamin Franklin_, vol. x., p. 127;
+Torrey, _Portraiture of Slavery_, p. 21. See also constitution of
+almost any antislavery society organized during this period.]
+
+The proposition to cultivate the minds of the slaves came as a happy
+solution of what had been a perplexing problem. Many Americans who
+considered slavery an evil had found no way out of the difficulty when
+the alternative was to turn loose upon society so many uncivilized men
+without the ability to discharge the duties of citizenship.[1] Assured
+then that the efforts at emancipation would be tested by experience,
+a larger number of men advocated abolition. These leaders recommended
+gradual emancipation for States having a large slave population, that
+those designated for freedom might first be instructed in the value
+and meaning of liberty to render them comfortable in the use of it.[2]
+The number of slaves in the States adopting the policy of immediate
+emancipation was not considered a menace to society, for the schools
+already open to colored people could exert a restraining influence
+on those lately given the boon of freedom. For these reasons the
+antislavery societies had in their constitutions a provision for
+a committee of education to influence Negroes to attend school,
+superintend their instruction, and emphasize the cultivation of the
+mind as the necessary preparation for "that state in society upon
+which depends our political happiness."[3] Much stress was laid upon
+this point by the American Convention of Abolition Societies in 1794
+and 1795 when the organization expressed the hope that freedmen might
+participate in civil rights as fast as they qualified by education.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. vi., p. 456;
+vol. viii., p. 379; Madison, _Works of_, vol. iii., p. 496; Monroe,
+_Writings of_, vol. iii., pp. 321, 336, 349, 378; Adams, _Works of
+John Adams_, vol. ix., p. 92 and vol. x., p. 380.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797,
+address.]
+
+[Footnote 3: The constitution of almost any antislavery society of
+that time provided for this work. See _Proc. of Am. Conv._, etc.,
+1795, address.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794, p. 21; and 1795, p. 17; and _Rise and Progress of
+the Testimony of Friends_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This work was organized by the abolitionists but was generally
+maintained by members of the various sects which did more for
+the enlightenment of the people of color through the antislavery
+organizations than through their own.[1] The support of the clergy,
+however, did not mean that the education of the Negroes would continue
+incidental to the teaching of religion. The blacks were to be accepted
+as brethren and trained to be useful citizens. For better education
+the colored people could then look to the more liberal sects, the
+Quakers, Baptists, Methodists, and Presbyterians, who prior to
+the Revolution had been restrained by intolerance from extensive
+proselyting. Upon the attainment of religious liberty they were free
+to win over the slaveholders who came into the Methodist and Baptist
+churches in large numbers, bringing their slaves with them.[2] The
+freedom of these "regenerated" churches made possible the rise of
+Negro exhorters and preachers, who to exercise their gifts managed in
+some way to learn to read and write. Schools for the training of such
+leaders were not to be found, but to encourage ambitious blacks to
+qualify themselves white ministers often employed such candidates
+as attendants, allowing them time to observe, to study, and even to
+address their audiences.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The antislavery societies were at first the uniting
+influence among all persons interested in the uplift of the Negroes.
+The agitation had not then become violent, for men considered the
+institution not a sin but merely an evil.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coke, _Journal_, etc., p. 114; Lambert, _Travels_,
+p. 175; Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp. 381, 387 and 816; James,
+_Documentary_, etc., p. 35; Foote, _Sketches of Virginia_, p. 31;
+Matlack, _History of American Slavery and Methodism_, p. 31; Semple,
+_History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in Virginia_, p.
+222.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, and Coke, _Journal_, etc., pp. 16-18.]
+
+It must be observed, however, that the interest of these benevolent
+men was no longer manifested in the mere traditional teaching of
+individual slaves. The movement ceased to be the concern of separate
+philanthropists. Men really interested in the uplift of the colored
+people organized to raise funds, open schools, and supervise their
+education.[1] In the course of time their efforts became more
+systematic and consequently more successful. These educators adopted
+the threefold policy of instructing Negroes in the principles of
+the Christian religion, giving them the fundamentals of the common
+branches, and teaching them the most useful handicrafts.[2] The
+indoctrination of the colored people, to be sure, was still an
+important concern to their teachers, but the accession to their ranks
+of a militant secular element caused the emphasis to shift to other
+phases of education. Seeing the Negroes' need of mental development,
+the Presbyterian Synod of New York and Pennsylvania urged the members
+of that denomination in 1787 to give their slaves "such good education
+as to prepare them for a better enjoyment of freedom."[3] In reply to
+the inquiry as to what could be done to teach the poor black and white
+children to read, the Methodist Conference of 1790 recommended the
+establishment of Sunday schools and the appointment of persons to
+teach gratis "all that will attend and have a capacity to learn."[4]
+The Conference recommended that the Church publish a special text-book
+to teach these children learning as well as piety.[5] Men in the
+political world were also active. In 1788 the State of New Jersey
+passed an act preliminary to emancipation, making the teaching of
+slaves to read compulsory under a penalty of five pounds.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1797.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Locke, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Washington, _Story of the Negro_, vol. ii, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Laws of New Jersey, 1788.]
+
+With such influence brought to bear on persons in the various walks of
+life, the movement for the effective education of the colored people
+became more extensive. Voicing the sentiment of the different local
+organizations, the American Convention of Abolition Societies of 1794
+urged the branches to have the children of free Negroes and slaves
+instructed in "common literature."[1] Two years later the Abolition
+Society of the State of Maryland proposed to establish an academy to
+offer this kind of instruction. To execute this scheme the American
+Convention thought that it was expedient to employ regular tutors,
+to form private associations of their members or other well-disposed
+persons for the purpose of instructing the people of color in the most
+simple branches of education.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1796, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 41.]
+
+The regular tutors referred to above were largely indentured servants
+who then constituted probably the majority of the teachers of the
+colonies.[1] In 1773 Jonathan Boucher said that two thirds of the
+teachers of Maryland belonged to this class.[2] The contact of Negroes
+with these servants is significant. In the absence of rigid caste
+distinctions they associated with the slaves and the barrier between
+them was so inconsiderable that laws had to be passed to prevent the
+miscegenation of the races. The blacks acquired much useful knowledge
+from servant teachers and sometimes assisted them.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the descriptions of indentured servants in the
+advertisements of colonial newspapers referred to on pages 82-84; and
+Boucher, _A View of the Causes_, etc., p. 39.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 39 and 40.]
+
+Attention was directed also to the fact that neither literary nor
+religious education prepared the Negroes for a life of usefulness.
+Heeding the advice of Kosciuszko, Madison and Jefferson, the advocates
+of the education of the Negroes endeavored to give them such practical
+training as their peculiar needs demanded. In the agricultural
+sections the first duty of the teacher of the blacks was to show them
+how to get their living from the soil. This was the final test of
+their preparation for emancipation. Accordingly, on large plantations
+where much supervision was necessary, trustworthy Negroes were trained
+as managers. Many of those who showed aptitude were liberated and
+encouraged to produce for themselves. Slaves designated for freedom
+were often given small parcels of land for the cultivation of which
+they were allowed some of their time. An important result of this
+agricultural training was that many of the slaves thus favored amassed
+considerable wealth by using their spare time in cultivating crops of
+their own.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 196.]
+
+
+The advocates of useful education for the degraded race had more to
+say about training in the mechanic arts. Such instruction, however,
+was not then a new thing to the blacks of the South, for they had from
+time immemorial been the trustworthy artisans of that section. The aim
+then was to give them such education as would make them intelligent
+workmen and develop in them the power to plan for themselves. In the
+North, where the Negroes had been largely menial servants, adequate
+industrial education was deemed necessary for those who were to be
+liberated.[1] Almost every Northern colored school of any consequence
+then offered courses in the handicrafts. In 1784 the Quakers of
+Philadelphia employed Sarah Dwight to teach the colored girls
+sewing.[2] Anthony Benezet provided in his will that in the school
+to be established by his benefaction the girls should be taught
+needlework.[3] The teachers who took upon themselves the improvement
+of the free people of color of New York City regarded industrial
+training as one of their important tasks.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the _Address of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_, 1794; _ibid._, 1795; _ibid._, 1797 _et passim._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1869, p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+None urged this duty upon the directors of these schools more
+persistently than the antislavery organizations. In 1794 the American
+Convention of Abolition Societies recommended that Negroes be
+instructed in "those mechanic arts which will keep them most
+constantly employed and, of course, which will less subject them to
+idleness and debauchery, and thus prepare them for becoming good
+citizens of the United States."[1] Speaking repeatedly on this wise
+the Convention requested the colored people to let it be their special
+care to have their children not only to work at useful trades but also
+to till the soil.[2] The early abolitionists believed that this was
+the only way the freedmen could learn to support themselves.[3]
+In connection with their schools the antislavery leaders had an
+Indenturing Committee to find positions for colored students who had
+the advantages of industrial education.[4] In some communities slaves
+were prepared for emancipation by binding them out as apprentices to
+machinists and artisans until they learned a trade.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, 1794, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1795, p. 29; _ibid._, 1797, pp. 12, 13, and 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1797, p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 1818, p. 9.]
+
+Two early efforts to carry out this policy are worthy of notice here.
+These were the endeavors of Anthony Benezet and Thaddeus Kosciuszko.
+Benezet was typical of those men, who, having the courage of their
+conviction, not only taught colored people, but gladly appropriated
+property to their education. Benezet died in 1784, leaving
+considerable wealth to be devoted to the purpose of educating Indians
+and Negroes. His will provided that as the estate on the death of
+his wife would not be sufficient entirely to support a school, the
+Overseers of the Public Schools of Philadelphia should join with a
+committee appointed by the Society of Friends, and other benevolent
+persons, in the care and maintenance of an institution such as he
+had planned. Finally in 1787 the efforts of Benezet reached their
+culmination in the construction of a schoolhouse, with additional
+funds obtained from David Barclay of London and Thomas Sidney, a
+colored man of Philadelphia. The pupils of this school were to study
+reading, writing, arithmetic, plain accounts, and sewing.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 375.]
+
+With respect to conceding the Negroes' claim to a better education,
+Thaddeus Kosciuszko, the Polish general, was not unlike Benezet. None
+of the revolutionary leaders were more moved with compassion for the
+colored people than this warrior. He saw in education the powerful
+leverage which would place them in position to enjoy the newly won
+rights of man. While assisting us in gaining our independence,
+Kosciuszko acquired here valuable property which he endeavored to
+devote to the enlightenment of the slaves. He authorized Thomas
+Jefferson, his executor, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes and liberating them in the name of Kosciuszko, "in giving them
+an education in trades or otherwise, and in having them instructed for
+their new condition in the duties of morality." The instructors were
+to provide for them such training as would make them "good neighbors,
+good mothers or fathers, good husbands or wives, teaching them the
+duties of citizenship, teaching them to be defenders of their liberty
+and country, and of the good order of society, and whatsoever might
+make them useful and happy."[1] Clearly as this was set forth the
+executor failed to discharge this duty enjoined upon him. The heirs of
+the donor instituted proceedings to obtain possession of the estate,
+which, so far as the author knows, was never used for the purpose for
+which it was intended.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xi., pp. 294-295.]
+
+In view of these numerous strivings we are compelled to inquire
+exactly what these educators accomplished. Although it is impossible
+to measure the results of their early efforts, various records of the
+eighteenth century prove that there was lessening objection to the
+instruction of slaves and practically none to the enlightenment of
+freedmen. Negroes in considerable numbers were becoming well grounded
+in the rudiments of education. They had reached the point of
+constituting the majority of the mechanics in slaveholding
+communities; they were qualified to be tradesmen, trustworthy helpers,
+and attendants of distinguished men, and a few were serving as clerks,
+overseers, and managers.[1] Many who were favorably circumstanced
+learned more than mere reading and writing. In exceptional cases, some
+were employed not only as teachers and preachers to their people, but
+as instructors of the white race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Georgia and South Carolina had to pass laws to prevent
+Negroes from following these occupations for fear that they might
+thereby become too well informed. See Brevard, _Digest of Public
+Statute Laws of S.C._, vol. ii., p. 243; and Marbury and Crawford,
+_Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; manuscripts
+relating to the condition of the colored people of North Carolina,
+Ohio, and Tennessee now in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moorland.]
+
+A more accurate estimate of how far the enlightenment of the Negroes
+had progressed before the close of the eighteenth century, is better
+obtained from the reports of teachers and missionaries who were
+working among them. Appealing to the Negroes of Virginia about 1755,
+Benjamin Fawcett addressed them as intelligent people, commanding
+them to read and study the Bible for themselves and consider "how
+the Papists do all they can to hide it from their fellowmen." "Be
+particularly thankful," said he, "for the Ministers of Christ around
+you, who are faithfully laboring to teach the truth as it is in
+Jesus."[1] Rev. Mr. Davies, then a member of the Society for Promoting
+the Gospel among the Poor, reported that there were multitudes of
+Negroes in different parts of Virginia who were "willingly, eagerly
+desirous to be instructed and embraced every opportunity of
+acquainting themselves with the Doctrine of the Gospel," and though
+they had generally very little help to learn to read, yet to his
+surprise many of them by dint of application had made such progress
+that they could "intelligently read a plain author and especially
+their Bible." Pity it was, he thought, that any of them should be
+without necessary books. Negroes were wont to come to him with such
+moving accounts of their needs in this respect that he could not help
+supplying them.[2] On Saturday evenings and Sundays his home was
+crowded with numbers of those "whose very Countenances still carry the
+air of importunate Petitioners" for the same favors with those who
+came before them. Complaining that his stock was exhausted, and that
+he had to turn away many disappointed, he urged his friends to send
+him other suitable books, for nothing else, thought he, could be a
+greater inducement to their industry to learn to read.
+
+[Footnote 1: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Fawcett, _Compassionate Address_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Still more reliable testimony may be obtained, not from persons
+particularly interested in the uplift of the blacks, but from
+slaveholders. Their advertisements in the colonial newspapers furnish
+unconscious evidence of the intellectual progress of the Negroes
+during the eighteenth century. "He's an 'artful,'"[1] "plausible,"[2]
+"smart,"[3] or "sensible fellow,"[4] "delights much in traffic,"[5]
+and "plays on the fife extremely well,"[6] are some of the statements
+found in the descriptions of fugitive slaves. Other fugitives were
+speaking "plainly,"[7] "talking indifferent English,"[8] "remarkably
+good English,"[9] and "exceedingly good English."[10] In some
+advertisements we observe such expressions as "he speaks a little
+French,"[11] "Creole French,"[12] "a few words of High-Dutch,"[13] and
+"tolerable German."[14] Writing about a fugitive a master would often
+state that "he can read print,"[15] "can read writing,"[16] "can read
+and also write a little,"[17] "can read and write,"[18] "can write
+a pretty hand and has probably forged a pass."[19] These conditions
+obtained especially in Charleston, South Carolina, where were
+advertised various fugitives, one of whom spoke French and English
+fluently, and passed for a doctor among his people,[20] another who
+spoke Spanish and French intelligibly,[21] and a third who could read,
+write, and speak both French and Spanish very well.[22]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800; _The
+Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and
+Baltimore Advertiser_, July 23, 1776; _The State Gazette of South
+Carolina_, May 18, 1786; _The State Gazette of North Carolina_, July
+2, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston,
+S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797, and _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Charleston Courier_, June 1, 1804; _The State
+Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20, and 27, 1786; and _The Maryland
+Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Feb. 19 and April 2,
+1783; _State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and May 18, 1786.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advocate_, Oct. 17,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800;
+and _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 20 and
+March 1, 1800; and _The South Carolina Weekly Gazette_, Oct. 24 to 31,
+1759.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _The City Gaz. and Daily Adv._, Jan. 20 and March 1,
+1800; and _S.C. Weekly Gaz._, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _The Newbern Gazette_, May 23 and Aug. 15, 1800; _The
+Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Feb. 19, 1793; _The City
+Gazette and Daily Advertiser_ (Charleston, S.C.), Sept. 26, 1797; Oct.
+5, 1798; Aug. 23 and Sept. 9, 1799; Aug. 18 and Oct. 3, 1800; and
+March 7, 1801; and _Maryland Gazette_, Dec. 30, 1746; and April 4,
+1754; _South Carolina Weekly Advertiser_, Oct. 24 to 31, 1759; and
+Feb. 19, 1783; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Sept. 13
+and Nov. 1, 1784; and _The Carolina Gazette_, Aug. 12, 1802.]
+
+[Footnote 10: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 26, 1797;
+May 15, 1799; and Oct. 3, 1800; _The State Gazette of South Carolina_,
+Aug. 21, 1786; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug. 26,
+1784; _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 1, 1754; Oct. 28, 1773; and Aug.
+19, 1784; and _The Columbian Herald_, April 30, 1789.]
+
+[Footnote 11: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798;
+Aug. 18 and Sept. 18, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South
+Carolina_, Aug. 16, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 12: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 5, 1798.]
+
+[Footnote 13: _The Maryland Gazette_, Aug. 19, 1784.]
+
+[Footnote 14: _The State Gazette of South Carolina_, Feb. 20 and 27,
+1780.]
+
+[Footnote 15: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780. _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette and Baltimore Advertiser_, July
+23, 1776.]
+
+[Footnote 16: _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21, 1795.]
+
+[Footnote 17: _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct.
+17, 1780; and Sept. 20, 1785; and _The Maryland Gazette_, May 21,
+1795; and January 4, 1798; _The Carolina Gazette_, June 3, 1802; and
+_The Charleston Courier_, June 29, 1803. _The Norfolk and Portsmouth
+Chronicle_, March 19, 1791.]
+
+[Footnote 18: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 27, 1755; and Oct. 27,
+1768; _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Oct. 1, 1793;
+_The Virginia Herald_ (Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 19: _The Maryland Gazette_, Feb. 1, 1755 and Feb. 1, 1798;
+_The State Gazette of North Carolina_, April 30, 1789; _The Norfolk
+and Portsmouth Chronicle_, April 24, 1790; _The City Gazette and Daily
+Advertiser_ (Charleston, South Carolina), Jan. 5, 1799; and March 7,
+1801; _The Carolina Gazette_, Feb. 4, 1802; and _The Virginia Herald_
+(Fredericksburg), Jan. 21, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 20: _The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser_, Jan. 5, 1799;
+and March 5, 1800; _The Gazette of the State of South Carolina_, Aug.
+16, 1784; and _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser_, Sept.
+20, 1793.]
+
+[Footnote 21: _The City Gazette of South Carolina_, Jan. 5, 1799.]
+
+[Footnote 22: The City Gazette and Daily Advertiser (Charleston, South
+Carolina), June 22 and Aug. 8, 1797; April 1 and May 15, 1799.]
+
+Equally convincing as to the educational progress of the colored race
+were the high attainments of those Negroes who, despite the fact that
+they had little opportunity, surpassed in intellect a large number of
+white men of their time. Negroes were serving as salesmen, keeping
+accounts, managing plantations, teaching and preaching, and had
+intellectually advanced to the extent that fifteen or twenty per cent.
+of their adults could then at least read. Most of this talented class
+became preachers, as this was the only calling even conditionally
+open to persons of African blood. Among these clergymen was George
+Leile,[1] who won distinction as a preacher in Georgia in 1782, and
+then went to Jamaica where he founded the first Baptist church of that
+colony. The competent and indefatigable Andrew Bryan[2] proved to be a
+worthy successor of George Leile in Georgia. From 1770 to 1790 Negro
+preachers were in charge of congregations in Charles City, Petersburg,
+and Allen's Creek in Lunenburg County, Virginia.[3] In 1801 Gowan
+Pamphlet of that State was the pastor of a progressive Baptist church,
+some members of which could read, write, and keep accounts.[4] Lemuel
+Haynes was then widely known as a well-educated minister of the
+Protestant Episcopal Church. John Gloucester, who had been trained
+under Gideon Blackburn of Tennessee, distinguished himself in
+Philadelphia where he founded the African Presbyterian Church.[5] One
+of the most interesting of these preachers was Josiah Bishop. By 1791
+he had made such a record in his profession that he was called to
+the pastorate of the First Baptist Church (white) of Portsmouth,
+Virginia.[6] After serving his white brethren a number of years he
+preached some time in Baltimore and then went to New York to take
+charge of the Abyssinian Baptist Church.[7] This favorable condition
+of affairs could not long exist after the aristocratic element in the
+country began to recover some of the ground it had lost during the
+social upheaval of the revolutionary era. It was the objection to
+treating Negroes as members on a plane of equality with all, that led
+to the establishment of colored Baptist churches and to the secession
+of the Negro Methodists under the leadership of Richard Allen in 1794.
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that a larger number of Negroes had to be educated to carry
+on the work of the new churches.
+
+[Footnote 1: He was sometimes called George Sharp. See Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 189.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 817.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Semple, _History of the Baptists_, etc., p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+The intellectual progress of the colored people of that day, however,
+was not restricted to their clergymen. Other Negroes were learning to
+excel in various walks of life. Two such persons were found in North
+Carolina. One of these was known as Caesar, the author of a collection
+of poems, which, when published in that State, attained a popularity
+equal to that of Bloomfield's.[1] Those who had the pleasure of
+reading the poems stated that they were characterized by "simplicity,
+purity, and natural grace."[2] The other noted Negro of North Carolina
+was mentioned in 1799 by Buchan in his _Domestic Medicine_ as the
+discoverer of a remedy for the bite of the rattlesnake. Buchan learned
+from Dr. Brooks that, in view of the benefits resulting from the
+discovery of this slave, the General Assembly of North Carolina
+purchased his freedom and settled upon him a hundred pounds per
+annum.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smyth, _A Tour in the U.S._, p. 109; and Baldwin,
+_Observations_, p. 20.]
+
+To this class of bright Negroes belonged Thomas Fuller, a native
+African, who resided near Alexandria, Virginia, where he startled
+the students of his time by his unusual attainments in mathematics,
+despite the fact that he could neither read nor write. Once acquainted
+with the power of numbers, he commenced his education by counting the
+hairs of the tail of the horse with which he worked the fields. He
+soon devised processes for shortening his modes of calculation,
+attaining such skill and accuracy as to solve the most difficult
+problems. Depending upon his own system of mental arithmetic he
+learned to obtain accurate results just as quickly as Mr. Zerah
+Colburn, a noted calculator of that day, who tested the Negro
+mathematician.[1] The most abstruse questions in relation to time,
+distance, and space were no task for his miraculous memory, which,
+when the mathematician was interrupted in the midst of a long and
+tedious calculation, enabled him to take up some other work and later
+resume his calculation where he left off.[2] One of the questions
+propounded him, was how many seconds of time had elapsed since the
+birth of an individual who had lived seventy years, seven months, and
+as many days. Fuller was able to answer the question in a minute and a
+half.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Needles, _An Historical Memoir_, etc., p. 32.]
+
+Another Negro of this type was James Durham, a native slave of the
+city of Philadelphia. Durham was purchased by Dr. Dove, a physician
+in New Orleans, who, seeing the divine spark in the slave, gave him
+a chance for mental development. It was fortunate that he was thrown
+upon his own resources in this environment, where the miscegenation
+of the races since the early French settlement, had given rise to a
+thrifty and progressive class of mixed breeds, many of whom at that
+time had the privileges and immunities of freemen. Durham was not long
+in acquiring a rudimentary education, and soon learned several modern
+languages, speaking English, French, and Spanish fluently. Beginning
+his medical education early in his career, he finished his course,
+and by the time he was twenty-one years of age became one of the most
+distinguished physicians[1] of New Orleans. Dr. Benjamin Rush, the
+noted physician of Philadelphia, who was educated at the Edinburgh
+Medical College, once deigned to converse professionally with Dr.
+Durham. "I learned more from him than he could expect from me," was
+the comment of the Philadelphian upon a conversation in which he had
+thought to appear as instructor of the younger physician.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. i., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 17.]
+
+Most prominent among these brainy persons of color were Phyllis
+Wheatley and Benjamin Banneker. The former was a slave girl brought
+from Africa in 1761 and put to service in the household of John
+Wheatley of Boston. There, without any training but that which she
+obtained from her master's family, she learned in sixteen months to
+speak the English language fluently, and to read the most difficult
+parts of sacred writings. She had a great inclination for Latin and
+made some progress in the study of that language. Led to writing by
+curiosity, she was by 1765 possessed of a style which enabled her to
+count among her correspondents some of the most influential men of her
+time. Phyllis Wheatley's title to fame, however, rested not on her
+general attainments as a scholar but rather on her ability to write
+poetry. Her poems seemed to have such rare merit that men marveled
+that a slave could possess such a productive imagination, enlightened
+mind, and poetical genius. The publishers were so much surprised that
+they sought reassurance as to the authenticity of the poems from such
+persons as James Bowdoin, Harrison Gray, and John Hancock.[1] Glancing
+at her works, the modern critic would readily say that she was not a
+poetess, just as the student of political economy would dub Adam Smith
+a failure as an economist. A bright college freshman who has studied
+introductory economics can write a treatise as scientific as the
+_Wealth of Nations_. The student of history, however, must not
+"despise the day of small things." Judged according to the standards
+of her time, Phyllis Wheatley was an exceptionally intellectual
+person.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 18; Wright, _Poems of
+Phyllis Wheatley_, Introduction.]
+
+The other distinguished Negro, Benjamin Banneker, was born in
+Baltimore County, Maryland, November 9, 1731, near the village of
+Ellicott Mills. Banneker was sent to school in the neighborhood, where
+he learned reading, writing, and arithmetic. Determined to acquire
+knowledge while toiling, he applied his mind to things intellectual,
+cultivated the power of observation, and developed a retentive memory.
+These acquirements finally made him tower above all other American
+scientists of his time with the possible exception of Benjamin
+Franklin. In conformity with his desire to do and create, his tendency
+was toward mathematics. Although he had never seen a clock, watches
+being the only timepieces in the vicinity, he made in 1770 the first
+clock manufactured in the United States,[1] thereby attracting the
+attention of the scientific world. Learning these things, the owner of
+Ellicott Mills became very much interested in this man of inventive
+genius, lent him books, and encouraged him in his chosen field.
+Among these volumes were treatises on astronomy, which Banneker soon
+mastered without any instruction.[2] Soon he could calculate eclipses
+of sun and moon and the rising of each star with an accuracy almost
+unknown to Americans. Despite his limited means, he secured through
+Goddard and Angell of Baltimore the publication of the first almanac
+produced in this country. Jefferson received from Banneker a copy,
+for which he wrote the author a letter of thanks. It appears that
+Jefferson had some doubts about the man's genius, but the fact that
+the philosopher invited Banneker to visit him at Monticello in 1803,
+indicates that the increasing reputation of the Negro must have
+caused Jefferson to change his opinion as to the extent of Banneker's
+attainments and the value of his contributions to mathematics and
+science.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Washington, _Jefferson's Works_, vol. v., p. 429.]
+
+So favorable did the aspect of things become as a result of this
+movement to elevate the Negroes, that persons observing the conditions
+then obtaining in this country thought that the victory for the
+despised race had been won. Traveling in 1783 in the colony of
+Virginia, where the slave trade had been abolished and schools for
+the education of freedmen established, Johann Schoepf felt that the
+institution was doomed.[1] After touring Pennsylvania five years
+later, Brissot de Warville reported that there existed then a country
+where the blacks were allowed to have souls, and to be endowed with an
+understanding capable of being formed to virtue and useful knowledge,
+and where they were not regarded as beasts of burden in order that
+their masters might have the privilege of treating them as such. He
+was pleased that the colored people by their virtue and understanding
+belied the calumnies which their tyrants elsewhere lavished against
+them, and that in that community one perceived no difference between
+"the memory of a black head whose hair is craped by nature, and that
+of the white one craped by art."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Schoepf, _Travels in the Confederation_, p. 149.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brissot de Warville, _New Travels_, vol. I., p. 220.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+BETTER BEGINNINGS
+
+
+Sketching the second half of the eighteenth century, we have observed
+how the struggle for the rights of man in directing attention to those
+of low estate, and sweeping away the impediments to religious
+freedom, made the free blacks more accessible to helpful sects and
+organizations. We have also learned that this upheaval left the slaves
+the objects of piety for the sympathetic, the concern of workers in
+behalf of social uplift, a class offered instruction as a prerequisite
+to emancipation. The private teaching of Negroes became tolerable,
+benevolent persons volunteered to instruct them, and some schools
+maintained for the education of white students were thrown open to
+those of African blood. It was the day of better beginnings. In fact,
+it was the heyday of victory for the ante-bellum Negro. Never had his
+position been so advantageous; never was it thus again until the whole
+race was emancipated. Now the question which naturally arises here
+is, to what extent were such efforts general? Were these beginnings
+sufficiently extensive to secure adequate enlightenment to a large
+number of colored people? Was interest in the education of this class
+so widely manifested thereafter as to cause the movement to endure? A
+brief account of these efforts in the various States will answer these
+questions.
+
+In the Northern and Middle States an increasing number of educational
+advantages for the white race made germane the question as to what
+consideration should be shown to the colored people.[1] A general
+admission of Negroes to the schools of these progressive communities
+was undesirable, not because of the prejudice against the race, but on
+account of the feeling that the past of the colored people having been
+different from that of the white race, their training should be in
+keeping with their situation. To meet their peculiar needs many
+communities thought it best to provide for them "special,"
+"individual," or "unclassified" schools adapted to their condition.[2]
+In most cases, however, the movement for separate schools originated
+not with the white race, but with the people of color themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles's Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 241-243 and vol.
+xxiii., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See _The Proceedings of the Am. Conv. of Abolition
+Societies_.]
+
+In New England, Negroes had almost from the beginning of their
+enslavement some chance for mental, moral, and spiritual improvement,
+but the revolutionary movement was followed in that section by a
+general effort to elevate the people of color through the influence
+of the school and church. In 1770 the Rhode Island Quakers were
+endeavoring to give young Negroes such an education as becomes
+Christians. In 1773 Newport had a colored school, maintained by a
+society of benevolent clergymen of the Church of England, with a
+handsome fund for a mistress to teach thirty children reading and
+writing. Providence did not exhibit such activity until the nineteenth
+century. Having a larger black population than any other city in New
+England, Boston was the center of these endeavors. In 1798 a separate
+school for colored children, under the charge of Elisha Sylvester, a
+white man, was established in that city in the house of Primus Hall, a
+Negro of very good standing.[1] Two years later sixty-six free blacks
+of that city petitioned the school committee for a separate school,
+but the citizens in a special town meeting called to consider the
+question refused to grant this request.[2] Undaunted by this refusal,
+the patrons of the special school established in the house of Primus
+Hall, employed Brown and Hall of Harvard College as instructors, until
+1806.[3] The school was then moved to the African Meeting House
+in Belknap Street where it remained until 1835 when, with funds
+contributed by Abiel Smith, a building was erected. An epoch in the
+history of Negro education in New England was marked in 1820, when the
+city of Boston opened its first primary school for the education of
+colored children.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 357.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Next to be instructor of this institution was Prince
+Saunders, who was brought to Boston by Dr. Channing and Caleb Bingham
+in 1809. Brought up in the family of a Vermont lawyer, and experienced
+as a diplomatic official of Emperor Christopher of Hayti, Prince
+Saunders was able to do much for the advancement of this work. Among
+others who taught in this school was John B. Russworm, a graduate of
+Bowdoin College, and, later, Governor of the Colony of Cape Palmas in
+Southern Liberia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 357; and _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 271.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Rep. of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 357.]
+
+Generally speaking, we can say that while the movement for special
+colored schools met with some opposition in certain portions of New
+England, in other parts of the Northeastern States the religious
+organizations and abolition societies, which were espousing the cause
+of the Negro, yielded to this demand. These schools were sometimes
+found in churches of the North, as in the cases of the schools in
+the African Church of Boston, and the Sunday-school in the African
+Improved Church of New Haven. In 1828 there was in that city another
+such school supported by public-school money; three in Boston; one in
+Salem; and one in Portland, Maine.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+Outside of the city of New York, not so much interest was shown in
+the education of Negroes as in the States which had a larger colored
+population.[1] Those who were scattered through the State were allowed
+to attend white schools, which did not "meet their special needs."[2]
+In the metropolis, where the blacks constituted one-tenth of the
+inhabitants in 1800, however, the mental improvement of the dark race
+could not be neglected. The liberalism of the revolutionary era led
+to the organization in New York of the "Society for Promoting the
+Manumission of Slaves and Protecting such of them as have been or may
+be liberated." This Society ushered in a new day for the free persons
+of color of that city in organizing in 1787 the New York African
+Free School.[3] Among those interested in this organization and its
+enterprises were Melancthon Smith, John Bleecker, James Cogswell,
+Jacob Seaman, White Matlock, Matthew Clarkson, Nathaniel Lawrence, and
+John Murray, Jr.[4] The school opened in 1790 with Cornelius Davis as
+a teacher of forty pupils. In 1791 a lady was employed to instruct the
+girls in needle-work.[5] The expected advantage of this industrial
+training was soon realized.
+
+[Footnote 1: La Rochefoucauld-Liancourt, _Travels_, etc., p. 233.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Am. Conv._, 1798, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 16.]
+
+Despite the support of certain distinguished members of the community,
+the larger portion of the population was so prejudiced against the
+school that often the means available for its maintenance were
+inadequate. The struggle was continued for about fifteen years with an
+attendance of from forty to sixty pupils.[1] About 1801 the community
+began to take more interest in the institution, and the Negroes
+"became more generally impressed with a sense of the advantages and
+importance of education, and more disposed to avail themselves of
+the privileges offered them."[2] At this time one hundred and thirty
+pupils of both sexes attended this school, paying their instructor,
+a "discreet man of color," according to their ability and
+inclination.[3] Many more colored children were then able to attend
+as there had been a considerable increase in the number of colored
+freeholders. As a result of the introduction of the Lancastrian and
+monitorial systems of instruction the enrollment was further increased
+and the general tone of the school was improved. Another impetus was
+given the work in 1810.[4] Having in mind the preparation of slaves
+for freedom, the legislature of the State of New York, made it
+compulsory for masters to teach all minors born of slaves to read the
+Scriptures.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1801, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1801, Report from New York.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the American Convention of Abolition
+Societies_, 1812, p. 7.]
+
+Decided improvement was noted after 1814. The directors then purchased
+a lot on which they constructed a building the following year.[1] The
+nucleus then took the name of the New York "African Free Schools."
+These schools grew so rapidly that it was soon necessary to rent
+additional quarters to accommodate the department of sewing. This work
+had been made popular by the efforts of Misses Turpen, Eliza J. Cox,
+Ann Cox, and Caroline Roe.[2] The subsequent growth of the classes
+was such that in 1820 the Manumission Society had to erect a building
+large enough to accommodate five hundred pupils.[3] The instructors
+were then not only teaching the elementary branches of reading,
+writing, arithmetic, and geography, but also astronomy, navigation,
+advanced composition, plain sewing, knitting, and marking.[4] Knowing
+the importance of industrial training, the Manumission Society then
+had an Indenturing Committee find employment in trades for colored
+children, and had recommended for some of them the pursuit of
+agriculture.[5] The comptrollers desired no better way of measuring
+the success of the system in shaping the character of its students
+than to be able to boast that no pupils educated there had ever been
+convicted of crime.[6] Lafayette, a promoter of the emancipation
+and improvement of the colored people, and a member of the New York
+Manumission Society, visited these schools in 1824 on his return to
+the United States. He was bidden welcome by an eleven-year-old pupil
+in well-chosen and significant words. After spending the afternoon
+inspecting the schools the General pronounced them the "best
+disciplined and the most interesting schools of children" he had ever
+seen.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention of Abolition Soc._,
+1818, P. 9; Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1820.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Andrews, _History of the New York African Free Schools_,
+p. 20.]
+
+The outlook for the education of Negroes in New Jersey was unusually
+bright. Carrying out the recommendations of the Haddonfield Quarterly
+Meeting in 1777, the Quakers of Salem raised funds for the education
+of the blacks, secured books, and placed the colored children of
+the community at school. The delegates sent from that State, to the
+Convention of the Abolition Societies in 1801, reported that there had
+been schools in Burlington, Salem, and Trenton for the education of
+the Negro race, but that they had been closed.[1] It seemed that
+not much attention had been given to this work there, but that the
+interest was increasing. These delegates stated that they did not then
+know of any schools among them exclusively for Negroes. In most parts
+of the State, and most commonly in the northern division, however,
+they were incorporated with the white children in the various small
+schools scattered over the State.[2] There was then in the city of
+Burlington a free school for the education of poor children supported
+by the profits of an estate left for that particular purpose, and made
+equally accessible to the children of both races. Conditions were just
+as favorable in Gloucester. An account from its antislavery society
+shows that the local friends of the indigent had funds of about one
+thousand pounds established for schooling poor children, white and
+black, without distinction. Many of the black children, who were
+placed by their masters under the care of white instructors, received
+as good moral and school education as the lower class of whites.[3]
+Later reports from this State show the same tendency toward democratic
+education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1801, p.
+12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 12, and Quaker Pamphlet, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Conv._, etc., 1801, p. 12.]
+
+The efforts made in this direction in Delaware, were encouraging. The
+Abolition Society of Wilmington had not greatly promoted the special
+education of "the Blacks and the people of color." In 1801, however, a
+school was kept the first day of the week by one of the members of
+the Society, who instructed them gratis in reading, writing, and
+arithmetic. About twenty pupils generally attended and by their
+assiduity and progress showed themselves as "capable as white persons
+laboring under similar disadvantages."[1] In 1802 plans for the
+extension of this system were laid and bore good fruit the following
+year.[2] Seven years later, however, after personal and pecuniary aid
+had for some time been extended, the workers had still to lament that
+beneficial effects had not been more generally experienced, and
+that there was little disposition to aid them in their friendly
+endeavors.[3] In 1816 more important results had been obtained.
+Through a society formed a few years prior to this date for the
+express purpose of educating colored children, a school had been
+established under a Negro teacher. He had a fair attendance of bright
+children, who "by the facility with which they took in instruction
+were silently but certainly undermining the prejudice"[4] against
+their education. A library of religious and moral publications had
+been secured for this institution. In addition to the school in
+Wilmington there was a large academy for young colored women,
+gratuitously taught by a society of young ladies. The course of
+instruction covered reading, writing, and sewing. The work in sewing
+proved to be a great advantage to the colored girls, many of whom
+through the instrumentality of that society were provided with good
+positions.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1802, p. 17.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1809, p.
+20.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1816, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 1821, p. 18.]
+
+In Pennsylvania the interest of the large Quaker element caused the
+question of educating Negroes to be a matter of more concern to that
+colony than it was to the others. Thanks to the arduous labors of
+the antislavery movement, emancipation was provided for in 1780.
+The Quakers were then especially anxious to see masters give their
+"weighty and solid attention" to qualifying slaves for the liberty
+intended. By the favorable legislation of the State the poor were
+by 1780 allowed the chance to secure the rudiments of education.[1]
+Despite this favorable appearance of things, however, friends of the
+despised race had to keep up the agitation for such a construction of
+the law as would secure to the Negroes of the State the educational
+benefits extended to the indigent. The colored youth of Pennsylvania
+thereafter had the right to attend the schools provided for white
+children, and exercised it when persons interested in the blacks
+directed their attention to the importance of mental improvement.[2]
+But as neither they nor their defenders were numerous outside of
+Philadelphia and Columbia, not many pupils of color in other parts of
+the State attended school during this period. Whatever special effort
+was made to arouse them to embrace their opportunities came chiefly
+from the Quakers.
+
+[Footnote 1: _A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. xv., p. 625.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+Not content with the schools which were already opened to Negroes, the
+friends of the race continued to agitate and raise funds to extend
+their philanthropic operations. With the donation of Anthony Benezet
+the Quakers were able to enlarge their building and increase the scope
+of the work. They added a female department in which Sarah Dwight[1]
+was teaching the girls spelling, reading, and sewing in 1784. The
+work done in Philadelphia was so successful that the place became the
+rallying center for the Quakers throughout the country,[2] and was of
+so much concern to certain members of this sect in London that in
+1787 they contributed five hundred pounds toward the support of this
+school.[3] In 1789 the Quakers organized "The Society for the Free
+Instruction of the Orderly Blacks and People of Color." Taking into
+consideration the "many disadvantages which many well-disposed blacks
+and people of color labored under from not being able to read, write,
+or cast accounts, which would qualify them to act for themselves or
+provide for their families," this society in connection with other
+organizations established evening schools for the education of adults
+of African blood.[4] It is evident then that with the exception of the
+school of the Abolition Society organized in 1774, and the efforts
+of a few other persons generally cooeperating like the anti-slavery
+leaders with the Quakers, practically all of the useful education of
+the colored people of this State was accomplished in their schools.
+Philadelphia had seven colored schools in 1797.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Quaker Pamphlet, p. 42.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Turner, _The Negro in Pa_., p. 128.]
+
+The next decade was of larger undertakings.[1] The report of the
+Pennsylvania Abolition Society of 1801 shows that there had been an
+increasing interest in Negro education. For this purpose the society
+had raised funds to the amount of $530.50 per annum for three
+years.[2] In 1803 certain other friends of the cause left for this
+purpose two liberal benefactions, one amounting to one thousand
+dollars, and the other to one thousand pounds.[3] With these
+contributions the Quakers and Abolitionists erected in 1809 a handsome
+building valued at four thousand dollars. They named it Clarkson Hall
+in honor of the great friend of the Negro race.[4] In 1807 the Quakers
+met the needs of the increasing population of the city by founding an
+additional institution of learning known as the Adelphi School.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parish, _Remarks on the Slavery_, etc., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1802, p. 18.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., 1803, p. 13.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 20.]
+
+After the first decade of the nineteenth century the movement for the
+uplift of the Negroes around Philadelphia was checked a little by the
+migration to that city of many freedmen who had been lately liberated.
+The majority of them did not "exhibit that industry, economy, and
+temperance" which were "expected by many and wished by all."[1] Not
+deterred, however, by this seemingly discouraging development, the
+friends of the race toiled on as before. In 1810 certain Quaker women
+who had attempted to establish a school for colored girls in 1795
+apparently succeeded.[2] The institution, however, did not last many
+years. But the Clarkson Hall schools maintained by the Abolition
+Society were then making such progress that the management was
+satisfied that they furnished a decided refutation of the charge that
+the "mental endowments of the descendants of the African race are
+inferior to those possessed by their white brethren."[3] They asserted
+without fear of contradiction that the pupils of that seminary would
+sustain a fair comparison with those of any other institution in which
+the same elementary branches were taught. In 1815 these schools were
+offering free instruction to three hundred boys and girls, and to a
+number of adults attending evening schools. These victories had been
+achieved despite the fact that in regard to some of the objects of the
+Society for the Abolition of the Slave Trade "a tide of prejudice,
+popular and legislative, set strongly against them."[4] After 1818,
+however, help was obtained from the State to educate the colored
+children of Columbia and Philadelphia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Conv_., 1809, p. 16, and
+1812, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wickersham, _History of Ed. in Pa_., p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1812,
+Report from Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., 1815, Report from Phila.]
+
+The assistance obtained from the State, however, was not taken as a
+pretext for the cessation of the labors on the part of those who had
+borne the burden for more than a century. The faithful friends of the
+colored race remained as active as ever. In 1822 the Quakers in the
+Northern Liberties organized the Female Association which maintained
+one or more schools.[1] That same year the Union Society founded in
+1810 for the support of schools and domestic manufactures for the
+benefit of the "African race and people of color" was conducting three
+schools for adults.[2] The Infant School Society of Philadelphia was
+also doing good work in looking after the education of small colored
+children.[3] In the course of time crowded conditions in the colored
+schools necessitated the opening of additional evening classes and the
+erection of larger buildings.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 252.]
+
+[Footnote 2: One of these was at the Sessions House of the Third
+Presbyterian Church; one at Clarkston Schoolhouse, Cherry Street; one
+in the Academy on Locust Street. See _Statistical Inquiry into
+the Condition of the Colored People of Philadelphia_, p. 19; and
+Wickersham, _Education in Pa._, p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Statistical Inquiry_, etc., p. 19.]
+
+At this time Maryland was not raising any serious objection to the
+instruction of slaves, and public sentiment there did not seem to
+interfere with the education of free persons of color. Maryland was
+long noted for her favorable attitude toward her Negroes. We have
+already observed how Banneker, though living in a small place, was
+permitted to attend school, and how Ellicott became interested in this
+man of genius and furnished him with books. Other Negroes of that
+State were enjoying the same privilege. The abolition delegates from
+Maryland reported in 1797 that several children of the Africans and
+other people of color were under a course of instruction, and that an
+academy and qualified teachers for them would be provided.[1] These
+Negroes were then getting light from another source. Having more
+freedom in this State than in some others, the Quakers were allowed to
+teach colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1797, p.
+16.]
+
+Most interest in the cause in Maryland was manifested near the cities
+of Georgetown and Baltimore.[1] Long active in the cause of elevating
+the colored people, the influence of the revolutionary movement was
+hardly necessary to arouse the Catholics to discharge their duty of
+enlightening the blacks. Wherever they had the opportunity to give
+slaves religious instruction, they generally taught the unfortunates
+everything that would broaden their horizon and help them to
+understand life. The abolitionists and Protestant churches were also
+in the field, but the work of the early fathers in these cities was
+more effective. These forces at work in Georgetown made it, by the
+time of its incorporation into the District of Columbia, a center
+sending out teachers to carry on the instruction of Negroes. So
+liberal were the white people of this town that colored children were
+sent to school there with white boys and girls who seemed to raise
+no objection.[2] Later in the nineteenth century the efforts made to
+educate the Negroes of the rural districts of Maryland were eclipsed
+by the better work accomplished by the free blacks in Baltimore and
+the District of Columbia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., pp. 195 _et
+seq_., and pp. 352-353.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 353.]
+
+Having a number of antislavery men among the various sects buoyant
+with religious freedom, Virginia easily continued to look with favor
+upon the uplift of the colored people. The records of the Quakers of
+that day show special effort in this direction there about 1764, 1773,
+and 1785. In 1797 the abolitionists of Alexandria, some of whom were
+Quakers, had been doing effective work among the Negroes of that
+section. They had established a school with one Benjamin Davis as a
+teacher. He reported an attendance of one hundred and eight pupils,
+four of whom "could write a very legible hand," "read the Scriptures
+with tolerable facility," and had commenced arithmetic. Eight others
+had learned to read, but had made very little progress in writing.
+Among his less progressive pupils fifteen could spell words of three
+or four syllables and read easy lessons, some had begun to write,
+while the others were chiefly engaged in learning the alphabet and
+spelling monosyllables.[1] It is significant that colored children
+of Alexandria, just as in the case of Georgetown, attended schools
+established for the whites.[2] Their coeducation extended not only
+to Sabbath schools but to other institutions of learning, which some
+Negroes attended during the week.[3] Mrs. Maria Hall, one of the early
+teachers of the District of Columbia, obtained her education in a
+mixed school of Alexandria.[4] Controlled then by aristocratic people
+who did not neglect the people of color, Alexandria also became a sort
+of center for the uplift of the blacks in Northern Virginia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., etc., 1797, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1797, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, p. 17; _ibid._, 1827, p.
+53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Schools for the education of Negroes were established in Richmond,
+Petersburg, and Norfolk. An extensive miscegenation of the races in
+these cities had given rise to a very intelligent class of slaves and
+a considerable number of thrifty free persons of color, in whom the
+best people early learned to show much interest.[1] Of the schools
+organized for them in the central part of the commonwealth, those
+about Richmond seemed to be less prosperous. The abolitionists of
+Virginia, reporting for that city in 1798, said that considerable
+progress had been made in the education of the blacks, and that they
+contemplated the establishment of a school for the instruction of
+Negroes and other persons. They were apprehensive, however, that their
+funds would be scarcely sufficient for this purpose.[2] In 1801, one
+year after Gabriel's Insurrection, the abolitionists of Richmond
+reported that the cause had been hindered by the "rapacious
+disposition which emboldened many tyrants" among them "to trample upon
+the rights of colored people even in the violation of the laws of the
+State." For this reason the complainants felt that, although they
+could not but unite in the opinion with the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies as to the importance of educating the slaves for
+living as freedmen, they were compelled on account of a "domineering
+spirit of power and usurpation"[3] to direct attention to the Negroes'
+bodily comfort.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 393.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv._, etc., 1798, p. 16.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Proceedings of the Am. Conv_., 1801, p. 15.]
+
+This situation, however, was not sufficiently alarming to deter all
+the promoters of Negro education in Virginia. It is remarkable how
+Robert Pleasants, a Quaker of that State who emancipated his slaves
+at his death in 1801, had united with other members of his sect to
+establish a school for colored people. In 1782 they circulated a
+pamphlet entitled "Proposals for Establishing a Free School for the
+Instruction of Children of Blacks and People of Color."[1] They
+recommended to the humane and benevolent of all denominations
+cheerfully to contribute to an institution "calculated to promote
+the spiritual and temporal interests of that unfortunate part of our
+fellow creatures in forming their minds in the principles of virtue
+and religion, and in common or useful literature, writing, ciphering,
+and mechanic arts, as the most likely means to render so numerous a
+people fit for freedom, and to become useful citizens." Pleasants
+proposed to establish a school on a three-hundred-and-fifty-acre
+tract of his own land at Gravelly Hills near Four-Mile Creek, Henrico
+County. The whole revenue of the land was to go toward the support of
+the institution, or, in the event the school should be established
+elsewhere, he would give it one hundred pounds. Ebenezer Maule,
+another friend, subscribed fifty pounds for the same purpose.[2]
+Exactly what the outcome was, no one knows; but the memorial on
+the life of Pleasants shows that he appropriated the rent of the
+three-hundred-and-fifty-acre tract and ten pounds per annum to the
+establishment of a free school for Negroes, and that a few years after
+his death such an institution was in operation under a Friend at
+Gravelly Run.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 216.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 216.]
+
+Such philanthropy, however, did not become general in Virginia. The
+progress of Negro education there was decidedly checked by the rapid
+development of discontent among Negroes ambitious to emulate the
+example of Toussaint L'Ouverture. During the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century that commonwealth tolerated much less enlightenment
+of the colored people than the benevolent element allowed them in the
+other border States. The custom of teaching colored pauper children
+apprenticed by church-wardens was prohibited by statute immediately
+after Gabriel's Insurrection in 1800.[1] Negroes eager to learn were
+thereafter largely restricted to private tutoring and instruction
+offered in Sabbath-schools. Furthermore, as Virginia developed few
+urban communities there were not sufficient persons of color in any
+one place to cooeperate in enlightening themselves even as much as
+public sentiment allowed. After 1838 Virginia Negroes had practically
+no chance to educate themselves.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hening, _Statutes at Large_, vol. xvi., p. 124.]
+
+North Carolina, not unlike the border States in their good treatment
+of free persons of color, placed such little restriction on the
+improvement of the colored people that they early attained rank among
+the most enlightened ante-bellum Negroes. This interest, largely
+on account of the zeal of the antislavery leaders and Quakers,[1]
+continued unabated from 1780, the time of their greatest activity,
+to the period of the intense abolition agitation and the servile
+insurrections. In 1815 the Quakers were still exhorting their members
+to establish schools for the literary and religious instruction of
+Negroes.[2] The following year a school for Negroes was opened for
+two days in a week.[3] So successful was the work done by the Quakers
+during this period that they could report in 1817 that most colored
+minors in the Western Quarter had been "put in a way to get a portion
+of school learning."[4] In 1819 some of them could spell and a few
+could write. The plan of these workers was to extend the instruction
+until males could "read, write, and cipher," and until the females
+could "read and write."[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 231; Levi Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 69-71; Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+66.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Thwaites, _Early Travels_, vol. ii., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 232.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., 232.]
+
+In the course of time, however, these philanthropists met with some
+discouragement. In 1821 certain masters were sending their slaves to
+a Sunday-school opened by Levi Coffin and his son Vestal. Before the
+slaves had learned more than to spell words of two or three syllables
+other masters became unduly alarmed, thinking that such instruction
+would make the slaves discontented.[1] The timorous element threatened
+the teachers with the terrors of the law, induced the benevolent
+slaveholders to prohibit the attendance of their Negroes, and had the
+school closed.[2] Moreover, it became more difficult to obtain aid
+for this cause. Between 1815 and 1825 the North Carolina Manumission
+Societies were redoubling their efforts to raise funds for this
+purpose. By 1819 they had collected $47.00 but had not increased this
+amount more than $2.62 two years later.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 70.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Weeks, _Southern Quakers_, p. 241.]
+
+The work done by the various workers in North Carolina did not affect
+the general improvement of the slaves, but thanks to the humanitarian
+movement, they were not entirely neglected. In 1830 the General
+Association of the Manumission Societies of that commonwealth
+complained that the laws made no provision for the moral improvement
+of the slaves.[1] Though learning was in a very small degree diffused
+among the colored people of a few sections, it was almost unknown to
+the slaves. They pointed out, too, that the little instruction some of
+the slaves had received, and by which a few had been taught to
+spell, or perhaps to read in "easy places," was not due to any legal
+provision, but solely to the charity "which endureth all things" and
+is willing to suffer reproach for the sake of being instrumental in
+"delivering the poor that cry" and "directing the wanderer in the
+right way."[2] To ameliorate these conditions the association
+recommended among other things the enactment of a law providing for
+the instruction of slaves in the elementary principles of language at
+least so far as to enable them to read the Holy Scriptures.[3] The
+reaction culminated, however, before this plan could be properly
+presented to the people of that commonwealth.
+
+[Footnote 1: An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils
+of Slavery by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, _passim_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._]
+
+During these years an exceptionally bright Negro was serving as a
+teacher not of his own race but of the most aristocratic white people
+of North Carolina. This educator was a freeman named John Chavis. He
+was born probably near Oxford, Granville County, about 1763. Chavis
+was a full-blooded Negro of dark brown color. Early attracting the
+attention of his white neighbors, he was sent to Princeton "to see
+if a Negro would take a collegiate education." His rapid advancement
+under Dr. Witherspoon "soon convinced his friends that the experiment
+would issue favorable."[1] There he took rank as a good Latin and a
+fair Greek scholar.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 73.]
+
+From Princeton he went to Virginia to preach to his own people. In
+1801 he served at the Hanover Presbytery as a "riding missionary under
+the direction of the General Assembly."[1] He was then reported also
+as a regularly commissioned preacher to his people in Lexington. In
+1805 he returned to North Carolina where he often preached to various
+congregations.[2] His career as a clergyman was brought to a close
+in 1831 by the law enacted to prevent Negroes from preaching.[3]
+Thereafter he confined himself to teaching, which was by far his
+most important work. He opened a classical school for white persons,
+"teaching in Granville, Wake, and Chatham Counties."[4] The best
+people of the community patronized this school. Chavis counted among
+his students W.P. Mangum, afterwards United States Senator, P.H.
+Mangum, his brother, Archibald and John Henderson, sons of Chief
+Justice Henderson, Charles Manly, afterwards Governor of that
+commonwealth, and Dr. James L. Wortham of Oxford, North Carolina.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 74; and Baird, _A Collection_, etc., pp.
+816-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Paul C. Cameron, a son of Judge Duncan of North Carolina,
+said: "In my boyhood life at my father's home I often saw John Chavis,
+a venerable old negro man, recognized as a freeman and as a preacher
+or clergyman of the Presbyterian Church. As such he was received by my
+father and treated with kindness and consideration, and respected as a
+man of education, good sense and most estimable character." Mr. George
+Wortham, a lawyer of Granville County, said: "I have heard him read
+and explain the Scriptures to my father's family repeatedly. His
+English was remarkably pure, containing no 'negroisms'; his manner was
+impressive, his explanations clear and concise, and his views, as I
+then thought and still think, entirely orthodox. He was said to have
+been an acceptable preacher, his sermons abounding in strong common
+sense views and happy illustrations, without any effort at oratory
+or sensational appeals to the passions of his hearers." See Bassett,
+_Slavery in N.C_., pp. 74-75.]
+
+[Footnote 3: See Chapter VII.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74.]
+
+[Footnote 5: John S. Bassett, Professor of History at Trinity College,
+North Carolina, learned from a source of great respectability that
+Chavis not only taught the children of these distinguished families,
+but "was received as an equal socially and asked to table by the most
+respectable people of the neighborhood." See Bassett, _Slavery in
+North Carolina_, p. 75.]
+
+We have no evidence of any such favorable conditions in South
+Carolina. There was not much public education of the Negroes of that
+State even during the revolutionary epoch. Regarding education as a
+matter of concern to persons immediately interested South Carolinians
+had long since learned to depend on private instruction for the
+training of their youth. Colored schools were not thought of outside
+of Charleston. Yet although South Carolina prohibited the education of
+the slaves in 1740[1] and seemingly that of other Negroes in 1800,[2]
+these measures were not considered a direct attack on the instruction
+of free persons of color. Furthermore, the law in regard to the
+teaching of the blacks was ignored by sympathetic masters. Colored
+persons serving in families and attending traveling men shared with
+white children the advantage of being taught at home. Free persons of
+color remaining accessible to teachers and missionaries interested in
+the propagation of the gospel among the poor still had the opportunity
+to make intellectual advancement.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of South
+Carolina_, vol. ii., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Laws of 1740 and 1800, and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p.
+1078.]
+
+Although not as reactionary as South Carolina, little could be
+expected of Georgia where slavery had such a firm hold. Unfavorable as
+conditions in that State were, however, they were not intolerable. It
+was still lawful for a slave to learn to read, and free persons of
+color had the privilege of acquiring any knowledge whatsoever.[1] The
+chief incentive to the education of Negroes in that State came from
+the rising Methodists and Baptists who, bringing a simple message to
+plain people, instilled into their minds as never before the idea that
+the Bible being the revelation of God, all men should be taught to
+read that book.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Orr, _Education in the South_.]
+
+In the territory known as Louisiana the good treatment of the mixed
+breeds and the slaves by the French assured for years the privilege
+to attend school. Rev. James Flint, of Salem, Massachusetts, received
+letters from a friend in Louisiana, who, in pointing out conditions
+around him, said: "In the regions where I live masters allow entire
+liberty to the slaves to attend public worship, and as far as my
+knowledge extends, it is generally the case in Louisiana. We have,"
+said he, "regular meetings of the blacks in the building where I
+attend public worship. I have in the past years devoted myself
+assiduously, every Sabbath morning, to the labor of learning them to
+read. I found them quick of apprehension, and capable of grasping the
+rudiments of learning more rapidly than the whites."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Flint, _Recollections of the Last Ten Years_, p. 345.]
+
+Later the problem of educating Negroes in this section became more
+difficult. The trouble was that contrary to the stipulation in the
+treaty of purchase that the inhabitants of the territory of Louisiana
+should be admitted to all the rights and immunities of citizens of the
+United States, the State legislation, subsequent to the transfer of
+jurisdiction, denied the right of education to a large class of mixed
+breeds.[1] Many of these, thanks to the liberality of the French, had
+been freed, and constituted an important element of society. Not a few
+of them had educated themselves, accumulated wealth, and ranked with
+white men of refinement and culture.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Laws of Louisiana.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Alliot, _Collections Historiques_, p. 85; and Thwaites,
+_Early Western Travels_, vol. iv., pp. 320 and 321; vol. xii., p. 69;
+and vol. xix., p. 126.]
+
+Considering the few Negroes found in the West, the interest shown
+there in their mental uplift was considerable. Because of the scarcity
+of slaves in that section they came into helpful contact with their
+masters. Besides, the Kentucky and Tennessee abolitionists, being much
+longer active than those in most slave States, continued to emphasize
+the education of the blacks as a correlative to emancipation.
+Furthermore, the Western Baptists, Methodists, and Scotch-Irish
+Presbyterians early took a stand against slavery, and urged the
+masters to give their servants all the proper advantages for acquiring
+the knowledge of their duty both to man and God. In the large towns
+of Tennessee Negroes were permitted to attend private schools, and in
+Louisville and Lexington there were several well-regulated colored
+schools.
+
+Two institutions for the education of slaves in the West are mentioned
+during these years. In October, 1825, there appeared an advertisement
+for eight or ten Negro slaves with their families to form a community
+of this kind under the direction of an "Emancipating Labor Society"
+of the State of Kentucky. In the same year Frances Wright suggested a
+school on a similar basis. She advertised in the "Genius of Universal
+Emancipation" an establishment to educate freed blacks and mulattoes
+in West Tennessee. This was supported by a goodly number of persons,
+including George Fowler and, it was said, Lafayette. A letter from a
+Presbyterian clergyman in South Carolina says that the first slave
+for this institution went from York District of that State. The
+enterprise, however, was not well supported, and little was heard of
+it in later years. Some asserted it was a money-making scheme for the
+proprietor, and that the Negroes taught there were in reality slaves;
+others went to the press to defend it as a benevolent effort. Both
+sides so muddled the affair that it is difficult to determine exactly
+what the intentions of the founders were.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, p. 152.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+EDUCATING THE URBAN NEGRO
+
+
+Such an impetus was given Negro education during the period of better
+beginnings that some of the colored city schools then established have
+existed even until to-day. Negroes learned from their white friends to
+educate themselves. In the Middle and Southern States, however, much
+of the sentiment in favor of developing the intellect of the Negro
+passed away during the early part of the nineteenth century. This
+reform, like many others of that day, suffered when Americans forgot
+the struggle for the rights of man. Recovering from the social
+upheaval of the Revolution, caste soon began to claim its own. To
+discourage the education of the lowest class was natural to the
+aristocrats who on coming to power established governments based on
+the representation of interests, restriction of suffrage, and the
+ineligibility of the poor to office. After this period the work of
+enlightening the blacks in the southern and border States was largely
+confined to a few towns and cities where the concentration of the
+colored population continued.
+
+The rise of the American city made possible the contact of the colored
+people with the world, affording them a chance to observe what the
+white man was doing, and to develop the power to care for themselves.
+The Negroes who had this opportunity to take over the western
+civilization were servants belonging to the families for which they
+worked; slaves hired out by their owners to wait upon persons; and
+watermen, embracing fishermen, boatmen, and sailors. Not a few slaves
+in cities were mechanics, clerks, and overseers. In most of these
+employments the rudiments of an education were necessary, and what the
+master did not seem disposed to teach the slaves so situated, they
+usually learned by contact with their fellowmen who were better
+informed. Such persons were the mulattoes resulting from
+miscegenation, and therefore protected from the rigors of the slave
+code; house servants, rewarded with unusual privileges for fidelity
+and for manifesting considerable interest in things contributing to
+the economic good of their masters; and slaves who were purchasing
+their freedom.[1] Before the close of the first quarter of the
+nineteenth century not much was said about what these classes learned
+or taught. It was then the difference in circumstances, employment,
+and opportunities for improvement that made the urban Negro more
+intelligent than those who had to toil in the fields. Yet, the
+proportion did not differ very much from that of the previous
+period, as the first Negroes were not chiefly field hands but to a
+considerable extent house servants, whom masters often taught to read
+and write.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 117.]
+
+Urban Negroes had another important advantage in their opportunity to
+attend well-regulated Sunday-schools. These were extensively organized
+in the towns and cities of this country during the first decades of
+the last century. The "Sabbath-school" constituted an important factor
+in Negro education. Although cloaked with the purpose of bringing the
+blacks to God by giving them religious instruction the institution
+permitted its workers to teach them reading and writing when they were
+not allowed to study such in other institutions.[1] Even the radical
+slaveholder was slow to object to a policy which was intended to
+facilitate the conversion of men's souls. All friends especially
+interested in the mental and spiritual uplift of the race hailed this
+movement as marking an epoch in the elevation of the colored people.
+
+[Footnote 1: See the reports of almost any abolition society of the
+first quarter of the nineteenth century. _Special Report of the U.S.
+Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 200; and Plumer, _Thoughts on the Religious
+Instruction of Negroes_.]
+
+In the course of time racial difficulties caused the development of
+the colored "Sabbath-school" to be very much like that of the American
+Negro Church. It began as an establishment in the white churches,
+then moved to the colored chapels, where white persons assisted as
+teachers, and finally became an organization composed entirely of
+Negroes. But the separation here, as in the case of the church,
+was productive of some good. The "Sabbath-schools," which at first
+depended on white teachers to direct their work, were thereafter
+carried on by Negroes, who studied and prepared themselves to perform
+the task given up by their former friends. This change was easily made
+in certain towns and cities where Negroes already had churches of
+their own. Before 1815 there was a Methodist church in Charleston,
+South Carolina, with a membership of eighteen hundred, more than one
+thousand of whom were persons of color. About this time, Williamsburg
+and Augusta had one each, and Savannah three colored Baptist churches.
+By 1822 the Negroes of Petersburg had in addition to two churches of
+this denomination, a flourishing African Missionary Society.[1] In
+Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New York, and Boston the free
+blacks had experienced such a rapid religious development that colored
+churches in these cities were no longer considered unusual.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., pp. 73 and 74.]
+
+The increase in the population of cities brought a larger number of
+these unfortunates into helpful contact with the urban element of
+white people who, having few Negroes, often opposed the institution of
+slavery. But thrown among colored people brought in their crude state
+into sections of culture, the antislavery men of towns and cities
+developed from theorists, discussing a problem of concern to persons
+far away, into actual workers striving by means of education to pave
+the way for universal freedom.[1] Large as the number of abolitionists
+became and bright as the future of their cause seemed, the more the
+antislavery men saw of the freedmen in congested districts, the more
+inclined the reformers were to think that instant abolition was an
+event which they "could not reasonably expect, and perhaps could not
+desire." Being in a state of deplorable ignorance, the slaves did not
+possess sufficient information "to render their immediate emancipation
+a blessing either to themselves or to society."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: As some masters regarded the ignorance of the slaves as
+an argument against their emancipation, the antislavery men's problem
+became the education of the master as well as that of the slave.
+Believing that intellectual and moral improvement is a "safe and
+permanent basis on which the arch of freedom could be erected," Jesse
+Torrey, harking back to Jefferson's proposition, recommended that
+it begin by instructing the slaveholders, overseers, their sons and
+daughters, hitherto deprived of the blessing of education. Then he
+thought that such enlightened masters should see to it that every
+slave less than thirty years of age should be taught the art of
+reading sufficiently for receiving moral and religious instruction
+from books in the English language. In presenting this scheme Torrey
+had the idea of most of the antislavery men of that day, who advocated
+the education of slaves because they believed that, whenever the
+slaves should become qualified by intelligence and moral cultivation
+for the rational enjoyment of liberty and the performance of the
+various social duties, enlightened legislators would listen to the
+voice of reason and justice and the spirit of the social organization,
+and permit the release of the slave without banishing him as a traitor
+from his native land. See Torrey's _Portraiture of Domestic Slavery_,
+p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Sidney, _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States_, p. 5; and Adams, _Anti-slavery_,
+etc., pp. 40, 43, 65, and 66.]
+
+Yet in the same proportion that antislavery men convinced masters of
+the wisdom of the policy of gradual emancipation, they increased their
+own burden of providing extra facilities of education, for liberated
+Negroes generally made their way from the South to urban communities
+of the Northern and Middle States. The friends of the colored people,
+however, met this exigency by establishing additional schools and
+repeatedly entreating these migrating freedmen to avail themselves
+of their opportunities. The address of the American Convention of
+Abolition Societies in 1819 is typical of these appeals.[1] They
+requested free persons of color to endeavor as much as possible to use
+economy in their expenses, to save something from their earnings
+for the education of their children ... and "let all those who by
+attending to this admonition have acquired means, send their children
+to school as soon as they are old enough, where their morals will
+be an object of attention as well as their improvement in school
+learning." Then followed some advice which would now seem strange.
+They said, "Encourage, also, those among you who are qualified as
+teachers of schools, and when you are able to pay, never send your
+children to free schools; for this may be considered as robbing the
+poor of their opportunities which are intended for them alone."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1819, p.
+22.]
+
+The concentration of the colored population in cities and towns where
+they had better educational advantages tended to make colored city
+schools self-supporting. There developed a class of self-educating
+Negroes who were able to provide for their own enlightenment. This
+condition, however, did not obtain throughout the South. Being a
+proslavery farming section of few large towns and cities, that part of
+the country did not see much development of the self-sufficient class.
+What enlightenment most urban blacks of the South experienced resulted
+mainly from private teaching and religious instruction. There were
+some notable exceptions, however. A colored "Santo Dominican" named
+Julian Troumontaine taught openly in Savannah up to 1829 when such
+an act was prohibited by law. He taught clandestinely thereafter,
+however, until 1844.[1] In New Orleans, where the Creoles and freedmen
+counted early in the nineteenth century as a substantial element in
+society, persons of color had secured to themselves better facilities
+of education. The people of this city did not then regard it as a
+crime for Negroes to acquire an education, their white instructors
+felt that they were not condescending in teaching them, and children
+of Caucasian blood raised no objection to attending special and
+parochial schools accessible to both races. The educational privileges
+which the colored people there enjoyed, however, were largely paid for
+by the progressive freedmen themselves.[2] Some of them educated their
+children in France.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 20.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Many of the mixed breeds of New Orleans were leading
+business men.]
+
+Charleston, South Carolina, furnished a good example of a center of
+unusual activity and rapid strides of self-educating urban Negroes.
+Driven to the point of doing for themselves, the free people of color
+of this city organized in 1810 the "Minor Society" to secure to their
+orphan children the benefits of education.[1] Bishop Payne, who
+studied later under Thomas Bonneau, attended the school founded by
+this organization. Other colored schools were doing successful work.
+Enjoying these unusual advantages the Negroes of Charleston were
+early in the nineteenth century ranked by some as economically and
+intellectually superior to any other such persons in the United
+States. A large portion of the leading mechanics, fashionable tailors,
+shoe manufacturers, and mantua-makers were free blacks, who enjoyed "a
+consideration in the community far more than that enjoyed by any of
+the colored population in the Northern cities."[2] As such positions
+required considerable skill and intelligence, these laborers had of
+necessity acquired a large share of useful knowledge. The favorable
+circumstances of the Negroes in certain liberal southern cities like
+Charleston were the cause of their return from the North to the South,
+where they often had a better opportunity for mental as well
+as economic improvement.[3] The return of certain Negroes from
+Philadelphia to Petersburg, Virginia, during the first decade of the
+nineteenth century, is a case in evidence.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 1078.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. xlix., p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Notions of the Americans_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wright, _Views of Society and Manners in America_, p.
+73.]
+
+The successful strivings of the race in the District of Columbia
+furnish us with striking examples of Negroes making educational
+progress. When two white teachers, Henry Potter and Mrs. Haley,
+invited black children to study with their white pupils, the colored
+people gladly availed themselves of this opportunity.[1] Mrs. Maria
+Billings, the first to establish a real school for Negroes in
+Georgetown, soon discovered that she had their hearty support. She had
+pupils from all parts of the District of Columbia, and from as far as
+Bladensburg, Maryland. The tuition fee in some of these schools was
+a little high, but many free blacks of the District of Columbia
+were sufficiently well established to meet these demands. The rapid
+progress made by the Bell and Browning families during this period
+was of much encouragement to the ambitious colored people, who were
+laboring to educate their children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 195
+_et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 195.]
+
+The city Negroes, however, were learning to do more than merely attend
+accessible elementary schools. In 1807 George Bell, Nicholas
+Franklin, and Moses Liverpool, former slaves, built the first colored
+schoolhouse in the District of Columbia. Just emerging from bondage,
+these men could not teach themselves, but employed a white man to
+take charge of the school.[1] It was not a success. Pupils of color
+thereafter attended the school of Anne Maria Hall, a teacher from
+Prince George County, Maryland, and those of teachers who instructed
+white children.[2] The ambitious Negroes of the District of Columbia,
+however, were not discouraged by the first failure to provide their
+own educational facilities. The Bell School which had been closed and
+used as a dwelling, opened again in 1818 under the auspices of an
+association of free people of color of the city of Washington called
+the "Resolute Beneficial Society." The school was declared open then
+"for the reception of free people of color and others that ladies
+and gentlemen may think proper to send to be instructed in reading,
+writing, arithmetic, English grammar, or other branches of education
+apposite to their capacities, by steady, active and experienced
+teachers, whose attention is wholly devoted to the purpose described."
+The founders presumed that free colored families would embrace the
+advantages thus presented to them either by subscription to the funds
+of the Society or by sending their children to the school. Since the
+improvement of the intellect and the morals of the colored youth were
+the objects of the institution, the patronage of benevolent ladies
+and gentlemen was solicited. They declared, too, that "to avoid
+disagreeable occurrences no writing was to be done by the teacher for
+a slave, neither directly nor indirectly to serve the purpose of a
+slave on any account whatever."[3] This school was continued until
+1822 under Mr. Pierpont, of Massachusetts, a relative of the poet.
+He was succeeded two years later by John Adams, a shoemaker, who was
+known as the first Negro to teach in the District of Columbia.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 197.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Daily National Intelligencer_, August 29, 1818.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 198.]
+
+Of equal importance was the colored seminary established by Henry
+Smothers, a pupil of Mrs. Billings. Like her, he taught first in
+Georgetown. He began his advanced work near the Treasury building,
+having an attendance of probably one hundred and fifty pupils,
+generally paying tuition. The fee, however, was not compulsory.
+Smothers taught for about two years, and then was succeeded by John
+Prout, a colored man of rare talents, who later did much in opposition
+to the scheme of transporting Negroes to Africa before they had the
+benefits of education.[1] The school was then called the "Columbian
+Institute." Prout was later assisted by Mrs. Anne Maria Hall.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Other schools of importance were springing up from year
+to year. As early as 1824 Mrs. Mary Wall, a member of the Society
+of Friends, had opened a school for Negroes and received so many
+applications that many had to be refused. From this school came many
+well-prepared colored men, among whom were James Wormley and John
+Thomas Johnson. Another school was established by Thomas Tabbs, who
+received "a polished education from the distinguished Maryland family
+to which he belonged." Mr. Tabbs came to Washington before the War
+of 1812 and began teaching those who came to him when he had a
+schoolhouse, and when he had none he went from house to house,
+stopping even under the trees to teach wherever he found pupils who
+were interested. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+pp. 212, 213, and 214.]
+
+Of this self-educative work of Negroes some of the best was
+accomplished by colored women. With the assistance of Father Vanlomen,
+the benevolent priest then in charge of the Holy Trinity Church, Maria
+Becraft, the most capable colored woman in the District of Columbia at
+that time, established there the first seminary for the education of
+colored girls. She had begun to teach in a less desirable section, but
+impressed with the unusual beauty and strong character of this girl,
+Father Vanlomen had her school transferred to a larger building on
+Fayette Street where she taught until 1831. She then turned over her
+seminary to girls she had trained, and became a teacher in a convent
+at Baltimore as a Sister of Providence.[1] Other good results were
+obtained by Louisa Parke Costin, a member of one of the oldest
+colored families in the District of Columbia. Desiring to diffuse the
+knowledge she acquired from white teachers in the early mixed schools
+of the District, she decided to teach. She opened her school just
+about the time that Henry Smothers was making his reputation as an
+educator. She died in 1831, after years of successful work had crowned
+her efforts. Her task was then taken up by her sister, Martha, who had
+been trained in the Convent Seminary of Baltimore.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 204.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 203.]
+
+Equally helpful was the work of Arabella Jones. Educated at the St.
+Frances Academy at Baltimore, she was well grounded in the English
+branches and fluent in French. She taught on the "Island," calling her
+school "The St. Agnes Academy."[1] Another worker of this class
+was Mary Wormley, once a student in the Colored Female Seminary of
+Philadelphia under Sarah Douglass. This lady began teaching about
+1830, getting some assistance from Mr. Calvert, an Englishman.[2] The
+institution passed later into the hands of Thomas Lee, during the
+incumbency of whom the school was closed by the "Snow Riot." This
+was an attempt on the part of the white people to get rid of the
+progressive Negroes of the District of Columbia. Their excuse for
+such drastic action was that Benjamin Snow, a colored man running a
+restaurant in the city, had made unbecoming remarks about the wives
+of the white mechanics.[3] John F. Cook, one of the most influential
+educators produced in the District of Columbia, was driven out of the
+city by this mob. He then taught at Lancaster, Pa.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 211.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 201.]
+
+While the colored schools of the District of Columbia suffered as a
+result of this disturbance, the Negroes then in charge of them were
+too ambitious, too well-educated to discontinue their work. The
+situation, however, was in no sense encouraging. With the exception of
+the churches of the Catholics and Quakers who vied with each other in
+maintaining a benevolent attitude toward the education of the colored
+people,[1] the churches of the District of Columbia, in the Sabbath
+schools of which Negroes once sat in the same seats with white
+persons, were on account of this riot closed to the darker race.[2]
+This expulsion however, was not an unmixed evil, for the colored
+people themselves thereafter established and directed a larger number
+of institutions of learning.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: The Catholics admitted the colored people to their
+churches on equal footing with others when they were driven to the
+galleries of the Protestant churches. Furthermore, they continued
+to admit them to their parochial schools. The Sisters of Georgetown
+trained colored girls, and the parochial school of the Aloysius Church
+at one time had as many as two hundred and fifty pupils of color. Many
+of the first colored teachers of the District of Columbia obtained
+their education in these schools. See _Special Report of U.S. Com. of
+Ed._, 1871, p. 218 _et. seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Sp. Report_, etc. 187, pp. 217, 218, 219, 220, 221.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, pp. 220-222.]
+
+The colored schools of the District of Columbia soon resumed their
+growth recovering most of the ground they had lost and exhibiting
+evidences of more systematic work. These schools ceased to be
+elementary classes, offering merely courses in reading and writing,
+but developed into institutions of higher grade supplied with
+competent teachers. Among other useful schools then flourishing in
+this vicinity were those of Alfred H. Parry, Nancy Grant, Benjamin
+McCoy, John Thomas Johnson, James Enoch Ambush, and Dr. John H.
+Fleet.[1] John F. Cook returned from Pennsylvania and reopened his
+seminary.[2] About this time there flourished a school established by
+Fannie Hampton. After her death the work was carried on by Margaret
+Thompson until 1846. She then married Charles Middleton and became
+his assistant teacher. He was a free Negro who had been educated in
+Savannah, Georgia, while attending school with white and colored
+children. He founded a successful school about the time that Fleet and
+Johnson[3] retired. Middleton's school,
+however, owes its importance to the fact that it was connected with
+the movement for free colored public schools started by Jesse E. Dow,
+an official of the city, and supported by Rev. Doctor Wayman, then
+pastor of the Bethel Church.[4] Other colaborers with these teachers
+were Alexander Cornish, Richard Stokes, and Margaret Hill.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 212,
+213, and 283.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 200.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Compelled to leave Washington in 1838 because of the
+persecution of free persons of color, Johnson stopped in Pittsburg
+where he entered a competitive teacher examination with two white
+aspirants and won the coveted position. He taught in Pittsburg
+several years, worked on the Mississippi a while, returned later to
+Washington, and in 1843 constructed a building in which he opened
+another school. It was attended by from 150 to 200 students, most of
+whom belonged to the most prominent colored families of the District
+of Columbia. See _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p.
+214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, pp. 214-215.]
+
+Then came another effort on a large scale. This was the school of
+Alexander Hays, an emancipated slave of the Fowler family of Maryland.
+Hays succeeded his wife as a teacher. He soon had the support of such
+prominent men as Rev. Doctor Sampson, William Winston Seaton and R.S.
+Coxe. Joseph T. and Thomas H. Mason and Mr. and Mrs. Fletcher were
+Hays's contemporaries. The last two were teachers from England.
+On account of the feeling then developing against white persons
+instructing Negroes, these philanthropists saw their schoolhouses
+burned, themselves expelled from the white churches, and finally
+driven from the city in 1858.[1] Other white men and women were
+teaching colored children during these years. The most prominent of
+these were Thomas Tabbs, an erratic philanthropist, Mr. Nutall, an
+Englishman; Mr. Talbot, a successful tutor stationed near the present
+site of the Franklin School; and Mrs. George Ford, a Virginian,
+conducting a school on New Jersey Avenue between K and L Streets.[2]
+The efforts of Miss Myrtilla Miner, their contemporary, will be
+mentioned elsewhere.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Besides the classes taught by these workers there was
+the Eliza Ann Cook private school; Miss Washington's school; a select
+primary school; a free Catholic school maintained by the St. Vincent
+de Paul Society, an association of colored Catholics in connection
+with St. Matthew's Church. This institution was organized by the
+benevolent Father Walter at the Smothers School. Then there were
+teachers like Elizabeth Smith, Isabella Briscoe, Charlotte Beams,
+James Shorter, Charlotte Gordon, and David Brown. Furthermore, various
+churches, parochial, and Sunday-schools were then sharing the burden
+of educating the Negro population of the District of Columbia. See
+_Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp. 214, 215, 216,
+217, 218 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 3: O'Connor, Myrtilla Miner, p. 80.]
+
+The Negroes of Baltimore were almost as self-educating as those of the
+District of Columbia. The coming of the refugees and French Fathers
+from Santo Domingo to Baltimore to escape the revolution[1] marked an
+epoch in the intellectual progress of the colored people of that city.
+Thereafter their intellectual class had access to an increasing black
+population, anxious to be enlightened. Given this better working
+basis, they secured from the ranks of the Catholics additional
+catechists and teachers to give a larger number of illiterates the
+fundamentals of education. Their untiring co-worker in furnishing
+these facilities, was the Most Reverend Ambrose Marechal, Archbishop
+of Baltimore from 1817 to 1828.[2] These schools were such an
+improvement over those formerly opened to Negroes that colored youths
+of other towns and cities thereafter came to Baltimore for higher
+training.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drewery, _Slave Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+The coming of these refugees to Baltimore had a direct bearing on the
+education of colored girls. Their condition excited the sympathy of
+the immigrating colored women. These ladies had been educated both in
+the Island of Santo Domingo and in Paris. At once interested in the
+uplift of this sex, they soon constituted the nucleus of the society
+that finally formed the St. Frances Academy for girls in connection
+with the Oblate Sisters of Providence Convent in Baltimore, June 5,
+1829.[1] This step was sanctioned by the Reverend James Whitefield,
+the successor of Archbishop Marechal, and was later approved by the
+Holy See. The institution was located on Richmond Street in a building
+which on account of the rapid growth of the school soon gave way to
+larger quarters. The aim of the institution was to train girls, all
+of whom "would become mothers or household servants, in such solid
+virtues and religious and moral principles as modesty, honesty, and
+integrity."[2] To reach this end they endeavored to supply the school
+with cultivated and capable teachers. Students were offered courses in
+all the branches of "refined and useful education, including all that
+is regularly taught in well regulated female seminaries."[3] This
+school was so well maintained that it survived all reactionary attacks
+and became a center of enlightenment for colored women.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 205.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 206.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 206.]
+
+At the same time there were other persons and organizations in the
+field. Prominent among the first of these workers was Daniel Coker,
+known to fame as a colored Methodist missionary, who was sent to
+Liberia. Prior to 1812 he had in Baltimore an academy which certain
+students from Washington attended when they had no good schools of
+their own, and when white persons began to object to the co-education
+of the races. Because of these conditions two daughters of George
+Bell, the builder of the first colored schoolhouse in the District of
+Columbia, went to Baltimore to study under Coker.[1] An adult Negro
+school in this city had 180 pupils in 1820. There were then in the
+Baltimore Sunday-schools about 600 Negroes. They had formed themselves
+into a Bible association which had been received into the connection
+of the Baltimore Bible Society.[2] In 1825 the Negroes there had a day
+and a night school, giving courses in Latin and French. Four years
+later there appeared an "African Free School" with an attendance of
+from 150 to 175 every Sunday.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 196.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Adams, _Anti-Slavery_, etc., pp. 14 and 15.]
+
+By 1830 the Negroes of Baltimore had several special schools of their
+own.[1] In 1835 there was behind the African Methodist Church in Sharp
+Street a school of seventy pupils in charge of William Watkins.[2] W.
+Livingston, an ordained clergyman of the Episcopal Church, had then a
+colored school of eighty pupils in the African Church at the corner of
+Saratoga and Ninth Streets.[3] A third school of this kind was kept by
+John Fortie at the Methodist Bethel Church in Fish Street. Five or six
+other schools of some consequence were maintained by free women of
+color, who owed their education to the Convent of the Oblate Sisters
+of Providence.[4] Observing these conditions, an interested person
+thought that much more would have been accomplished in that community,
+if the friends of the colored people had been able to find workers
+acceptable to the masters and at the same time competent to teach the
+slaves.[5] Yet another observer felt that the Negroes of Baltimore had
+more opportunities than they embraced.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _America, Historical_, etc., vol. i., p.
+438.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 438; Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave
+Trade_, pp. 54, 55, and 56; and Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_,
+p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Varle, _A Complete View of Baltimore_, p. 33; and
+Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, pp. 85 and 92.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 54.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 37.]
+
+These conditions, however, were so favorable in 1835 that when
+Professor E.A. Andrews came to Baltimore to introduce the work of
+the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+People,[1] he was informed that the education of the Negroes of that
+city was fairly well provided for. Evidently the need was that the
+"systematic and sustained exertions" of the workers should spring
+from a more nearly perfect organization "to give efficiency to their
+philanthropic labors."[2] He was informed that as his society was of
+New England, it would on account of its origin in the wrong quarter,
+be productive of mischief.[3] The leading people of Baltimore
+thought that it would be better to accomplish this task through the
+Colonization Society, a southern organization carrying out the very
+policy which the American Union proposed to pursue.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: On January 14, 1835, a convention of more than one
+hundred gentlemen from ten different States assembled in Boston and
+organized the "American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the
+Colored Race." Among these workers were William Reed, Daniel Noyes,
+J.W. Chickering, J.W. Putnam, Baron Stow, B.B. Edwards, E.A. Andrews,
+Charles Scudder, Joseph Tracy, Samuel Worcester, and Charles Tappan.
+The gentlemen were neither antagonistic to the antislavery nor to the
+colonization societies. They aimed to do that which had been neglected
+in giving the Negroes proper preparation for freedom. Knowing that
+the actual emancipation of an oppressed race cannot be effected by
+legislation, they hoped to provide religious and literary instruction
+for all colored children that they might "ameliorate their economic
+condition" and prepare themselves for higher usefulness. See the
+_Exposition of the Object and Plans of the American Union_, pp.
+11-14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Andrews, _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade_, p. 57.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 188.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Andrews, _Slavery_, etc., p. 56.]
+
+The instruction of ambitious blacks in this city was not confined to
+mere rudimentary training. The opportunity for advanced study was
+offered colored girls in the Convent of the Oblate Sisters of
+Providence. These Negroes, however, early learned to help themselves.
+In 1835 considerable assistance came from Nelson Wells, one of their
+own color. He left to properly appointed trustees the sum of $10,000,
+the income of which was to be appropriated to the education of free
+colored children.[1] With this benefaction the trustees concerned
+established in 1835 what they called the Wells School. It offered
+Negroes free instruction long after the Civil War.
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 353.]
+
+In seeking to show how these good results were obtained by the
+Negroes' cooeperative power and ability to supply their own needs, we
+are not unmindful of the assistance which they received. To say that
+the colored people of Baltimore, themselves, provided all these
+facilities of education would do injustice to the benevolent element
+of that city. Among its white people were found so much toleration
+of opinion on slavery and so much sympathy with the efforts for its
+removal, that they not only permitted the establishment of Negro
+churches, but opened successful colored schools in which white men
+and women assisted personally in teaching. Great praise is due
+philanthropists of the type of John Breckenridge and Daniel Raymond,
+who contributed their time and means to the cause and enlisted the
+efforts of others. Still greater credit should be given to William
+Crane, who for forty years was known as an "ardent, liberal, and wise
+friend of the black man." At the cost of $20,000 he erected in the
+central part of the city an edifice exclusively for the benefit of
+the colored people. In this building was an auditorium, several
+large schoolrooms, and a hall for entertainments and lectures. The
+institution employed a pastor and two teachers[1] and it was often
+mentioned as a high school.
+
+[Footnote 1: A contributor to the _Christian Chronicle_ found in this
+institution a pastor, a principal of the school, and an assistant,
+all of superior qualifications. The classes which this reporter heard
+recite grammar and geography convinced him of the thoroughness of the
+work and the unusual readiness of the colored people to learn. See
+_The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 91.]
+
+In northern cities like Philadelphia and New York, where benevolent
+organizations provided an adequate number of colored schools, the free
+blacks did not develop so much of the power to educate themselves. The
+Negroes of these cities, however, cannot be considered exceptions to
+the rule. Many of those of Philadelphia were of the most ambitious
+kind, men who had purchased their freedom or had developed sufficient
+intelligence to delude their would-be captors and conquer the
+institution of slavery. Settled in this community, the thrifty class
+accumulated wealth which they often used, not only to defray the
+expenses of educating their own children, but to provide educational
+facilities for the poor children of color.
+
+Gradually developing the power to help themselves, the free people
+of color organized a society which in 1804 opened a school with John
+Trumbull as teacher.[1] About the same time the African Episcopalians
+founded a colored school at their church.[2] A colored man gave three
+hundred pounds of the required funds to build the first colored
+schoolhouse in Philadelphia.[3] In 1830 one fourth of the twelve
+hundred colored children in the schools of that city paid for their
+instruction, whereas only two hundred and fifty were attending the
+public schools in 1825.[4] The fact that some of the Negroes were able
+and willing to share the responsibility of enlightening their people
+caused a larger number of philanthropists to come to the rescue
+of those who had to depend on charity. Furthermore, of the many
+achievements claimed for the colored schools of Philadelphia none were
+considered more significant than that they produced teachers qualified
+to carry on this work. Eleven of the sixteen colored schools in
+Philadelphia in 1822 were taught by teachers of African descent. In
+1830 the system was practically in the hands of Negroes.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Negro in Pennsylvania_, p. 129.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 130.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 377.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Proceedings of the American Convention_, etc., 1825, p.
+13.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1830, p.8; and
+Wickersham, _History of Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 253.]
+
+The statistics of later years show how successful these early efforts
+had been. By 1849 the colored schools of Philadelphia had developed
+to the extent that they seemed like a system. According to the
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of Colored People in and about
+Philadelphia_, published that year, there were 1643 children of color
+attending well-regulated schools. The larger institutions were mainly
+supported by State and charitable organizations of which the Society
+of Friends and the Pennsylvania Abolition Society were the most
+important. Besides supporting these institutions, however, the
+intelligent colored men of Philadelphia had maintained smaller schools
+and organized a system of lyceums and debating clubs, one of which had
+a library of 1400 volumes. Moreover, there were then teaching in the
+colored families and industrial schools of Philadelphia many men and
+women of both races.[1] Although these instructors restricted their
+work to the teaching of the rudiments of education, they did much to
+help the more advanced schools to enlighten the Negroes who came to
+that city in large numbers when conditions became intolerable for
+the free people of color in the slave States. The statistics of the
+following decade show unusual progress. In the year 1859 there were
+in the colored public schools of Philadelphia, 1031 pupils; in the
+charity schools, 748; in the benevolent schools, 211; in private
+schools, 331; in all, 2321, whereas in 1849 there were only 1643.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: About the middle of the nineteenth century colored
+schools of various kinds arose in Philadelphia. With a view to giving
+Negroes industrial training their friends opened "The School for the
+Destitute" at the House of Industry in 1848. Three years later Sarah
+Luciana was teaching a school of seventy youths at this House of
+Industry, and the Sheppard School, another industrial institution,
+was in operation in 1850 in a building bearing the same name. In 1849
+arose the "Corn Street Unclassified School" of forty-seven children
+in charge of Sarah L. Peltz. "The Holmesburg Unclassified School" was
+organized in 1854. Other institutions of various purposes were "The
+House of Refuge," "The Orphans' Shelter," and "The Home for
+Colored Children." See Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.
+
+Among those then teaching in private schools of Philadelphia were
+Solomon Clarkson, Robert George, John Marshall, John Ross, Jonathan
+Tudas, and David Ware. Ann Bishop, Virginia Blake, Amelia Bogle, Anne
+E. Carey, Sarah Ann Douglass, Rebecca Hailstock, Emma Hall, Emmeline
+Higgins, Margaret Johnson, Martha Richards, Dinah Smith, Mary Still,
+and one Peterson were teaching in families. See _Statistical Inquiry_,
+etc., 1849, p. 19; and Bacon, _Statistics of the Colored People of
+Philadelphia_, 1859.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the Colored
+People of Philadelphia_, in 1859.]
+
+Situated like those of Philadelphia, the free blacks of New York City
+did not have to maintain their own schools. This was especially true
+after 1832 when the colored people had qualified themselves to take
+over the schools of the New York Manumission Society. They then got
+rid of all the white teachers, even Andrews, the principal, who had
+for years directed this system. Besides, the economic progress of
+certain Negroes there made possible the employment of the increasing
+number of colored teachers, who had availed themselves of the
+opportunities afforded by the benevolent schools. The stigma then
+attached to one receiving seeming charity through free schools
+stimulated thrifty Negroes to have their children instructed either in
+private institutions kept by friendly white teachers or by teachers of
+their own color.[1] In 1812 a society of the free people of color was
+organized to raise a fund, the interest of which was to sustain a
+free school for orphan children.[2] This society succeeded later in
+establishing and maintaining two schools. At this time there were
+in New York City three other colored schools, the teachers of which
+received their compensation from those who patronized them.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: See the Address of the American Convention, 1819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Proceedings of the Am. Convention_, etc., 1812, p. 7.
+
+Certain colored women were then organized to procure and make for
+destitute persons of color. See Andrews, _History of the New York
+African Free Schools_, p. 58.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 58.]
+
+Whether from lack of interest in their welfare on the part of the
+public, or from the desire of the Negroes to share their own burdens,
+the colored people of Rhode Island were endeavoring to provide for
+the education of their children during the first decades of the last
+century. _The Newport Mercury_ of March 26, 1808, announced that the
+African Benevolent Society had opened there a school kept by Newport
+Gardner, who was to instruct all colored people "inclined to attend."
+The records of the place show that this school was in operation eight
+years later.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _History of Ed. in R.I._, p. 30.]
+
+In Boston, where were found more Negroes than in most New England
+communities, the colored people themselves maintained a separate
+school after the revolutionary era. In the towns of Salem, Nantucket,
+New Bedford, and Lowell the colored schools failed to make much
+progress after the first quarter of the nineteenth century on account
+of the more liberal construction of the laws which provided for
+democratic education. This the free blacks were forced to advocate for
+the reason that the seeming onerous task of supporting a dual system
+often caused the neglect, and sometimes the extinction of the separate
+schools. Furthermore, either the Negroes of some of these towns were
+too scarce or the movement to furnish them special facilities of
+education started too late to escape the attacks of the abolitionists.
+Seeing their mistake of first establishing separate schools, they
+began to attack caste in public education.
+
+In the eastern cities where colored school systems thereafter
+continued, the work was not always successful. The influx of fugitives
+in the rough sometimes jeopardized their chances for education by
+menacing liberal communities with the trouble of caring for an
+undesirable class. The friends of the Negroes, however, received more
+encouragement during the two decades immediately preceding the Civil
+War. There was a change in the attitude of northern cities toward
+the uplift of the colored refugees. Catholics, Protestants, and
+abolitionists often united their means to make provision for the
+education of accessible Negroes, although these friends of the
+oppressed could not always agree on other important schemes. Even the
+colonizationists, the object of attack from the ardent antislavery
+element, considerably aided the cause. They educated for work in
+Liberia a number of youths, who, given the opportunity to attend
+good schools, demonstrated the capacity of the colored people. More
+important factors than the colonizationists were the free people of
+color. Brought into the rapidly growing urban communities, these
+Negroes began to accumulate sufficient wealth to provide permanent
+schools of their own. Many of these were later assimilated by
+the systems of northern cities when their separate schools were
+disestablished.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE REACTION
+
+
+Encouraging as had been the movement to enlighten the Negroes, there
+had always been at work certain reactionary forces which impeded the
+intellectual progress of the colored people. The effort to enlighten
+them that they might be emancipated to enjoy the political rights
+given white men, failed to meet with success in those sections where
+slaves were found in large numbers. Feeling that the body politic, as
+conceived by Locke and Montesquieu, did not include the slaves, many
+citizens opposed their education on the ground that their mental
+improvement was inconsistent with their position as persons held to
+service. For this reason there was never put forward any systematic
+effort to elevate the slaves. Every master believed that he had a
+divine right to deal with the situation as he chose. Moreover, even
+before the policy of mental and moral improvement of the slaves could
+be given a trial, some colonists, anticipating the "evils of the
+scheme," sought to obviate them by legislation. Such we have observed
+was the case in Virginia,[1] South Carolina,[2] and Georgia.[3] To
+control the assemblies of slaves, North Carolina,[4] Delaware,[5] and
+Maryland[6] early passed strict regulations for their inspection.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Brevard, _Digest of the Public Statute Law of S.C._, vol.
+ii., p.243.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Marbury and Crawford, _Digest of Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, p. 438.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of North Carolina_, vol. i., pp. 126, 563, and
+741.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 352.]
+
+The actual opposition of the masters to the mental improvement of
+Negroes, however, did not assume sufficiently large proportions to
+prevent the intellectual progress of that race, until two forces then
+at work had had time to become effective in arousing southern planters
+to the realization of what a danger enlightened colored men would
+be to the institution of slavery. These forces were the industrial
+revolution and the development of an insurrectionary spirit among
+slaves, accelerated by the rapid spreading of the abolition agitation.
+The industrial revolution was effected by the multiplication of
+mechanical appliances for spinning and weaving which so influenced the
+institution of slavery as seemingly to doom the Negroes to heathenism.
+These inventions were the spinning jenny, the steam engine, the power
+loom, the wool-combing machine, and the cotton gin. They augmented
+the output of spinning mills, and in cheapening cloth, increased the
+demand by bringing it within the reach of the poor. The result was
+that a revolution was brought about not only in Europe, but also in
+the United States to which the world looked for this larger supply of
+cotton fiber.[1] This demand led to the extension of the plantation
+system on a larger scale. It was unfortunate, however, that many of
+the planters thus enriched, believed that the slightest amount of
+education, merely teaching slaves to read, impaired their value
+because it instantly destroyed their contentedness. Since they did not
+contemplate changing their condition, it was surely doing them an ill
+service to destroy their acquiescence in it. This revolution then had
+brought it to pass that slaves who were, during the eighteenth century
+advertised as valuable on account of having been enlightened, were in
+the nineteenth century considered more dangerous than useful.
+
+[Footnote 1: Turner, _The Rise of the New West_, pp. 45, 46, 47, 48,
+and 49; and Hammond, _Cotton Industry_, chaps. i. and ii.]
+
+With the rise of this system, and the attendant increased importation
+of slaves, came the end of the helpful contact of servants with their
+masters. Slavery was thereby changed from a patriarchal to an economic
+institution. Thereafter most owners of extensive estates abandoned the
+idea that the mental improvement of slaves made them better servants.
+Doomed then to be half-fed, poorly clad, and driven to death in this
+cotton kingdom, what need had the slaves for education? Some planters
+hit upon the seemingly more profitable scheme of working newly
+imported slaves to death during seven years and buying another supply
+rather than attempt to humanize them.[1] Deprived thus of helpful
+advice and instruction, the slaves became the object of pity not only
+to abolitionists of the North but also to some southerners. Not a
+few of these reformers, therefore, favored the extermination of the
+institution. Others advocated the expansion of slavery not to extend
+the influence of the South, but to disperse the slaves with a view to
+bringing about a closer contact between them and their masters.[2]
+This policy was duly emphasized during the debate on the admission of
+the State of Missouri.
+
+[Footnote 1: Rhodes, _History of the United States_, vol. i., p. 32;
+Kemble, Journal, p. 28; Martineau, _Society in America_, vol. i., p.
+308; Weld, _Slavery_, etc., p. 41.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Annals of Congress, First Session, vol. i., pp. 996 _et
+seq._ and 1296 _et seq._]
+
+Seeking to direct the attention of the world to the slavery of men's
+bodies and minds the abolitionists spread broadcast through the South
+newspapers, tracts, and pamphlets which, whether or not they had much
+effect in inducing masters to improve the condition of their slaves,
+certainly moved Negroes themselves. It hardly required enlightenment
+to convince slaves that they would be better off as freemen than as
+dependents whose very wills were subject to those of their masters.
+Accordingly even in the seventeenth century there developed in the
+minds of bondmen the spirit of resistance. The white settlers of the
+colonies held out successfully in putting down the early riots of
+Negroes. When the increasing intelligent Negroes of the South,
+however, observed in the abolition literature how the condition of the
+American slaves differed from that of the ancient servants and even
+from what it once had been in the United States; when they fully
+realized their intolerable condition compared with that of white men,
+who were clamoring for liberty and equality, there rankled in the
+bosom of slaves that insurrectionary passion productive of the daring
+uprisings which made the chances for the enlightenment of colored
+people poorer than they had ever been in the history of this country.
+
+The more alarming insurrections of the first quarter of the nineteenth
+century were the immediate cause of the most reactionary measures.
+It was easily observed that these movements were due to the mental
+improvement of the colored people during the struggle for the rights
+of man. Not only had Negroes heard from the lips of their masters
+warm words of praise for the leaders of the French Revolution but had
+developed sufficient intelligence themselves to read the story of the
+heroes of the world, who were then emboldened to refresh the tree
+of liberty "with the blood of patriots and tyrants."[1] The
+insurrectionary passion among the colored people was kindled, too,
+around Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and New Orleans by certain
+Negroes who to escape the horrors of the political upheaval in Santo
+Domingo,[2] immigrated into this country in 1793. The education of the
+colored race had paved the way for the dissemination of their ideas of
+liberty and equality. Enlightened bondmen persistently made trouble
+for the white people in these vicinities. Negroes who could not read,
+learned from others the story of Toussaint L'Ouverture, whose example
+colored men were then ambitious to emulate.
+
+[Footnote 1: Washington, _Works of Jefferson_, vol. iv., p. 467.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 121.]
+
+The insurrection of Gabriel in Virginia and that of South Carolina in
+the year 1800 are cases in evidence. Unwilling to concede that slaves
+could have so well planned such a daring attack, the press of the
+time insisted that two Frenchmen were the promoters of the affair in
+Virginia.[1] James Monroe said there was no evidence that any white
+man was connected with it.[2] It was believed that the general
+tendency of the Negroes toward an uprising had resulted from French
+ideas which had come to the slaves through intelligent colored men.[3]
+Observing that many Negroes were sufficiently enlightened to see
+things as other men, the editor of the _Aurora_ asserted that in
+negotiating with the "Black Republic" the United States and Great
+Britain had set the seal of approval upon servile insurrection.[4]
+Others referred to inflammatory handbills which Negroes extensively
+read.[5] Discussing the Gabriel plot in 1800, Judge St. George Tucker
+said: "Our sole security then consists in their ignorance of this
+power (doing us mischief) and their means of using it--a security
+which we have lately found is not to be relied on, and which, small as
+it is, every day diminishes. Every year adds to the number of those
+who can read and write; and the increase in knowledge is the principal
+agent in evolving the spirit we have to fear."[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800; and _The
+Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Writings of James Monroe_, vol. iii., p. 217.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Educated Negroes then constituted an alarming element in
+Massachusetts, Virginia, and South Carolina. See _The New York Daily
+Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 4: See _The New York Daily Advertiser_, Sept. 22, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, Oct. 7, 1800.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Letter of St. George Tucker in Joshua Coffin's _Slave
+Insurrections._]
+
+Camden was disturbed by an insurrection in 1816 and Charleston in
+1822 by a formidable plot which the officials believed was due to the
+"sinister" influences of enlightened Negroes.[1] The moving spirit of
+this organization was Denmark Vesey. He had learned to read and write,
+had accumulated an estate worth $8000, and had purchased his freedom
+in 1800[2] Jack Purcell, an accomplice of Vesey, weakened in the
+crisis and confessed. He said that Vesey was in the habit of reading
+to him all the passages in the newspapers, that related to Santo
+Domingo and apparently every accessible pamphlet that had any
+connection with slavery.[3] One day he read to Purcell the speeches of
+Mr. King on the subject of slavery and told Purcell how this friend of
+the Negro race declared he would continue to speak, write, and publish
+pamphlets against slavery "the longest day he lived," until the
+Southern States consented to emancipate their slaves.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_
+(Charleston, South Carolina), August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser_,
+August 21, 1822.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., August 21, 1822.]
+
+The statement of the Governor of South Carolina also shows the
+influence of the educated Negro. This official felt that Monday, the
+slave of Mr. Gill, was the most daring conspirator. Being able to read
+and write he "attained an extraordinary and dangerous influence over
+his fellows." "Permitted by his owner to occupy a house in the central
+part of this city, he was afforded hourly opportunities for the
+exercise of his skill on those who were attracted to his shop by
+business or favor." "Materials were abundantly furnished in the
+seditious pamphlets brought into the State by equally culpable
+incendiaries, while the speeches of the oppositionists in Congress to
+the admission of Missouri gave a serious and imposing effect to his
+machinations."[1] It was thus brought home to the South that the
+enlightened Negro was having his heart fired with the spirit of
+liberty by his perusal of the accounts of servile insurrections and
+the congressional debate on slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald_, Aug. 30, 1822.]
+
+Southerners of all types thereafter attacked the policy of educating
+Negroes.[1] Men who had expressed themselves neither one way nor the
+other changed their attitude when it became evident that abolition
+literature in the hands of slaves would not only make them
+dissatisfied, but cause them to take drastic measures to secure
+liberty. Those who had emphasized the education of the Negroes to
+increase their economic efficiency were largely converted. The
+clergy who had insisted that the bondmen were entitled to, at least,
+sufficient training to enable them to understand the principles of the
+Christian religion, were thereafter willing to forego the benefits
+of their salvation rather than see them destroy the institution of
+slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgson, _Whitney's Remarks during a Journey through
+North America_, p. 184.]
+
+In consequence of this tendency, State after State enacted more
+stringent laws to control the situation. Missouri passed in 1817 an
+act so to regulate the traveling and assembly of slaves as to make
+them ineffective in making headway against the white people by
+insurrection. Of course, in so doing the reactionaries deprived
+them of the opportunities of helpful associations and of attending
+schools.[1] By 1819 much dissatisfaction had arisen from the seeming
+danger of the various colored schools in Virginia. The General
+Assembly, therefore, passed a law providing that there should be no
+more assemblages of slaves, or free Negroes, or mulattoes, mixing or
+associating with such slaves for teaching them reading and writing.[2]
+The opposition here seemed to be for the reasons that Negroes were
+being generally enlightened in the towns of the State and that white
+persons as teachers in these institutions were largely instrumental in
+accomplishing this result. Mississippi even as a Territory had tried
+to meet the problem of unlawful assemblies. In the year 1823 it was
+declared unlawful for Negroes above the number of five to meet for
+educational purposes.[3] Only with the permission of their masters
+could slaves attend religious worship conducted by a recognized white
+minister or attended by "two discreet and reputable persons."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Missouri Territory_, etc., p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Tate, _Digest of the Laws of Virginia_, pp. 849-850.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Poindexter, _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi_, p.
+390.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 390.]
+
+The problem in Louisiana was first to keep out intelligent persons who
+might so inform the slaves as to cause them to rise. Accordingly in
+1814[1] the State passed a law prohibiting the immigration of free
+persons of color into that commonwealth. This precaution, however, was
+not deemed sufficient after the insurrectionary Negroes of New Berne,
+Tarborough, and Hillsborough, North Carolina,[2] had risen, and David
+Walker of Massachusetts had published to the slaves his fiery appeal
+to arms.[3] In 1830, therefore, Louisiana enacted another measure,
+providing that whoever should write, print, publish, or distribute
+anything having the tendency to produce discontent among the slaves,
+should on conviction thereof be imprisoned at hard labor for life or
+suffer death at the discretion of the court. It was provided, too,
+that whoever used any language or became instrumental in bringing into
+the State any paper, book, or pamphlet inducing this discontent should
+suffer practically the same penalty. All persons who should teach, or
+permit or cause to be taught, any slave to read or write, should be
+imprisoned not less than one month nor more than twelve.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bullard and Curry, _A New Digest of the Statute Laws of
+the State of Louisiana_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Walker mentioned "our wretchedness in consequence
+of slavery, our wretchedness in consequence of ignorance, our
+wretchedness in consequence of the preachers of the religion of Jesus
+Christ, and our wretchedness in consequence of the colonization plan."
+See _Walker's Appeal_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Acts passed at the Ninth Session of the Legislature of
+Louisiana, p. 96.]
+
+Yielding to the demand of slaveholders, Georgia passed a year later a
+law providing that any Negro who should teach another to read or write
+should be punished by fine and whipping. If a white person should so
+offend, he should be punished with a fine not exceeding $500 and with
+imprisonment in the common jail at the discretion of the committing
+magistrate.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1] Dawson, _A Compilation of the Laws of the State of
+Georgia_, etc., p. 413.
+
+In Virginia where the prohibition did not then extend to freedmen,
+there was enacted in 1831 a law providing that any meeting of free
+Negroes or mulattoes for teaching them reading or writing should be
+considered an unlawful assembly. To break up assemblies for this
+purpose any judge or justice of the peace could issue a warrant to
+apprehend such persons and inflict corporal punishment not exceeding
+twenty lashes. White persons convicted of teaching Negroes to read
+or write were to be fined fifty dollars and might be imprisoned two
+months. For imparting such information to a slave the offender was
+subject to a fine of not less than ten nor more than one hundred
+dollars.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1]_Laws of Virginia_, 1830-1831, p. 108, Sections 5 and 6.
+
+The whole country was again disturbed by the insurrection in
+Southampton County, Virginia, in 1831. The slave States then had a
+striking example of what the intelligent Negroes of the South might
+eventually do. The leader of this uprising was Nat Turner. Precocious
+as a youth he had learned to read so easily that he did not remember
+when he first had that attainment.[1] Given unusual social and
+intellectual advantages, he developed into a man of considerable
+"mental ability and wide information." His education was chiefly
+acquired in the Sunday-schools in which "the text-books for the small
+children were the ordinary speller and reader, and that for the older
+Negroes the Bible."[2] He had received instruction also from his
+parents and his indulgent young master, J.C. Turner.
+
+[Footnote 1] Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 27.
+
+[Footnote 2: Drewery, _Insurrections in Virginia_, p. 28.]
+
+When Nat Turner appeared, the education of the Negro had made the way
+somewhat easier for him than it was for his predecessors. Negroes who
+could read and write had before them the revolutionary ideas of the
+French, the daring deeds of Toussaint L'Ouverture, the bold attempt of
+General Gabriel, and the far-reaching plans of Denmark Vesey. These
+were sometimes written up in the abolition literature, the circulation
+of which was so extensive among the slaves that it became a national
+question.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: These organs were _The Albany Evening Journal, The New
+York Free Press, The Genius of Universal Emancipation_, and _The
+Boston Liberator_. See _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+Trying to account for this insurrection the Governor of the State lays
+it to the charge of the Negro preachers who were in position to foment
+much disorder on account of having acquired "great ascendancy over the
+minds" of discontented slaves. He believed that these ministers were
+in direct contact with the agents of abolition, who were using colored
+leaders as a means to destroy the institutions of the South. The
+Governor was cognizant of the fact that not only was the sentiment of
+the incendiary pamphlets read but often the words.[1] To prevent the
+"enemies" in other States from communicating with the slaves of that
+section he requested that the laws regulating the assembly of Negroes
+be more rigidly enforced and that colored preachers be silenced. The
+General Assembly complied with this request.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Richmond Enquirer_, Oct. 21, 1831.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Laws of Virginia_, 1831-1832, p. 20.]
+
+The aim of the subsequent reactionary legislation of the South was to
+complete the work of preventing the dissemination of information
+among Negroes and their reading of abolition literature. This they
+endeavored to do by prohibiting the communication of the slaves with
+one another, with the better informed free persons of color, and with
+the liberal white people; and by closing all the schools theretofore
+opened to Negroes. The States passed laws providing for a more
+stringent regulation of passes, defining unlawful assemblies, and
+fixing penalties for the same. Other statutes prohibited religious
+worship, or brought it under direct supervision of the owners of the
+slaves concerned, and proscribed the private teaching of slaves in any
+manner whatever.
+
+Mississippi, which already had a law to prevent the mental improvement
+of the slaves, enacted in 1831 another measure to remove from them the
+more enlightened members of their race. All free colored persons were
+to leave the State in ninety days. The same law provided, too, that
+no Negro should preach in that State unless to the slaves of his
+plantation and with the permission of the owner.[1] Delaware saw fit
+to take a bold step in this direction. The act of 1831 provided that
+no congregation or meeting of free Negroes or mulattoes of more than
+twelve persons should be held later than twelve o'clock at night,
+except under the direction of three respectable white persons who were
+to attend the meeting. It further provided that no free Negro should
+attempt to call a meeting for religious worship, to exhort or preach,
+unless he was authorized to do so by a judge or justice of the peace,
+upon the recommendation of five "respectable and judicious citizens."
+[2] This measure tended only to prevent the dissemination of
+information among Negroes by making it impossible for them to
+assemble. It was not until 1863 that the State of Delaware finally
+passed a positive measure to prevent the assemblages of colored
+persons for instruction and all other meetings except for religious
+worship and the burial of the dead.[3] Following the example of
+Delaware in 1832, Florida passed a law prohibiting all meetings of
+Negroes except those for divine worship at a church or place attended
+by white persons.[4] Florida made the same regulations more stringent
+in 1846 when she enjoyed the freedom of a State.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1] Hutchinson, _Code of Mississippi_, p. 533.
+
+[Footnote 2] _Laws of Delaware_, 1832, pp. 181-182.
+
+[Footnote 3] _Ibid._, 1863, p. 330 _et seq._
+
+[Footnote 4: _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of
+Florida, 1832_, p. 145.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Acts of Florida, 1846_, ch. 87, sec. 9.]
+
+Alabama had some difficulty in getting a satisfactory law. In 1832
+this commonwealth enacted a law imposing a fine of from $250 to $500
+on persons who should attempt to educate any Negro whatsoever. The act
+also prohibited the usual unlawful assemblies and the preaching or
+exhorting of Negroes except in the presence of five "respectable
+slaveholders" or unless the officiating minister was licensed by some
+regular church of which the persons thus exhorted were members.[1] It
+soon developed that the State had gone too far. It had infringed upon
+the rights and privileges of certain creoles, who, being residents
+of the Louisiana Territory when it was purchased in 1803, had been
+guaranteed the rights of citizens of the United States. Accordingly in
+1833 the Mayor and the Aldermen of Mobile were authorized by law to
+grant licenses to such persons as they might deem suitable to instruct
+for limited periods, in that city and the counties of Mobile and
+Baldwin, the free colored children, who were descendants of colored
+creoles residing in the district in 1803.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clay, _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama_, p.
+543.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 323.]
+
+Another difficulty of certain commonwealths had to be overcome.
+Apparently Georgia had already incorporated into its laws provisions
+adequate to the prevention of the mental improvement of Negroes. But
+it was discovered that employed as they had been in various positions
+either requiring knowledge, or affording its acquirement, Negroes
+would pick up the rudiments of education, despite the fact that they
+had no access to schools. The State then passed a law imposing a
+penalty not exceeding one hundred dollars for the employment of any
+slave or free person of color "in setting up type or other labor about
+a printing office requiring a knowledge of reading and writing."[1]
+In 1834 South Carolina saw the same danger. In addition to enacting a
+more stringent law for the prevention of the teaching of Negroes by
+white or colored friends, and for the destruction of their schools,
+it provided that persons of African blood should not be employed as
+clerks or salesmen in or about any shop or store or house used for
+trading.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Cobb, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 555; and
+Prince, _Digest of the Laws of Georgia_, p. 658.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Laws of South Carolina, 1834.]
+
+North Carolina was among the last States to take such drastic measures
+for the protection of the white race. In this commonwealth the whites
+and blacks had lived on liberal terms. Negroes had up to this time
+enjoyed the right of suffrage there. Some attended schools open to
+both races. A few even taught white children.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p. 74; and
+testimonies of various ex-slaves.]
+
+The intense feeling against Negroes engendered by the frequency
+of insurrections, however, sufficed to swing the State into the
+reactionary column by 1835. An act passed by the Legislature that year
+prohibited the public instruction of Negroes, making it impossible
+for youth of African descent to get any more education than what
+they could in their own family circle.[1] The public school system
+established thereafter specifically provided that its benefits should
+not extend to any descendant from Negro ancestors to the fourth
+generation inclusive.[2] Bearing so grievously this loss of their
+social status after they had toiled up from poverty, many ambitious
+free persons of color, left the State for more congenial communities.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Revised Statutes of North Carolina_, 578.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of North Carolina, 1835_, C.6, S.2.]
+
+The States of the West did not have to deal so severely with their
+slaves as was deemed necessary in Southern States. Missouri found it
+advisable in 1833 to amend the law of 1817[1] so as to regulate more
+rigorously the traveling and the assembling of slaves. It was not
+until 1847, however, that this commonwealth specifically provided
+that no one should keep or teach any school for the education of
+Negroes.[2] Tennessee had as early as 1803 a law governing the
+movement of slaves but exhibited a little more reactionary spirit in
+1836 in providing that there should be no circulation of seditious
+books or pamphlets which might lead to insurrection or rebellion
+among Negroes.[3] Tennessee, however, did not positively forbid the
+education of colored people. Kentucky had a system of regulating the
+egress and regress of slaves but never passed any law prohibiting
+their instruction. Yet statistics show that although the education of
+Negroes was not penalized, it was in many places made impossible by
+public sentiment. So was it in the State of Maryland, which did not
+expressly forbid the instruction of anyone.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the Territory of Missouri_, p. 498.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of the State of Missouri_, 1847, pp. 103 and 104.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Public Acts passed at the First Session of the General
+Assembly of the State of Tennessee_, p. 145, chap. 44.]
+
+These reactionary results were not obtained without some opposition.
+The governing element of some States divided on the question. The
+opinions of this class were well expressed in the discussion between
+Chancellor Harper and J.B. O'Neal of the South Carolina bar. The
+former said that of the many Negroes whom he had known to be capable
+of reading, he had never seen one read anything but the Bible. He
+thought that they imposed this task upon themselves as a matter
+of duty. Because of the Negroes' "defective comprehension and the
+laborious nature of this employment to them"[1] he considered such
+reading an inefficient method of religious instruction. He, therefore,
+supported the oppressive measures of the South. The other member
+of the bar maintained that men could not reflect as Christians and
+justify the position that slaves should not be permitted to read the
+Bible. "It is in vain," added he, "to say there is danger in it. The
+best slaves of the State are those who can and do read the Scriptures.
+Again, who is it that teaches your slaves to read? It is generally
+done by the children of the owners. Who would tolerate an indictment
+against his son or daughter for teaching a slave to read? Such laws
+look to me as rather cowardly."[2] This attorney was almost of
+the opinion of many others who believed that the argument that to
+Christianize and educate the colored people of a slave commonwealth
+had a tendency to elevate them above their masters and to destroy the
+"legitimate distinctions" of the community, could be admitted only
+where the people themselves were degraded.
+
+[Footnote 1: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 269.]
+
+[Footnote 2: DeBow, _The Industrial Resources of the Southern and
+Western States_, vol. ii., p. 279.]
+
+After these laws had been passed, American slavery extended not
+as that of the ancients, only to the body, but also to the mind.
+Education was thereafter regarded as positively inconsistent with the
+institution. The precaution taken to prevent the dissemination of
+information was declared indispensable to the system. The situation in
+many parts of the South was just as Berry portrayed it in the Virginia
+House of Delegates in 1832. He said: "We have as far as possible
+closed every avenue by which light may enter their [the slaves']
+minds. If we could extinguish the capacity to see the light, our work
+would be completed; they would then be on a level with the beasts of
+the field and we should be safe! I am not certain that we would not
+do it, if we could find out the process, and that on the plea of
+necessity."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Coffin, _Slave Insurrections_, p. 23; and Goodell, _Slave
+Code_, p. 323.]
+
+It had then come to pass that in the South, where once were found
+a considerable number of intelligent Negroes, they had become
+exceedingly scarce or disappeared from certain sections altogether. On
+plantations of hundreds of slaves it was common to discover that
+not one of them had the mere rudiments of education. In some large
+districts it was considered almost a phenomenon to find a Negro who
+could read the Bible or sign his name.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1:_Ibid._, pp. 323-324.]
+
+The reactionary tendency was in no sense confined to the Southern
+States. Laws were passed in the North to prevent the migration of
+Negroes to that section. Their education at certain places was
+discouraged. In fact, in the proportion that the conditions in the
+South made it necessary for free blacks to flee from oppression, the
+people of the North grew less tolerant on account of the large number
+of those who crowded the towns and cities of the free States near the
+border. The antislavery societies at one time found it necessary to
+devote their time to the amelioration of the economic condition of the
+refugees to make them acceptable to the white people rather than to
+direct their attention to mere education.[1] Not a few northerners,
+dreading an influx of free Negroes, drove them even from communities
+to which they had learned to, repair for education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the American Convention_.]
+
+The best example of this intolerance was the opposition encountered
+by Prudence Crandall, a well-educated young Quaker lady, who had
+established a boarding-school at Canterbury, Connecticut. Trouble
+arose when Sarah Harris, a colored girl, asked admission to this
+institution.[1] For many reasons Miss Crandall hesitated to admit her
+but finally yielded. Only a few days thereafter the parents of the
+white girls called on Miss Crandall to offer their objections to
+sending their children to school with a "nigger."[2] Miss Crandall
+stood firm, the white girls withdrew, and the teacher advertised for
+young women of color. The determination to continue the school on this
+basis incited the townsmen to hold an indignation meeting. They passed
+resolutions to protest through a committee of local officials against
+the establishment of a school of this kind in that community. At this
+meeting Andrew T. Judson denounced the policy of Miss Crandall, while
+the Rev. Samuel J. May ably defended it. Judson was not only opposed
+to the establishment of such a school in Canterbury but in any part of
+the State. He believed that colored people, who could never rise
+from their menial condition in the United States, should not to
+be encouraged to expect to elevate themselves in Connecticut. He
+considered them inferior servants who should not be treated as equals
+of the Caucasians, but should be sent back to Africa to improve
+themselves and Christianize the natives.[3] On the contrary, Mr. May
+thought that there would never be fewer colored people in this country
+than were found here then and that it would be unjust to exile them.
+He asserted that white people should grant Negroes their rights or
+lose their own and that since education is the primal, fundamental
+right of all men, Connecticut was the last place where this should be
+denied.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 30.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., pp. 32 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 33; and _Special Report of
+the U.S. Com. of Ed._, pp. 328 _et seq._]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 33.]
+
+Miss Crandall and her pupils were threatened with violence.
+Accommodation at the local stores was denied her. The pupils were
+insulted. The house was besmeared and damaged. An effort was made to
+invoke the law by which the selectmen might warn any person not an
+inhabitant of the State to depart under penalty of paying $1.67 for
+every week he remained after receiving such notice.[1] This failed,
+but Judson and his followers were still determined that the "nigger
+school" should never be allowed in Canterbury nor any town of the
+State. They appealed to the legislature. Setting forth in its preamble
+that the evil to be obviated was the increase of the black population
+of the commonwealth, that body passed a law providing that no person
+should establish a school for the instruction of colored people who
+were not inhabitants of the State of Connecticut, nor should any one
+harbor or board students brought to the State for this purpose without
+first obtaining, in writing, the consent of a majority of the civil
+authority and of the selectmen of the town.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 331;
+and May, _Letters to A.T. Judson, Esq., and Others_, p. 5.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+The enactment of this law caused Canterbury to go wild with joy. Miss
+Crandall was arrested on the 27th of June, and committed to await her
+trial at the next session of the Supreme Court. She and her friends
+refused to give bond that the officials might go the limit in
+imprisoning her. Miss Crandall was placed in a murderer's cell. Mr.
+May, who had stood by her, said when he saw the door locked and the
+key taken out, "The deed is done, completely done. It cannot be
+recalled. It has passed into the history of our nation and age." Miss
+Crandall was tried the 23d of August, 1833, at Brooklyn, the county
+seat of the county of Windham. The jury failed to agree upon a
+verdict, doubtless because Joseph Eaton, who presided, had given it as
+his opinion that the law was probably unconstitutional. At the second
+trial before Judge Dagget of the Supreme Court, who was an advocate of
+the law, Miss Crandall was convicted. Her counsel, however, filed a
+bill of exceptions and took an appeal to the Court of Errors. The
+case came up on the 22d of July, 1834. The nature of the law was ably
+discussed by W.W. Ellsworth and Calvin Goddard, who maintained that
+it was unconstitutional, and by A.T. Judson and C.F. Cleveland, who
+undertook to prove its constitutionality. The court reserved its
+decision, which was never given. Finding that there were defects in
+the information prepared by the attorney for the State, the indictment
+was quashed. Because of subsequent attempts to destroy the building,
+Mr. May and Miss Crandall decided to abandon the school.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry, etc._, p. 26.]
+
+
+It resulted then that even in those States to which free blacks had
+long looked for sympathy, the fear excited by fugitives from the more
+reactionary commonwealths had caused northerners so to yield to the
+prejudices of the South that they opposed insuperable obstacles to the
+education of Negroes for service in the United States. The colored
+people, as we shall see elsewhere, were not allowed to locate their
+manual labor college at New Haven[1] and the principal of the Noyes
+Academy at Canaan, New Hampshire, saw his institution destroyed
+because he decided to admit colored students.[2] These fastidious
+persons, however, raised no objection to the establishment of schools
+to prepare Negroes to expatriate themselves under the direction of the
+American Colonization Society.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 14.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Alexander, _A History of Colonization on the Western
+Continent_, p. 348.]
+
+Observing these conditions the friends of the colored people could
+not be silent. The abolitionists led by Caruthers, May, and Garrison
+hurled their weapons at the reactionaries, branding them as
+inconsistent schemers. After having advanced the argument of the
+mental inferiority of the colored race they had adopted the policy
+of educating Negroes on the condition that they be removed from the
+country.[1] Considering education one of the rights of man, the
+abolitionists persistently rebuked the North and South for their
+inhuman policy. On every opportune occasion they appealed to the world
+in behalf of the oppressed race, which the hostile laws had removed
+from humanizing influences, reduced to the plane of beasts, and made
+to die in heathenism.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay,_An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26; Johns Hopkins University
+Studies, Series xvi., p. 319; and _Proceedings of the New York State
+Colonization Society_, 1831, p. 6.]
+
+In reply to the abolitionists the protagonists of the reactionaries
+said that but for the "intrusive and intriguing interference of
+pragmatical fanatics"[1] such precautionary enactments would never
+have been necessary. There was some truth in this statement; for
+in certain districts these measures operated not to prevent the
+aristocratic people of the South from enlightening the Negroes, but to
+keep away from them what they considered undesirable instructors.
+The southerners regarded the abolitionists as foes in the field,
+industriously scattering the seeds of insurrection which could then
+be prevented only by blocking every avenue through which they could
+operate upon the minds of the slaves. A writer of this period
+expressed it thus: "It became necessary to check or turn aside the
+stream which instead of flowing healthfully upon the Negro is
+polluted and poisoned by the abolitionists and rendered the source
+of discontent and excitement."[2] He believed that education thus
+perverted would become equally dangerous to the master and the slave,
+and that while fanaticism continued its war upon the South the
+measures of necessary precaution and defense had to be continued. He
+asserted, however, that education would not only unfit the Negro for
+his station in life and prepare him for insurrection, but would prove
+wholly impracticable in the performance of the duties of a laborer.[3]
+The South has not yet learned that an educated man is a better laborer
+than an ignorant one.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _An Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col.
+Soc_., p. 31; and _The South Vindicated from the Treason and
+Fanaticism of the Abolitionists_, p. 68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 69.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of
+the Abolitionists_, p. 69.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+RELIGION WITHOUT LETTERS
+
+
+Stung by the effective charge of the abolitionists that the
+reactionary legislation of the South consigned the Negroes to
+heathenism, slaveholders considering themselves Christians, felt that
+some semblance of the religious instruction of these degraded people
+should be devised. It was difficult, however, to figure out exactly
+how the teaching of religion to slaves could be made successful and at
+the same time square with the prohibitory measures of the South. For
+this reason many masters made no effort to find a way out of the
+predicament. Others with a higher sense of duty brought forward a
+scheme of oral instruction in Christian truth or of religion without
+letters. The word instruction thereafter signified among the
+southerners a procedure quite different from what the term meant in
+the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, when Negroes were taught to
+read and write that they might learn the truth for themselves.
+
+Being aristocratic in its bearing, the Episcopal Church in the South
+early receded from the position of cultivating the minds of the
+colored people. As the richest slaveholders were Episcopalians, the
+clergy of that denomination could hardly carry out a policy which
+might prove prejudicial to the interests of their parishioners.
+Moreover, in their propaganda there was then nothing which required
+the training of Negroes to instruct themselves. As the qualifications
+of Episcopal ministers were rather high even for the education of the
+whites of that time, the blacks could not hope to be active churchmen.
+This Church, therefore, soon limited its work among the Negroes of
+the South to the mere verbal instruction of those who belonged to the
+local parishes. Furthermore, because this Church was not exceedingly
+militant, and certainly not missionary, it failed to grow rapidly. In
+most parts it suffered from the rise of the more popular Methodists
+and Baptists into the folds of which slaves followed their masters
+during the eighteenth century.
+
+The adjustment of the Methodist and Baptist churches in the South to
+the new work among the darker people, however, was after the first
+quarter of the nineteenth century practically easy. Each of these
+denominations had once strenuously opposed slavery, the Methodists
+holding out longer than the Baptists. But the particularizing force
+of the institution soon became such that southern churches of these
+connections withdrew most of their objections to the system and, of
+course, did not find it difficult to abandon the idea of teaching
+Negroes to read.[1] Moreover, only so far as it was necessary to
+prepare men to preach and exhort was there an urgent need for literary
+education among these plain and unassuming missionaries. They came,
+not emphasizing the observance of forms which required so much
+development of the intellect, but laying stress upon the quickening
+of man's conscience and the regeneration of his soul. In the States,
+however, where the prohibitory laws were not so rigidly enforced,
+the instruction received in various ways from workers of these
+denominations often turned out to be more than religion without
+letters.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Matlack, _History of Methodism_, etc., p. 132; Benedict,
+_History of the Baptists_, p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Adams, _South-side View_, p. 59.]
+
+The Presbyterians found it more difficult to yield on this point. For
+decades they had been interested in the Negro race and had in 1818
+reached the acme of antislavery sentiment.[1] Synod after synod
+denounced the attitude of cruel masters toward their slaves and took
+steps to do legally all they could to provide religious instruction
+for the colored people.[2] When public sentiment and reactionary
+legislation made the instruction of the Negroes of the South
+impracticable the Presbyterians of New York and New Jersey were active
+in devising schemes for the education of the colored people at points
+in the North.[3] Then came the crisis of the prolonged abolition
+agitation which kept the Presbyterian Church in an excited state from
+1818 to 1830 and resulted in the recession of that denomination from
+the position it had formerly taken against slavery.[4] Yielding to the
+reactionaries in 1835, this noble sect which had established schools
+for Negroes, trained ambitious colored men for usefulness, and
+endeavored to fit them for the best civil and religious emoluments,
+thereafter became divided. The southern connection lost much of its
+interest in the dark race, and fell back on the policy of the verbal
+instruction and memory training of the blacks that they might never
+become thoroughly enlightened as to their condition.
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 814-817.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 815.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Enormity of the Slave Trade_, etc. p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Baird, _Collections_, etc., pp. 816, 817.]
+
+Despite the fact that southern Methodists and Presbyterians generally
+ceased to have much anti-slavery ardor, there continued still in
+the western slave States and in the mountains of Virginia and North
+Carolina, a goodly number of these churchmen, who suffered no
+diminution of interest in the enlightenment of Negroes. In the States
+of Kentucky and Tennessee friends of the race were often left free to
+instruct them as they wished. Many of the people who settled those
+States came from the Scotch-Irish stock of the Appalachian Mountains,
+where early in the nineteenth century the blacks were in some cases
+treated as equals of the whites.[1]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, P. 31; _The New England Antislavery
+Almanac_, 1841, p. 31; and _The African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p.
+16.]
+
+The Quakers, and many Catholics, however, were as effective as the
+mountaineers in elevating Negroes. They had for centuries labored
+to promote religion and education among their colored brethren. So
+earnest were these sects in working for the uplift of the Negro race
+that the reactionary movement failed to swerve them from their course.
+When the other churches adopted the policy of mere verbal training,
+the Quakers and Catholics adhered to their idea that the Negroes
+should be educated to grasp the meaning of the Christian religion just
+as they had been during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.[1]
+This favorable situation did not mean so much, however, since with the
+exception of the Catholics in Maryland and Louisiana and the Quakers
+in Pennsylvania, not many members of these sects lived in communities
+of a large colored population. Furthermore, they were denied access to
+the Negroes in most southern communities, even when they volunteered
+to work as missionaries among the colored people.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp.
+217-221.]
+
+[Footnote 2: In several Southern States special laws were enacted to
+prevent the influx of such Christian workers.]
+
+How difficult it was for these churchmen to carry out their policy
+of religion without letters may be best observed by viewing the
+conditions then obtaining. In most Southern States in which Negro
+preachers could not be deterred from their mission by public
+sentiment, they were prohibited by law from exhorting their fellows.
+The ground for such action was usually said to be incompetency and
+liability to abuse their office and influence to the injury of the
+laws and peace of the country. The elimination of the Christian
+teachers of the Negro race, and the prevention of the immigration of
+workers from the Northern States rendered the blacks helpless
+and dependent upon a few benevolent white ministers of the slave
+communities. During this period of unusual proselyting among the
+whites, these preachers could not minister to the needs of their own
+race.[1] Besides, even when there was found a white clergyman who was
+willing to labor among these lowly people, he often knew little about
+the inner workings of their minds, and failing to enlighten their
+understanding, left them the victims of sinful habits, incident to the
+institution of slavery.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 175.]
+
+To a civilized man the result was alarming. The Church as an
+institution had ceased to be the means by which the Negroes of the
+South could be enlightened. The Sabbath-schools in which so many
+colored people there had learned to read and write had by 1834
+restricted their work to oral instruction.[1] In places where the
+blacks once had the privilege of getting an elementary education, only
+an inconceivable fraction of them could rise above illiteracy. Most of
+these were freedmen found in towns and cities. With the exception of
+a few slaves who were allowed the benefits of religious instruction,
+these despised beings were generally neglected and left to die
+like heathen. In 1840 there were in the South only fifteen colored
+Sabbath-schools, with an attendance of about 1459.
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodell, _Slave Code_, p. 324.]
+
+There had never been any regular daily instruction in Christian
+truths, but after this period only a few masters allowed field hands
+to attend family prayers. Some sections went beyond this point,
+prohibiting by public sentiment any and all kinds of religious
+instruction.[1] In South Carolina a formal remonstrance signed by over
+300 planters and citizens was presented to a Methodist preacher chosen
+by a conference of that State as a "cautious and discreet person"[2]
+especially qualified to preach to slaves, and pledged to confine
+himself to verbal instruction. In Falmouth, Virginia, several white
+ladies began to meet on Sunday afternoons to teach Negro children the
+principles of the Christian religion. They were unable to continue
+their work a month before the local officials stopped them, although
+these women openly avowed that they did not intend to teach reading
+and writing.[3] Thus the development of the religious education of
+the Negroes in certain parts of the South had been from literary
+instruction as a means of imparting Christian truth to the policy
+of oral indoctrination, and from this purely memory teaching to no
+education at all.
+
+[Footnote 1: The cause of this drastic policy was not so much race
+hatred as the fear that any kind of instruction might cause the
+Negroes to assert themselves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Olmsted, _Back Country_, pp. 105, 108.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Conway, _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_, p. 5.]
+
+Thereafter the chief privilege allowed the slaves was to congregate
+for evening prayers conducted by themselves under the surveillance
+of a number of "discreet persons." The leader chosen to conduct the
+services, would in some cases read a passage from the Scriptures and
+"line a hymn," which the slaves took up in their turn and sang in a
+tune of their own suitable to the meter. In case they had present no
+one who could read, or the law forbade such an exercise, some exhorter
+among the slaves would be given an opportunity to address the people,
+basing his remarks as far as his intelligence allowed him on some
+memorized portion of the Bible. The rest of the evening would be
+devoted to individual prayers and the singing of favorite hymns,
+developed largely from the experience of slaves, who while bearing
+their burdens in the heat of the day had learned to sing away their
+troubles.
+
+For this untenable position the slave States were so severely
+criticized by southern and northern friends of the colored people that
+the ministers of that section had to construct a more progressive
+policy. Yet whatever might be the arguments of the critics of the
+South to prove that the enlightenment of Negroes was not a danger, it
+was clear after the Southampton insurrection in 1831 that two factors
+in Negro education would for some time continue generally eliminated.
+These were reading matter and colored preachers.
+
+Prominent among the southerners who endeavored to readjust their
+policy of enlightening the black population, were Bishop William
+Meade,[1] Bishop William Capers,[2] and Rev. C.C. Jones.[3] Bishop
+Meade was a native of Virginia, long noted for its large element of
+benevolent slaveholders who never lost interest in their Negroes. He
+was fortunate in finishing his education at Princeton, so productive
+then of leaders who fought the institution of slavery.[4] Immediately
+after his ordination in the Protestant Episcopal Church, Bishop Meade
+assumed the role of a reformer. He took up the cause of the colored
+people, devoting no little of his time to them when he was in
+Alexandria and Frederick in 1813 and 1814.[5] He began by preaching to
+the Negroes on fifteen plantations, meeting them twice a day, and in
+one year reported the baptism of forty-eight colored children.[6]
+Early a champion of the colonization of the Negroes, he was sent on a
+successful mission to Georgia in 1818 to secure the release of certain
+recaptured Africans who were about to be sold. Going and returning
+from the South he was active in establishing auxiliaries of the
+American Colonization Society. He helped to extend its sphere also
+into the Middle States and New-England.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, pp. 64-65.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of Bishop William Capers_, p. 294.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, Introductory Chapter.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Goodloe, _Southern Platform_, p. 64.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid_., p. 66.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Niles Register_, vol. xvi., pp. 165-166.]
+
+Bishop Meade was a representative of certain of his fellow-churchmen
+who were passing through the transitory stage from the position of
+advocating the thorough education of Negroes to that of recommending
+mere verbal instruction. Agreeing at first with Rev. Thomas Bacon,
+Bishop Meade favored the literary training of Negroes, and advocated
+the extermination of slavery.[1] Later in life he failed to urge
+his followers to emancipate their slaves, and did not entreat his
+congregation to teach them to read. He was then committed to the
+policy of only lessening their burden as much as possible without
+doing anything to destroy the institution. Thereafter he advocated the
+education and emancipation of the slaves only in connection with the
+scheme of colonization, to which he looked for a solution of these
+problems.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade,_Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, p. 2; and Goodell,
+_The Southern Platform_, pp. 64, 65.]
+
+[Footnote 2:_Ibid_., p. 65.]
+
+Wishing to give his views on the religious instruction of Negroes, the
+Bishop found in Rev. Thomas Bacon's sermons that "every argument which
+was likely to convince and persuade was so forcibly exerted, and that
+every objection that could possibly be made, so fully answered, and
+in fine everything that ought to be said so well said, and the same
+things so happily confirmed ..." that it was deemed "best to refer
+the reader for the true nature and object of the book to the book
+itself."[1] Bishop Meade had uppermost in his mind Bacon's logical
+arraignment of those who neglected to teach their Negroes the
+Christian religion. Looking beyond the narrow circle of his own sect,
+the bishop invited the attention of all denominations to this subject
+in which they were "equally concerned." He especially besought "the
+ministers of the gospel to take it into serious consideration as a
+matter for which they also will have to give an account. Did not
+Christ," said he, "die for these poor creatures as well as for any
+other, and is it not given in charge of the minister to gather his
+sheep into the fold?"[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thos. Bacon_, pp. 31,32, 81, 90,
+93, 95, 104, and 105.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 104.]
+
+Another worker in this field was Bishop William Capers of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church of South Carolina. A southerner to the
+manner born, he did not share the zeal of the antislavery men who
+would educate Negroes as a preparation for manumission.[1] Regarding
+the subject of abolition as one belonging to the State and entirely
+inappropriate to the Church, he denounced the principles of the
+religious abolitionists as originating in false philosophy. Capers
+endeavored to prove that the relation of slave and master is
+authorized by the Holy Scriptures. He was of the opinion, however,
+that certain abuses which might ensue, were immoralities to be
+prevented or punished by all proper means, both by the Church
+discipline and the civil law.[2] Believing that the neglect of the
+spiritual needs of the slaves was a reflection on the slaveholders, he
+set out early in the thirties to stir up South Carolina to the duty of
+removing this stigma.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 295.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+His plan of enlightening the blacks did not include literary
+instruction. His aim was to adapt the teaching of Christian truth to
+the condition of persons having a "humble intellect and a limited
+range of knowledge by means of constant and patient reiteration."[1]
+The old Negroes were to look to preachers for the exposition of these
+principles while the children were to be turned over to catechists
+who would avail themselves of the opportunity of imparting these
+fundamentals to the young at the time their minds were in the plastic
+state. Yet all instructors and preachers to Negroes had to be careful
+to inculcate the performance of the duty of obedience to their masters
+as southerners found them stated in the Holy Scriptures. Any one who
+would hesitate to teach these principles of southern religion should
+not be employed to instruct slaves. The bishop was certain that such
+a one could not then be found among the preachers of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church of South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 298.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 296.]
+
+Bishop Capers was the leading spirit in the movement instituted in
+that commonwealth about 1829 to establish missions to the slaves. So
+generally did he arouse the people to the performance of this duty
+that they not only allowed preachers access to their Negroes but
+requested that missionaries be sent to their plantations. Such
+petitions came from C.C. Pinckney, Charles Boring, and Lewis
+Morris.[1] Two stations were established in 1829 and two additional
+ones in 1833. Thereafter the Church founded one or two others every
+year until 1847 when there were seventeen missions conducted by
+twenty-five preachers. At the death of Bishop Capers in 1855 the
+Methodists of South Carolina had twenty-six such establishments, which
+employed thirty-two preachers, ministering to 11,546 communicants
+of color. The missionary revenue raised by the local conference had
+increased from $300 to $25,000 a year.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wightman, _Life of William Capers_, p. 296.]
+
+[Footnote 2; _African Repository_, vol. xxiv., p. 157.]
+
+The most striking example of this class of workers was the Rev. C.C.
+Jones, a minister of the Presbyterian Church. Educated at Princeton
+with men actually interested in the cause of the Negroes, and located
+in Georgia where he could study the situation as it was, Jones became
+not a theorist but a worker. He did not share the discussion of the
+question as to how to get rid of slavery. Accepting the institution as
+a fact, he endeavored to alleviate the sufferings of the unfortunates
+by the spiritual cultivation of their minds. He aimed, too, not to
+take into his scheme the solution of the whole problem but to appeal
+to a special class of slaves, those of the plantations who were left
+in the depths of ignorance as to the benefits of right living. In this
+respect he was like two of his contemporaries, Rev. Josiah Law[1] of
+Georgia and Bishop Polk of Louisiana.[2] Denouncing the policy of
+getting all one could out of the slaves and of giving back as little
+as possible, Jones undertook to show how their spiritual improvement
+would exterminate their ignorance, vulgarity, idleness, improvidence,
+and irreligion; Jones thought that if the circumstances of the Negroes
+were changed, they would equal, if not excel, the rest of the human
+family "in majesty of intellect, elegance of manners, purity of
+morals, and ardor of piety."[3] He feared that white men might cherish
+a contempt for Negroes that would cause them to sink lower in the
+scale of intelligence, morality, and religion. Emphasizing the fact
+that as one class of society rises so will the other, Jones advocated
+the mingling of the classes together in churches, to create kindlier
+feelings among them, increase the tendency of the blacks to
+subordination, and promote in a higher degree their mental and
+religious improvement. He was sure that these benefits could never
+result from independent church organization.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Rev. Josiah Law was almost as successful as Jones in
+carrying the gospel to the neglected Negroes. His life is a large
+chapter in the history of Christianity among the slaves of that
+commonwealth. See Wright, _Negro Education in Georgia_, p. 19.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Rhodes, _History of the U.S_., vol. i., p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 106, 217.]
+
+Meeting the argument of those who feared the insubordination of
+Negroes, Jones thought that the gospel would do more for the obedience
+of slaves and the peace of the community than weapons of war. He
+asserted that the very effort of the masters to instruct their slaves
+created a strong bond of union between them and their masters.[1]
+History, he believed, showed that the direct way of exposing the
+slaves to acts of insubordination was to leave them in ignorance and
+superstition to the care of their own religion.[2] To disprove the
+falsity of the charge that literary instruction given in Neau's school
+in New York was the cause of a rising of slaves in 1709, he produced
+evidence that it was due to their opposition to becoming Christians.
+The rebellions in South Carolina from 1730 to 1739, he maintained,
+were fomented by the Spaniards in St. Augustine. The upheaval in New
+York in 1741 was not due to any plot resulting from the instruction
+of Negroes in religion, but rather to a delusion on the part of the
+whites. The rebellions in Camden in 1816 and in Charleston in 1822
+were not exceptions to the rule. He conceded that the Southampton
+Insurrection in Virginia in 1831 originated under the color of
+religion. It was pointed out, however, that this very act itself was
+a proof that Negroes left to work out their own salvation, had fallen
+victims to "ignorant and misguided teachers" like Nat Turner. Such
+undesirable leaders, thought he, would never have had the opportunity
+to do mischief, if the masters had taken it upon themselves to
+instruct their slaves.[3] He asserted that no large number of slaves
+well instructed in the Christian religion and taken into the churches
+directed by white men had ever been found guilty of taking part in
+servile insurrections.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., pp. 212, 274.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, etc., p. 212.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Plumer, _Thoughts_, etc., p. 4.]
+
+To meet the arguments of these reformers the slaveholders found among
+laymen and preachers able champions to defend the reactionary policy.
+Southerners who had not gone to the extreme in the prohibition of the
+instruction of Negroes felt more inclined to answer the critics of
+their radical neighbors. One of these defenders thought that the
+slaves should have some enlightenment but believed that the domestic
+element of the system of slavery in the Southern States afforded
+"adequate means" for the improvement, adapted to their condition and
+the circumstances of the country; and furnished "the natural, safe,
+and effectual means"[1] of the intellectual and moral elevation of the
+Negro race. Another speaking more explicitly, said that the fact
+that the Negro is such per se carried with it the "inference or the
+necessity that his education--the cultivation of his faculties, or the
+development of his intelligence, must be in harmony with itself." In
+other words, "his instruction must be an entirely different thing from
+the training of the Caucasian," in regard to whom "the term education
+had widely different significations." For this reason these defenders
+believed that instead of giving the Negro systematic instruction he
+should be placed in the best position possible for the development of
+his imitative powers--"to call into action that peculiar capacity for
+copying the habits, mental and moral, of the superior race."[2] They
+referred to the facts that slaves still had plantation prayers and
+preaching by numerous members of their own race, some of whom could
+read and write, that they were frequently favored by their masters
+with services expressly for their instruction, that Sabbath-schools
+had been established for the benefit of the young, and finally that
+slaves were received into the churches which permitted them to hear
+the same gospel and praise the same God.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of
+Slavery_, pp. 228 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Van Evrie, _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, p. 215.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Smith, _Lectures on the Philosophy of Slavery_, p. 228.]
+
+Seeing even in the policy of religious instruction nothing but danger
+to the position of the slave States, certain southerners opposed it
+under all circumstances. Some masters feared that verbal instruction
+would increase the desire of slaves to learn. Such teaching might
+develop into a progressive system of improvement, which, without any
+special effort in that direction, would follow in the natural order of
+things.[1] Timorous persons believed that slaves thus favored would
+neglect their duties and embrace seasons of religious worship for
+originating and executing plans for insubordination and villainy. They
+thought, too, that missionaries from the free States would thereby
+be afforded an opportunity to come South and inculcate doctrines
+subversive of the interests and safety of that section.[2] It would
+then be only a matter of time before the movement would receive such
+an impetus that it would dissolve the relations of society as then
+constituted and revolutionize the civil institutions of the South.
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, p. 192; Olmsted, _Back
+Country_, pp. 106-108.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 106.]
+
+The black population of certain sections, however, was not reduced
+to heathenism. Although often threatening to execute the reactionary
+laws, many of which were never intended to be rigidly enforced,
+the southerners did not at once eliminate the Negro as a religious
+instructor.[1] It was fortunate that a few Negroes who had learned the
+importance of early Christian training, organized among themselves
+local associations. These often appointed an old woman of the
+plantation to teach children too young to work in the fields, to say
+prayers, repeat a little catechism, and memorize a few hymns.[2] But
+this looked too much like systematic instruction. In some States it
+was regarded as productive of evils destructive to southern
+society and was, therefore, discouraged or prohibited.[3] To local
+associations organized by kindly slaveholders there was less
+opposition because the chief aim always was to restrain strangers and
+undesirable persons from coming South to incite the Negroes to servile
+insurrection. Two good examples of these local organizations were
+the ones found in Liberty and McIntosh counties, Georgia. The
+constitutions of these bodies provided that the instruction should be
+altogether oral, embracing the general principles of the Christian
+religion as understood by orthodox Christians.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the testimonies of ex-slaves.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jones, _Religious Instruction_, pp. 114, 117.]
+
+[Footnote 3: While the laws in certain places were not so drastic as
+to prohibit religious assemblies, the same was effected by patrols and
+mobs.]
+
+[Footnote 4: The Constitution of the Liberty County Association for
+the Religious Instruction of Negroes, Article IV.]
+
+Directing their efforts thereafter toward mere verbal teaching,
+religious workers depended upon the memory of the slave to retain
+sufficient of the truths and principles expounded to effect his
+conversion. Pamphlets, hymn books, and catechisms especially adapted
+to the work were written by churchmen, and placed in the hands of
+discreet missionaries acceptable to the slaveholders. Among other
+publications of this kind were Dr. Capers's Short Catechism for the
+Use of Colored Members on _Trial in the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+South Carolina; A Catechism to be Used by Teachers in the Religious
+Instruction of Persons of Color in the Episcopal Church of South
+Carolina_; Dr. Palmer's _Cathechism_; Rev. John Mine's _Catechism_;
+and C.C. Jones's _Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine and Practice
+Designed for the Original Instruction of Colored People._ Bishop Meade
+was once engaged in collecting such literature addressed particularly
+to slaves in their stations. These extracts were to be read to them
+on proper occasions by any member of the family.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Meade, _Sermons of Rev. Thomas Bacon_, p. 2.]
+
+Yet on the whole it can be safely stated that there were few
+societies formed in the South to give the Negroes religious and moral
+instruction. Only a few missionaries were exclusively devoted to work
+among them. In fact, after the reactionary period no propaganda of
+any southern church included anything which could be designated as
+systematic instruction of the Negroes.[1] Even owners, who took
+care to feed, clothe, and lodge their slaves well and treated
+them humanely, often neglected to do anything to enlighten their
+understanding as to their responsibility to God. [Footnote 1:
+Madison's Works, vol. in., p. 314; Olmsted, _Back Country_, p. 107;
+Birney, _The American Churches_, etc., p. 6; and Jones, _Religious
+Instruction_, etc., p. 100.]
+
+Observing closely these conditions one would wonder little that many
+Negroes became low and degraded. The very institution of slavery
+itself produced shiftless, undependable beings, seeking relief
+whenever possible by giving the least and getting the most from their
+masters. When the slaves were cut off from the light of the gospel by
+the large plantation system, they began to exhibit such undesirable
+traits as insensibility of heart, lasciviousness, stealing, and lying.
+The cruelty of the "Christian" master to the slaves made the latter
+feel that such a practice was not altogether inhuman. Just as the
+white slave drivers developed into hopeless brutes by having human
+beings to abuse, so it turned out with certain Negroes in their
+treatment of animals and their fellow-creatures in bondage. If some
+Negroes were commanded not to commit adultery, such a prohibition did
+not extend to the slave women forced to have illicit relations with
+masters who sold their mulatto offspring as goods and chattels. If the
+bondmen were taught not to steal the aim was to protect the supplies
+of the local plantation. Few masters raised any serious objection to
+the act of their half-starved slaves who at night crossed over to some
+neighboring plantation to secure food. Many white men made it their
+business to dispose of property stolen by Negroes.
+
+In the strait in which most slaves were, they had to lie for
+protection. Living in an environment where the actions of almost any
+colored man were suspected as insurrectionary, Negroes were frequently
+called upon to tell what they knew and were sometimes forced to say
+what they did not know. Furthermore, to prevent the slaves from
+cooeperating to rise against their masters, they were often taught to
+mistreat and malign each other to keep alive a feeling of hatred. The
+bad traits of the American Negroes resulted then not from an instinct
+common to the natives of Africa, but from the institutions of the
+South and from the actual teaching of the slaves to be low and
+depraved that they might never develop sufficient strength to become a
+powerful element in society.
+
+As this system operated to make the Negroes either nominal Christians
+or heathen, the anti-slavery men could not be silent.[1] James G.
+Birney said that the slaveholding churches like indifferent observers,
+had watched the abasement of the Negroes to a plane of beasts without
+remonstrating with legislatures against the iniquitous measures.[2]
+Moreover, because there was neither literary nor systematic oral
+instruction of the colored members of southern congregations, uniting
+with the Church made no change in the condition of the slaves. They
+were thrown back just as before among their old associates, subjected
+to corrupting influences, allowed to forego attendance at public
+worship on Sundays, and rarely encouraged to attend family prayers.[3]
+In view of this state of affairs Birney was not surprised that it
+was only here and there that one could find a few slaves who had an
+intelligent view of Christianity or of a future life.
+
+[Footnote 1: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_, p. 394.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Birney, _American Churches_, p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 7.]
+
+William E. Charming expressed his deep regret that the whole lot of
+the slave was fitted to keep his mind in childhood and bondage. To
+Channing it seemed shameful that, although the slave lived in a land
+of light, few beams found their way to his benighted understanding. He
+was given no books to excite his curiosity. His master provided for
+him no teacher but the driver who broke him almost in childhood to the
+servile tasks which were to fill up his life. Channing complained that
+when benevolence would approach the slave with instruction it was
+repelled. Not being allowed to be taught, the "voice which would speak
+to him as a man was put to silence." For the lack of the privilege
+to learn the truth "his immortal spirit was systematically crushed
+despite the mandate of God to bring all men unto Him."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Channing, _Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+Discussing the report that slaves were taught religion, Channing
+rejoiced that any portion of them heard of that truth "which gives
+inward freedom."[1] He thought, however, that this number was very
+small. Channing was certain that most slaves were still buried in
+heathen ignorance. But extensive as was this so-called religious
+instruction, he did not see how the teaching of the slave to be
+obedient to his master could exert much power in raising one to the
+divinity of man. How slavery which tends to debase the mind of
+the bondman could prepare it for spiritual truth, or how he could
+comprehend the essential principles of love on hearing it from the
+lips of his selfish and unjust owner, were questions which no defender
+of the system ever answered satisfactorily for Channing. Seeing then
+no hope for the elevation of the Negro as a slave, he became a more
+determined abolitionist.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 78.]
+
+William Jay, a son of the first Chief Justice of the United States,
+and an abolition preacher of the ardent type, later directed his
+attention to these conditions. The keeping of human beings in heathen
+ignorance by a people professing to reverence the obligation of
+Christianity seemed to him an unpardonable sin. He believed that the
+natural result of this "compromise of principle, this suppression
+of truth, this sacrifice to unanimity," had been the adoption of
+expediency as a standard of right and wrong in the place of the
+revealed will of God.[1] "Thus," continued he, "good men and
+good Christians have been tempted by their zeal for the American
+Colonization Society to countenance opinions and practices
+inconsistent with justice and humanity."[2] Jay charged to this
+disastrous policy of neglect the result that in 1835 only 245,000 of
+the 2,245,144 slaves had a saving knowledge of the religion of
+Christ. He deplored the fact that unhappily the evil influence of the
+reactionaries had not been confined to their own circles but had to a
+lamentable extent "vitiated the moral sense" of other communities.
+The proslavery leaders, he said, had reconciled public opinion to the
+continuance of slavery, and had aggravated those sinful prejudices
+which subjected the free blacks to insult and persecution and denied
+them the blessings of education and religious instruction.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jay, _An Inquiry_, etc., p. 26.]
+
+Among the most daring of those who censured the South for its
+reactionary policy was Rev. John G. Fee, an abolition minister of
+the gospel of Kentucky. Seeing the inevitable result in States where
+public opinion and positive laws had made the education of Negroes
+impossible, Fee asserted that in preventing them from reading God's
+Word and at the same time incorporating them into the Church as
+nominal Christians, the South had weakened the institution. Without
+the means to learn the principles of religion it was impossible for
+such an ignorant class to become efficient and useful members.[1]
+Excoriating those who had kept their servants in ignorance to secure
+the perpetuity of the institution of slavery, Fee maintained that
+sealing up the mind of the slave, lest he should see his wrongs, was
+tantamount to cutting off the hand or foot in order to prevent his
+escape from forced and unwilling servitude.[2] "If by our practice,
+our silence, or our sloth," said he, "we perpetuate a system which
+paralyzes our hands when we attempt to convey to them the bread of
+life, and which inevitably consigns the great mass of them to unending
+perdition, can we be guiltless in the sight of Him who hath made us
+stewards of His grace? This is sinful. Said the Saviour: 'Woe unto you
+lawyers! for ye have taken away the key of knowledge: ye entered not
+in yourselves, and them that were entering in ye hindered."'[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 147.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 148.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Fee, _Antislavery Manual_, p. 149.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+LEARNING IN SPITE OF OPPOSITION
+
+
+Discouraging as these conditions seemed, the situation was not
+entirely hopeless. The education of the colored people as a public
+effort had been prohibited south of the border States, but there was
+still some chance for Negroes of that section to acquire knowledge.
+Furthermore, the liberal white people of that section considered these
+enactments, as we have stated above, not applicable to southerners
+interested in the improvement of their slaves but to mischievous
+abolitionists. The truth is that thereafter some citizens disregarded
+the laws of their States and taught worthy slaves whom they desired to
+reward or use in business requiring an elementary education. As these
+prohibitions in slave States were not equally stringent, white and
+colored teachers of free blacks were not always disturbed. In fact,
+just before the middle of the nineteenth century there was so much
+winking at the violation of the reactionary laws that it looked as if
+some Southern States might recede from their radical position and let
+Negroes be educated as they had been in the eighteenth century.
+
+The ways in which slaves thereafter acquired knowledge are
+significant. Many picked it up here and there, some followed
+occupations which were in themselves enlightening, and others learned
+from slaves whose attainments were unknown to their masters. Often
+influential white men taught Negroes not only the rudiments of
+education but almost anything they wanted to learn. Not a few slaves
+were instructed by the white children whom they accompanied to school.
+While attending ministers and officials whose work often lay open to
+their servants, many of the race learned by contact and observation.
+Shrewd Negroes sometimes slipped stealthily into back streets, where
+they studied under a private teacher, or attended a school hidden from
+the zealous execution of the law.
+
+The instances of Negroes struggling to obtain an education read like
+the beautiful romances of a people in an heroic age. Sometimes Negroes
+of the type of Lott Carey[1] educated themselves. James Redpath
+discovered in Savannah that in spite of the law great numbers
+of slaves had learned to read well. Many of them had acquired a
+rudimentary knowledge of arithmetic. "But," said he, "blazon it to the
+shame of the South, the knowledge thus acquired has been snatched from
+the spare records of leisure in spite of their owners' wishes and
+watchfulness."[2] C.G. Parsons was informed that although poor masters
+did not venture to teach their slaves, occasionally one with a thirst
+for knowledge secretly learned the rudiments of education without any
+instruction.[3] While on a tour through parts of Georgia, E.P. Burke
+observed that, notwithstanding the great precaution which was taken
+to prevent the mental improvement of the slaves, many of them "stole
+knowledge enough to enable them to read and write with ease."[4]
+Robert Smalls[5] of South Carolina and Alfred T. Jones[6] of Kentucky
+began their education in this manner.
+
+[Footnote 1: Mott, _Biographical Sketches_, p. 87.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Redpath, _Roving Editor_, etc., p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 126.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 152.]
+
+Probably the best example of this class was Harrison Ellis of Alabama.
+At the age of thirty-five he had acquired a liberal education by his
+own exertions. Upon examination he proved himself a good Latin and
+Hebrew scholar and showed still greater proficiency in Greek. His
+attainments in theology were highly satisfactory. _The Eufaula
+Shield_, a newspaper of that State, praised him as a man courteous in
+manners, polite in conversation, and manly in demeanor. Knowing how
+useful Ellis would be in a free country, the Presbyterian Synod of
+Alabama purchased him and his family in 1847 at a cost of $2500 that
+he might use his talents in elevating his own people in Liberia.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxi., p. 296.]
+
+Intelligent Negroes secretly communicated to their fellow men what
+they knew. Henry Banks of Stafford County, Virginia, was taught by
+his brother-in-law to read, but not write.[1] The father of Benedict
+Duncan, a slave in Maryland, taught his son the alphabet.[2] M.W.
+Taylor of Kentucky received his first instruction from his mother.
+H.O. Wagoner learned from his parents the first principles of the
+common branches.[3] A mulatto of Richmond taught John H. Smythe when
+he was between the ages of five and seven.[4] The mother of Dr. C.H.
+Payne of West Virginia taught him to read at such an early age that
+he does not remember when he first developed that power.[5] Dr. E.C.
+Morris, President of the National Baptist Convention, belonged to a
+Georgia family, all of whom were well instructed by his father.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, etc., p. 72.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 110.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 679.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 873.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+The white parents of Negroes often secured to them the educational
+facilities then afforded the superior race. The indulgent teacher of
+J. Morris of North Carolina was his white father, his master.[1]
+W.J. White acquired his education from his mother, who was a white
+woman.[2] Martha Martin, a daughter of her master, a Scotch-Irishman
+of Georgia, was permitted to go to Cincinnati to be educated, while
+her sister was sent to a southern town to learn the milliner's
+trade.[3] Then there were cases like that of Josiah Settle's white
+father. After the passage of the law forbidding free Negroes to remain
+in the State of Tennessee, he took his children to Hamilton, Ohio,
+to be educated and there married his actual wife, their colored
+mother.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: This is based on an account given by his son.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Crisis_, vol. v., p. 119.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 143.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 539.]
+
+The very employment of slaves in business establishments accelerated
+their mental development. Negroes working in stores often acquired
+a fair education by assisting clerks. Some slaves were clerks
+themselves. Under the observation of E.P. Burke came the notable case
+of a young man belonging to one of the best families of Savannah. He
+could read, write, cipher, and transact business so intelligently
+that his master often committed important trusts to his care.[1] B.K.
+Bruce, while still a slave, educated himself when he was working at
+the printer's trade in Brunswick, Missouri. Even farther south where
+slavery assumed its worst form, we find that this condition obtained.
+Addressing to the New Orleans _Commercial Bulletin_ a letter on
+African colonization, John McDonogh stated that the work imposed on
+his slaves required some education for which he willingly provided. In
+1842 he had had no white man over his slaves for twenty years. He had
+assigned this task to his intelligent colored manager who did his work
+so well that the master did not go in person once in six months to see
+what his slaves were doing. He says, "They were, besides, my men of
+business, enjoyed my confidence, were my clerks, transacted all my
+affairs, made purchases of materials, collected my rents, leased my
+houses, took care of my property and effects of every kind, and
+that with an honesty and fidelity which was proof against every
+temptation."[2] Traveling in Mississippi in 1852, Olmsted found
+another such group of slaves all of whom could read, whereas the
+master himself was entirely illiterate. He took much pride, however,
+in praising his loyal, capable, and intelligent Negroes.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p. 86.
+
+Frances Anne Kemble gives in her journal an interesting account of her
+observations in Georgia. She says: "I must tell you that I have been
+delighted, surprised, and the very least perplexed, by the sudden
+petition on the part of our young waiter, Aleck, that I will teach him
+to read. He is a very intelligent lad of about sixteen, and preferred
+his request with urgent humility that was very touching. I will do it;
+and yet, it is simply breaking the laws of the government under which
+I am living. Unrighteous laws are made to be broken--perhaps--but
+then you see, I am a woman, and Mr.---- stands between me and the
+penalty--. I certainly intend to teach Aleck to read; and I'll teach
+every other creature that wants to learn." See Kemble, _Journal_, p.
+34.]
+
+[Footnote 2: McDonogh, "Letter on African Colonization."]
+
+[Footnote 3: Olmsted, _Cotton Kingdom_, vol. ii., p. 70.]
+
+White persons deeply interested in Negroes taught them regardless
+of public opinion and the law. Dr. Alexander T. Augusta of Virginia
+learned to read while serving white men as a barber.[1] A prominent
+white man of Memphis taught Mrs. Mary Church Terrell's mother French
+and English. The father of Judge R.H. Terrell was well-grounded
+in reading by his overseer during the absence of his master from
+Virginia.[2] A fugitive slave from Essex County of the same State was
+not allowed to go to school publicly, but had an opportunity to learn
+from white persons privately.[3] The master of Charles Henry Green, a
+slave of Delaware, denied him all instruction, but he was permitted
+to study among the people to whom he was hired.[4] M.W. Taylor of
+Kentucky studied under attorneys J.B. Kinkaid and John W. Barr, whom
+he served as messenger.[5] Ignoring his master's orders against
+frequenting a night school, Henry Morehead of Louisville learned to
+spell and read sufficiently well to cause his owner to have the school
+unceremoniously closed.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 258.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This is based on the statements of Judge and Mrs.
+Terrell.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 335.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 96.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 933.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 180.]
+
+The educational experiences of President Scarborough and of Bishop
+Turner show that some white persons were willing to make unusual
+sacrifices to enlighten Negroes. President Scarborough began to attend
+school in his native home in Bibb County, Georgia, at the age of six
+years. He went out ostensibly to play, keeping his books concealed
+under his arm, but spent six or eight hours each day in school until
+he could read well and had mastered the first principles of geography,
+grammar, and arithmetic. At the age of ten he took regular lessons in
+writing under an old South Carolinian, J.C. Thomas, a rebel of the
+bitterest type. Like Frederick Douglass, President Scarborough
+received much instruction from his white playmates.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 410.]
+
+Bishop Turner of Newberry Court House, in South Carolina, purchased
+a spelling book and secured the services of an old white lady and a
+white boy, who in violation of the State law taught him to spell as
+far as two syllables.[1] The white boy's brother stopped him from
+teaching this lad of color, pointing out that such an instructor was
+liable to arrest. For some time he obtained help from an old colored
+gentleman, a prodigy in sounds. At the age of thirteen his mother
+employed a white lady to teach him on Sundays, but she was soon
+stopped by indignant white persons of the community. When he attained
+the age of fifteen he was employed by a number of lawyers in whose
+favor he ingratiated himself by his unusual power to please people.
+Thereafter these men in defiance of the law taught him to read and
+write and explained anything he wanted to know about arithmetic,
+geography, and astronomy.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bishop Turner says that when he started to learn there
+were among his acquaintances three colored men who had learned to read
+the Bible in Charleston. See Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 806.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 806.]
+
+Often favorite slaves were taught by white children. By hiding books
+in a hayloft and getting the white children to teach him, James W.
+Sumler of Norfolk, Virginia, obtained an elementary education.[1]
+While serving as overseer for his Scotch-Irish master, Daniel
+J. Lockhart of the same commonwealth learned to read under the
+instruction of his owner's boys. They were not interrupted in their
+benevolent work.[2] In the same manner John Warren, a slave of
+Tennessee, acquired a knowledge of the common branches.[3] John
+Baptist Snowden of Maryland was secretly instructed by his owner's
+children.[4] Uncle Cephas, a slave of Parson Winslow of Tennessee,
+reported that the white children taught him on the sly when they came
+to see Dinah, who was a very good cook. He was never without books
+during his stay with his master.[5] One of the Grimke Sisters taught
+her little maid to read while brushing her young mistress's locks.[6]
+Robert Harlan, who was brought up in the family of Honorable J.M.
+Harlan, acquired the fundamentals of the common branches from Harlan's
+older sons.[7] The young mistress of Mrs. Ann Woodson of Virginia
+instructed her until she could read in the first reader.[8] Abdy
+observed in 1834 that slaves of Kentucky had been thus taught to read.
+He believed that they were about as well off as they would have
+been, had they been free.[9] Giving her experiences on a Mississippi
+plantation, Susan Dabney Smedes stated that the white children
+delighted in teaching the house servants. One night she was formally
+invited with the master, mistress, governess, and guests by a
+twelve-year-old school mistress to hear her dozen pupils recite
+poetry. One of the guests was quite astonished to see his servant
+recite a piece of poetry which he had learned for this occasion.[10]
+Confining his operations to the kitchen, another such teacher of this
+plantation was unusually successful in instructing the adult male
+slaves. Five of these Negroes experienced such enlightenment that they
+became preachers.[11]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 97.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 45.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Snowden, _Autobiography_, p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Albert, _The House of Bondage_, p. 125.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Birney, _The Grimke Sisters_, p. 11.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 8: This fact is stated in one of her letters.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A._,
+1833-1834. P. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Smedes, _A Southern Planter_, pp. 79-80.]
+
+[Footnote 11: Ibid., p. 80.]
+
+Planters themselves sometimes saw to the education of their slaves.
+Ephraim Waterford was bound out in Virginia until he was twenty-one on
+the condition that the man to whom he was hired should teach him to
+read.[1] Mrs. Isaac Riley and Henry Williamson, of Maryland, did not
+attend school but were taught by their master to spell and read but
+not to write.[2] The master and mistress of Williamson Pease, of
+Hardman County, Tennessee, were his teachers.[3] Francis Fredric began
+his studies under his master in Virginia. Frederick Douglass was
+indebted to his kind mistress for his first instruction.[4] Mrs.
+Thomas Payne, a slave in what is now West Virginia, was fortunate
+in having a master who was equally benevolent.[5] Honorable I.T.
+Montgomery, now the Mayor of Mound Bayou, Mississippi, was, while a
+slave of Jefferson Davis's brother, instructed in the common branches
+and trained to be the confidential accountant of his master's
+plantation.[6] While on a tour among the planters of East Georgia,
+C.G. Parsons discovered that about 5000 of the 400,000 slaves there
+had been taught to read and write. He remarked, too, that such slaves
+were generally owned by the wealthy slaveholders, who had them
+schooled when the enlightenment of the bondmen served the purposes of
+their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Ibid., p. 133.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 123.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Lee, _Slave Life in Virginia and Kentucky_, p. x.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 368.]
+
+[Footnote 6: This is his own statement.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View_, etc., p. 248.]
+
+The enlightenment of the Negroes, however, was not limited to what
+could be accomplished by individual efforts. In many southern
+communities colored schools were maintained in defiance of public
+opinion or in violation of the law. Patrick Snead of Savannah was sent
+to a private institution until he could spell quite well and then to
+a Sunday-school for colored children.[1] Richard M. Hancock wrote of
+studying in a private school in Newbern, North Carolina;[2] John S.
+Leary went to one in Fayetteville eight years;[3] and W.A. Pettiford
+of this State enjoyed similar advantages in Granville County during
+the fifties. He then moved with his parents to Preston County where he
+again had the opportunity to attend a special school.[4] About 1840,
+J.F. Boulder was a student in a mixed school of white and colored
+pupils in Delaware.[5] Bishop J.M. Brown, a native of the same
+commonwealth, attended a private school taught by a friendly woman of
+the Quaker sect.[6] John A. Hunter, of Maryland, was sent to a school
+for white children kept by the sister of his mistress, but his second
+master said that Hunter should not have been allowed to study and
+stopped his attendance.[7] Francis L. Cardozo of Charleston, South
+Carolina, entered school there in 1842 and continued his studies until
+he was twelve years of age.[8] During the fifties J.W. Morris of the
+same city attended a school conducted by the then distinguished Simeon
+Beard.[9] In the same way T. McCants Stewart[10] and the Grimke
+brothers [11] were able to begin their education there prior to
+emancipation.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 99.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Ibid., p. 432.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Ibid., p. 469]
+
+[Footnote 5: Ibid., p. 708.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Ibid., 930.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Drew, _Refugee_, p. 114.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, 428]
+
+[Footnote 9: Ibid., p. 162]
+
+[Footnote 10: Ibid., p. 1052]
+
+[Footnote 11: This is their own statement.]
+
+More schools for slaves existed than white men knew of, for it was
+difficult to find them. Fredrika Bremer heard of secret schools for
+slaves during her visit to Charleston, but she had extreme difficulty
+in finding such an institution. When she finally located one and
+gained admission into its quiet chamber, she noticed in a wretched
+dark hole a "half-dozen poor children, some of whom had an aspect that
+testified great stupidity and mere animal life."[1] She was informed,
+too, that there were in Georgia and Florida planters who had
+established schools for the education of the children of their slaves
+with the intention of preparing them for living as "good free human
+beings."[2] Frances Anne Kemble noted such instances in her diary.[3]
+The most interesting of these cases was discovered by the Union Army
+on its march through Georgia. Unsuspected by the slave power and
+undeterred by the terrors of the law, a colored woman by the name of
+Deveaux had for thirty years conducted a Negro school in the city of
+Savannah.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 491; Burke, _Reminiscences of Georgia_, p.
+85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Kemble, _Journal_, etc., p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 340.]
+
+The city Negroes of Virginia continued to maintain schools despite
+the fact that the fear of servile insurrection caused the State to
+exercise due vigilance in the execution of the laws. The father of
+Richard De Baptiste of Fredericksburg made his own residence a school
+with his children and a few of those of his relatives as pupils.
+The work was begun by a Negro and continued by an educated
+Scotch-Irishman, who had followed the profession of teaching in his
+native land. Becoming suspicious that a school of this kind was
+maintained at the home of De Baptiste, the police watched the place
+but failed to find sufficient evidence to close the institution before
+it had done its work.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+In 1854 there was found in Norfolk, Virginia, what the radically
+proslavery people considered a dangerous white woman. It was
+discovered that one Mrs. Douglass and her daughter had for three years
+been teaching a school maintained for the education of Negroes.[1] It
+was evident that this institution had not been run so clandestinely
+but that the opposition to the education of Negroes in that city had
+probably been too weak to bring about the close of the school at an
+earlier date. Mrs. Douglass and her pupils were arrested and brought
+before the court, where she was charged with violating the laws of the
+State. The defendant acknowledged her guilt, but, pleading ignorance
+of the law, was discharged on the condition that she would not commit
+the same "crime" again. Censuring the court for this liberal decision
+the _Richmond Examiner_ referred to it as offering "a very convenient
+way of getting out of the scrape." The editor emphasized the fact
+that the law of Virginia imposed on such offenders the penalty of one
+hundred dollars fine and imprisonment for six months, and that its
+positive terms "allowed no discretion in the community magistrate."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 251; and Lyman,
+_Leaven for Doughfaces_, p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _13th Annual Report of the American and Foreign
+Antislavery Societies_, 1853, p. 143.]
+
+All such schools, however, were not secretly kept. Writing from
+Charleston in 1851 Fredrika Bremer made mention of two colored
+schools. One of these was a school for free Negroes kept with open
+doors by a white master. Their books which she examined were the same
+as those used in American schools for white children.[1] The Negroes
+of Lexington, Kentucky, had in 1830 a school in which thirty colored
+children were taught by a white man from Tennessee.[2] This gentleman
+had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to the uplift of
+his "black brethren."[3] Travelers noted that colored schools were
+found also in Richmond, Maysville, Danville, and Louisville decades
+before the Civil War.[4] William H. Gibson, a native of Baltimore, was
+after 1847 teaching at Louisville in a day and night school with
+an enrollment of one hundred pupils, many of whom were slaves with
+written permits from their masters to attend.[5] Some years later W.H.
+Stewart of that city attended the schools of Henry Adams, W.H. Gibson,
+and R.T.W. James. Robert Taylor began his studies there in Robert
+Lane's school and took writing from Henry Adams.[6] Negroes had
+schools in Tennessee also. R.L. Perry was during these years attending
+a school at Nashville.[7] An uncle of Dr. J.E. Moorland spent some
+time studying medicine in that city.
+
+[Footnote 1: Bremer, _The Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., p. 499.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Residence and Tour in U.S.A_.,
+1833-34, p. 346.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 346-348.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Tower, _Slavery Unmasked_; Dabney, _Journal of a Tour
+through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185; _Niles Register_, vol. lxxii.,
+p. 322; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 631.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 603.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 629.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid._, p. 620.]
+
+Many of these opportunities were made possible by the desire to
+teach slaves religion. In fact the instruction of Negroes after the
+enactment of prohibitory laws resembled somewhat the teaching of
+religion with letters during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
+Thousands of Negroes like Edward Patterson and Nat Turner learned
+to read and write in Sabbath-schools. White men who diffused such
+information ran the gauntlet of mobs, but like a Baptist preacher of
+South Carolina who was threatened with expulsion from his church, if
+he did not desist, they worked on and overcame the local prejudice.
+When preachers themselves dared not undertake this task it was often
+done by their children, whose benevolent work was winked at as an
+indulgence to the clerical profession. This charity, however, was
+not restricted to the narrow circle of the clergy. Believing with
+churchmen that the Bible is the revelation of God, many laymen
+contended that no man should be restrained from knowing his Maker
+directly.[1] Negroes, therefore, almost worshiped the Bible, and
+their anxiety to read it was their greatest incentive to learn. Many
+southerners braved the terrors of public opinion and taught their
+Negroes to read the Scriptures. To this extent General Coxe of
+Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught about one hundred of his adult
+slaves.[2] While serving as a professor of the Military Institute
+at Lexington, Stonewall Jackson taught a class of Negroes in a
+Sunday-school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Orr, "An Address on the Need of Education in the South,
+1879."]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is made by several of General Coxe's
+slaves who are still living.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _School Journal_, vol. lxxx., p. 332.]
+
+Further interest in the cause was shown by the Evangelical Society
+of the Synods of North Carolina and Virginia in 1834.[1] Later
+Presbyterians of Alabama and Georgia urged masters to enlighten their
+slaves.[2] The attitude of many mountaineers of Kentucky was well set
+forth in the address of the Synod of 1836, proposing a plan for the
+instruction and emancipation of the slaves.[3] They complained that
+throughout the land, so far as they could learn, there was but one
+school in which slaves could be taught during the week. The light
+of three or four Sabbath-schools was seen "glittering through the
+darkness" of the black population of the whole State. Here and there
+one found a family where humanity impelled the master, mistress, or
+children, to the laborious task of private instruction. In consequence
+of these undesirable conditions the Synod recommended that "slaves be
+instructed in the common elementary branches of education."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. x., pp. 174, 205, and 245.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. xi., pp. 140 and 268.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Goodell, _Slave Code_, pp. 323-324.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Enormity of the Slave Trade, etc_., p. 74.]
+
+Some of the objects of such charity turned out to be interesting
+characters. Samuel Lowry of Tennessee worked and studied privately
+under Rev. Mr. Talbot of Franklin College, and at the age of sixteen
+was sufficiently advanced to teach with success. He united with the
+Church of the Disciples and preached in that connection until 1859.[1]
+In some cases colored preachers were judged sufficiently informed,
+not only to minister to the needs of their own congregations, but to
+preach to white churches. There was a Negro thus engaged in the State
+of Florida.[2] Another colored man of unusual intelligence and much
+prominence worked his way to the front in Giles County, Tennessee. In
+1859 he was the pastor of a Hard-shell Baptist Church, the membership
+of which was composed of the best white people in the community. He
+was so well prepared for his work that out of a four days' argument
+on baptism with a white minister he emerged victor. From this
+appreciative congregation he received a salary of from six to seven
+hundred dollars a year.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Bremer, _Homes of the New World_, vol. ii., pp. 488-491.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _The Richmond Enquirer_, July, 1859; and _Afr.
+Repository_, vol. xxxv., p. 255.]
+
+Statistics of this period show that the proportionately largest number
+of Negroes who learned in spite of opposition were found among the
+Scotch-Irish of Kentucky and Tennessee. Possessing few slaves, and
+having no permanent attachment to the institution, those mountaineers
+did not yield to the reactionaries who were determined to keep the
+Negroes in heathendom. Kentucky and Tennessee did not expressly forbid
+the education of the colored people.[1] Conditions were probably
+better in Kentucky than in Tennessee. Traveling in Kentucky about this
+time, Abdy was favorably impressed with that class of Negroes who
+though originally slaves saved sufficient from their earnings to
+purchase their freedom and provide for the education of their
+children.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1830 one-twelfth of the population of Lexington
+consisted of free persons of color, who since 1822 had had a Baptist
+church served by a member of their own race and a school in which
+thirty-two of their children were taught by a white man from
+Tennessee. He had pledged himself to devote the rest of his life to
+the uplift of his colored brethren. One of these free Negroes in
+Lexington had accumulated wealth to the amount of $20,000. In
+Louisville, also a center of free colored population, efforts were
+being made to educate ambitious Negroes. Travelers noted that colored
+schools were found there generations before the Civil War and
+mentioned the intelligent and properly speaking colored preachers,
+who were bought and supported by their congregations. Charles Dabney,
+another traveler through this State in 1837, observed that the slaves
+of this commonwealth were taught to read and believed that they were
+about as well off as they would have been had they been free. See
+Dabney, _Journal of a Tour through the U.S. and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Abdy, _Journal of a Tour_, etc., 1833-1834, pp. 346-348.]
+
+It was the desire to train up white men to carry on the work of their
+liberal fathers that led John G. Fee and his colaborers to establish
+Berea College in Kentucky. In the charter of this institution was
+incorporated the declaration that "God has made of one blood all
+nations that dwell upon the face of the earth." No Negroes were
+admitted to this institution before the Civil War, but they came in
+soon thereafter, some being accepted while returning home wearing
+their uniforms.[1] The State has since prohibited the co-education of
+the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Catalogue of Berea College, 1896-1897.]
+
+The centers of this interest in the mountains of Tennessee were
+Maryville and Knoxville. Around these towns were found a goodly number
+of white persons interested in the elevation of the colored people.
+There developed such an antislavery sentiment in the former town that
+half of the students of the Maryville Theological Seminary became
+abolitionists by 1841.[1] They were then advocating the social uplift
+of Negroes through the local organ, the _Maryville Intelligencer_.
+From this nucleus of antislavery men developed a community with ideals
+not unlike those of Berea.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Some of the liberal-mindedness of the people of Kentucky
+and Tennessee was found in the State of Missouri. The question of
+slavery there, however, was so ardently discussed and prominently kept
+before the people that while little was done to help the Negroes, much
+was done to reduce them to the plane of beasts. There was not so much
+of the tendency to wink at the violation of the law on the part of
+masters in teaching their slaves. But little could be accomplished by
+private teachers in the dissemination of information among Negroes
+after the free persons of color had been excluded from the State.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Fourth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, New York, 1837, p. 48; and the _New England Antislavery
+Almanac_ for 1841, p. 31.]
+
+The Knoxville people who advocated the enlightenment of the Negroes
+expressed their sentiment through the _Presbyterian Witness_. The
+editor felt that there was not a solitary argument that might be urged
+in favor of teaching a white man that might not as properly be urged
+in favor of enlightening a man of color. "If one has a soul that will
+never die," said he, "so has the other. Has one susceptibilities of
+improvement, mentally, socially, and morally? So has the other. Is one
+bound by the laws of God to improve the talents he has received from
+the Creator's hands? So is the other. Is one embraced in the command
+'Search the Scriptures'? So is the other."[1] He maintained that
+unless masters could lawfully degrade their slaves to the condition of
+beasts, they were just as much bound to teach them to read the Bible
+as to teach any other class of their population.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxii., p. 16.]
+
+But great as was the interest of the religious element, the movement
+for the education of the Negroes of the South did not again become a
+scheme merely for bringing them into the church. Masters had more
+than one reason for favoring the enlightenment of the slaves. Georgia
+slaveholders of the more liberal class came forward about the middle
+of the nineteenth century, advocating the education of Negroes as a
+means to increase their economic value, and to attach them to their
+masters. This subject was taken up in the Agricultural Convention
+at Macon in 1850, and was discussed again in a similar assembly
+the following year. After some opposition the Convention passed a
+resolution calling on the legislature to enact a law authorizing the
+education of slaves. The petition was presented by Mr. Harlston, who
+introduced the bill embodying this idea, piloted it through the lower
+house, but failed by two or three votes to secure the sanction of the
+senate.[1] In 1855 certain influential citizens of North Carolina[2]
+memorialized their legislature asking among other things that the
+slaves be taught to read. This petition provoked some discussion, but
+did not receive as much attention as that of Georgia.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 339]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117-118.]
+
+In view of this renewed interest in the education of the Negroes
+of the South we are anxious to know exactly what proportion of
+the colored population had risen above the plane of illiteracy.
+Unfortunately this cannot be accurately determined. In the first
+place, it was difficult to find out whether or not a slave could read
+or write when such a disclosure would often cause him to be dreadfully
+punished or sold to some cruel master of the lower South. Moreover,
+statistics of this kind are scarce and travelers who undertook to
+answer this question made conflicting statements. Some persons of that
+day left records which indicate that only a few slaves succeeded in
+acquiring an imperfect knowledge of the common branches, whereas
+others noted a larger number of intelligent servants. Arfwedson
+remarked that the slaves seldom learned to read; yet elsewhere
+he stated that he sometimes found some who had that ability.[1]
+Abolitionists like May, Jay, and Garrison would make it seem that the
+conditions in the South were such that it was almost impossible for a
+slave to develop intellectual power.[2] Rev. C.C. Jones[3] believed
+that only an inconsiderable fraction of the slaves could read.
+Witnesses to the contrary, however, are numerous. Abdy, Smedes,
+Andrews, Bremer, and Olmsted found during their stay in the South
+many slaves who had experienced unusual spiritual and mental
+development.[4] Nehemiah Adams, giving the southern view of slavery
+in 1854, said that large numbers of the slaves could read and
+were furnished with the Scriptures.[5] Amos Dresser, who traveled
+extensively in the Southwest, believed that one out of every fifty
+could read and write.[6] C.G. Parsons thought that five thousand
+out of the four hundred thousand slaves of Georgia had these
+attainments.[7] These figures, of course, would run much higher were
+the free people of color included in the estimates. Combining the two
+it is safe to say that ten per cent. of the adult Negroes had the
+rudiments of education in 1860, but the proportion was much less than
+it was near the close of the era of better beginnings about 1825.
+
+[Footnote 1: Arfwedson, _The United States and Canada_, p. 331.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See their pamphlets, addresses, and books referred to
+elsewhere.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Jones, _Religious Instruction of Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Redpath, _The Roving Editor_, p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Adams, _South-Side View of Slavery_, pp. 52 and 59.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Dresser, _The Narrative of Amos Dresser_, p. 27; Dabney,
+_Journal of a Tour through the United States and Canada_, p. 185.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Parsons, _Inside View of Slavery_, p. 248.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+EDUCATING NEGROES TRANSPLANTED TO FREE SOIL
+
+
+While the Negroes of the South were struggling against odds to acquire
+knowledge, the more ambitious ones were for various reasons making
+their way to centers of light in the North. Many fugitive slaves
+dreaded being sold to planters of the lower South, the free blacks of
+some of the commonwealths were forced out by hostile legislation,
+and not a few others migrated to ameliorate their condition. The
+transplanting of these people to the Northwest took place largely
+between 1815 and 1850. They were directed mainly to Columbia and
+Philadelphia, Pennsylvania; Greenwich, New Jersey; and Boston,
+Massachusetts, in the East; and to favorable towns and colored
+communities in the Northwest.[1] The fugitives found ready helpers
+in Elmira, Rochester, Buffalo, New York; Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania;
+Gallipolis, Portsmouth, Akron, and Cincinnati, Ohio; and Detroit,
+Michigan.[2] Colored settlements which proved attractive to these
+wanderers had been established in Ohio, Indiana, and Canada. That most
+of the bondmen in quest of freedom and opportunity should seek the
+Northwest had long been the opinion of those actually interested in
+their enlightenment. The attention of the colored people had been
+early directed to this section as a more suitable place for their
+elevation than the jungles of Africa selected by the American
+Colonization Society. The advocates of Western colonization believed
+that a race thus degraded could be elevated only in a salubrious
+climate under the influences of institutions developed by Western
+nations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 32 and 37.]
+
+The role played by the Negroes in this migration exhibited the
+development of sufficient mental ability to appreciate this truth.
+It was chiefly through their intelligent fellows that prior to the
+reaction ambitious slaves learned to consider the Northwest Territory
+the land of opportunity. Furthermore, restless freedmen, denied
+political privileges and prohibited from teaching their children, did
+not always choose to go to Africa. Many of them went north of the Ohio
+River and took up land on the public domain. Observing this longing
+for opportunity, benevolent southerners, who saw themselves hindered
+in carrying out their plan for educating the blacks for citizenship,
+disposed of their holdings and formed free colonies of their slaves in
+the same section. White men of this type thus made possible a new era
+of uplift for the colored race by coming north in time to aid the
+abolitionists, who had for years constituted a small minority
+advocating a seemingly hopeless cause.
+
+A detailed description of these settlements has no place in this
+dissertation save as it has a bearing on the development of education
+among the colored people. These settlements, however, are important
+here in that they furnish the key to the location of many of the early
+colored churches and schools of the North and West. Philanthropists
+established a number of Negroes near Sandy Lake in Northwestern
+Pennsylvania.[1] There was a colored settlement near Berlin
+Crossroads, Ohio.[2] Another group of pioneering Negroes emigrating
+to this State found homes in the Van Buren township of Shelby County.
+Edward Coles, a Virginian, who in 1818 emigrated to Illinois, of which
+he later became Governor, made a settlement on a larger scale. He
+brought his slaves to Edwardsville, where they constituted a community
+known as "Coles' Negroes."[3] The settlement made by Samuel Gist, an
+Englishman possessing extensive plantations in Hanover, Amherst, and
+Henrico Counties, Virginia, was still more significant. He provided in
+his will that his slaves should be freed and sent to the North. It was
+further directed "that the revenue from his plantation the last year
+of his life be applied in building schoolhouses and churches for their
+accommodation," and "that all money coming to him in Virginia be
+set aside for the employment of ministers and teachers to instruct
+them."[4] In 1818, Wickham, the executor of this estate, purchased
+land and established these Negroes in what was called the Upper and
+Lower Camps of Brown County, Ohio.
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Langston,_From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capitol_, p. 35.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Davidson and Stuve,_A Complete History of Illinois_, pp.
+321-322; and Washburne, _Sketch of Edward Cole, Second Governor of
+Illinois_, pp. 44 and 53.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _History of Brown County_, pp. 313 _et seq._; and Lane,
+_Fifty Years and over of Akron and Summit County, Ohio_, pp. 579-580.]
+
+Augustus Wattles, a native of Connecticut, made a settlement of
+Negroes in Mercer County early in the nineteenth century.[1] About the
+year 1834 many of the freedmen, then concentrating at Cincinnati, were
+induced to take up 30,000 acres of land in the same vicinity.[2] John
+Harper of North Carolina manumitted his slaves in 1850 and had them
+sent to this community.[3] John Randolph of Roanoke freed his slaves
+at his death, and provided for the purchase of farms for them in
+Mercer County.[4] The Germans, however, would not allow them to take
+possession of these lands. Driven later from Shelby County[5] also,
+these freedmen finally found homes in Miami County.[7] Then there was
+one Saunders, a slaveholder of Cabell County, now West Virginia, who
+liberated his slaves and furnished them homes in free territory. They
+finally made their way to Cass County, Michigan, where philanthropists
+had established a prosperous colored settlement and supplied it
+with missionaries and teachers. The slaves of Theodoric H. Gregg
+of Dinwiddie County, Virginia, were liberated in 1854 and sent to
+Ohio,[7] where some of them were educated.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Manuscript in the hands of Dr. J.E. Moreland.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The African Repository_, vol. xxii., pp. 322-323.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 465.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 466.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 723.]
+
+Many free persons of color of Virginia and Kentucky went north about
+the middle of the nineteenth century. The immediate cause in Virginia
+was the enactment in 1838 of a law prohibiting the return of such
+colored students as had been accustomed to go north to attend school
+after they were denied this privilege in that State.[1] Prominent
+among these seekers of better opportunities were the parents
+of Richard De Baptiste. His father was a popular mechanic of
+Fredericksburg, where he for years maintained a secret school.[2] A
+public opinion proscribing the teaching of Negroes was then rendering
+the effort to enlighten them as unpopular in Kentucky as it was in
+Virginia. Thanks to a benevolent Kentuckian, however, an important
+colored settlement near Xenia, Greene County, Ohio, was then taking
+shape. The nucleus of this group was furnished about 1856 by Noah
+Spears, who secured small farms there for sixteen of his former
+bondmen.[3] The settlement was not only sought by fugitive slaves
+and free Negroes, but was selected as the site for Wilberforce
+University.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_, Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, Series xxxi., No. 3, p. 492; and _Acts of the
+General Assembly of Virginia_, 1848, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 352.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158).]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, p. 373; and
+_Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+During the same period, and especially from 1820 to 1835, a more
+continuous and effective migration of southern Negroes was being
+promoted by the Quakers of Virginia and North Carolina.[1] One of
+their purposes was educational. Convinced that the "buying, selling,
+and holding of men in slavery" is a sin, these Quakers with a view to
+future manumission had been "careful of the moral and intellectual
+training of such as they held in servitude."[2] To elevate their
+slaves to the plane of men, southern Quakers early hit upon the scheme
+of establishing in the Northwest such Negroes as they had by education
+been able to equip for living as citizens. When the reaction in the
+South made it impossible for the Quakers to continue their policy of
+enlightening the colored people, these philanthropists promoted the
+migration of the blacks to the Northwest Territory with still greater
+zeal. Most of these settlements were made in Hamilton, Howard, Wayne,
+Randolph, Vigo, Gibson, Grant, Rush, and Tipton Counties, Indiana, and
+in Darke County, Ohio.[3] Prominent among these promoters was Levi
+Coffin, the Quaker Abolitionist of North Carolina, and reputed
+President of the Underground Railroad. He left his State and settled
+among Negroes at Newport, Indiana.[4] Associated with these leaders
+also were Benjamin Lundy of Tennessee and James G. Birney, once a
+slaveholder of Huntsville, Alabama. The latter manumitted his slaves
+and apprenticed and educated some of them in Ohio.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities" (_Southern Workman_,
+vol. xxxvii., p. 158); and Bassett, _Slavery in North Carolina_, p.
+68.]
+
+[Footnote 2: A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony, etc.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wright, "Rural Negro Communities in Indiana" (_Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., pp. 162-166); and Bassett, _Slavery in North
+Carolina_, pp. 67 and 68.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Coffin, _Reminiscences_, p. 106.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Birney, _James G. Birney and His Times_, p. 139.]
+
+The importance of this movement to the student of education lies in
+the fact that it effected an unequal distribution of intelligent
+Negroes. The most ambitious and enlightened ones were fleeing to free
+territory. As late as 1840 there were more intelligent blacks in the
+South than in the North.[1] The number of southern colored people who
+could read was then decidedly larger than that of such persons found
+in the free States. The continued migration of Negroes to the North,
+despite the operation of the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850, made this
+distribution more unequal. While the free colored population of the
+slave States increased only 23,736 from 1850 to 1860, that of the
+free States increased 29,839. In the South only Delaware, Georgia,
+Maryland, and North Carolina showed a noticeable increase in the
+number of free persons of color during the decade immediately
+preceding the Civil War. This element of the population had only
+slightly increased in Alabama, Kentucky, Missouri, Tennessee,
+Virginia, Louisiana, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. The
+number of free Negroes of Florida remained practically constant. Those
+of Arkansas, Mississippi, and Texas diminished. In the North, of
+course, the tendency was in the other direction. With the exception of
+Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, which had about the same
+free colored population in 1860 as they had in 1850, there was a
+general increase in the number of Negroes in the free States. Ohio
+led in this respect having had during this period an increase of
+11,394.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Jones, _Religious Instruction of the Negroes_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+On comparing the educational statistics of these sections this truth
+becomes more apparent. In 1850 there were 4,354 colored children
+attending school in the South, but by 1860 this number had dropped
+to 3,651. Slight increases were noted only in Alabama, Missouri,
+Delaware, South Carolina, and the District of Columbia. Georgia
+and Mississippi had then practically deprived all Negroes of this
+privilege. The former, which reported one colored child as attending
+school in 1850, had just seven in 1860; the latter had none in 1850
+and only two in 1860. In all other slave States the number of pupils
+of African blood had materially decreased.[1] In the free States there
+were 22,107 colored children in school in 1850, and 28,978 in 1860.
+Most of these were in New Jersey, Ohio, New York, and Pennsylvania,
+which in 1860 had 2,741; 5,671; 5,694; and 7,573, respectively.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE
+  UNITED STATES IN 1850
+
+                             ATTENDING         ADULTS UNABLE
+                               SCHOOL             TO READ
+  STATE      Population Males Females Total Males Females  Total
+
+  Alabama         2,265    33      35    68    108      127     235
+  Arkansas          608     6       5    11     61       55     116
+  California        962     1       0     1     88       29     117
+  Connecticut     7,693   689     575  1,264   292      273     567
+  Delaware       18,073    92      95    187 2,724    2,921   5,645
+  Florida           932    29      37     66   116      154     270
+  Georgia         2,931     1       0      1   208      259     467
+  Illinois        5,436   162     161    323   605      624   1,229
+  Indiana        11,262   484     443    927 1,024    1,146   2,170
+  Iowa              333    12       5     17    15       18      33
+  Kentucky       10,011   128     160    288 1,431    1,588   3,029
+  Louisiana      17,462   629     590  1,219 1,038    2,351   3,389
+  Maine           1,356   144     137    281    77       58     135
+  Maryland       74,723   886     730  1,616 9,422   11,640  21,062
+  Massachusetts   9,064   726     713  1,439   375      431     806
+  Michigan        2,583   106     101    207   201      168     369
+  Mississippi       930     0       0      0    75       48     123
+  Missouri        2,618    23      17     40   271      226     497
+  New Hampshire     520    41      32     73    26       26      52
+  New Jersey     23,810 1,243   1,083  2,326 2,167    2,250   4,417
+  New York       49,069 2,840   2,607  5,447 3,387    4,042   7,429
+  North Carolina 27,463   113     104    217 3,099    3,758   6,857
+  Ohio           25,279 1,321   1,210  2,531 2,366    2,624   4,990
+  Pennsylvania   53,626 3,385   3,114  6,499  4,115   5,229   9,344**
+                                         [** was 6,344 in error.**]
+  Rhode Island    3,670   304     247    551    130     137     267
+  South Carolina  8,960    54      26     80    421     459     880
+  Tennessee       6,422    40      30     70    506     591   1,097
+  Texas             397    11       9     20     34      24      58
+  Vermont           718    58      32     90     32      19      51
+  Virginia       54,333    37      27     64  5,141   6,374  11,515
+  Wisconsin         635    32      35     67     55      37      92
+  District of
+  Columbia       10,059    232    235    467  1,106   2,108   3,214
+  Minnesota          30      0      2      2      0       0       0
+  New Mexico        207      0      0      0      0       0       0
+  Oregon             24      2      0      2      3       2       5
+  Utah               22      0      0      0      1       0       1
+
+  Total         434,495 13,864 12,597 26,461 40,722  49,800  90,522
+
+  See Sixth Census of the United States, 1850.]
+
+[Footnote 2: See statistics on pages 237-240.]
+
+The report on illiteracy shows further the differences resulting from
+the divergent educational policies of the two sections. In 1850 there
+were in the slave States 58,444 adult free Negroes who could not read,
+and in 1860 this number had reached 59,832. In all such commonwealths
+except Arkansas, Louisiana, Florida, and Mississippi there was an
+increase in illiteracy among the free blacks. These States, however,
+were hardly exceptional, because Arkansas and Mississippi had suffered
+a decrease in their free colored population, that of Florida had
+remained the same, and the difference in the case of Louisiana was
+very slight. The statistics of the Northern States indicate just the
+opposite trend. Notwithstanding the increase of persons of color
+resulting from the influx of the migrating element, there was in all
+free States exclusive of California, Illinois, Minnesota, Michigan,
+Ohio, and Pennsylvania a decrease in the illiteracy of Negroes. But
+these States hardly constitute exceptions; for California, Wisconsin,
+and Minnesota had very few colored inhabitants in 1850, and the others
+had during this decade received so many fugitives in the rough that
+race prejudice and its concomitant drastic legislation impeded the
+educational progress of their transplanted freedmen.[1] In the
+Northern States where this condition did not obtain, the benevolent
+whites had, in cooeperation with the Negroes, done much to reduce
+illiteracy among them during these years.
+
+[Footnote 1: STATISTICS OF THE FREE COLORED POPULATION OF THE UNITED
+STATES IN 1860
+
+  STATE          Population| ATTENDING SCHOOL   | ADULTS UNABLE TO READ
+                           +----- +----- +------ +-------- +------- +----
+  --
+                            Males               | Males
+                                 Females        |       Females
+                                          Total |                 Total
+  ---------------- +-------- +----- +------- +------- +------- +-------
+  +------
+  Alabama            2,690    48      65    114     192     263     455
+  Arkansas             144     3       2      5      10      13      23
+  California         4,086    69      84    153     497     207     704
+  Connecticut        8,627   737     641  1,378     181     164     345
+  Delaware          19,829   122     128    250   3,056   3,452   6,508
+  Florida              932     3       6      9      48      72     120
+  Georgia            3,500     3       4      7     255     318     573
+  Illinois           7,628   264     347    611     632     695   1,327
+  Indiana           11,428   570     552  1,122     869     904   1,773
+  Iowa               1,069    77      61    138      92      77     169
+  Kansas               625     8       6     14      25      38      63
+  Kentucky          10,684   102     107    209   1,113   1,350   2,463
+  Louisiana         18,647   153     122    275     485     717   1,202
+  Maine              1,327   148     144    292      25      21      46
+  Maryland          83,942    687    668  1,355   9,904  11,795  21,699
+  Massachusetts      9,602    800    815  1,615     291     368     659
+  Michigan           6,797    555    550  1,105     558     486   1,044
+  Minnesota            259      8     10     18       6       6      12
+  Mississippi          773      0      2      2      50      60     110
+  Missouri           3,572     76     79    155     371     514     885
+  New Hampshire        494     49     31     80      15      19      34
+  New Jersey        25,318  1,413  1,328  2,741   1,720   2,085   3,805
+  New York          49,005  2,955  2,739  5,694   2,653   3,260   5,913
+  North Carolina    30,463     75     58    133   3,067   3,782   6,849
+  Ohio              36,673  2,857  2,814  5,671   2,995   3,191   6,186
+  Oregon               128      0      0      2       7       5      12
+  Pennsylvania      56,949  3,882  3,691  7,573   3,893   5,466   9,359
+  Rhode Island       3,952    276    256    532     119     141     260
+  South Carolina     9,914    158    207    365     633     783   1,416
+  Tennessee          7,300     28     24     52     743     952   1,695
+  Texas                355      4      7     11      25      37      62
+  Vermont              709     65     50    115      27      20      47
+  Virginia          58,042     21     20     41   5,489   6,008  12,397
+  Wisconsin          1,171     62     50    112      53      45      98
+
+  TERRITORIES
+
+  Colorado              46              No returns
+  Dakota                 0      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  District Columbia 11,131    315    363    678   1,131   2,224   3,375
+  Nebraska              67      1      1      2       6       7      13
+  Nevada                45      0      0      0       6       1       7
+  New Mexico            85      0      0      0      12      15      27
+  Utah                  30      0      0      0       0       0       0
+  Washington            30      0      0      0       1       0       1
+
+  Total            488,070 16,594 16,035 32,629  41,275  50,461  91,736
+
+  See Seventh Census of the United States, vol. 1.]
+
+How the problem of educating these people on free soil was solved can
+be understood only by keeping in mind the factors of the migration.
+Some of these Negroes had unusual capabilities. Many of them had
+in slavery either acquired the rudiments of education or developed
+sufficient skill to outwit the most determined pursuers. Owing so
+much to mental power, no man was more effective than the successful
+fugitive in instilling into the minds of his people the value of
+education. Not a few of this type readily added to their attainments
+to equip themselves for the best service. Some of them, like Reverend
+Josiah Henson, William Wells Brown, and Frederick Douglass, became
+leaders, devoting their time not only to the cause of abolition, but
+also to the enlightenment of the colored people. Moreover, the free
+Negroes migrating to the North were even more effective than the
+fugitive slaves in advancing the cause of education.[1] A larger
+number of the former had picked up useful knowledge. In fact, the
+prohibition of the education of the free people of color in the South
+was one of the reasons they could so readily leave their native
+homes.[2] The free blacks then going to the Northwest Territory proved
+to be decidedly helpful to their benefactors in providing colored
+churches and schools with educated workers, who otherwise would have
+been brought from the East at much expense.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugee from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Russell, _The Free Negro in Virginia_ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, series xxxi., No. 3, p. 107).]
+
+On perusing this sketch the educator naturally wonders exactly what
+intellectual progress was made by these groups on free soil. This
+question cannot be fully answered for the reason that extant records
+give no detailed account of many colored settlements which underwent
+upheaval or failed to endure. In some cases we learn simply that a
+social center flourished and was then destroyed. On "Black Friday,"
+January 1, 1830, eighty Negroes were driven out of Portsmouth, Ohio,
+at the request of one or two hundred white citizens, set forth in an
+urgent memorial.[1] After the passage of the Fugitive Slave Law of
+1850 the colored population of Columbia, Pennsylvania, dropped from
+nine hundred and forty-three to four hundred and eighty-seven.[2] The
+Negro community in the northwestern part of that State was broken up
+entirely.[3] The African Methodist and Baptist churches of Buffalo
+lost many communicants. Out of a membership of one hundred and
+fourteen, the colored Baptist church of Rochester lost one hundred and
+twelve, including its pastor. About the same time eighty-four members
+of the African Baptist church of Detroit crossed into Canada.[4] The
+break-up of these churches meant the end of the day and Sunday-schools
+which were maintained in them. Moreover, the migration of these
+Negroes aroused such bitter feeling against them that their
+schoolhouses were frequently burned. It often seemed that it was just
+as unpopular to educate the blacks in the North as in the South. Ohio,
+Illinois, and Oregon enacted laws to prevent them from coming into
+those commonwealths.
+
+[Footnote 1: Evans, _A History of Scioto County, Ohio_, p. 613.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 250.]
+
+We have, however, sufficient evidence of large undertakings to educate
+the colored people then finding homes in less turbulent parts beyond
+the Ohio. In the first place, almost every settlement made by the
+Quakers was a center to which Negroes repaired for enlightenment.
+In other groups where there was no such opportunity, they had the
+cooeperation of certain philanthropists in providing facilities for
+their mental and moral development. As a result, the free blacks had
+access to schools and churches in Hamilton, Howard, Randolph, Vigo,
+Gibson, Rush, Tipton, Grant, and Wayne counties, Indiana,[1] and
+Madison, Monroe, and St. Clair counties, Illinois. There were colored
+schools and churches in Logan, Clark, Columbiana, Guernsey, Jefferson,
+Highland, Brown, Darke, Shelby, Green, Miami, Warren, Scioto, Gallia,
+Ross, and Muskingum counties, Ohio.[2] Augustus Wattles said that with
+the assistance of abolitionists he organized twenty-five such schools
+in Ohio counties after 1833.[3] Brown County alone had six. Not many
+years later a Negro settlement in Gallia County, Ohio, was paying a
+teacher fifty dollars a quarter.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 165; Boone, _The History of Education in
+Indiana_, p. 237; and Simmons, _Men of Mark_, pp. 590 and 948.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 948; and Hickok, _The Negro in
+Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Howe, _Historical Collections of Ohio_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 89.]
+
+Still better colored schools were established in Pittsburgh,
+Pennsylvania, and in Springfield, Columbus, and Cincinnati, Ohio.
+While the enlightenment of the few Negroes in Pittsburgh did not
+require the systematic efforts put forth to elevate the race
+elsewhere, much was done to provide them educational facilities in
+that city. Children of color first attended the white schools there
+just as they did throughout the State of Pennsylvania.[1] But when
+larger numbers of them collected in this gateway to the Northwest,
+either race feeling or the pressing needs of the migrating freedmen
+brought about the establishment of schools especially adapted to their
+instruction. Such efforts were frequent after 1830.[2] John Thomas
+Johnson, a teacher of the District of Columbia, moved to Pittsburgh
+in 1838 and became an instructor in a colored school of that city.[3]
+Cleveland had an "African School" as early as 1832. John Malvin, the
+moving spirit of the enterprise in that city, organized about that
+time "The School Fund Society" which established other colored schools
+in Cincinnati, Columbus, and Springfield.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _Education in Pennsylvania_, p. 248.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Life of Martin R. Delaney_, p. 33.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 214.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 88.]
+
+The concentration of the freedmen and fugitives at Cincinnati was
+followed by efforts to train them for higher service. The Negroes
+themselves endeavored to provide their own educational facilities in
+opening in 1820 the first colored school in that city. This school
+did not continue long, but another was established the same year.
+Thereafter one Mr. Wing, who kept a private institution, admitted
+persons of color to his evening classes. On account of a lack of
+means, however, the Negroes of Cincinnati did not receive any
+systematic instruction before 1834. After that year the tide turned in
+favor of the free blacks of that section, bringing to their assistance
+a number of daring abolitionists, who helped them to educate
+themselves. Friends of the race, consisting largely of the students of
+Lane Seminary, had then organized colored Sunday and evening schools,
+and provided for them scientific and literary lectures twice a week.
+There was a permanent colored school in Cincinnati in 1834. In 1835
+the Negroes of that city contributed $150 of the $1000 expended for
+their education. Four years later, however, they raised $889.03 for
+this purpose, and thanks to their economic progress, this sacrifice
+was less taxing than that of 1835.[1] In 1844 Rev. Hiram Gilmore
+opened there a high school which among other students attracted P.B.S.
+Pinchback, later Governor of Louisiana. Mary E. Miles, a graduate
+of the Normal School at Albany, New York, served as an assistant of
+Gilmore after having worked among her people in Massachusetts and
+Pennsylvania.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 83.]
+
+[Footnote 1: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+132.]
+
+The educational advantages given these people were in no sense
+despised. Although the Negroes of the Northwest did not always keep
+pace with their neighbors in things industrial they did not permit
+the white people to outstrip them much in education. The freedmen
+so earnestly seized their opportunity to acquire knowledge and
+accomplished so much in a short period that their educational progress
+served to disabuse the minds of indifferent whites of the idea that
+the blacks were not capable of high mental development.[1] The
+educational work of these centers, too, tended not only to produce men
+capable of ministering to the needs of their environment, but to serve
+as a training center for those who would later be leaders of their
+people. Lewis Woodson owed it to friends in Pittsburgh that he became
+an influential teacher. Jeremiah H. Brown, T. Morris Chester, James T.
+Bradford, M.R. Delany, and Bishop Benjamin T. Tanner obtained much
+of their elementary education in the early colored schools of that
+city.[2] J.C. Corbin, a prominent educator before and after the Civil
+War, acquired sufficient knowledge at Chillicothe, Ohio, to qualify in
+1848 as an assistant in Rev. Henry Adams's school in Louisville.[3]
+John M. Langston was for a while one of Corbin's fellow-students at
+Chillicothe before the former entered Oberlin. United States Senator
+Hiram Revels of Mississippi spent some time in a Quaker seminary in
+Union County, Indiana.[4] Rev. J.T. White, one of the leading spirits
+of Arkansas during the Reconstruction, was born and educated in Clark
+County in that State.[5] Fannie Richards, still a teacher at Detroit,
+Michigan, is another example of the professional Negro equipped
+for service in the Northwest before the Rebellion.[6] From other
+communities of that section came such useful men as Rev. J.W. Malone,
+an influential minister of Iowa; Rev. D.R. Roberts, a very successful
+pastor of Chicago; Bishop C.T. Shaffer of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church; Rev. John G. Mitchell, for many years the Dean of
+the Theological Department of Wilberforce University; and President
+S.T. Mitchell, once the head of the same institution.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: This statement is based on the accounts of various
+western freedmen.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 829.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 948.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid._, p. 590.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Ibid._, p. 1023.]
+
+[Footnote 7: Wright, "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana," _Southern
+Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 169.]
+
+In the colored settlements of Canada the outlook for Negro education
+was still brighter. This better opportunity was due to the high
+character of the colonists, to the mutual aid resulting from the
+proximity of the communities, and to the cooeperation of the Canadians.
+The previous experience of most of these adventurers as sojourners in
+the free States developed in them such noble traits that they did not
+have to be induced to ameliorate their condition. They had already
+come under educative influences which prepared them for a larger task
+in Canada. Fifteen thousand of sixty thousand Negroes in Canada in
+1860 were free born.[1] Many of those, who had always been free, fled
+to Canada[2] when the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 made it possible
+for even a dark-complexioned Caucasian to be reduced to a state of
+bondage. Fortunately, too, these people settled in the same section.
+The colored settlements at Dawn, Colchester, Elgin, Dresden, Windsor,
+Sandwich, Queens, Bush, Wilberforce, Hamilton, St. Catherines,
+Chatham, Riley, Anderton, Maiden, Gonfield, were all in Southern
+Ontario. In the course of time the growth of these groups produced a
+population sufficiently dense to facilitate cooeperation in matters
+pertaining to social betterment. The uplift of the refugees was made
+less difficult also by the self-denying white persons who were their
+first teachers and missionaries. While the hardships incident to this
+pioneer effort all but baffled the ardent apostle to the lowly, he
+found among the Canadian whites so much more sympathy than among the
+northerners that his work was more agreeable and more successful than
+it would have been in the free States. Ignoring the request that the
+refugees be turned from Canada as undesirables, the white people of
+that country protected and assisted them.[3] Canadians later underwent
+some change in their attitude toward their newcomers, but these
+British-Americans never exhibited such militant opposition to the
+Negroes as sometimes developed in the Northern States.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 222.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 247-250.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 201 and 233.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, 233.]
+
+The educational privileges which the refugees hoped to enjoy in
+Canada, however, were not easily exercised. Under the Canadian law
+they could send their children to the common schools, or use their
+proportionate share of the school funds in providing other educational
+facilities.[1] But conditions there did not at first redound to the
+education of the colored children.[2] Some were too destitute to
+avail themselves of these opportunities; others, unaccustomed to this
+equality of fortune, were timid about having their children mingle
+with those of the whites, and not a few clad their youths so poorly
+that they became too unhealthy to attend regularly[3]. Besides, race
+prejudice was not long in making itself the most disturbing factor.
+In 1852 Benjamin Drew found the minds of the people of Sandwich much
+exercised over the question of admitting Negroes into the public
+schools. The same feeling was then almost as strong in Chatham,
+Hamilton, and London[4]. Consequently, "partly owing to this
+prejudice, and partly to their own preference, the colored people,
+acting under the provision of the law that allowed them to have
+separate schools, set up their own schools in Sandwich and in many
+other parts of Ontario"[5]. There were separate schools at Colchester,
+Amherstburg, Sandwich, Dawn, and Buxton[6]. It was doubtless because
+of the rude behavior of white pupils toward the children of the blacks
+that their private schools flourished at London, Windsor, and other
+places[7]. The Negroes, themselves, however, did not object to the
+coeducation of the races. Where there were a few white children
+in colored settlements they were admitted to schools maintained
+especially for pupils of African descent.[8] In Toronto no distinction
+in educational privileges was made, but in later years there
+flourished an evening school for adults of color.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Drew said: "The prejudice against the African race is
+here [Canada] strongly marked. It had not been customary to levy
+school taxes on the colored people. Some three or four years since a
+trustee assessed a school tax on some of the wealthy citizens of that
+class. They sent their children at once into the public school. As
+these sat down the white children near them deserted the benches: and
+in a day or two the white children were wholly withdrawn, leaving the
+schoolhouse to the teacher and his colored pupils. The matter was
+at last 'compromised': a notice 'Select School' was put on the
+schoolhouse: the white children were selected _in_ and the black were
+selected _out_." See Drew's. _A North-side View of Slavery_, etc., p.
+341.]
+
+
+[Footnote 3: Mitchell, _The Underground Railroad_, pp. 140, 164, and
+165.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 341.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, Appendix, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 9: _Ibid_., p. 15.]
+
+The most helpful schools, however, were not those maintained by the
+state. Travelers in Canada found the colored mission schools with
+a larger attendance and doing better work than those maintained at
+public expense.[1] The rise of the mission schools was due to the
+effort to "furnish the conditions under which whatever appreciation
+of education there was native in a community of Negroes, or whatever
+taste for it could be awakened there," might be "free to assert itself
+unhindered by real or imagined opposition."[2] There were no such
+schools in 1830, but by 1838 philanthropists had established the first
+mission among the Canadian refugees.[3] The English Colonial Church
+and School Society organized schools at London, Amherstburg, and
+Colchester. Certain religious organizations of the United States sent
+ten or more teachers to these settlements.[4] In 1839 these workers
+were conducting four schools while Rev. Hiram Wilson, their inspector,
+probably had several other institutions under his supervision.[5] In
+1844 Levi Coffin found a large school at Isaac Rice's mission at Fort
+Maiden or Amherstburg.[6] Rice had toiled among these people six
+years, receiving very little financial aid, and suffering unusual
+hardships.[7] Mr. E. Child, a graduate of Oneida Institute, was later
+added to the corps of mission teachers.[8] In 1852 Mrs. Laura S.
+Haviland was secured to teach the school of the colony of "Refugees'
+Home," where the colored people had built a structure "for school and
+meeting purposes."[9] On Sundays the schoolhouses and churches were
+crowded by eager seekers, many of whom lived miles away. Among these
+earnest students a traveler saw an aged couple more than eighty
+years old.[10] These elementary schools broke the way for a higher
+institution at Dawn, known as the Manual Labor Institute.
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, pp. 118, 147, 235,
+341, and 342.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 229.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Father Henson's Story of His Own Life_, p. 209.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _First Annual Report of the Anti-slavery Society of
+Canada_, 1852, p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 199.]
+
+[Footnote 6: "While at this place we made our headquarters at Isaac J.
+Rice's missionary buildings, where he had a large school for colored
+children. He had labored here among the colored people, mostly
+fugitives, for six years. He was a devoted, self-denying worker, had
+received very little pecuniary help, and had suffered many privations.
+He was well situated in Ohio as pastor of a Presbyterian Church, and
+had fine prospects before him, but believed that the Lord called him
+to this field of missionary labor among the fugitive slaves, who
+came here by hundreds and by thousands, poor, destitute, ignorant,
+suffering from all the evil influences of slavery. We entered into
+deep sympathy with him and his labors, realizing the great need there
+was here for just such an institution as he had established. He had
+sheltered at his missionary home many hundred of fugitives till other
+homes for them could be found. This was the great landing point, the
+principal terminus of the Underground Railroad of the West." See
+Coffin's _Reminiscences_, p. 251.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Ibid_., pp. 249-251.]
+
+[Footnote 8: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 202.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 196, 201.]
+
+[Footnote 10: Haviland, _A Woman's Work_, pp. 192, 193.]
+
+With these immigrants, however, this was not a mere passive
+participation in the work of their amelioration. From the very
+beginning the colored people partly supported their schools. Without
+the cooeperation of the refugees the large private schools at London,
+Chatham, and Windsor could not have succeeded. The school at Chatham
+was conducted by Alfred Whipper,[1] a colored man, that at Windsor by
+Mary E. Bibb, the wife of Henry Bibb,[2] the founder of the Refugees'
+Home Settlement, and that at Sandwich by Mary Ann Shadd, of
+Delaware.[3] Moreover, the majority of these colonists showed
+increasing interest in this work of social uplift.[4] Foregoing their
+economic opportunities many of the refugees congregated in towns of
+educational facilities. A large number of them left their first abodes
+to settle near Dresden and Dawn because of the advantages offered
+by the Manual Labor Institute. Besides, the Negroes organized "True
+Bands" which effected among other things the improvement of schools
+and the increase of their attendance[5].
+
+[Footnote 1: Drew, _A North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 322.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Delany, _The Condition of the Colored People_, etc.,
+131.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Howe, _The Refugees from Slavery_, pp. 70, 71, 108, and
+110.]
+
+[Footnote 5: According to Drew a True Band was composed of colored
+persons of both sexes, associated for their own improvement. "Its
+objects," says he, "are manifold: mainly these:--the members are to
+take a general interest in each other's welfare; to pursue such plans
+and objects as may be for their mutual advantage; to improve all
+schools, and to induce their race to send their children into the
+schools; to break down all prejudice; to bring all churches as far as
+possible into one body, and not let minor differences divide them; to
+prevent litigation by referring all disputes among themselves to a
+committee; to stop the begging system entirely (that is, going to the
+United States and thereby representing that the fugitives are starving
+and suffering, raising large sums of money, of which the fugitives
+never receive the benefit,--misrepresenting the character of the
+fugitives for industry and underrating the advance of the country,
+which supplies abundant work for all at fair wages); to raise such
+funds among themselves as may be necessary for the poor, the sick,
+and the destitute fugitive newly arrived; and prepare themselves
+ultimately to bear their due weight of political power." See Drew, _A
+North-side View of Slavery_, p. 236.]
+
+The good results of these schools were apparent. In the same degree
+that the denial to slaves of mental development tended to brutalize
+them the teaching of science and religion elevated the fugitives in
+Canada. In fact, the Negroes of these settlements soon had ideals
+differing widely from those of their brethren less favorably
+circumstanced. They believed in the establishment of homes, respected
+the sanctity of marriage, and exhibited in their daily life a moral
+sense of the highest order. Travelers found the majority of them
+neat, orderly, and intelligent[1]. Availing themselves of their
+opportunities, they quickly qualified as workers among their fellows.
+An observer reported in 1855 that a few were engaged in shop keeping
+or were employed as clerks, while a still smaller number devoted
+themselves to teaching and preaching.[2] Before 1860 the culture of
+these settlements was attracting the colored graduates of northern
+institutions which had begun to give men of African blood an
+opportunity to study in their professional schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: According to the report of the Freedmen's Inquiry
+Commission published by S.G. Howe, an unusually large proportion of
+the colored population believed in education. He says: "Those from the
+free States had very little schooling in youth; those from the slave
+States, none at all. Considering these things it is rather remarkable
+that so many can now read and write. Moreover, they show their esteem
+for instruction by their desire to obtain it for their children. They
+all wish to have their children go to school, and they send them all
+the time that they can be spared.
+
+"Canada West has adopted a good system of public instruction, which
+is well administered. The common schools, though inferior to those of
+several of the States of the United States, are good. Colored children
+are admitted to them in most places; and where a separate school is
+open for them, it is as well provided by the government with teachers
+and apparatus as the other schools are. Notwithstanding the growing
+prejudice against blacks, the authorities evidently mean to deal
+justly by them in regard to instruction; and even those who advocate
+separate schools, promise that they shall be equal to white schools.
+
+"The colored children in the mixed schools do not differ in their
+general appearance and behavior from their white comrades. They are
+usually clean and decently clad. They look quite as the whites; and
+are perhaps a little more mirthful and roguish. The association
+is manifestly beneficial to the colored children." See Howe, _The
+Refugees_, etc., p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Siebert, _The Underground Railroad_, p. 226.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+HIGHER EDUCATION
+
+
+The development of the schools and churches established for these
+transplanted freedmen made more necessary than ever a higher education
+to develop in them the power to work out their own salvation. It
+was again the day of thorough training for the Negroes. Their
+opportunities for better instruction were offered mainly by the
+colonizationists and abolitionists.[1] Although these workers had
+radically different views as to the manner of elevating the colored
+people, they contributed much to their mental development. The more
+liberal colonizationists endeavored to furnish free persons of
+color the facilities for higher education with the hope that their
+enlightenment would make them so discontented with this country
+that they would emigrate to Liberia. Most southern colonizationists
+accepted this plan but felt that those permanently attached to this
+country should be kept in ignorance; for if they were enlightened,
+they would either be freed or exterminated. During the period of
+reaction, when the elevation of the race was discouraged in the North
+and prohibited in most parts of the South, the colonizationists
+continued to secure to Negroes, desiring to expatriate themselves,
+opportunities for education which never would have been given those
+expecting to remain in the United States.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: The views of the abolitionists at that time were well
+expressed by Garrison in his address to the people of color in the
+convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830. He encouraged them to
+get as much education as possible for themselves and their offspring,
+to toil long and hard for it as for a pearl of great price. "An
+ignorant people," said he, "can never occupy any other than a degraded
+place in society; they can never be truly free until they are
+intelligent. It is an old maxim that knowledge is power; and not only
+is it power but rank, wealth, dignity, and protection. That capital
+brings highest return to a city, state, or nation (as the case may
+be) which is invested in schools, academies, and colleges. If I had
+children, rather than that they should grow up in ignorance, I would
+feed upon bread and water: I would sell my teeth, or extract the blood
+from my veins." See _Minutes of the Proceedings of the Convention for
+the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1830, pages 10, 11.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+213-214; and _The African Repository_, under the captions of
+"Education in Liberia," and "African Education Societies," _passim_.]
+
+The policy of promoters of African colonization, however, did not
+immediately become unprogressive. Their plan of education differed
+from previous efforts in that the objects of their philanthropy were
+to be given every opportunity for mental growth. The colonizationists
+had learned from experience in educating Negroes that it was necessary
+to begin with the youth.[1] These workers observed, too, that the
+exigencies of the time demanded more advanced and better endowed
+institutions to prepare colored men to instruct others in science and
+religion, and to fit them for "civil offices in Liberia and Hayti."[2]
+To execute this scheme the leaders of the colonization movement
+endeavored to educate Negroes in "mechanic arts, agriculture, science,
+and Biblical literature."[3] Exceptionally bright youths were to
+be given special training as catechists, teachers, preachers, and
+physicians.[4] A southern planter offered a plantation for the
+establishment of a suitable institution of learning,[5] a few masters
+sent their slaves to eastern schools to be educated, and men organized
+"education societies" in various parts to carry out this work at
+shorter range. In 1817 colonizationists opened at Pasippany, New
+Jersey, a school to give a four-year course to "African youth" who
+showed "talent, discretion, and piety" and were able to read and
+write.[6] Twelve years later another effort was made to establish a
+school of this kind at Newark in that State,[7] while other promoters
+of that faith were endeavoring to establish a similar institution at
+Hartford, Connecticut,[8] all hoping to make use of the Kosciuszko
+fund.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. ii., p. 223.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. xxviii., pp. 271, 347; Child, _An Appeal_,
+p. 144.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 277.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Report of the Proceedings at the Organization of the
+African Education Society_, p. 9.]
+
+[Footnote 6: _African Repository_, vol. i., p. 276, and Griffin, _A
+Plea for Africa_, p. 65.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _African Repository_, vol. iv., pp. 186, 193, and 375;
+and vol. vi., pp. 47, 48, 49, and _Report of the Proceedings of the
+African Education Society_, p. 7.]
+
+[Footnote 8: _Ibid_., pp. 7 and 8 and _African Repository_, vol. iv.,
+p. 375.]
+
+[Footnote 9: What would become of this plan depended upon the changing
+fortunes of the men concerned. Kosciuszko died in 1817; and as Thomas
+Jefferson refused to take out letters testamentary under this will,
+Benjamin Lincoln Lear, a trustee of the African Education Society, who
+intended to apply for the whole fund, was appointed administrator of
+it. The fund amounted to about $16,000. Later Kosciuszko Armstrong
+demanded of the administrator $3704 bequeathed to him by T. Kosciuszko
+in a will alleged to have been executed in Paris in 1806. The bill was
+dismissed by the Circuit Court of the District of Columbia, and the
+decision of the lower Court was confirmed by the United States Supreme
+Court in 1827 on the grounds that the said will had not been admitted
+to probate anywhere. To make things still darker just about the
+time the trustees of the African Education Society were planning to
+purchase a farm and select teachers and mechanics to instruct the
+youth, the heirs of General Kosciuszko filed a bill against Mr.
+Lear in the Supreme Court of the United States on the ground of the
+invalidity of the will executed by Kosciuszko in 1798. The death of
+Mr. Lear in 1832 and that of William Wirt, the Attorney-General of
+the United States, soon thereafter, caused a delay in having the case
+decided. The author does not know exactly what use was finally made of
+this fund. See _African Repository_, vol. it., pp. 163, 233; also 7
+Peters, 130, and 8 Peters, 52.]
+
+The schemes failed, however, on account of the unyielding opposition
+of the free Negroes and abolitionists. They could see no philanthropy
+in educating persons to prepare for doom in a deadly climate. The
+convention of the free people of color assembled in Philadelphia in
+1830, denounced the colonization movement as an evil, and urged their
+fellows not to support it. Pointing out the impracticability of such
+schemes, the convention encouraged the race to take steps toward its
+elevation in this country.[1] Should the colored people be properly
+educated, the prejudice against them would not continue such as to
+necessitate their expatriation. The delegates hoped to establish a
+Manual Labor College at New Haven that Negroes might there acquire
+that "classical knowledge which promotes genius and causes man to soar
+up to those high intellectual enjoyments and acquirements which place
+him in a situation to shed upon a country and people that scientific
+grandeur which is imperishable by time, and drowns in oblivion's cup
+their moral degradation."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Williams, _History of the Negro Race_, p. 67.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 68; and _Minutes of the Proceedings of the
+Third Convention for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, pp.
+9, 10, and 11.]
+
+Influential abolitionists were also attacking this policy of the
+colonizationists. William Jay, however, delivered against them such
+diatribes and so wisely exposed their follies that the advocates
+of colonization learned to consider him as the arch enemy of their
+cause.[1] Jay advocated the education of the Negroes for living
+where they were. He could not see how a Christian could prohibit or
+condition the education of any individual. To do such a thing was
+tantamount to preventing him from having a direct revelation of God.
+How these "educators" could argue that on account of the hopelessness
+of the endeavors to civilize the blacks they should be removed to a
+foreign country, and at the same time undertake to provide for them
+there the same facilities for higher education that white men enjoyed,
+seemed to Jay to be facetiously inconsistent.[2] If the Africans could
+be elevated in their native land and not in America, it was due to the
+Caucasians' sinful condition, for which the colored people should not
+be required to suffer the penalty of expatriation.[3] The desirable
+thing to do was to influence churches and schools to admit students of
+color on terms of equality with all other races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Reese, _Letters to Honorable William Jay._]
+
+[Footnote 2: Jay, _Inquiry_, p. 26; and _Letters_, p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 22.]
+
+Encountering this opposition, the institutions projected by the
+colonization society existed in name only. Exactly how and why the
+organization failed to make good with its educational policy is well
+brought out by the wailing cry of one of its promoters. He asserted
+that "every endeavor to divert the attention of the community or even
+a portion of the means which the present so imperatively calls for,
+from the colonization society to measures calculated to bind the
+colored population to this country and seeking to raise them to a
+level with the whites, whether by founding colleges or in any other
+way, tends directly in the proportion that it succeeds, to counteract
+and thwart the whole plan of colonization."[1] The colonizationists,
+therefore, desisted from their attempt to provide higher education for
+any considerable number of the belated race. Seeing that they could
+not count on the support of the free persons of color, they feared
+that those thus educated would be induced by the abolitionists to
+remain in the United States. This would put the colonizationists in
+the position of increasing the intelligent element of the colored
+population, which was then regarded as a menace to slavery.
+Consequently these timorous "educators" did practically nothing
+during the reactionary period to carry out their plan of establishing
+colleges.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hodgkin, _Inquiry into the Merits of the Am. Col. Soc._,
+p. 31.]
+
+Thereafter the colonizationists found it advisable to restrict their
+efforts to individual cases. Not much was said about what they were
+doing, but now and then appeared notices of Negroes who had been
+privately prepared in the South or publicly in the North for
+professional work in Liberia. Dr. William Taylor and Dr. Fleet were
+thus educated in medicine in the District of Columbia.[1] In the
+same way John V. DeGrasse, of New York, and Thomas J. White,[2] of
+Brooklyn, were allowed to complete the Medical Course at Bowdoin in
+1849. Garrison Draper, who had acquired his literary education at
+Dartmouth, studied law in Baltimore under friends of the colonization
+cause, and with a view to going to Liberia passed the examination of
+the Maryland Bar in 1857.[3] In 1858 the Berkshire Medical School
+graduated two colored doctors, who were gratuitously educated by the
+American Colonization Society. The graduating class thinned out,
+however, and one of the professors resigned because of their
+attendance.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, and
+_African Repository_, vol. x., p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Niles Register_, vol. lxxv., p. 384.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, p. 30.]
+
+Not all colonizationists, however, had submitted to this policy of
+mere individual preparation of those emigrating to Liberia. Certain of
+their organizations still believed that it was only through educating
+the free people of color sufficiently to see their humiliation that a
+large number of them could be induced to leave this country. As long
+as they were unable to enjoy the finer things of life, they could not
+be expected to appreciate the value and use of liberty. It was
+argued that instead of remaining in this country to wage war on its
+institutions, the highly enlightened Negroes would be glad to go to a
+foreign land.[1] By this argument some colonizationists were induced
+to do more for the general education of the free blacks than they
+had considered it wise to do during the time of the bold attempts at
+servile insurrection.[2] In fact, many of the colored schools of the
+free States were supported by ardent colonizationists.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237; and
+_African Repository_, vol. xxx., p. 195.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 195.]
+
+
+The later plan of most colonizationists, however, was to educate the
+emigrating Negroes after they settled in Liberia. Handsome sums
+were given for the establishment of schools and colleges in which
+professorships were endowed for men educated at the expense of
+churches and colonization societies.[1] The first institution of
+consequence in this field was the Alexander High School. To this
+school many of the prominent men of Liberia owed the beginning of
+their liberal education. The English High School at Monrovia, the
+Baptist Boarding School at Bexley, and the Protestant Episcopal High
+School at Cape Palmas also offered courses in higher branches.[2]
+Still better opportunities were given by the College of West Africa
+and Liberia College. The former was founded in 1839 as the head of a
+system of schools established by the Methodist Episcopal Church in
+every county of the Republic.[3] Liberia College was at the request
+of its founders, the directors of the American Colonization Society,
+incorporated by the legislature of the country in 1851. As it took
+some time to secure adequate funds, the main building was not
+completed, and students were not admitted before 1862.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, under the caption of "Education in
+Liberia" in various volumes; and Alexander, _A History of Col._, pp.
+348, 391.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, p. 348.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 6.]
+
+Though the majority of the colored students scoffed at the idea of
+preparing for work in Liberia their education for service in the
+United States was not encouraged. No Negro had graduated from a
+college before 1828, when John B. Russworm, a classmate of Hon. John
+P. Hale, received his degree from Bowdoin.[1] During the thirties
+and forties, colored persons, however well prepared, were generally
+debarred from colleges despite the protests of prominent men. We have
+no record that as many as fifteen Negroes were admitted to higher
+institutions in this country before 1840. It was only after much
+debate that Union College agreed to accept a colored student on
+condition that he should swear that he had no Negro blood in his
+veins.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Dyer, Speech in Congress on the Progress of the Negro,
+1914.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Clarke, _The Condition of the Free People of Color_,
+1859, p. 3, and the _Sixth Annual Report of the American Antislavery
+Society_, p. 11.]
+
+Having had such a little to encourage them to expect a general
+admission into northern institutions, free blacks and abolitionists
+concluded that separate colleges for colored people were necessary.
+The institution demanded for them was thought to have an advantage
+over the aristocratic college in that labor would be combined with
+study, making the stay at school pleasant and enabling the poorest
+youth to secure an education.[1] It was the kind of higher institution
+which had already been established in several States to meet the needs
+of the illiterate whites. Such higher training for the Negroes was
+considered necessary, also, because their intermediate schools were
+after the reaction in a languishing state. The children of color were
+able to advance but little on account of having nothing to stimulate
+them. The desired college was, therefore, boomed as an institution to
+give the common schools vigor, "to kindle the flame of emulation,"
+"to open to beginners discerning the mysteries of arithmetic other
+mysteries beyond," and above all to serve them as Yale or Harvard did
+as the capstone of the educational system of the other race.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Proceedings of the Third Convention of Free People of
+Color held in Philadelphia in 1836_, pp. 7 and 8; _Ibid., Fourth
+Annual Convention_, p. 26; _Proceedings of the New England Antislavery
+Society_, 1836, p. 40.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+of the Free People of Color_, 1836; Garrison's Address.]
+
+In the course of time these workers succeeded in various communities.
+The movement for the higher education of the Negroes of the District
+of Columbia centered largely around the academy established by Miss
+Myrtilla Miner, a worthy young woman of New York. After various
+discouragements in seeking a special preparation for life's work, she
+finally concluded that she should devote her time to the moral and
+intellectual improvement of Negroes.[1] She entered upon her career in
+Washington in 1851 assisted by Miss Anna Inman, a native of New York,
+and a member of the Society of Friends. After teaching the girls
+French one year Miss Inman returned to her home in Southfield, Rhode
+Island.[2] Finding it difficult to get a permanent location, Miss
+Miner had to move from place to place among colored people who were
+generally persecuted and threatened with conflagration for having a
+white woman working among them. Driven to the extremity of building
+a schoolhouse for her purpose, she purchased a lot with money raised
+largely by Quakers of New York, Philadelphia, and New England, and
+by Harriet Beecher Stowe.[3] Miss Miner had also the support of Mrs.
+Means, an aunt of the wife of President Franklin Pierce, and of United
+States Senator W.H. Seward.[4] Effective opposition, however, was not
+long in developing. Articles appeared in the newspapers protesting
+against this policy of affording Negroes "a degree of instruction so
+far above their social and political condition which must continue in
+this and every other slaveholding community."[5] Girls were insulted,
+teachers were abused along the streets, and for lack of police
+surveillance the house was set afire in 1860. It was sighted, however,
+in time to be saved.[6]
+
+[Footnote 1: O'Connor, _Myrtilla Miner_, pp. 11, 12.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 207.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 208.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid._, pp. 208, 209, and 210.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The National Intelligencer._]
+
+[Footnote 6: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 209.]
+
+Undisturbed by these efforts to destroy the institution, Miss Miner
+persisted in carrying out her plan for the higher education of colored
+girls of the District of Columbia. She worked during the winter, and
+traveled during the summer to solicit friends and contributions to
+keep the institution on that higher plane where she planned it should
+be. She had the building well equipped with all kinds of apparatus,
+utilized the ample ground for the teaching of horticulture, collected
+a large library, and secured a number of paintings and engravings with
+which she enlightened her pupils on the finer arts. In addition to the
+conventional teaching of seminaries of that day, Miss Miner provided
+lectures on scientific and literary subjects by the leading men of
+that time, and trained her students to teach.[1] She hoped some day to
+make the seminary a first-class teachers' college. During the Civil
+War, however, it was difficult for her to find funds, and health
+having failed her in 1858 she died in 1866 without realizing this
+dream.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Those who assisted her were Helen Moore, Margaret Clapp,
+Anna H. Searing, Amanda Weaver, Anna Jones, Matilda Jones, and Lydia
+Mann, the sister of Horace Mann, who helped Miss Miner considerably
+in 1856 at the time of her failing health. Emily Holland was her firm
+supporter when the institution was passing through the crisis, and
+stood by her until she breathed her last. See _Special Report of the
+U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 210.]
+
+
+Earlier in the nineteenth century the philanthropists of Pennsylvania
+had planned to establish for Negroes several higher institutions.
+Chief among these was the Institute for Colored Youth. The founding
+of an institution of this kind had been made possible by Richard
+Humphreys, a Quaker, who, on his death in 1832, devised to a Board
+of Trustees the sum of $10,000 to be used for the education of the
+descendants of the African race.[1] As the instruction of Negroes was
+then unpopular, no steps were taken to carry out this plan until 1839.
+The Quakers then appointed a Board and undertook to execute this
+provision of Humphreys's will. In conformity with the directions of
+the donor, the Board of Trustees endeavored to give the colored
+youth the opportunity to obtain a good education and acquire useful
+knowledge of trades and commercial occupations. Humphreys desired that
+"they might be enabled to obtain a comfortable livelihood by their
+own industry, and fulfill the duties of domestic and social life
+with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious men."[2]
+Accordingly they purchased a tract of land in Philadelphia County and
+taught a number of boys the principles of farming, shoemaking, and
+other useful occupations.
+
+[Footnote 1: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 249.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+
+Another stage in the development of this institution was reached in
+1842, the year of its incorporation. It then received several small
+contributions and the handsome sum of $18,000 from another Quaker,
+Jonathan Zane. As it seemed by 1846 that the attempt to combine the
+literary with the industrial work had not been successful, it was
+decided to dispose of the industrial equipment and devote the funds of
+the institution to the maintenance of an evening school. An effort at
+the establishment of a day school was made in 1850, but it was not
+effected before 1852. A building was then erected in Lombard Street
+and the school known thereafter as the Institute for Colored Youth was
+opened with Charles L. Reason of New York in charge. Under him the
+institution was at once a success in preparing advanced pupils of
+both sexes for the higher vocations of teaching and preaching. The
+attendance soon necessitated increased accommodations for which Joseph
+Dawson and other Quakers liberally provided in later years.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 380.]
+
+This favorable tendency in Pennsylvania led to the establishment of
+Avery College at Alleghany City. The necessary fund was bequeathed by
+Rev. Charles Avery, a rich man of that section, who left an estate of
+about $300,000 to be applied to the education and Christianization of
+the African race.[1] Some of this fund was devoted to missionary
+work in Africa, large donations were made to colored institutions of
+learning, and another portion was appropriated to the establishment
+of Avery College. This institution was incorporated in 1849. Soon
+thereafter it advertised for students, expressing willingness to make
+every provision without regard to religious proclivities. The school
+had a three-story brick building, up-to-date apparatus for teaching
+various branches of natural science, a library of all kinds
+of literature, and an endowment of $25,000 to provide for its
+maintenance. Rev. Philotas Dean, the only white teacher connected with
+this institution, was its first principal. He served until 1856 when
+he was succeeded by his assistant, M.H. Freeman, who in 1863 was
+succeeded by George B. Vashon. Miss Emma J. Woodson was an assistant
+in the institution from 1856 to 1867. After the din of the Civil War
+had ceased the institution took on new life, electing a new corps of
+teachers, who placed the work on a higher plane. Among these were Rev.
+H.H. Garnett, president, B.K. Sampson, Harriet C. Johnson, and Clara
+G. Toop.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., p. 156.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 381.]
+
+It was due also to the successful forces at work in Pennsylvania that
+the Ashmun Institute, now Lincoln University, was established in that
+State. The need of higher education having come to the attention of
+the Presbytery of New Castle, that body decided to establish within
+its limits an institution for the "scientific, classical, and
+theological education of the colored youth of the male sex." In 1853
+the Synod approved the plans of the founders and provided that the
+institution should be under the supervision and control of the
+Presbytery or Synod within whose bounds it might be located. A
+committee to solicit funds, find a site, and secure a charter for the
+school was appointed. They selected for the location Hensonville,
+Chester County, Pennsylvania.[1] The legislature incorporated the
+institution in 1854 with John M. Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, Robert P.
+DuBois, James Latta, John B. Spottswood, James Crowell, Samuel J.
+Dickey, Alfred Hamilton, John M. Kelton, and William Wilson as
+trustees. Sufficient buildings and equipment having been provided by
+1856, the doors of this institution were opened to young colored men
+seeking preparation for work in this country and Liberia.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Baird, _A Collection_, etc., p. 819.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the United States Com. of Ed._, 1871,
+p. 382.]
+
+An equally successful plan of workers in the West resulted in the
+founding of the first higher institution to be controlled by Negroes.
+Having for some years believed that the colored people needed a
+college for the preparation of teachers and preachers, the Cincinnati
+Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church in session in 1855
+appointed Rev. John F. Wright as general agent to execute this design.
+Addressing themselves immediately to this task Rev. Mr. Wright and his
+associates solicited from philanthropic persons by 1856 the amount of
+$13,000. The agents then made the purchase payment on the beautiful
+site of Tawawa Springs, long known as the healthy summer resort near
+Xenia, Ohio.[1] That same year the institution was incorporated as
+Wilberforce University. From 1856 to 1862 the school had a fair
+student body, consisting of the mulatto children of southern
+slaveholders.[2] When these were kept away, however, by the operations
+of the Civil War, the institution declined so rapidly that it had to
+be closed for a season. Thereafter the trustees appealed again to the
+African Methodist Episcopal Church which in 1856 had declined the
+invitation to cooeperate with the founders. The colored Methodists had
+adhered to their decision to operate Union Seminary, a manual labor
+school, which they had started near Columbus, Ohio.[3] The proposition
+was accepted, however, in 1862. For the amount of the debt of $10,000
+which the institution had incurred while passing through the crisis,
+Rev. Daniel A. Payne and his associates secured the transfer of
+the property to the African Methodist Episcopal Church. These new
+directors hoped to develop a first-class university, offering courses
+in law, medicine, literature, and theology. The debt being speedily
+removed the school showed evidences of new vigor, but was checked in
+its progress by an incendiary, who burned the main building while the
+teachers and pupils were attending an emancipation celebration at
+Xenia, April 14, 1865. With the amount of insurance received and
+donations from friends, the trustees were able to construct a more
+commodious building which still marks the site of these early
+labors.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, pp.
+372-373.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _History of Greene County, Ohio_, chapter on Wilberforce;
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 373.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Non-Slaveholder_, vol. ii., p. 113.]
+
+A brighter day for the higher education of the colored people at home,
+however, had begun to dawn during the forties. The abolitionists
+were then aggressively demanding consideration for the Negroes. Men
+"condescended" to reason together about slavery and the treatment of
+the colored people. The northern people ceased to think that they had
+nothing to do with these problems. When these questions were openly
+discussed in the schools of the North, students and teachers gradually
+became converted to the doctrine of equality in education. This
+revolution was instituted by President C.B. Storrs, of Western Reserve
+College, then at Hudson, Ohio. His doctrine in regard to the training
+of the mind "was that men are able to be made only by putting youth
+under the responsibilities of men." He, therefore, encouraged the free
+discussion of all important subjects, among which was the appeal of
+the Negroes for enlightenment. This policy gave rise to a spirit of
+inquiry which permeated the whole school. The victory, however, was
+not easy. After a long struggle the mind of the college was carried by
+irresistible argument in favor of fair play for colored youth. This
+institution had two colored students as early as 1834.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 42.]
+
+Northern institutions of learning were then reaching the third stage
+in their participation in the solution of the Negro problem. At first
+they had to be converted even to allow a free discussion of the
+question; next the students on being convinced that slavery was a sin,
+sought to elevate the blacks thus degraded; and finally these workers,
+who had been accustomed to instructing the neighboring colored people,
+reached the conclusion that they should be admitted to their schools
+on equal footing with the whites. Geneva College, then at Northfield,
+Ohio, now at Beaver Falls, Pennsylvania, was being moved in this
+manner.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-slavery
+Society_, 1834. p. 43.]
+
+Lane Seminary, however, is the best example of a school which passed
+through the three stages of this revolution. This institution was
+peculiar in that the idea of establishing it originated with a
+southerner, a merchant of New Orleans. It was founded largely by funds
+of southern Presbyterians, was located in Cincinnati about a mile from
+slave territory, and was attended by students from that section.[1]
+When the right of free discussion swept the country many of the
+proslavery students were converted to abolition. To southerners it
+seemed that the seminary had resolved itself into a society for the
+elevation of the free blacks. Students established Sabbath-schools,
+organized Bible classes, and provided lectures for Negroes ambitious
+to do advanced work. Measures were taken to establish an academy for
+colored girls, and a teacher was engaged. But these noble efforts put
+forth so near the border States soon provoked firm opposition from
+the proslavery element. Some of the students had gone so far in the
+manifestation of their zeal that the institution was embarrassed by
+the charge of promoting the social equality of the races.[2] Rather
+than remain in Cincinnati under restrictions, the reform element of
+the institution moved to the more congenial Western Reserve where a
+nucleus of youth and their instructors had assumed the name of Oberlin
+College. This school did so much for the education of Negroes before
+the Civil War that it was often spoken of as an institution for the
+education of the people of color.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 43.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery
+Society_, p. 43.]
+
+Interest in the higher education of the neglected race, however, was
+not confined to a particular commonwealth. Institutions of other
+States were directing their attention to this task. Among others were
+a school in New York City founded by a clergyman to offer Negroes an
+opportunity to study the classics,[1] New York Central College at
+McGrawville, Oneida Institute conducted by Beriah Green at Whitesboro,
+Thetford Academy of Vermont, and Union Literary Institute in the
+center of the communities of freedmen transplanted to Indiana. Many
+other of our best institutions were opening their doors to students of
+African descent. By 1852 colored students had attended the Institute
+at Easton, Pennsylvania; the Normal School of Albany, New York;
+Bowdoin College, Brunswick, Maine; Rutland College, Vermont; Jefferson
+College, Pennsylvania; Athens College, Athens, Ohio; Franklin College,
+New Athens, Ohio; and Hanover College near Madison, Indiana. Negroes
+had taken courses at the Medical School of the University of New York;
+the Castleton Medical School in Vermont; the Berkshire Medical School,
+Pittsfield, Massachusetts; the Rush Medical School in Chicago; the
+Eclectic Medical School of Philadelphia; the Homeopathic College of
+Cleveland; and the Medical School of Harvard University. Colored
+preachers had been educated in the Theological Seminary at Gettysburg,
+Pennsylvania; the Dartmouth Theological School; and the Theological
+Seminary of Charleston, South Carolina.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 530.]
+
+[Footnote 2: These facts are taken from M.R. Delany's _The Condition,
+Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny of the Colored People of the United
+States Practically Considered_, published in 1852; the _Reports of
+the Antislavery and Colonization Societies_, and _The African
+Repository_.]
+
+Prominent among those who brought about this change in the attitude
+toward the education of the free blacks was Gerrit Smith, one of
+the greatest philanthropists of his time. He secured privileges for
+Negroes in higher institutions by extending aid to such as would open
+their doors to persons of color. In this way he became a patron of
+Oneida Institute, giving it from $3,000 to $4,000 in cash and 3,000
+acres of land in Vermont. Because of the hospitality of Oberlin to
+colored students he gave the institution large sums of money and
+20,000 acres of land in Virginia valued at $50,000. New York Central
+College which opened its doors alike to both races obtained from him
+several donations.[1] This gentleman proceeded on the presumption that
+it is the duty of the white people to elevate the colored and that the
+education of large numbers of them is indispensable to the uplift of
+the degraded classes.[2] He wanted them to have the opportunity for
+obtaining either a common or classical education; and hoped that they
+would go out from our institutions well educated for any work to
+which they might be called in this country or abroad.[3] He himself
+established a colored school at Peterboro, New York. As this
+institution offered both industrial and literary courses we shall
+have occasion to mention it again. Both a cause and result of the
+increasing interest in the higher education of Negroes was that these
+unfortunates had made good with what little training they had. Many
+had by their creative power shown what they could do in business,[4]
+some had convinced the world of the inventive genius of the man of
+color,[5] others had begun to rank as successful lawyers,[6] not a
+few had become distinguished physicians,[7] and scores of intelligent
+Negro preachers were ministering to the spiritual needs of their
+people.[8] S.R. Ward, a scholar of some note, was for a few years the
+pastor of a white church at Courtlandville, New York. Robert Morris
+had been honored by the appointment as Magistrate by the Governor of
+Massachusetts, and in New Hampshire another man of African blood had
+been elected to the legislature.[9]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 367.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Among these were John B. Smith, Coffin Pitts, Robert
+Douglas, John P. Bell, Augustus Washington, Alexander S. Thomas, Henry
+Boyd, P.H. Ray, and L.T. Wilcox.]
+
+[Footnote 5: A North Carolina Negro had discovered a cure for
+snakebite; Henry Blair, a slave of Maryland, had invented a
+corn-planter; and Roberts of Philadelphia had made a machine for
+lifting railway cars from the tracks.]
+
+[Footnote 6: The most noted of these lawyers were Robert Morris,
+Malcolm B. Allen, G.B. Vashon, and E.G. Walker.]
+
+[Footnote 7: The leading Negroes of this class were T. Joiner White,
+Peter Ray, John DeGrasse, David P. Jones, J. Gould Bias, James Ulett,
+Martin Delany, and John R. Peck. James McCrummill, Joseph Wilson,
+Thos. Kennard, and Wm. Nickless were noted colored dentists of
+Philadelphia.]
+
+[Footnote 8: The prominent colored preachers of that day were Titus
+Basfield, B.F. Templeton, W.T. Catto, Benjamin Coker, John B. Vashon,
+Robert Purvis, David Ruggles, Philip A. Bell, Charles L. Reason,
+William Wells Brown, Samuel L. Ward, James McCune Smith, Highland
+Garnett, Daniel A. Payne, James C. Pennington, M. Haines, and John F.
+Cook.]
+
+[Footnote 9: Baldwin, _Observations_, etc., p. 44.]
+
+Thanks to the open doors of liberal schools, the race could boast of a
+number of efficient educators.[1] There were Martin H. Freeman, John
+Newton Templeton, Mary E. Miles, Lucy Stratton, Lewis Woodson, John
+F. Cook, Mary Ann Shadd, W.H. Allen, and B.W. Arnett. Professor C.L.
+Reason, a veteran teacher of New York City, was then so well educated
+that in 1844 he was called to the professorship of Belles-Lettres and
+the French Language in New York Central College. Many intelligent
+Negroes who followed other occupations had teaching for their
+avocation. In fact almost every colored person who could read and
+write was a missionary teacher among his people.
+
+[Footnote 1: James B. Russworm, an alumnus of Bowdoin, was the first
+Negro to receive a degree from a college in this country.]
+
+In music, literature, and journalism the Negroes were also doing well.
+Eliza Greenfield, William Jackson, John G. Anderson, and William Appo
+made their way in the musical world. Lemuel Haynes, a successful
+preacher to a white congregation, took up theology about 1815. Paul
+Cuffee wrote an interesting account of Sierra Leone. Rev. Daniel
+Coker published a book on slavery in 1810. Seven years later came
+the publication of the _Law and Doctrine of the African Methodist
+Episcopal Church_ and the _Standard Hymnal_ written by Richard Allen.
+In 1836 Rev. George Hogarth published an addition to this volume and
+in 1841 brought forward the first magazine of the sect. Edward W.
+Moore, a colored teacher of white children in Tennessee, wrote an
+arithmetic. C.L. Remond of Massachusetts was then a successful
+lecturer and controversialist. James M. Whitefield, George Horton,
+and Frances E.W. Harper were publishing poems. H.H. Garnett and J.C.
+Pennington, known to fame as preachers, attained success also as
+pamphleteers. R.B. Lewis, M.R. Delany, William Nell, and Catto
+embellished Negro history; William Wells Brown wrote his _Three Years
+in Europe_; and Frederick Douglass, the orator, gave the world his
+creditable autobiography. More effective still were the journalistic
+efforts of the Negro intellect pleading its own cause. [1] Colored
+newspapers varying from the type of weeklies like _The North Star_ to
+that of the modern magazine like _The Anglo-African_ were published in
+most large towns and cities of the North.
+
+[Footnote 1: In 1827 John B. Russworm and Samuel B. Cornish began the
+publication of _The Freedom's Journal_, appearing afterward as
+_Rights to All_. Ten years later P.A. Bell was publishing _The Weekly
+Advocate_. From 1837 to 1842 Bell and Cornish edited _The Colored
+Man's Journal_, while Samuel Ruggles sent from his press _The Mirror
+of Liberty_. In 1847, one year after the appearance of Thomas Van
+Rensselaer's _Ram's Horn_, Frederick Douglass started _The North Star_
+at Rochester, while G. Allen and Highland Garnett were appealing to
+the country through _The National Watchman_ of Troy, New York. That
+same year Martin R. Delany brought out _The Pittsburg Mystery_, and
+others _The Elevator_ at Albany, New York. At Syracuse appeared The
+_Impartial Citizen_ established by Samuel R. Ward in 1848, three years
+after which L.H. Putnam came before the public in New York City with
+_The Colored Man's Journal_. Then came _The Philadelphia Freeman_,
+_The Philadelphia Citizen_, _The New York Phalanx_, _The Baltimore
+Elevator_, and _The Cincinnati Central Star_. Of a higher order was
+_he Anglo-African_, a magazine published in New York in 1859 by Thomas
+Hamilton, who was succeeded in editorship by Robert Hamilton and
+Highland Garnett. In 1852 there were in existence _The Colored
+American_, _The Struggler_, _The Watchman_, _The Ram's Horn_, _The
+Demosthenian Shield_, _The National Reformer_, _The Pittsburg
+Mystery_, _The Palladium of Liberty_, _The Disfranchised American_,
+_The Colored Citizen_, _The National Watchman_, _The Excelsior_,
+_The Christian Herald_, _The Farmer_, _The Impartial Citizen_, _The
+Northern Star_ of Albany, and The _North Star_ of Rochester.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+VOCATIONAL TRAINING
+
+
+Having before them striking examples of highly educated colored men
+who could find no employment in the United States, the free Negroes
+began to realize that their preparation was not going hand in hand
+with their opportunities. Industrial education was then emphasized as
+the proper method of equipping the race for usefulness. The advocacy
+of such training, however, was in no sense new. The early anti-slavery
+men regarded it as the prerequisite to emancipation, and the
+abolitionists urged it as the only safe means of elevating the
+freedmen. But when the blacks, converted to this doctrine, began to
+enter the higher pursuits of labor during the forties and fifties,
+there started a struggle which has been prolonged even into our day.
+Most northern white men had ceased to oppose the enlightenment of the
+free people of color but still objected to granting them economic
+equality. The same investigators that discovered increased facilities
+of conventional education for Negroes in 1834 reported also that there
+existed among the white mechanics a formidable prejudice against
+colored artisans.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+In opposing the encroachment of Negroes on their field of labor the
+northerners took their cue from the white mechanics in the South. At
+first laborers of both races worked together in the same room and at
+the same machine.[1] But in the nineteenth century, when more white
+men in the South were condescending to do skilled labor and trying to
+develop manufactures, they found themselves handicapped by competition
+with the slave mechanics. Before 1860 most southern mechanics,
+machinists, local manufacturers, contractors, and railroad men with
+the exception of conductors were Negroes.[2] Against this custom
+of making colored men such an economic factor the white mechanics
+frequently protested.[3] The riots against Negroes occurring in
+Cincinnati, Philadelphia, New York, and Washington during the thirties
+and forties owed their origin mainly to an ill feeling between the
+white and colored skilled laborers.[4] The white artisans prevailed
+upon the legislatures of Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Georgia to enact
+measures hostile to their rivals.[5] In 1845 the State of Georgia made
+it a misdemeanor for a colored mechanic to make a contract for the
+repair or the erection of buildings.[6] The people of Georgia,
+however, were not unanimously in favor of keeping the Negro artisan
+down. We have already observed that at the request of the Agricultural
+Convention of that State in 1852 the legislature all but passed a bill
+providing for the education of slaves to increase their efficiency and
+attach them to their masters.[7]
+
+[Footnote 1: Buckingham, _Slave States of America_, vol. ii., p. 112.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 36.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32, 33.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 34,
+and _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 365.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, pp. 31,
+32.]
+
+[Footnote 6: Du Bois and Dill, _The Negro American Artisan_, p. 32.]
+
+[Footnote 7: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 339.]
+
+It was unfortunate that the free people of color in the North had
+not taken up vocational training earlier in the century before the
+laboring classes realized fraternal consciousness. Once pitted against
+the capitalists during the Administration of Andrew Jackson the
+working classes learned to think that their interests differed
+materially from those of the rich, whose privileges had multiplied at
+the expense of the poor. Efforts toward effecting organizations to
+secure to labor adequate protection began to be successful during
+Van Buren's Administration. At this time some reformers were boldly
+demanding the recognition of Negroes by all helpful groups. One of the
+tests of the strength of these protagonists was whether or not they
+could induce the mechanics of the North to take colored workmen to
+supply the skilled laborers required by the then rapid economic
+development of our free States. Would the whites permit the blacks
+to continue as their competitors after labor had been elevated above
+drudgery? To do this meant the continuation of the custom of taking
+youths of African blood as apprentices. This the white mechanics of
+the North generally refused to do.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention of the Free
+People of Color_, p. 18.]
+
+The friends of the colored race, however, were not easily discouraged
+by that "vulgar race prejudice which reigns in the breasts of working
+classes."[1] Arthur Tappan, Gerrit Smith, and William Lloyd Garrison
+made the appeal in behalf of the untrained laborers.[2] Although they
+knew the difficulties encountered by Negroes seeking to learn trades,
+and could daily observe how unwilling master mechanics were to receive
+colored boys as apprentices, the abolitionists persisted in saying
+that by perseverance these youths could succeed in procuring
+profitable situations.[3] Garrison believed that their failure to find
+employment at trades was not due so much to racial differences as to
+their lack of training. Speaking to the free people of color in their
+convention in Philadelphia in 1831, he could give them no better
+advice than that "wherever you can, put your children to trades. A
+good trade is better than a fortune, because when once obtained it
+cannot be taken away." Discussing the matter further, he said: "Now,
+there can be no reason why your sons should fail to make as ingenious
+and industrious mechanics, as any white apprentices; and when they
+once get trades, they will be able to accumulate money; money begets
+influence, and influence respectability. Influence, wealth, and
+character will certainly destroy those prejudices which now separate
+you from society."[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26.]
+
+[Footnote 2: This statement is based on articles appearing in _The
+Liberator_ from time to time.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. 10.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Minutes of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, 1831, p. II.]
+
+To expect the cooeperation of the white working classes in thus
+elevating the colored race turned out to be a delusion. They reached
+the conclusion that in making their headway against capital they had a
+better chance without Negroes than with them. White mechanics of the
+North not only refused to accept colored boys as apprentices, but
+would not even work for employers who persisted in hiring Negroes.
+Generally refused by the master mechanics of Cincinnati, a colored
+cabinet-maker finally found an Englishman who was willing to hire him,
+but the employees of the shop objected, refusing to allow the newcomer
+even to work in a room by himself.[1] A Negro who could preach in a
+white church of the North would have had difficulty in securing the
+contract to build a new edifice for that congregation. A colored man
+could then more easily get his son into a lawyer's office to learn law
+than he could "into a blacksmith shop to blow the bellows and wield
+the sledge hammer."[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, June 13, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass_,
+p. 248.]
+
+Left then in a quandary as to what they should do, northern Negroes
+hoped to use the then popular "manual labor schools" to furnish the
+facilities for both practical and classical education. These schools
+as operated for the whites, however, were not primarily trade schools.
+Those which admitted persons of African descent paid more attention to
+actual industrial training for the reason that colored students could
+not then hope to acquire such knowledge as apprentices. This tendency
+was well shown by the action of the free Negroes through their
+delegates in the convention assembled in Philadelphia in 1830.
+Conversant with the policy of so reshaping the educational system of
+the country as to carry knowledge even to the hovels, these leaders
+were easily won to the scheme of reconstructing their schools "on the
+manual labor system." In this they saw the redemption of the free
+Negroes of the North. These gentlemen were afraid that the colored
+people were not paying sufficient attention to the development of the
+power to use their hands skillfully.[1] One of the first acts of the
+convention was to inquire as to how fast colored men were becoming
+attached to mechanical pursuits,[2] and whether or not there was any
+prospect that a manual labor school for the instruction of the youth
+would shortly be established. The report of the committee, to which
+the question was referred, was so encouraging that the convention
+itself decided to establish an institution of the kind at New Haven,
+Connecticut. They appealed to their fellows for help, called
+the attention of philanthropists to this need of the race, and
+commissioned William Lloyd Garrison to solicit funds in Great
+Britain.[3] Garrison found hearty supporters among the friends of
+freedom in that country. Some, who had been induced to contribute
+to the Colonization Society, found it more advisable to aid the new
+movement. Charles Stewart of Liverpool wrote Garrison that he could
+count on his British co-workers to raise $1000 for this purpose.[4] At
+the same time Americans were equally active. Arthur Tappan subscribed
+$1000 on the condition that each of nineteen other persons should
+contribute the same amount.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 26; and _The Liberator_,
+October 22, 1831; and _The Abolitionist_, November, 1833 (p. 191).]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 27.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minutes of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _The Abolitionist_ (November 1833), p. 191.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _The Liberator_, October 22, 1831.]
+
+Before these well-laid plans could mature, however, unexpected
+opposition developed in New Haven. Indignation meetings were held,
+protests against this project were filed, and the free people of color
+were notified that the institution was not desired in Connecticut.[1]
+It was said that these memorialists feared that a colored college so
+near to Yale might cause friction between the two student bodies, and
+that the school might attract an unusually large number of undesirable
+Negroes. At their meeting the citizens of New Haven resolved "That the
+founding of colleges for educating colored people is an unwarrantable
+and dangerous undertaking to the internal concerns of other states and
+ought to be discouraged, and that the mayor, aldermen, common council,
+and freemen will resist the movement by every lawful means."[2] In
+view of such drastic action the promoters had to abandon their plan.
+No such protests were made by the citizens of New Haven, however, when
+the colonizationists were planning to establish there a mission school
+to prepare Negroes to leave the country.
+
+[Footnote 1: Monroe, _Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, vol. iv., p. 406; and _The Liberator_, July 9,
+1831.]
+
+The movement, however, was not then stopped by this outburst of race
+prejudice in New Haven. Directing attention to another community, the
+New England Antislavery Society took up this scheme and collected
+funds to establish a manual labor school. When the officials had on
+hand about $1000 it was discovered that they could accomplish their
+aim by subsidizing the Noyes Academy of Canaan, New Hampshire, and
+making such changes as were necessary to subserve the purposes
+intended.[1] The plan was not to convert this into a colored school.
+The promoters hoped to maintain there a model academy for the
+co-education of the races "on the manual labor system." The treasurer
+of the Antislavery Society was to turn over certain moneys to this
+academy to provide for the needs of the colored students, who then
+numbered fourteen of the fifty-two enrolled. But although it had
+been reported that the people of the town were in accord with the
+principal's acceptance of this proposition, there were soon evidences
+to the contrary. Fearing imaginary evils, these modern Canaanites
+destroyed the academy, dragging the building to a swamp with a hundred
+yoke of oxen.[2] The better element of the town registered against
+this outrage only a slight protest. H.H. Garnett and Alexander
+Crummell were among the colored students who sought education at this
+academy.
+
+[Footnote 1: _The Liberator_, July 4, 1835.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 34; and Monroe,
+_Cyclopaedia of Education_, vol. iv., p. 406.]
+
+This work was more successful in the State of New York. There,
+too, the cause was championed by the abolitionists.[1] After the
+emancipation of all Negroes in that commonwealth by 1827 the New York
+Antislavery Society devoted more time to the elevation of the free
+people of color. The rapid rise of the laboring classes in this
+swiftly growing city made it evident to their benefactors that they
+had to be speedily equipped for competition with white mechanics or be
+doomed to follow menial employments. The only one of that section to
+offer Negroes anything like the opportunity for industrial training,
+however, was Gerrit Smith.[2] He was fortunate in having sufficient
+wealth to carry out the plan. In 1834 he established in Madison
+County, New York, an institution known as the Peterboro Manual Labor
+School. The working at trades was provided not altogether to teach the
+mechanic arts, but to enable the students to support themselves while
+attending school. As a compensation for instruction, books, room,
+fuel, light, and board furnished by the founder, the student was
+expected to labor four hours daily at some agricultural or mechanical
+employment "important to his education."[3] The faculty estimated the
+four hours of labor as worth on an average of about 12-1/2 cents for
+each student.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention
+for the Improvement of the Free People of Color_, p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _African Repository_, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, vol. x., p. 312.]
+
+Efforts were then being made for the establishment of another
+institution near Philadelphia. These endeavors culminated in the
+above-mentioned benefaction of Richard Humphreys, by the will of
+whom $10,000 was devised to establish a school for the purpose of
+instructing "descendants of the African race in school learning in
+the various branches of the mechanical arts and trades and
+agriculture."[1] In 1839 members of the Society of Friends organized
+an association to establish a school such as Humphreys had planned.
+The founders believed that "the most successful method of elevating
+the moral and intellectual character of the descendants of Africa, as
+well as of improving their social condition, is to extend to them the
+benefits of a good education, and to instruct them in the knowledge of
+some useful trade or business, whereby they may be enabled to obtain a
+comfortable livelihood by their own industry; and through these means
+to prepare them for fulfilling the various duties of domestic and
+social life with reputation and fidelity as good citizens and pious
+men."[2] Directing their attention first to things practical the
+association purchased in 1839 a piece of land in Bristol township,
+Philadelphia County, where they offered boys instruction in farming,
+shoemaking, and other useful trades. Their endeavors, so far as
+training in the mechanic arts was concerned, proved to be a failure.
+In 1846, therefore, the management decided to discontinue this
+literary, agricultural, and manual labor experiment. The trustees then
+sold the farm and stock, apprenticed the male students to mechanical
+occupations, and opened an evening school. Thinking mainly of
+classical education thereafter, the trustees of the fund finally
+established the Institute for Colored Youth of which we have spoken
+elsewhere.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, 1871, p. 379.]
+
+Some of the philanthropists who promoted the practical education
+of the colored people were found in the Negro settlements of the
+Northwest. Their first successful attempt in that section was the
+establishment of the Emlen Institute in Mercer County, Ohio. The
+founding of this institution was due manly to the efforts of Augustus
+Wattles who was instrumental in getting a number of emigrating
+freedmen to leave Cincinnati and settle in this county about 1835.[1]
+Wattles traveled in almost every colored neighborhood of the State and
+laid before them the benefits of permanent homes and the education for
+their children. On his first journey he organized, with the assistance
+of abolitionists, twenty-five schools for colored children. Interested
+thereafter in providing a head for this system he purchased for
+himself ninety acres of land in Mercer County to establish a manual
+labor institution. He sustained a school on it at his own expense,
+till the 11th of November, 1842. Wattles then visited Philadelphia
+where he became acquainted with the trustees of the late Samuel Emlen,
+a Friend of New Jersey. He had left by his will $20,000 "for the
+support and education in school learning and mechanic arts and
+agriculture of boys of African and Indian descent whose parents
+would give such youths to the Institute."[2] The means of the two
+philanthropists were united. The trustees purchased a farm and
+appointed Wattles as superintendent of the establishment, calling it
+Emlen Institute. Located in a section where the Negroes had sufficient
+interest in education to support a number of elementary schools, this
+institution once had considerable influence.[3] It was removed to
+Bucks County, Pennsylvania, in 1858 and then to Warminster in the same
+county in 1873.
+
+[Footnote 1: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 355.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Howe, _Ohio Historical Collections_, p. 356.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa._, p. 254.]
+
+Another school of this type was founded in the Northwest. This was the
+Union Literary Institute of Spartanburg, Indiana. The institution owes
+its origin to a group of bold, antislavery men who "in the heat of
+the abolition excitement"[1] stood firm for the Negro. They soon had
+opposition from the proslavery leaders who impeded the progress of
+the institution. But thanks to the indefatigable Ebenezer Tucker,
+its first principal, the "Nigger School" weathered the storm. The
+Institute, however, was founded to educate both races. Its charter
+required that no distinction should be made on account of race, color,
+rank, or religion. Accordingly, although the student body was from
+the beginning of the school partly white, the board of trustees
+represented denominations of both races. Accessible statistics do not
+show that colored persons ever constituted more than one-third of
+the students.[2] It was one of the most durable of the manual labor
+schools, having continued after the Civil War, carrying out to some
+extent the original designs of its founders. As the plan to continue
+it as a private institution proved later to be impracticable the
+establishment was changed into a public school.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _The History of Education in Indiana_, p. 77.]
+
+[Footnote 2: According to the _Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education_ in 1893 the colored students then
+constituted about one-third of those then registered at this
+institution. See p. 1944 of this report.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Records of the United States Bureau of Education.]
+
+Scarcely less popular was the British and American Manual Labor
+Institute of the colored settlements in Upper Canada. This school was
+projected by Rev. Hiram Wilson and Josiah Henson as early as 1838, but
+its organization was not undertaken until 1842. The refugees were then
+called together to decide upon the expenditure of $1500 collected in
+England by James C. Fuller, a Quaker. They decided to establish at
+Dawn "a manual labor school, where children could be taught those
+elements of knowledge which are usually the occupations of a grammar
+school, and where boys could be taught in addition the practice of
+some mechanic art, and the girls could be instructed in those domestic
+arts which are the proper occupation and ornament of their sex."[1] A
+tract of three hundred acres of land was purchased, a few buildings
+were constructed, and pupils were soon admitted. The managers
+endeavored to make the school, "self-supporting by the employment of
+the students for certain portions of the time on the land."[2] The
+advantage of schooling of this kind attracted to Dresden and Dawn
+sufficient refugees to make these prosperous settlements. Rev. Hiram
+Wilson, the first principal of the institution, began with fourteen
+"boarding scholars" when there were no more than fifty colored persons
+in all the vicinity. In 1852 when the population of this community
+had increased to five hundred there were sixty students attending
+the school. Indian and white children were also admitted. Among the
+students there were also adults varying later in number from
+fifty-six to one hundred and sixteen.[3] This institution became very
+influential among the Negroes of Canada. Travelers mentioned the
+Institute in accounting for the prosperity and good morals of the
+refugees.[4] Unfortunately, however, after the year 1855 when the
+school reached its zenith, it began to decline on account of bad
+feeling probably resulting from a divided management.
+
+[Footnote 1: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, pp. 73, 74.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Henson, _Life of Josiah Henson_, p. 115.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid._, p. 117.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Drew, _A North-Side View of Slavery_, p. 309; and Coffin,
+_Reminiscences_, pp. 249, 250.]
+
+Studying these facts concerning the manual labor system of education,
+the student of education sees that it was not generally successful.
+This may be accounted for in various ways. One might say that colored
+people were not desired in the higher pursuits of labor and that their
+preparation for such vocations never received the support of the rank
+and file of the Negroes of the North. They saw then, as they often
+do now, the seeming impracticability of preparing themselves for
+occupations which they apparently had no chance to follow. Moreover,
+bright freedmen were not at first attracted to mechanical occupations.
+Ambitious Negroes who triumphed over slavery and made their way to the
+North for educational advantages hoped to enter the higher walks of
+life. Only a few of the race had the foresight of the advocates of
+industrial training. The majority of the enlightened class desired
+that they be no longer considered as "persons occupying a menial
+position, but as capable of the highest development of man."[1]
+Furthermore, bitterly as some white men hated slavery, and deeply as
+they seemingly sympathized with the oppressed, they were loath to
+support a policy which they believed was fatal to their economic
+interests.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention_,
+etc., p. 25.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _The Fifth Report of the American Antislavery Society_,
+p. 115; Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+The chief reason for the failure of the new educational policy was
+that the managers of the manual labor schools made the mistakes often
+committed by promoters of industrial education of our day. At first
+they proceeded on the presumption that one could obtain a classical
+education while learning a trade and at the same time earn sufficient
+to support himself at school. Some of the managers of industrial
+schools have not yet learned that students cannot produce articles for
+market. The best we can expect from an industrial school to-day is a
+good apprentice.
+
+Another handicap was that at that time conditions were seldom
+sufficiently favorable to enable the employer to derive profit enough
+from students' work to compensate for the maintenance of the youth
+at a manual labor school. Besides, such a school could not be
+far-reaching in its results because it could not be so conducted as to
+accommodate a large number of students. With a slight change in its
+aims the manual labor schools might have been more successful in
+the large urban communities, but the aim of their advocates was to
+establish them in the country where sufficient land for agricultural
+training could be had, and where students would not be corrupted by
+the vices of the city.
+
+It was equally unfortunate that the teachers who were chosen to carry
+out this educational policy lacked the preparation adequate to
+their task. They had any amount of spirit, but an evident lack of
+understanding as to the meaning of this new education. They failed
+to unite the qualifications for both the industrial and academic
+instruction. It was the fault that we find to-day in our industrial
+schools. Those who were responsible for the literary training knew
+little of and cared still less for the work in mechanic arts, and
+those who were employed to teach trades seldom had sufficient
+education to impart what they knew. The students, too, in their
+efforts to pursue these uncorrelated courses seldom succeeded in
+making much advance in either. We have no evidence that many Negroes
+were equipped for higher service in the manual labor schools.
+Statistics of 1850 and 1860 show that there was an increase in the
+number of colored mechanics, especially in Philadelphia, Cincinnati,
+Columbus, the Western Reserve, and Canada.[1] But this was probably
+due to the decreasing prejudice of the local white mechanics toward
+the Negro artisans fleeing from the South rather than to formal
+industrial training.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Clarke, _Present Condition of the Free People of Color of
+the United States_, 1859, pp. 9, 10, 11, 13, and 29.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid._, pp. 9, 10, and 23.]
+
+Schools of this kind tended gradually to abandon the idea of combining
+labor and learning, leaving such provisions mainly as catalogue
+fictions. Many of the western colleges were founded as manual
+labor schools, but the remains of these beginnings are few and
+insignificant. Oberlin, which was once operated on this basis, still
+retains the seal of "Learning and Labor," with a college building in
+the foreground and a field of grain in the distance. A number of our
+institutions have recitations now in the forenoon that students may
+devote the afternoon to labor. In some schools Monday instead of
+Saturday is the open day of the week because this was wash-day for the
+manual labor colleges. Even after the Civil War some schools had their
+long vacation in the winter instead of the summer because the latter
+was the time for manual labor. The people of our day know little about
+this unsuccessful system.
+
+It is evident, therefore, that the leaders who had up to that time
+dictated the policy of the social betterment of the colored people had
+failed to find the key to the situation. This task fell to the lot
+of Frederick Douglass, who, wiser in his generation than most of his
+contemporaries, advocated actual vocational training as the greatest
+leverage for the elevation of the colored people. Douglass was given
+an opportunity to bring his ideas before the public on the occasion of
+a visit to Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe. She was then preparing to go
+to England in response to an invitation from her admirers, who were
+anxious to see this famous author of _Uncle Tom's Cabin_ and to give
+her a testimonial. Thinking that she would receive large sums of money
+in England she desired to get Mr. Douglass's views as to how it could
+be most profitably spent for the advancement of the free people of
+color. She was especially interested in those who had become free by
+their own exertions. Mrs. Stowe informed her guest that several had
+suggested the establishment of an educational institution pure and
+simple, but that she had not been able to concur with them, thinking
+that it would be better to open an industrial school. Douglass was
+opposed both to the establishment of such a college as was suggested,
+and to that of an ordinary industrial school where pupils should
+merely "earn the means of obtaining an education in books." He desired
+what we now call the vocational school, "a series of workshops where
+colored men could learn some of the handicrafts, learn to work in
+iron, wood, and leather, while incidentally acquiring a plain English
+education."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Under Douglass's leadership the movement had a new goal. The learning
+of trades was no longer to be subsidiary to conventional education.
+Just the reverse was true. Moreover, it was not to be entrusted to
+individuals operating on a small scale; it was to be a public effort
+of larger scope. The aim was to make the education of Negroes so
+articulate with their needs as to improve their economic condition.
+Seeing that despite the successful endeavors of many freedmen to
+acquire higher education that the race was still kept in penury,
+Douglass believed that by reconstructing their educational policy the
+friends of the race could teach the colored people to help themselves.
+Pecuniary embarrassment, he thought, was the cause of all evil to
+the blacks, "for poverty kept them ignorant and their lack of
+enlightenment kept them degraded." The deliverance from these evils,
+he contended, could be effected not by such a fancied or artificial
+elevation as the mere diffusion of information by institutions beyond
+the immediate needs of the poor. The awful plight of the Negroes, as
+he saw it, resulted directly from not having the opportunity to learn
+trades, and from "narrowing their limits to earn a livelihood."
+Douglass deplored the fact that even menial employments were rapidly
+passing away from the colored people. Under the caption of "Learn
+Trades or Starve," he tried to drive home the truth that if the
+free people of color did not soon heed his advice, foreigners then
+immigrating in large numbers would elbow them from all lucrative
+positions. In his own words, "every day begins with the lesson and
+ends with the lesson that colored men must find new employments, new
+modes of usefulness to society, or that they must decay under the
+pressing wants to which their condition is bringing them."[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 248.]
+
+Douglass believed in higher education and looked forward to that stage
+in the development of the Negroes when high schools and colleges could
+contribute to their progress. He knew, however, that it was foolish
+to think that persons accustomed to the rougher and harder modes of
+living could in a single leap from their low condition reach that of
+professional men. The attainment of such positions, he thought, was
+contingent upon laying a foundation in things material by passing
+"through the intermediate gradations of agriculture and the mechanic
+arts."[1] He was sure that the higher institutions then open to the
+colored people would be adequate to the task of providing for them all
+the professional men they then needed, and that the facilities for
+higher education so far as the schools and colleges in the free States
+were concerned would increase quite in proportion to the future needs
+of the race.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid._, p. 249.]
+
+Douglass deplored the fact that education and emigration had gone
+together. As soon as a colored man of genius like Russworm, Garnett,
+Ward, or Crummell appeared, the so-called friends of the race reached
+the conclusion that he could better serve his race elsewhere. Seeing
+themselves pitted against odds, such bright men had had to seek
+more congenial countries. The training of Negroes merely to aid the
+colonization scheme would have little bearing on the situation at home
+unless its promoters could transplant the majority of the free people
+of color. The aim then should be not to transplant the race but to
+adopt a policy such as he had proposed to elevate it in the United
+States.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times_, p. 250.]
+
+Vocational education, Douglass thought, would disprove the so-called
+mental inferiority of the Negroes. He believed that the blacks should
+show by action that they were equal to the whites rather than depend
+on the defense of friends who based their arguments not on facts but
+on certain admitted principles. Believing in the mechanical genius of
+the Negroes he hoped that in the establishment of this institution
+they would have an opportunity for development. In it he saw a benefit
+not only to the free colored people of the North, but also to the
+slaves. The strongest argument used by the slaveholder in defense of
+his precious institution was the low condition of the free people of
+color of the North. Remove this excuse by elevating them and you
+will hasten the liberation of the slaves. The best refutation of
+the proslavery argument is the "presentation of an industrious,
+enterprising, thrifty, and intelligent free black population."[1] An
+element of this kind, he believed, would rise under the fostering care
+of vocational teachers.
+
+[Footnote 1: Douglass, _The Life and Times of_, p. 251.]
+
+With Douglass this proposition did not descend to the plane of mere
+suggestion. Audiences which he addressed from time to time were
+informed as to the necessity of providing for the colored people
+facilities of practical education.[1] The columns of his paper
+rendered the cause noble service. He entered upon the advocacy of it
+with all the zeal of an educational reformer, endeavoring to show how
+this policy would please all concerned. Anxious fathers whose minds
+had been exercised by the inquiry as to what to do with their sons
+would welcome the opportunity to have them taught trades. It would be
+in line with the "eminently practical philanthropy of the Negroes'
+trans-Atlantic friends." America would scarcely object to it as an
+attempt to agitate the mind on slavery or to destroy the Union. "It
+could not be tortured into a cause for hard words by the American
+people," but the noble and good of all classes would see in the effort
+"an excellent motive, a benevolent object, temperately, wisely, and
+practically manifested."[2] The leading free people of color heeded
+this message. Appealing to them through their delegates assembled in
+Rochester in 1853, Douglass secured a warm endorsement of his plan in
+eloquent speeches and resolutions passed by the convention.
+
+[Footnote 1: _African Repository_, vol. xxix., p. 136.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Douglass, _Life and Times of_, p. 252.]
+
+This great enterprise, like all others, was soon to encounter
+opposition. Mrs. Stowe was attacked as soliciting money abroad for her
+own private use. So bitter were these proslavery diatribes that Henry
+Ward Beecher and Frederick Douglass had some difficulty in convincing
+the world that her maligners had no grounds for this vicious
+accusation. Furthermore, on taking up the matter with Mrs. Stowe after
+her return to the United States, Douglass was disappointed to learn
+that she had abandoned her plan to found a vocational institution.
+He was never able to see any force in the reasons for the change of
+policy; but believed that Mrs. Stowe acted conscientiously, although
+her action was decidedly embarrassing to him both at home and
+abroad.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 252.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+EDUCATION AT PUBLIC EXPENSE
+
+
+The persistent struggle of the colored people to have their children
+educated at public expense shows how resolved they were to be
+enlightened. In the beginning Negroes had no aspiration to secure such
+assistance. Because the free public schools were first regarded as a
+system to educate the poor, the friends of the free blacks turned
+them away from these institutions lest men might reproach them with
+becoming a public charge. Moreover, philanthropists deemed it wise to
+provide separate schools for Negroes to bring them into contact with
+sympathetic persons, who knew their peculiar needs. In the course of
+time, however, when the stigma of charity was removed as a result
+of the development of the free schools at public expense, Negroes
+concluded that it was not dishonorable to share the benefits of
+institutions which they were taxed to support.[1] Unable then to cope
+with systems thus maintained for the education of the white youth, the
+directors of colored schools requested that something be appropriated
+for the education of Negroes. Complying with these petitions boards
+of education provided for colored schools which were to be partly or
+wholly supported at public expense. But it was not long before the
+abolitionists saw that they had made a mistake in carrying out this
+policy. The amount appropriated to the support of the special schools
+was generally inadequate to supply them with the necessary equipment
+and competent teachers, and in most communities the white people
+had begun to regard the co-education of the races as undesirable.
+Confronted then with this caste prejudice, one of the hardest
+struggles of the Negroes and their sympathizers was that for
+democratic education.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Negroes of Baltimore were just prior to the Civil War
+paying $500 in taxes annually to support public schools which their
+children could not attend.]
+
+The friends of the colored people in Pennsylvania were among the first
+to direct the attention of the State to the duty of enlightening the
+blacks as well as the whites. In 1802, 1804, and 1809, respectively,
+the State passed, in the interest of the poor, acts which although
+interpreted to exclude Negroes from the benefits therein provided,
+were construed, nevertheless, by friends of the race as authorizing
+their education at public expense. Convinced of the truth of this
+contention, officials in different parts of the State began to yield
+in the next decade. At Columbia, Pennsylvania, the names of such
+colored children as were entitled to the benefits of the law for the
+education of the poor were taken in 1818 to enable them to attend the
+free public schools. Following the same policy, the Abolition Society
+of Philadelphia, seeing that the city had established public schools
+for white children in 1818, applied two years later for the share of
+the fund to which the children of African descent were entitled by
+law. The request was granted. The Comptroller opened in Lombard Street
+in 1822 a school for children of color, maintained at the expense of
+the State. This furnished a precedent for other such schools which
+were established in 1833, and 1841.[1] Harrisburg had a colored school
+early in the century, but upon the establishment of the Lancastrian
+school in that city in the thirties, the colored as well as the
+white children were required to attend it or pay for their education
+themselves.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 379.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 379.]
+
+In 1834 the legislature of Pennsylvania established a system of public
+schools, but the claims of the Negroes to public education were
+neither guaranteed nor denied.[1] The school law of 1854, however,
+seems to imply that the benefits of the system had always been
+understood to extend to colored children.[2] This measure provided
+that the comptrollers and directors of the several school districts of
+the State could establish within their respective districts separate
+schools for Negro and mulatto children wherever they could be so
+located as to accommodate twenty or more pupils. Another provision was
+that wherever such schools should "be established and kept open four
+months in the year" the directors and comptrollers should not be
+compelled to admit colored pupils to any other schools of that
+district. The law was interpreted to mean that wherever such
+accommodations were not provided the children of Negroes could attend
+the other schools. Such was the case in the rural districts where a
+few colored children often found it pleasant and profitable to attend
+school with their white friends.[3] The children of Robert B. Purvis,
+however, were turned away from the public schools of Philadelphia
+on the ground that special educational facilities for them had been
+provided.[4] It was not until 1881 that Pennsylvania finally swept
+away all the distinctions of caste from her public school system.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pa_., p. 291, sections
+1-23.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stroud and Brightly, _Purdon's Digest_, p. 1064, section
+23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Wickersham, _History of Education in Pa_., p. 253.]
+
+[Footnote 4: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+As the colored population of New Jersey was never large, there was not
+sufficient concentration of such persons in that State to give rise
+to the problems which at times confronted the benevolent people of
+Pennsylvania. Great as had been the reaction, the Negroes of New
+Jersey never entirely lost the privilege of attending school with
+white students. The New Jersey Constitution of 1844 provided that the
+funds for the support of the public schools should be applied for the
+equal benefit of all the people of that State.[1] Considered then
+entitled to the benefits of this fund, colored pupils were early
+admitted into the public schools without any social distinction.[2]
+This does not mean that there were no colored schools in that
+commonwealth. Negroes in a few settlements like that of Springtown had
+their own schools.[3] Separate schools were declared illegal by an act
+of the General Assembly in 1881.
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. v., p.
+2604.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Southern Workman_, vol. xxxvii., p. 390.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 400.]
+
+Certain communities of New York provided separate schools for colored
+pupils rather than admit them to those open to white children. On
+recommendation of the superintendent of schools in 1823 the State
+adopted the policy of organizing schools exclusively for colored
+people.[1] In places where they already existed, the State could aid
+the establishment as did the New York Common Council in 1824, when it
+appropriated a portion of its fund to the support of the African Free
+Schools.[2] In 1841 the New York legislature authorized any district,
+with the approbation of the school commissioners, to establish a
+separate school for the colored children in their locality. The
+superintendent's report for 1847 shows that schools for Negroes had
+been established in fifteen counties in the State, reporting an
+enrollment of 5000 pupils. For the maintenance of these schools
+the sum of $17,000 had been annually expended. Colored pupils were
+enumerated by the trustees in their annual reports, drew public money
+for the district in which they resided, and were equally entitled
+with white children to the benefit of the school fund. In the rural
+districts colored children were generally admitted to the common
+schools. Wherever race prejudice, however, was sufficiently violent to
+exclude them from the village school, the trustees were empowered
+to use the Negroes' share of the public money to provide for their
+education elsewhere. At the same time indigent Negroes were to be
+exempted from the payment of the "rate bill" which fell as a charge
+upon the other citizens of the district.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+24.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 48.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+248.]
+
+Some trouble had arisen from making special appropriations for
+incorporated villages. Such appropriations, the superintendent had
+observed, excited prejudice and parsimony; for the trustees of some
+villages had learned to expend only the special appropriations for
+the education of the colored pupils, and to use the public money
+in establishing and maintaining schools for the white children. He
+believed that it was wrong to argue that Negroes were any more a
+burden to incorporated villages than to cities or rural districts, and
+that they were, therefore, entitled to every allowance of money to
+educate them.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: Randall, _Hist. of Common School System of New York_, p.
+249.]
+
+In New York City much had already been done to enlighten the Negroes
+through the schools of the Manumission Society. But as the increasing
+population of color necessitated additional facilities, the
+Manumission Society obtained from the fund of the Public School
+Society partial support of its system. The next step was to unite the
+African Free Schools with those of the Public School Society to reduce
+the number of organizations participating in the support of Negro
+education. Despite the argument of some that the two systems should
+be kept separate, the property and schools of the Manumission Society
+were transferred to the New York Public School Society in 1834.[2]
+Thereafter the schools did not do as well as they had done before. The
+administrative part of the work almost ceased, the schools lost in
+efficiency, and the former attendance of 1400 startlingly dropped. An
+investigation made in 1835 showed that many Negroes, intimidated by
+frequent race riots incident to the reactionary movement, had left the
+city, while others kept their children at home for safety. It seemed,
+too, that they looked upon the new system as an innovation, did not
+like the action of the Public School Society in reducing their schools
+of advanced grade to that of the primary, and bore it grievously that
+so many of the old teachers in whom they had confidence, had been
+dropped. To bring order out of chaos the investigating committee
+advised the assimilation of the separate schools to the white.
+Thereupon the society undertook to remake the colored schools,
+organizing them into a system which offered instruction in primary,
+intermediate, and grammar departments. The task of reconstruction,
+however, was not completed until 1853, when the property of the
+colored schools was transferred to the Board of Education of New
+York.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 366.]
+
+The second transfer marked an epoch in the development of Negro
+education in New York. The Board of Education proceeded immediately
+to perfect the system begun at the time of the first change. The new
+directors reclassified the lower grades, opened other grammar schools,
+and established a normal school according to the recommendation of
+the investigating committee of 1835. Supervision being more rigid
+thereafter, the schools made some progress, but failed to accomplish
+what was expected of them. They were carelessly intrusted for
+supervision to the care of ward officers, some of whom partly
+neglected this duty, while others gave the work no attention whatever.
+It was unfortunate, too, that some of these schools were situated in
+parts of the city where the people were not interested in the uplift
+of the despised race, and in a few cases in wards which were almost
+proslavery. Better results followed after the colored schools were
+brought under the direct supervision of the Board of Education.
+
+Before the close of the Civil War the sentiment of the people of the
+State of New York had changed sufficiently to permit colored children
+to attend the regular public schools in several communities. This,
+however, was not general. It was, therefore, provided in the revised
+code of that State in 1864 that the board of education of any city or
+incorporated village might establish separate schools for children and
+youth of African descent provided such schools be supported in the
+same manner as those maintained for white children. The last vestige
+of caste in the public schools of New York was not exterminated until
+1900, in the administration of Theodore Roosevelt as Governor of New
+York. The legislature then passed an act providing that no one should
+be denied admittance to any public school on account of race, color,
+or previous condition of servitude.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of New York_, 1900, ch. 492.]
+
+In Rhode Island, where the black population was proportionately larger
+than in some other New England States, special schools for persons of
+color continued. These efforts met with success at Newport. In the
+year 1828 a separate school for colored children was established at
+Providence and placed in charge of a teacher receiving a salary of
+$400 per annum.[1] A decade later another such school was opened on
+Pond Street in the same city. About this time the school law of Rhode
+Island was modified so as to make it a little more favorable to the
+people of color. The State temporarily adopted a rule by which the
+school fund was thereafter not distributed, as formerly, according
+to the number of inhabitants below the age of sixteen. It was to be
+apportioned, thereafter, according to the number of white persons
+under the age of ten years, "together with five-fourteenths of the
+said [colored] population between the ages of ten and twenty-four
+years." This law remained in force between the years 1832 and 1845.
+Under the new system these schools seemingly made progress. In 1841
+they were no longer giving the mere essentials of reading and writing,
+but combined the instruction of both the grammar and the primary
+grades.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 169.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Stockwell, _Hist. of Education in R.I_., p. 51.]
+
+Thereafter Rhode Island had to pass through the intense antislavery
+struggle which had for its ultimate aim both the freedom of the Negro
+and the democratization of the public schools. Petitions were sent to
+the legislature, and appeals were made to representatives asking for
+a repeal of those laws which permitted the segregation of the colored
+children in the public schools. But intense as this agitation became,
+and urgently as it was put before the public, it failed to gain
+sufficient momentum to break down the barriers prior to 1866 when the
+legislature of Rhode Island passed an act abolishing separate schools
+for Negroes.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Laws of the State of Rhode Island_, 1865-66, p.
+49.]
+
+Prior to the reactionary movement the schools of Connecticut were,
+like most others in New England at that time, open alike to black and
+white. It seems, too, that colored children were well received and
+instructed as thoroughly as their white friends. But in 1830, whether
+on account of the increasing race prejudice or the desire to do for
+themselves, the colored people of Hartford presented to the School
+Society of that city a petition that a separate school for persons of
+color be established with a part of the public school fund which might
+be apportioned to them according to their number. Finding this request
+reasonable, the School Society decided to take the necessary steps to
+comply with it. As such an agreement would have no standing at law
+the matter was recommended to the legislature of the State, which
+authorized the establishment in that commonwealth of several separate
+schools for persons of color.[1] This arrangement, however, soon
+proved unsatisfactory. Because of the small number of Negroes in
+Connecticut towns, they found their pro rata inadequate to the
+maintenance of separate schools. No buildings were provided for them,
+such schools as they had were not properly supervised, the teachers
+were poorly paid, and with the exception of a little help from a few
+philanthropists, the white citizens failed to aid the cause. In 1846,
+therefore, the pastor of the colored Congregational Church sent to the
+School Society of Hartford a memorial calling attention to the fact
+that for lack of means the colored schools had been unable to secure
+suitable quarters and competent teachers. Consequently the education
+of their children had been exceedingly irregular, deficient, and
+onerous. The School Society had done nothing for these institutions
+but to turn over to them every year their small share of the public
+fund. These gentlemen then decided to raise by taxation an amount
+adequate to the support of two better equipped schools and proceeded
+at once to provide for its collection and expenditure.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+The results gave general satisfaction for a while. But as it was a
+time when much was being done to develop the public schools of New
+England, the colored people of Hartford could not remain contented.
+They saw the white pupils housed in comfortable buildings and
+attending properly graded classes, while their own children continued
+to be crowded into small insanitary rooms and taught as unclassified
+students. The Negroes, therefore, petitioned for a more suitable
+building and a better organization of their schools. As this request
+came at the time when the abolitionists were working hard to
+exterminate caste from the schools of New England, the School
+Committee called a meeting of the memorialists to decide whether they
+desired to send their children to the white or separate schools.[1]
+They decided in favor of the latter, provided that the colored people
+should have a building adequate to their needs and instruction of the
+best kind.[2] Complying with this decision the School Society erected
+the much-needed building in 1852. To provide for the maintenance of
+the separate schools the property of the citizens was taxed at such a
+rate as to secure to the colored pupils of the city benefits similar
+to those enjoyed by the white pupils.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 21.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 22.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 334.]
+
+Ardent antislavery men believed that this segregation in the schools
+was undemocratic. They asserted that the colored people would never
+have made such a request had the teachers of the public schools taken
+the proper interest in them. The Negroes, too, had long since been
+convinced that the white people would not maintain separate schools
+with the same equipment which they gave their own. This arrangement,
+however, continued until 1868. The legislature then passed an act
+declaring that the schools of the State should be open to all persons
+alike between the ages of four and sixteen, and that no person should
+be denied instruction in any public school in his school district on
+account of race or color.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Public Acts of the General Assembly of Conn_., 1868, p.
+296.]
+
+In the State of Massachusetts the contest was most ardent. Boston
+opened its first primary school for colored children in 1820. In other
+towns like Salem and Nantucket, New Bedford and Lowell, where the
+colored population was also considerable, the same policy was carried
+out.[1] Some years later, however, both the Negroes and their friends
+saw the error of their early advocacy of the establishment of special
+schools to escape the stigma of receiving charity. After the change
+in the attitude toward the public free schools and the further
+development of caste in American education, there arose in
+Massachusetts a struggle between leaders determined to restrict the
+Negroes' privileges to the use of poorly equipped separate schools and
+those contending for equality in education.
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 35.]
+
+Basing their action on the equality of men before the law, the
+advocates of democratic education held meetings from which went
+frequent and urgent petitions to school committees until Negroes were
+accepted in the public schools in all towns in Massachusetts except
+Boston.[1] Children of African blood were successfully admitted to the
+New Bedford schools on equality with the white youth in 1838.[2] In
+1846 the school committee of that town reported that the colored
+pupils were regular in their attendance, and as successful in their
+work as the whites. There were then ninety in all in that system; four
+in the high school, forty in grammar schools, and the remainder in the
+primary department, all being scattered in such a way as to have one
+to four in twenty-one to twenty-eight schools. At Lowell the children
+of a colored family were not only among the best in the schools but
+the greatest favorites in the system.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 20, and _Niles Register_, vol. lxvi., p.
+320.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 23.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 25.]
+
+The consolidation of the colored school of Salem with the others of
+that city led to no disturbance. Speaking of the democracy of these
+schools in 1846 Mr. Richard Fletcher said: "The principle of perfect
+equality is the vital principle of the system. Here all classes of
+the community mingle together. The rich and the poor meet on terms of
+equality and are prepared by the same instruction to discharge the
+duties of life. It is the principle of equality cherished in the free
+schools on which our government and free institutions rest. Destroy
+this principle in the schools and the people would soon cease to be
+free." At Nantucket, however, some trouble was experienced because of
+the admission of pupils of color in 1843. Certain patrons criticized
+the action adversely and withdrew fourteen of their children from the
+South Grammar School. The system, however, prospered thereafter rather
+than declined.[1] Many had no trouble in making the change.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 6.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 23.]
+
+These victories having been won in other towns of the State by 1846,
+it soon became evident that Boston would have to yield. Not only were
+abolitionists pointing to the ease with which this gain had been made
+in other towns, but were directing attention to the fact that in these
+smaller communities Negroes were both learning the fundamentals and
+advancing through the lower grades into the high school. Boston, which
+had a larger black population than all other towns in Massachusetts
+combined, had never seen a colored pupil prepared for a secondary
+institution in one of its public schools. It was, therefore, evident
+to fair-minded persons that in cities of separate systems Negroes
+would derive practically no benefit from the school tax which they
+paid.
+
+This agitation for the abolition of caste in the public schools
+assumed its most violent form in Boston during the forties. The
+abolitionists then organized a more strenuous opposition to the caste
+system. Why Sarah Redmond and the other children of a family paying
+tax to support the schools of Boston should be turned away from a
+public school simply because they were persons of color was a problem
+too difficult for a fair-minded man.[1] The war of words came,
+however, when in response to a petition of Edmund Jackson, H.J.
+Bowditch, and other citizens for the admission of colored people to
+the public schools in 1844, the majority of the school committee
+refused the request. Following the opinion of Chandler, their
+solicitor, they based their action of making distinction in the
+public schools on the natural distinction of the races, which "no
+legislature, no social customs, can efface," and which "renders a
+promiscuous intermingling in the public schools disadvantageous both
+to them and to the whites."[2] Questioned as to any positive law
+providing for such discrimination, Chandler gave his opinion that the
+School Committee of Boston, under the authority perhaps of the City
+Council, had a legal right to establish and maintain special primary
+schools for the blacks. He believed, too, that in the exercise of
+their lawful discretionary power they could exclude white pupils from
+certain schools and colored pupils from certain other schools when,
+in their judgment, the best interests of all would thereby be
+promoted.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Wigham, _The Antislavery Cause in America_, p. 103.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 31.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 30.]
+
+Encouraged by the fact that colored children were indiscriminately
+admitted to the schools of Salem, Nantucket, New Bedford, and Lowell,
+in fact, of every city in Massachusetts but Boston, the friends of
+the colored people fearlessly attacked the false legal theories of
+Solicitor Chandler. The minority of the School Committee argued that
+schools are the common property of all, and that each and all are
+legally entitled without "let or hindrance" to the equal benefits of
+all advantages they might confer.[1] Any action, therefore, which
+tended to restrict to any individual or class the advantages and
+benefits designed for all, was an illegal use of authority, and an
+arbitrary act used for pernicious purposes.[2] Their republican
+system, the minority believed, conferred civil equality and legal
+rights upon every citizen, knew neither privileged nor degraded
+classes, made no distinctions, and created no differences between rich
+and poor, learned and ignorant, or white and black, but extended to
+all alike its protection and benefits.[3] The minority considered it a
+merit of the school system that it produced the fusion of all classes,
+promoted the feeling of brotherhood, and the habits of equality. The
+power of the School Committee, therefore, was limited and constrained
+by the general spirit of the civil policy and by the letter and spirit
+of the laws which regulated the system.[4] It was further maintained
+that to debar the colored youth from these advantages, even if they
+were assured the same external results, would be a sore injustice and
+would serve as the surest means of perpetuating a prejudice which
+should be deprecated and discountenanced by all intelligent and
+Christian men.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Ibid_., p. 3.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Minority Report_, etc. pp. 4 and 5.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., pp. 3 _et. seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Ibid_., p. 4.]
+
+[Footnote 5: _Ibid_., p. 5.]
+
+To the sophistry of Chandler, Wendell Phillips also made a logical
+reply. He asserted that as members of a legal body, the School
+Committee should have eyes only for such distinctions among their
+fellow-citizens as the law recognized and pointed out. Phillips
+believed that they had precedents for the difference of age and sex,
+for regulation of health, etc., but that when they opened their eyes
+to the varied complexion, to difference of race, to diversity of
+creed, to distinctions of caste, they would seek in vain through the
+laws and institutions of Massachusetts for any recognition of their
+prejudice. He deplored the fact that they had attempted to foist into
+the legal arrangements of the land a principle utterly repugnant
+to the State constitution, and that what the sovereignty of the
+constitution dared not attempt a school committee accomplished. To
+Phillips it seemed crassly inconsistent to say that races permitted to
+intermarry should be debarred by Mr. Chandler's "sapient committee"
+from educational contact.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Minority Report_, etc., p. 27.]
+
+This agitation continued until 1855 when the opposition had grown too
+strong to be longer resisted. The legislature of Massachusetts then
+enacted a law providing that in determining the qualifications of a
+scholar to be admitted to any public school no distinction should
+be made on account of the race, color, or religious opinion of the
+applicant. It was further provided that a child excluded from school
+for any of these reasons might bring suit for damages against the
+offending town.[1]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Acts and Resolves of the General Court of Mass_., 1855,
+ch. 256.]
+
+In other towns of New England, where the black population was
+considerable, separate schools were established. There was one even in
+Portland, Maine.[1] Efforts in this direction were made in Vermont and
+New Hampshire, but because of the scarcity of the colored people these
+States did not have to resort to such segregation. The Constitution of
+Vermont was interpreted as extending to Negroes the benefits of the
+Bill of Rights, making all men free and equal. Persons of color,
+therefore, were regarded as men entitled to all the privileges of
+freemen, among which was that of education at the expense of the
+State.[2] The framers of the Constitution of New Hampshire were
+equally liberal in securing this right to the dark race.[3] But when
+the principal of an academy at Canaan admitted some Negroes to his
+private institution, a mob, as we have observed above, broke up the
+institution by moving the building to a swamp, while the officials of
+the town offered no resistance. Such a spirit as this accounts for the
+rise of separate schools in places where the free blacks had the right
+to attend any institution of learning supported by the State.
+
+[Footnote 1: Adams, _Anti-slavery_, etc., p. 142.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, vol. vi., p.
+3762.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., vol. iv., p. 2471.]
+
+
+The problem of educating the Negroes at public expense was perplexing
+also to the minds of the people of the West. The question became
+more and more important in Ohio as the black population in that
+commonwealth increased. The law of 1825 provided that moneys raised
+from taxation of half a mill on the dollar should be appropriated to
+the support of common schools in the respective counties and that
+these schools should be "open to the youth of every class and grade
+without distinction."[1] Some interpreted this law to include Negroes.
+To overcome the objection to the partiality shown by school officials
+the State passed another law in 1829. It excluded colored people from
+the benefits of the new system, and returned them the amount accruing
+from the school tax on their property.[2] Thereafter benevolent
+societies and private associations maintained colored schools in
+Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and the southern counties of Ohio.[3]
+But no help came from the cities and the State before 1849 when the
+legislature passed a law authorizing the establishment of schools for
+children of color at public expense.[4]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. xxiii., pp. 37 _et seq_.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, p. 85.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Simmons, _Men of Mark_, p. 374.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of Ohio_, vol. liii., pp. 117-118.]
+
+The Negroes of Cincinnati soon discovered that they had not won a
+great victory. They proceeded at once to elect trustees, organized a
+system, and employed teachers, relying on the money allotted them
+by the law on the basis of a per capita division of the school fund
+received by the Board of Education of Cincinnati. So great was the
+prejudice that the school officials refused to turn over the required
+funds on the grounds that the colored trustees were not electors,
+and therefore could not be office holders qualified to receive and
+disburse public funds.[1] Under the leadership of John I. Gaines the
+trustees called indignation meetings, and raised sufficient money to
+employ Flamen Ball, an attorney, to secure a writ of mandamus. The
+case was contested by the city officials even in the Supreme Court of
+the State which decided against the officious whites.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, pp. 371,
+372.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+Unfortunately it turned out that this decision did not mean very much
+to the Negroes. There were not many of them in certain settlements and
+the per capita division of the fund did not secure to them sufficient
+means to support schools. Even if the funds had been adequate to pay
+teachers, they had no schoolhouses. Lawyers of that day contended that
+the Act of 1849 had nothing to do with the construction of buildings.
+After a short period of accomplishing practically nothing material,
+the law was amended so as to transfer the control of such colored
+schools to the managers of the white system.[1] This was taken as a
+reflection on the standing of the blacks of the city and tended to
+make them refuse to cooeperate with the white board. On account of the
+failure of this body to act effectively prior to 1856, the people of
+color were again given power to elect their own trustees.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Laws of the State of Ohio_, vol. liii., p. 118.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Ibid_., p. 118.]
+
+During the contest for the control of the colored schools certain
+Negroes of Cincinnati were endeavoring to make good their claim that
+their children had a right to attend any school maintained by the
+city. Acting upon this contention a colored patron sent his son to a
+public school, which on account of his presence became the center of
+unusual excitement.[1] Miss Isabella Newhall, the teacher to whom he
+went, immediately complained to the Board of Education, requesting
+that he be expelled on account of his race. After "due deliberation"
+the Board of Education decided by a vote of fifteen to ten that he
+would have to withdraw from that school. Thereupon two members of that
+body, residing in the district of the timorous teacher, resigned.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855.]
+
+[Footnote 2: New York _Tribune_, Feb. 19, 1855; and Carlier,
+_L'Esclavage_, etc., p. 339.]
+
+Thereafter some progress in the development of separate schools in
+Cincinnati was noted. By 1855 the Board of Education of that city had
+established four public schools for the instruction of Negro youths.
+The colored pupils were showing their appreciation by regular
+attendance, manly deportment, and rapid progress in the acquisition of
+knowledge. Speaking of these Negroes in 1855, John P. Foote said that
+they shared with the white citizens that respect for education,
+and the diffusion of knowledge, which has ever been one of their
+"characteristics," and that they had, therefore, been more generally
+intelligent than free persons of color not only in other States but in
+all other parts of the world.[1] It was in appreciation of the worth
+of this class of progressive Negroes that in 1858 Nicholas Longworth
+built a comfortable school-house for them in Cincinnati, leasing it
+with the privilege of purchasing it in fourteen years.[2] They met
+these requirements within the stipulated time, and in 1859 secured
+through other agencies the construction of another building in the
+western portion of the city.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 92.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed_., 1871, p. 372.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 372.]
+
+The agitation for the admission of colored children to the public
+schools was not confined to Cincinnati alone, but came up throughout
+the section north of the Ohio River.[1] Where the black population was
+large enough to form a social center of its own, Negroes and their
+friends could more easily provide for the education of colored
+children. In settlements, however, in which just a few of them were
+found, some liberal-minded man usually asked the question why persons
+taxed to support a system of free schools should not share its
+benefits. To strengthen their position these benevolent men referred
+to the rapid progress of the belated people, many of whom within
+less than a generation from their emergence from slavery had become
+intelligent, virtuous, and respectable persons, and in not a few
+cases had accumulated considerable wealth.[2] Those who insisted that
+children of African blood should be debarred from the regular public
+schools had for their defense the so-called inequality of the races.
+Some went so far as to concede the claims made for the progressive
+blacks, and even to praise those of their respective communities.[3]
+But great as their progress had been, the advocates of the restriction
+of their educational privileges considered it wrong to claim for them
+equality with the Caucasian race. They believed that society would
+suffer from an intermingling of the children of the two races.
+
+[Footnote 1: Hickok, _The Negro in Ohio_, ch. iii.; and Boone,
+_History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: Foote, _The Schools of Cincinnati_, p. 93.]
+
+[Footnote 3: _Ibid_., p. 92.]
+
+In Indiana the problem of educating Negroes was more difficult. R.G.
+Boone says that, "nominally for the first few years of the educational
+experience of the State, black and white children had equal privileges
+in the few schools that existed."[1] But this could not continue long.
+Abolitionists were moving the country, and freedmen soon found enemies
+as well as friends in the Ohio valley. Indiana, which was in 1824 so
+very "solicitous for a system of education which would guard against
+caste distinction," provided in 1837 that the white inhabitants alone
+of each congressional township should constitute the local school
+corporation.[2] In 1841 a petition was sent to the legislature
+requesting that a reasonable share of the school fund be appropriated
+to the education of Negroes, but the committee to which it was
+referred reported that legislation on that subject was inexpedient.[3]
+With the exception of prohibiting the immigration of such persons into
+that State not much account of them was taken until 1853. Then the
+legislature amended the law authorizing the establishment of schools
+in townships so as to provide that in all enumerations the children
+of color should not be taken, that the property of the blacks and
+mulattoes should not be taxed for school purposes, and that their
+children should not derive any benefit from the common schools of that
+State.[4] This provision had really been incorporated into the former
+law, but was omitted by oversight on the part of the engrossing
+clerk.[5]
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Ed. in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1837,
+p. 15.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+[Footnote 4: _Laws of a General Nature of the State of Indiana_, 1855,
+p. 161.]
+
+[Footnote 5: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+A resolution of the House instructing the educational committee to
+report a bill for the establishment of schools for the education of
+the colored children of the State was overwhelmingly defeated in 1853.
+Explaining their position the opponents said that it was held "to be
+better for the weaker party that no privilege be extended to them,"
+as the tendency to such "might be to induce the vain belief that the
+prejudice of the dominant race could ever be so mollified as to break
+down the rugged barriers that must forever exist between their social
+relations." The friends of the blacks believed that by elevating them
+the sense of their degradation would be keener, and so the greater
+would be their anxiety to seek another country, where with the spirit
+of men they "might breathe fresh air of social as well as political
+liberty."[1] This argument, however, availed little. Before the Civil
+War the Negroes of Indiana received help in acquiring knowledge from
+no source but private and mission schools.
+
+[Footnote 1: Boone, _History of Education in Indiana_, p. 237.]
+
+In Illinois the situation was better than in Indiana, but far from
+encouraging. The constitution of 1847 restricted the benefits of the
+school law to white children, stipulating the word white throughout
+the act so as to make clear the intention of the legislators.[1] It
+seemed to some that, in excluding the colored children from the public
+schools, the law contemplated the establishment of separate schools
+in that it provided that the amount of school taxes collected from
+Negroes should be returned. Exactly what should be done with such
+money, however, was not stated in the act. But even if that were the
+object in view, the provision was of little help to the people of
+color for the reason that the clause providing for the return of
+school taxes was seldom executed. In the few cases in which it was
+carried out the fund thus raised was not adequate to the support of
+a special school, and generally there were not sufficient colored
+children in a community to justify such an outlay. In districts having
+control of their local affairs, however, the children of Negroes were
+often given a chance to attend school.
+
+[Footnote 1: The Constitution of Illinois, in the _Journal of the
+Constitution of the State of Illinois_, 1847, p. 344.]
+
+As this scant consideration given Negroes of Illinois left one-half
+of the six thousand of their children out of the pale of education,
+earnest appeals were made that the restrictive word white be stricken
+from the school law. The friends of the colored people sought to show
+how inconsistent this system was with the spirit of the constitution
+of the State, which, interpreted as they saw it, guaranteed all
+persons equality.[1] They held meetings from which came renewed
+petitions to their representatives, entreating them to repeal or amend
+the old school law. It was not so much a question as to whether or not
+there should be separate schools as it was whether or not the people
+of color should be educated. The dispersed condition of their children
+made it impossible for the State to provide for them in special
+schools the same educational facilities as those furnished the youth
+of Caucasian blood. Chicago tried the experiment in 1864, but failing
+to get the desired result, incorporated the colored children into
+the white schools the following year.[2] The State Legislature had
+sufficient moral courage to do away with these caste distinctions in
+1874.[3]
+
+[Footnote 1: Thorpe, _Federal and State Constitutions_, Const. of
+Illinois.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Special Report of U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 343.]
+
+[Footnote 3: Starr and Curtis, _Annotated Statutes of Illinois_, ch.
+105, p. 2261.]
+
+In other States of the West and the North where few colored people
+were found, the solution of the problem was easier. After 1848 Negroes
+were legal voters in the school meetings of Michigan. Colored
+children were enumerated with others to determine the basis for the
+apportionment of the school funds, and were allowed to attend the
+public schools. Wisconsin granted Negroes equal school privileges.[1]
+After the adoption of a free constitution in 1857, Iowa "determined no
+man's rights by the color of his skin." Wherever the word white had
+served to restrict the privileges of persons of color it was stricken
+out to make it possible for them not only to bear arms and to vote but
+to attend public schools.[2]
+
+[Footnote 1: _Special Report of the U.S. Com. of Ed._, 1871, p. 400.]
+
+[Footnote 2: _Journal of the Constitutional Convention of the State of
+Iowa_, 1857, p. 3 of the Constitution.]
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX
+
+DOCUMENTS
+
+
+The following resolutions on the subject treated in this part
+(the instruction of Negroes) are from the works of Dr. Cotton
+Mather.--Bishop William Meade.
+
+1st. I would always remember, that my servants are in some sense my
+children, and by taking care that they want nothing which may be good
+for them, I would make them as my children; and so far as the methods
+of instituting piety into the mind which I use with my children,
+may be properly and prudently used with my servants, they shall be
+partakers in them--Nor will I leave them ignorant of anything, wherein
+I may instruct them to be useful to their generation.
+
+2d. I will see that my servants be furnished with bibles and be able
+and careful to read the lively oracles. I will put bibles and other
+good and proper books into their hands; will allow them time to read
+and assure myself that they do not misspend this time--If I can
+discern any wicked books in their hands, I will take away those
+pestilential instruments of wickedness.
+
+3d. I will have my servants present at the religious exercises of my
+family; and will drop, either in the exhortations, in the prayers or
+daily sacrifices of the family such pages as may have a tendency to
+quicken a sense of religion in them.
+
+4th. The article of catechising, as far as the age or state of the
+servants will permit it to be done with decency, shall extend to them
+also,--And they shall be concerned in the conferences in which I may
+be engaged with my family, in the repetition of the public sermons. If
+any of them when they come to me shall not have learned the catechism,
+I will take care that they do it, and will give them a reward when
+they have accomplished it.
+
+5th. I will be very inquisitive and solicitous about the company
+chosen by my servants; and with all possible earnestness will rescue
+them from the snares of evil company, and forbid their being the
+companions of fools.
+
+6th. Such of my servants as may be capable of the task, I will employ
+to teach lessons of piety to my children, and will recompense them for
+so doing. But I would, by a particular artifice, contrive them to be
+such lessons, as may be for their own edification too.
+
+7th. I will sometimes call my servants alone; talk to them about the
+state of their souls; tell them to close with their only servant,
+charge them to do well and "lay hold on eternal life," and show them
+very particularly how they may render all they do for me a service to
+the glorious Lord; how they may do all from a principle of obedience
+to him, and become entitled to the "reward of the heavenly
+inheritance."
+
+To those resolutions did I add the following pages as an appendix:
+
+Age is nearly sufficient, with some masters to obliterate every letter
+and action in the history of a meritorious life, and old services are
+generally buried under the ruins of an old carcase. It is a barbarous
+inhumanity in men towards their servants, to account their small
+failings as crimes, without allowing their past services to have been
+virtues; gracious God, keep thy servants from such base ingratitude!
+
+But then O servants, if you would obtain "the reward of inheritance,"
+each of you should set yourself to enquire "how shall I approve myself
+such a servant, that the Lord may bless the house of my master, the
+more for my being in it?" Certainly there are many ways by which
+servants may become blessings. Let your studies with your continual
+prayers for the welfare of the family to which you belong: and the
+example of your sober carriage render you such. If you will but
+remember four words and attempt all that is comprised in them,
+Obedience, Honesty, Industry, and Piety, you will be the blessings and
+Josephs of the families in which you live. Let these four words be
+distinctly and frequently recollected; and cheerfully perform all your
+business from this consideration--that it is obedience to heaven, and
+from thence will leave a recompense. It was the observation even of a
+pagan, "That a master may receive a benefit from a servant"; and "what
+is done with the affection of a friend, ceases to be the act of a mere
+servant." Even the maid-servants of a house may render a great service
+to it, by instructing the infants and instilling into their minds the
+lessons of goodness.--In the Appendix of Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons
+Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+EDIT DU ROI
+
+Concernant les Esclaves Negres des Colonies, qui seront amenes, ou
+envoyes en France. Donne a Paris au mois d'Octobre 1716.
+
+I. Nous avons connu la necessite qu'il y a d'y soutenir l'execution
+de l'edit du mars 1685, qui en maintenant la discipline de l'Eglise
+Catholique, Apostolique et Romaine, pourvoit a ce qui concerne l'etat
+et la qualite des Esclaves Negres, qu'on entretient dans lesdites
+colonies pour la culture des terres; et comme nous avons ete informes
+que plusieurs habitans de nos Isles de l'Amerique desirent envoyer
+en France quelques-uns de leur Esclaves pour les confirmer dans les
+Instructions et dans les Exercices de notre Religion, et pour leur
+faire apprendre en meme tems quelque Art et Metier dont les colonies
+recevroient beaucoup d'utilite par le retour de ces Esclaves; mais que
+les habitans craignaient que les Esclaves ne pretendent etre libres en
+arrivant en France, ce qui pourroit causer auxdits habitans une perte
+considerable, et les detourner d'un objet aussi pieux et aussi utile.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+II. Si quelques-uns des habitans de nos colonies, ou officiers
+employes sur l'Etat desdites colonies, veulent amener en France avec
+eux des Esclaves Negres, de l'un & de l'autre sexe, en qualite de
+domestique ou autrement pour les fortifier davantage dans notre
+Religion, tant par les instructions qu'ils recevront, que par
+l'exemple de nos autre sujets, et pour leur faire apprendre en meme
+tems quelque Art et Metier, dont les colonies puissent retirer de
+l'utilite, par le retour de ces Esclaves, lesdits proprietaires
+seront tenus d'en obtenir la permission des Gouverneurs Generaux, ou
+Commandans dans chaque Isle, laquelle permission contiendra le nom du
+proprietaire, celui des Esclaves, leur age & leur signalement.--Code
+Noir ou Recueil d'edits, declarations, et arrets concernant des
+Esclaves Negres Discipline el le commerce des Esclaves Negres des
+isles francaises de l'Amerique (in Recueil de reglemens, edits,
+declarations, et arrets concernant le commerce, l'administration de
+la justice et la police des colonies francaises de l'Amerique et les
+Engages avec le Code Noir et l'addition audit Code) (Jefferson's
+copy). A Paris chez les Libraires Associes, 1745.
+
+
+A PROPOSITION FOR ENCOURAGING THE CHRISTIAN EDUCATION OF INDIAN,
+NEGRO, AND MULATTO CHILDREN AT LAMBETH, VIRGINIA, 1724
+
+"It being a duty of Christianity very much neglected by masters and
+mistresses of this country (America) to endeavor the good instruction
+and education of their heathen slaves in the Christian faith,--the
+said duty being likewise earnestly recommended by his Majesty's
+instructions,--for the facilitating thereof among the young slaves
+that are born among us; it is, therefore, humbly proposed that every
+Indian, Negro, or mulatto child that shall be baptized and afterward
+brought to church and publicly catechized by the minister in church,
+and shall, before the fourteenth year of his or her age, give a
+distinct account of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer and Ten Commandments,
+and whose master or mistress shall receive a certificate from the
+minister that he or she hath so done, such Indian, Negro or mulatto
+child shall be exempted from paying all levies till the age of
+eighteen years."--Bishop William Meade's _Old Churches, Ministers, and
+Families of Virginia_, vol. i., p. 265.
+
+
+PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Masters and Mistresses of Families in the English Plantations
+abroad; exhorting them to encourage and promote the instruction of
+their Negroes in the Christian Faith. (About 1727.)
+
+The care of the Plantations abroad being committed to the Bishop of
+London as to Religious Affairs; I have thought it my duty to make
+particular Inquiries into the State of Religion in those Parts, and to
+learn among other Things, what numbers of slaves are employed within
+the several Governments, and what Means are used for their Instruction
+in the Christian Faith: I find the Numbers are prodigiously great; and
+am not a little troubled to observe how small a Progress has been made
+in a Christian country, towards the delivering those poor Creatures
+from the Pagan Darkness and Superstition in which they were bred,
+and the making them Partakers in the Light of the Gospel, and the
+Blessings and Benefits belonging to it. And what is yet more to be
+lamented, I find there has not only been very little Progress made
+in the work but that all Attempts toward it have been by too many
+industriously discouraged and hindered; partly by magnifying the
+Difficulties of the Work beyond what they really are; and partly by
+mistaken Suggestions of the Change which Baptism would make in the
+Condition of the Negroes, to the Loss and Disadvantage of their
+Masters.
+
+As to the Difficulties; it may be pleaded, That the Negroes are grown
+Persons when they come over, and that having been accustomed to the
+Pagan Rites and Idolatries of their own Country, they are prejudiced
+against all other Religions, and more particularly against the
+Christian, as forbidding all that Licentiousness which is usually
+practiced among the Heathens.... But a farther Difficulty is that they
+are utter Strangers to our Language, and we to theirs; and the Gift of
+Tongues being now ceased, there is no Means left of instructing them
+in the Doctrines of the Christian Religion. And this, I own is a real
+Difficulty, as long as it continues, and as far as it reaches. But, if
+I am rightly informed, many of the Negroes, who are grown Persons when
+they come over, do of themselves obtain so much of our Language, as
+enables them to understand, and to be understood, in Things which
+concern the ordinary Business of Life, and they who can go so far of
+their own Accord, might doubtless be carried much farther, if proper
+Methods and Endeavors were used to bring them to a competent Knowledge
+of our Language, with a pious view to instructing them in the
+Doctrines of our Religion. At least, some of them, who are more
+capable and more serious than the rest, might be easily instructed
+both in our Language and Religion, and then be made use of to convey
+Instruction to the rest in their own Language. And this, one would
+hope, may be done with great Ease, wherever there is a hearty and
+sincere Zeal of the Work.
+
+But what Difficulties there may be in instructing those who are
+grown-up before they are brought over; there are not the like
+Difficulties in the Case of their Children, who are born and bred in
+our Plantations, who have never been accustomed to Pagan Rites and
+Superstitions, and who may easily be trained up, like all other
+Children, to any Language whatsoever, and particularly to our own; if
+the making them good Christians be sincerely the Desire and
+Intention of those, who have Property in them, and Government over
+them.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina_, pp. 104-106.
+
+
+ANOTHER PASTORAL LETTER OF BISHOP GIBSON OF LONDON
+
+To the Missionaries in the English Plantations (about 1727).
+
+DEAR BROTHER,
+
+Having understood by many Letters from the Plantations, and by the
+Accounts of Persons who have come from thence, that very little
+progress hath hitherto been made in the conversion of the Negroes to
+the Christian Faith; I have thought it proper for me to lay before
+Masters and Mistresses the Obligations they are under, and to promote
+and encourage that pious and necessary Work....
+
+As to those Ministers who have Negroes of their own; I cannot but
+esteem it their indispensable Duty to use their best Endeavors to
+instruct them in the Christian Religion, in order to their being
+baptised; both because such Negroes are their proper and immediate
+Care, and because it is in vain to hope that other Masters and
+Mistresses will exert themselves in this Work, if they see it wholly
+neglected, or but coldly pursued, in the Families of the Clergy ...
+
+I would also hope that the Schoolmasters in the several Parishes,
+part of whose Business it is to instruct Youth in the Principles of
+Christianity, might contribute somewhat towards the carrying on of
+this Work; by being ready to bestow upon it some of their Leisure
+Time, and especially on the Lord's Day, when both they and the Negroes
+are most at liberty and the Clergy are taken up with the public Duties
+of their Function.--Dalcho's _An Historical Account of the Protestant
+Episcopal Account of the Protestant Episcopal Church in South
+Carolina_, pages 112-114.
+
+
+AN EXTRACT FROM A SERMON PREACHED BY BISHOP SECKER OF LONDON IN 1741
+
+"The next Object of the Society's Concern, were the poor Negroes.
+These unhappy Wretches learn in their Native Country, the grossest
+Idolatry, and the most savage Dispositions: and then are sold to the
+best Purchaser: sometimes by their Enemies, who would else put them
+to Death; sometimes by the nearest Friends, who are either unable or
+unwilling to maintain them. Their Condition in our Colonies, though it
+cannot well be worse than it would have been at Home, is yet nearly as
+hard as possible: their Servitude most laborious, their Punishments
+most severe. And thus many thousands of them spend their whole
+Days, one Generation after another, undergoing with reluctant Minds
+continual Toil in this World, and comforted with no Hopes of Reward
+in a better. For it is not to be expected that Masters, too commonly
+negligent of Christianity themselves, will take much Pains to teach it
+their slaves; whom even the better Part of them are in a great Measure
+habituated to consider, as they do their Cattle, merely with a view
+to the Profit arising from them. Not a few, therefore, have openly
+opposed their Instruction, from an Imagination now indeed proved and
+acknowledged to be groundless, that Baptism would entitle them to
+Freedom. Others by obliging them to work on Sundays to provide
+themselves Necessaries, leave them neither Time to learn Religion, nor
+any Prospect of being able to subsist, if once the Duty of resting on
+that Day become Part of their Belief. And some, it may be feared,
+have been averse to their becoming Christians because after that,
+no Pretence will remain for not treating them like Men. When these
+Obstacles are added to the fondness they have for their old Heathenish
+Rites, and the strong Prejudices they must have against Teachers from
+among those, whom they serve so unwillingly; it cannot be wondered,
+if the Progress made in their Conversion prove slow. After some
+Experience of this kind, Catechists were appointed in two Places, by
+Way of Trial for Their Instruction alone: whose Success, where it
+was least, hath been considerable; and so great in the Plantation
+belonging to the Society that out of two hundred and thirty, at
+least seventy are now Believers in Christ. And there is lately an
+Improvement to this Scheme begun to be executed, by qualifying and
+employing young Negroes, prudently chosen, to teach their Countrymen:
+from which in the Opinion of the best Judges, we may reasonably
+promise ourselves, that this miserable People, the Generality of whom
+have hitherto sat in Darkness, will see great Light."--Seeker's _A
+Sermon Preached before the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of
+the Gospel in Foreign Parts_, 1741.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE SERMONS OF REV. THOMAS BACON ADDRESSED TO MASTERS
+AND SERVANTS ABOUT 1750
+
+"Next to our children and brethren by blood, our servants, and
+especially our slaves, are certainly in the nearest relation to us.
+They are an immediate and necessary part of our households, by whose
+labors and assistance we are enabled to enjoy the gifts of Providence
+in ease and plenty; and surely we owe them a return of what is just
+and equal for the drudgery and hardships they go through in our
+service....
+
+"It is objected, They are such stubborn creatures, there is no dealing
+with them.
+
+"_Answer_. Supposing this to be true of most of them (which I believe
+will scarcely be insisted on:) may it not fairly be asked, whence doth
+this stubbornness proceed?--Is it from nature?--That cannot be:--for I
+think it is generally acknowledged that _new Negroes_, or those born
+in and imported from the coast of _Guinea_, prove the best and most
+tractable servants. Is it then from education?--for one or the other
+it must proceed from.--But pray who had the care of bringing up those
+that were born here?--Was it not ourselves?--And might not an early
+care, of instilling good principles into them when young, have
+prevented much of that stubbornness and untractableness you complain
+of in country-born negroes?--These, you cry out, are wickeder than the
+others:--and, pray, where did they learn that wickedness?--Was it
+not among ourselves?--for those who come immediately from their own
+country, you say, have more simplicity and honesty. A sad reproach
+to a Christian people indeed! that such poor ignorant heathens shall
+bring better morals and dispositions from home with them, that they
+can learn or actually do contract amongst us!
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"It is objected,--they are so ignorant and unteachable, they cannot be
+brought to any knowledge in these matters.
+
+"_Answer_. This objection seems to have little or no truth in it, with
+respect to the bulk of them.--Their ignorance, indeed, about matters
+of religion, is not to be disputed;--they are sunk in it to a sad and
+lamentable degree, which has been shown to be chiefly owing to
+the negligence of their owners.--But that they are so stupid and
+unteachable, as that they cannot be brought to any competent knowledge
+in these matters, is false, and contrary to fact and experience. In
+regard to their work, they learn it, and grow dexterous enough in a
+short time. Many of them have learned trades and manufactures, which
+they perform well, and with sufficient ingenuity:--whence it is
+plain they are not unteachable; do not want natural parts and
+capacities.--Most masters and mistresses will complain of their art
+and cunning in contriving to deceive them.--Is it reasonable to deny
+then they can learn what is good, when it is owned at the same time
+they can be so artful in what is bad?--Their ignorance, therefore,
+if born in the country, must absolutely be the fault of their
+owners:--and such as are brought here from Africa may, surely, be
+taught something of advantage to their own future state, as well as to
+work for their masters' present gain.--The difference plainly consists
+in this;--that a good deal of pains is taken to shew them how to
+labour, and they are punished if they neglect it.--This sort of
+instruction their owners take care to give them every day, and look
+well to it that it be duly followed.--But no such pains are taken in
+the other case.--They are generally left to themselves, whether they
+will serve God, or worship Devils--whether they become christians, or
+remain heathens as long as they live: as if either their souls were
+not worth the saving, or as if we were under no obligation of giving
+them any instruction:--which is the true reason why so many of them
+who are grown up, and lived many years among us, are as entirely
+ignorant of the principles of religion, as if they had never come into
+a christian country:--at least, as to any good or practical purposes.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"I have dwelt the longer upon this head, because it is of the utmost
+importance, and seems to be but little considered among us.--For there
+is too much reason to fear, that the many vices and immoralities so
+common among white people;--the lewdness, drunkenness, quarrelling,
+abusiveness, swearing, lying, pride, backbiting, overreaching,
+idleness, and sabbath-breaking, everywhere to be seen among us, are a
+great encouragement to our Negroes to do the like, and help strongly
+to confirm them in the habits of wickedness and impiety.
+
+"We ought not only to avoid giving them bad examples, and abstain from
+all appearance of evil, but also strive to set a daily good example
+before their eyes, that seeing us lead the way in our own person, they
+may more readily be persuaded to follow us in the wholesome paths of
+religion and virtue.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought to make this reading and studying the holy scriptures, and
+the reading and explaining them to our children and slaves, and the
+catechizing or instructing them in the principles of the Christian
+religion, a stated duty.
+
+       *       *       *       *       *
+
+"We ought in a particular manner to take care of the children, and
+instil early principles of piety and religion into their minds.
+
+"If the grown up slaves, from confirmed habits of vice, are hard to be
+reclaimed, the children surely are in our power, and may be trained up
+in the way they should go, with rational hopes that when they are old,
+they will not depart from it.--We ought, therefore, to take charge
+of their education principally upon ourselves, and not leave them
+entirely to the care of their wicked parents.--If the present
+generation be bad, we may hope by this means that the succeeding ones
+will be much better. One child well instructed, will take care when
+grown up to instruct his children; and they again will teach their
+posterity good things.--And I am fully of opinion, that the common
+notion of _wickedness running in the blood_, is not so general in fact
+as to be admitted for an axiom. And that the vices we see descending
+from parents to their children are chiefly owing to the malignant
+influence of bad example and conversation.--And though some persons
+may be, and undoubtedly are, born with stronger passions and
+appetites, or with a greater propensity to some particular
+gratifications or pursuits than others, yet we do not want convincing
+instances how effectually they may be restrained, or at least
+corrected and turned to proper and laudable ends, by the force of an
+early care, and a suitable education.
+
+"To you of the female sex, (whom I have had occasion more than once to
+take notice of with honor in this congregation) I would address a few
+words on this head.--You, who by your stations are more confined at
+home, and have the care of the younger sort more particularly under
+your management, may do a great deal of good in this way.--I know not
+when I have been more affected, or my heart touched with stronger and
+more pleasing emotions, than at the sight and conversation of a little
+negro boy, not above seven years old, who read to me in the new
+testament, and perfectly repeated his catechism throughout, and all
+from the instruction of his careful, pious mistress, now I hope with
+God, enjoying the blessed fruits of her labours while on earth.--This
+example I would recommend to your serious imitation, and to enforce it
+shall only remark, that a shining part of the character of Solomon's
+excellent daughter is, that she looketh well to the ways of her
+household."--Rev. Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_, pp. 4, 48, 49, 51, 64, 65, 69, 70, 73, 74.
+
+
+PORTIONS OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT's ADDRESS TO THE CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN
+VIRGINIA ABOUT 1755
+
+"Rejoice and be exceeding glad, that you are delivered either from the
+Frauds of Mohamet, or Pagan Darkness, and Worship of Daemons; and are
+not now taught to place your Dependence upon those other dead Men,
+whom the Papists impiously worship, to the Neglect and Dishonor of
+Jesus Christ, the one only Mediator between God and Men. Christ, tho'
+he was dead, is alive again, and liveth forever-more. It is Christ,
+who is able also to save them to the uttermost, that come unto God by
+him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. Bless God,
+with all your Heart, that the Holy Scriptures are put into your Hands,
+which are able to make you wise unto Salvation, thro' Faith which is
+in Christ Jesus. Read and study the Bible for yourselves; and consider
+how Papists do all they can to hide it from their Followers, for Fear
+such divine Light should discover the gross Darkness of their false
+Doctrines and Worship. Be particularly thankful to the Ministers of
+Christ around you, who are faithfully labouring to teach you the Truth
+as it is in Jesus....
+
+"Contrary to these evident Truths and precious Comforts of the Word
+of God, you may perhaps be tempted very unjustly to renounce your
+Fidelity and Obedience to your Old Masters, in Hope of finding new
+ones, with whom you may live more happily. At one time or other it
+will probably be suggested to you, that the French will make better
+Masters than the English. But I beseech you to consider, that your
+Happiness as Men and Christians exceedingly depends upon your doing
+all in your Power to support the British Government, and that kind of
+Christianity which is called the Protestant Religion; and likewise in
+opposing, with all your Might, the Power of the French, the Delusions
+of Popish Priests, and all the Rage and Malice of such Indians, as are
+in the French Interest. If the Power of France was to prevail in the
+Country where you now live, you have Nothing to expect but the most
+terrible Increase of your Sufferings. Your Slavery would then, not
+merely extend to Body, but also to the Soul; not merely run thro' your
+Days of Labour, but even thro' your Lord's Days. Your Bibles would
+then become like a sealed Book, and your Consciences would be fettered
+with worse than Iron-Chains. Therefore be patient, be submissive and
+obedient, be faithful and true, even when some of your Masters are
+most unkind. This is the only way for you to have Consciences void
+of Offense towards God and Man. This will really be taking the most
+effectual Measures, to secure for yourselves a Share in the invaluable
+Blessings and Privileges of the glorious Gospel of the Blessed God,
+which you have already received thro' the Channel of the British
+Government, and which no other Government upon the Face of the Earth
+is so calculated to support and preserve.
+
+"The Lord Jesus Christ is now saying to you, as he did to Peter, when
+thou art converted strengthen thy Brethren....
+
+"Therefore let me entreat you to look upon your Country-men around
+you, and pity them, not so much for their being Fellow-Captives with
+you in a strange Land; as for this, that they are not yet, like you,
+delivered from the Power of Darkness....
+
+"Invite them to learn to read, and direct them where they may apply
+for Assistance, especially to those faithful Ministers, who have been
+your Instructors and Fathers in Christ...."--Fawcett's _Address to the
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 8, 17, 18, 24, 25.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE APPENDIX OF BENJAMIN FAWCETT'S "ADDRESS TO THE
+CHRISTIAN NEGROES IN VIRGINIA"
+
+"The first Account, I ever met with, of any considerable Number of
+Negroes embracing the Gospel, is in a letter written by Mr. Davies,
+Minister at Hanover in Virginia, to Mr. Bellamy of Bethlehem in New
+England, dated June 28, 1751. It appears that the Letter was designed
+for Publication; and I suppose, was accordingly printed at Boston
+in New England. It is to be seen in vol. ii., pages 330-338, of the
+_Historical Collections_ relating to remarkable Periods of the Success
+of the Gospel, and eminent Instruments employed in promoting it;
+Compiled by Mr. John Gillies, one of the Ministers of Glasgow: Printed
+by Foulis in 1754. Mr. Davies fills the greatest part of his Letter,
+with an Account of the declining State of Religion in Virginia, and
+the remarkable Means used by Providence to revive it, for a few Years
+before his Settlement there, which was in 1747; not in the character
+of a Missionary, but that of a dissenting Minister, invited by a
+particular People, and fixed with them. Such, he observes, was the
+scattered State of his Congregation, that he soon found it necessary
+to license seven Meeting-Houses, the nearest of which are twelve or
+fifteen Miles distant from each other, and the extremes about Forty;
+yet some of his People live twenty, thirty, and a few forty Miles from
+the nearest Meeting-House. He computes his Communicants at about three
+Hundred. He then says, 'There is also a Number of Negroes. Some times
+I see a Hundred and more among my Hearers. I have baptized about Forty
+of them within the last three Years, upon such a Profession of Faith
+as I then judged credible. Some of them, I fear, have apostatized; but
+others, I trust, will persevere to the End. I have had as satisfying
+Evidences of the sincere Piety of several of them, as ever I had from
+any Person in my Life; and their artless Simplicity, their passionate
+Aspirations after Christ, their incessant Endeavors to know and do
+the Will of God, have charmed me. But, alas! while my Charge is
+so extensive, I cannot take sufficient Pains with them for their
+Instruction, which often oppresses my Heart....'"
+
+At the Close of the above Letter, in the _Historical Collections_
+(vol. ii., page 338), there is added the following Marginal
+Note.--"May 22, 1754. Mr. G. Tennent and Mr. Davies being at
+Edinburgh, as Agents for the Trustees of the College of New Jersey,
+Mr. Davies informs,--that when he left Virginia in August last, there
+was a hopeful Appearance of a greater Spread of a religious Concern
+amongst the Negroes;--And a few weeks before he left Home, he baptized
+in one Day fifteen Negroes, after they had been catechized for some
+Months, and given credible Evidences of their sincerely embracing the
+Gospel."
+
+After these Gentlemen had finished the Business of their late Mission
+in this part of the World, Mr. Davies gave the following Particulars
+to his Correspondent in London, in a letter which he wrote in the
+Spring of the previous Year, six Weeks after his safe return to his
+Family and Friends.--"The Inhabitants of Virginia are computed to be
+about 300,000 Men, the one-half of which Number are supposed to be
+Negroes. The Number of those who attend my Ministry at particular
+Times is uncertain, but generally about three Hundred who give a
+stated Attendance. And never have I been so much struck with the
+Appearance of an Assembly, as when I have glanced my Eye to that Part
+of the Meeting-House, where they usually sit; adorned, for so it had
+appeared to me, with so many black Countenances, eagerly attentive to
+every Word they hear, and frequently bathed in Tears. A considerable
+Number of them, about a Hundred, have been baptized, after the proper
+Time for Instruction, and having given credible Evidences, not only
+of their Acquaintance with the important Doctrines of the Christian
+Religion, but also a deep Sense of them upon their Minds, attested
+by a Life of the strictest Piety and Holiness. As they are not
+sufficiently polished to dissemble with a good Grace, they express the
+sentiments of their Souls so much in the Language of simple Nature,
+and with such genuine Indications of Sincerity, that it is impossible
+to suspect their Professions, especially when attended with a truly
+Christian Life and exemplary Conduct.--My worthy Friend, Mr. Tod,
+Minister of the next Congregation, has near the same Number under his
+Instructions, who, he tells me, discover the same serious Turn of
+Mind. In short, Sir, there are Multitudes of them in different Places,
+who are willing, and eagerly desirous to be instructed, and embrace
+every Opportunity of acquainting themselves with the Doctrines of the
+Gospel; and tho' they have generally very little Help to learn to
+read, yet, to my agreeable Surprise, many of them, by the Dint of
+Application in their Leisure-Hours, have made such a Progress, that
+they can intelligibly read a plain Author, and especially their
+Bibles; and Pity it is that many of them should be without them.
+Before I had the Pleasure of being admitted a Member of your Society
+[Mr. Davies here means the Society for promoting religious Knowledge
+among the Poor, which was first begun in London in August, 1750] the
+Negroes were wont frequently to come to me, with such moving Accounts
+of their Necessities in this Respect, that I could not help supplying
+them with Books to the utmost of my small Ability; and when I
+distributed those among them, which my Friends with you sent over, I
+had Reason to think that I never did an Action in all my Life,
+that met with so much Gratitude from the Receivers. I have already
+distributed all the Books I brought over, which were proper for them.
+Yet still, on Saturday Evenings, the only Time they can spare [they
+are allowed some short Time, viz., Saturday afternoon, and Sunday,
+says Dr. Douglass in his Summary. See the _Monthly Review_ for
+October, 1755, page 274] my House is crowded with Numbers of them,
+whose very Countenances still carry the air of importunate Petitioners
+for the same Favors with those who came before them. But, alas!
+my Stock is exhausted, and I must send them away grieved and
+disappointed.--Permit me, Sir, to be an Advocate with you, and, by
+your Means, with your generous Friends in their Behalf. The Books I
+principally want for them are, Watts' Psalms and Hymns, and Bibles.
+The two first they cannot be supplied with any other Way than by a
+Collection, as they are not among the Books which your Society give
+away. I am the rather importunate for a good Number of these, and I
+cannot but observe, that the Negroes, above all the Human Species that
+I ever knew, have an Ear for Musick, and a kind of extatic Delight in
+Psalmody; and there are no Books they learn so soon, or take so much
+Pleasure in as those used in that heavenly Part of divine Worship.
+Some Gentlemen in London were pleased to make me a private Present of
+these Books for their Use, and from the Reception they met with, and
+their Eagerness for more, I can easily foresee, how acceptable and
+useful a larger Number would be among them. Indeed, Nothing would be a
+greater Inducement to their Industry to learn to read, than the Hope
+of such a Present; which they would consider, both as a Help, and a
+Reward for their Diligence"....--_Fawcett's Address to the Christian
+Negroes in Virginia_, etc., pp. 33. 34. 35. 36, 37. 38.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM JONATHAN BOUCHER'S "A VIEW OF THE CAUSES AND CONSEQUENCES
+OF THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION"(1763)
+
+"If ever these colonies, now filled with slaves, be improved to their
+utmost capacity, an essential part of the improvement must be the
+abolition of slavery. Such a change would be hardly more to the
+advantage of the slaves than it would be to their owners....
+
+"I do you no more than justice in bearing witness, that in no part of
+the world were slaves better treated than, in general, they are in the
+colonies.... In one essential point, I fear, we are all deficient;
+they are nowhere sufficiently instructed. I am far from recommending
+it to you, at once to set them free; because to do so would be an
+heavy loss to you, and probably no gain to them; but I do entreat
+you to make them some amends for the drudgery of their bodies by
+cultivating their minds. By such means only can we hope to fulfil the
+ends, which we may be permitted to believe, Providence had in view in
+suffering them to be brought among us. You may unfetter them from the
+chains of ignorance; you may emancipate them from the bondage of sin,
+the worst slavery to which they can be subjected; and by thus setting
+at liberty those that are bruised, though they still continue to be
+your slaves, they shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption
+into the glorious liberty of the Children of God."--Jonathan Boucher's
+_A View of the Causes and Consequences_, etc., pp. 41, 42, 43.
+
+
+BOUCHER ON AMERICAN EDUCATION IN 1773
+
+"You pay far too little regard to parental education....
+
+"What is still less credible is that at least two-thirds of the little
+education we receive is derived from instructors who are either
+indented servants or transported felons. Not a ship arrives either
+with redemptioners or convicts, in which schoolmasters are not as
+regularly advertised for sale as weavers, tailors, or any other trade;
+with little other difference, that I can hear of, excepting perhaps
+that the former do not usually fetch so good a price as the latter....
+
+"I own, however, that I dislike slavery and among other reasons
+because as it is here conducted it has pernicious effects on the
+social state, by being unfavorable to education. It certainly is no
+necessary circumstance, essential to the condition of a slave, that he
+be uneducated; yet this is the general and almost universal lot of the
+slaves. Such extreme, deliberate, and systematic inattention to all
+mental improvement, in so large portion of our species, gives far too
+much countenance and encouragement to those abject persons who are
+contented to be rude and ignorant."--Jonathan Boucher's _A View of the
+Causes and Consequences of the American Revolution_, pp. 183, 188,
+189.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ESSAY OF BISHOP PORTEUS TOWARD A PLAN FOR THE MORE
+EFFECTUAL CIVILIZATION AND CONVERSION OF THE NEGRO SLAVES ON THE TRENT
+ESTATE IN BARBADOES BELONGING TO THE SOCIETY FOR THE PROPAGATION OF
+THE GOSPEL IN FOREIGN PARTS. (WRITTEN IN 1784)
+
+"We are expressly commanded to preach the gospel to every creature;
+and therefore every human creature must necessarily be capable of
+receiving it. It may be true, perhaps, that the generality of
+the Negro slaves are extremely dull of apprehension, and slow of
+understanding; but it may be doubted whether they are more so than
+some of the lowest classes of our own people; at least they are
+certainly not inferior in capacity to the Greenlanders, many of whom
+have made very sincere Christians. Several travellers of good credit
+speak in very favorable terms, both of the understandings and
+dispositions of the native Africans on the coast of Guinea; and it is
+a well-known fact, that many even of the Negro slaves in our islands,
+although laboring under disadvantages and discouragements, that might
+well depress and stupefy even the best understandings, yet give
+sufficient proofs of the great quickness of parts and facility in
+learning. They have, in particular, a natural turn to the mechanical
+arts, in which several of them show much ingenuity, and arrive at no
+small degree of perfection. Some have discovered marks of genius for
+music, poetry, and other liberal accomplishments; and there are not
+wanting instances among them of a strength of understanding, and a
+generosity, dignity, and heroism of mind, which would have done honour
+to the most cultivated European. It is not, therefore, to any natural
+or unconquerable disability in the subject we had to work upon, that
+the little success of our efforts is to be ascribed. This would indeed
+be an insuperable obstacle, and must put an effectual stop to all
+future attempts of the same nature; but as this is far from being the
+case, we must look for other causes of our disappointment; which may
+perhaps appear to be, though of a serious, yet less formidable nature,
+and such as it is in the power of human industry and perseverance,
+with the blessing of Providence, to remove. The principal of them, it
+is conceived, are these which here follow:
+
+1. "Although several of our ministers and catechists in the college of
+Barbadoes have been men of great worth and piety, and good intentions,
+yet in general they do not appear (if we may judge from their letters
+to the Board) to have possessed that peculiar sort of talents and
+qualifications, that facility and address in conveying religious
+truths, that unconquerable activity, patience, and perseverance, which
+the instruction of dull and uncultivated minds requires, and which
+we sometimes see so eminently and successfully displayed in the
+missionaries of other churches.
+
+"And indeed the task of instructing and converting near three hundred
+Negro slaves, and of educating their children in the principles of
+morality and religion, is too laborious for any one person to execute
+well; especially when the stipend is too small to animate his
+industry, and excite his zeal.
+
+2. "There seems also to have been a want of other modes of
+instruction, and of other books and tracts for that purpose, besides
+those made use of hitherto by our catechists. And there is reason
+moreover to believe, that the time allotted to the instruction of the
+Negroes has not been sufficient.
+
+3. "Another impediment to the progress of our slaves in Christian
+knowledge has been their too frequent intercourse with the Negroes of
+the neighboring plantations, and the accession of fresh slaves to our
+own, either hired from other estates, or imported from Africa. These
+are so many constant temptations in their way to revert to their
+former heathenish principles and savage manners, to which they have
+always a strong natural propensity; and when this propensity is
+continually inflamed by the solicitations of their unconverted
+brethren, or the arrival of new companions from the coast of Guinea,
+it frequently becomes very difficult to be resisted, and counteracts,
+in a great degree, all the influence and exhortations of their
+religious teachers.
+
+4. "Although this society has been always most honourably
+distinguished by the gentleness with which the negroes belonging to
+its trust estates have been generally treated, yet even these (by the
+confession of our missionaries) are in too abject, and depressed, and
+uncivilized a state to be proper subjects for the reception of the
+divine truths of revelation. They stand in need of some further marks
+of the society's regard and tenderness for them, to conciliate their
+affections, to invigorate their minds, to encourage their hopes,
+and to rouse them out of that state of languor and indolence and
+insensibility, which renders them indifferent and careless both about
+this world and the next.
+
+5. "A still further obstacle to the effectual conversion of the
+Negroes has been the almost unrestrained licentiousness of their
+manner, the habits of vice and dissoluteness in which they are
+permitted to live, and the sad examples they too frequently see in
+their managers and overseers. It can never be expected that people
+given up to such practices as these, can be much disposed to receive a
+pure and undefiled religion: or that, if after their conversion they
+are allowed, as they generally are, to retain their former habits,
+their christianity can be anything more than a mere name.
+
+"These probably the society will, on inquiry, find to have been the
+principal causes of the little success they have hitherto had in their
+pious endeavors to render their own slaves real christians. And it is
+with a view principally to the removal of these obstacles that the
+following regulations are, with all due deference to better judgments,
+submitted to their consideration.
+
+"The first and most essential step towards a real and effectual
+conversion of our Negroes would be the appointment of a missionary
+(in addition to the present catechist) properly qualified for that
+important and difficult undertaking. He should be a clergyman sought
+out for in this country, of approved ability, piety, humanity,
+industry, and a fervent, yet prudent zeal for the interests of
+religion, and the salvation of those committed to his care; and should
+have a stipend not less than 200 f. sterling a year if he has an
+apartment and is maintained in the College, or 300 f. a year if he is
+not.
+
+"This clergyman might be called (for a reason to be hereafter
+assigned) 'The Guardian of the Negroes'; and his province should be
+to superintend the moral and spiritual concern of the slaves, to take
+upon himself the religious instruction of the adult Negroes, and to
+take particular care that all the Negro children are taught to read
+by the catechist and the two assistant women (now employed by the
+society) and also that they are diligently instructed by the catechist
+in the principles of the Christian religion, till they are fifteen
+years of age, when they shall be instructed by himself with the adult
+Negroes.
+
+"This instruction of the Negro children from their earliest years is
+one of the most important and essential parts of the whole plan; for
+it is to the education of the young Negroes that we are principally
+to look for the success of our spiritual labours. These may be easily
+taught to understand and to speak the English language with fluency;
+these may be brought up from their earliest youth in habits of virtue,
+and restrained from all licentious indulgences: these may have the
+principles and the precepts of religion impressed so early upon their
+tender minds as to sink deep, and to take firm root, and bring forth
+the fruits of a truly Christian life. To this great object, therefore,
+must our chief attention be directed; and as almost everything must
+depend on the ability, the integrity, the assiduity, the perseverance
+of the person to whom we commit so important a charge, it is
+impossible for us to be too careful and too circumspect in our choice
+of a CATECHIST. He must consider it his province, not merely to teach
+the Negroes the use of letters, but the elements of Christianity; not
+only to improve their understandings, but to form their hearts. For
+this purpose they must be put into his hands the moment they are
+capable of articulating their words, and their instruction must be
+pursued with unrelenting diligence. So long as they continue too young
+to work, they may be kept constantly in the school; as they grow fit
+to labour, their attendance on the CATECHIST must gradually lessen,
+till at length they take their full share of work with the grown
+Negroes.
+
+"A school of this nature was formerly established by the society
+of Charlestown in South Carolina, about the year 1745, under the
+direction of Mr. Garden, the Bishop of London's commissary in that
+province. This school flourished greatly, and seemed to answer their
+utmost wishes. There were at one time sixty scholars in it, and twenty
+young Negroes were annually sent out from it well instructed in the
+English language, and the Christian faith. Mr. Garden, in his letters
+to the society, speaks in the highest terms of the progress made
+by his scholars, and says, that the Negroes themselves were highly
+pleased with their own acquirements. But it is supposed that on a
+parochial establishment being made in Charlestown by government, this
+excellent institution was dropt; for after the year 1751, no further
+mention is made of it in the minutes of the society. From what little
+we know of it, however, we may justly conceive the most pleasing
+hopes from a similar foundation at Barbadoes."--_The Works of Bishop
+Porteus_, vi., pp., 171-179.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM "THE ACTS OF DR. BRAY'S VISITATION HELD AT ANNAPOLIS IN
+MARYLAND, MAY 23, 24, 25, ANNO 1700"
+
+_Words of Dr. Bray_
+
+"I think, my REVEREND BRETHREN, that we are now gone through such
+measures as may be necessary to be considered for the more universal
+as well as successful Catechising, and Instruction of Youth. And I
+heartily thank you for your so ready Concurrence in every thing that
+I have offered to you: And which, I hope, will appear no less in the
+Execution, than it has been to the Proposals.
+
+"And that proper Books may not be wanting for the several Classes of
+Catechumens, there is care taken for the several sorts, which may be
+all had in this Town. And it may be necessary to acquaint you,
+that for the poor Children and Servants, they shall be given
+Gratis."--Hawks's _Ecclesiastical History of the United States_, vol.
+ii., pp. 503-504.
+
+
+EXTRACTS FROM THE MINUTES OF THE MEETINGS OF THE SOCIETY OF
+FRIENDS....
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PENNSYLVANIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1774
+
+"And having grounds to conclude that there are some brethren who have
+these poor captives under their care, and are desirous to be wisely
+directed in the restoring them to liberty: Friends who may be
+appointed by quarterly and monthly meetings on the service now
+proposed, are earnestly desired to give their weighty and solid
+attention for the assistance of such who are thus honestly and
+religiously concerned for their own relief, and the essential benefit
+of the negro. And in such families where there are young ones, or
+others of suitable age, that they excite the masters, or those who
+have them, to give them sufficient instruction and learning, in order
+to qualify them for the enjoyment of liberty intended, and that they
+may be instructed by themselves, or placed out to such masters and
+mistresses who will be careful of their religious education, to serve
+for such time, and no longer, as is prescribed by law and custom, for
+white people."--_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the
+Testimony of the Religious Society of Friends against Slavery and the
+Slave Trade_. Published by direction of the Yearly Meeting, held in
+Philadelphia, in the Fourth Month, 1843, p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF PHILADELPHIA
+AND NEW JERSEY, 1779
+
+"A tender Christian sympathy appears to be awakened in the minds of
+many who are not in religious profession with us, who have seriously
+considered the oppressions and disadvantages under which those people
+have long laboured; and whether a pious care extended to their
+offspring is not justly due from us to them, is a consideration worthy
+of our serious and deep attention; or if this obligation did not
+weightily lay upon us, can benevolent minds be directed to any object
+more worthy of their liberality and encouragement, than that of laving
+a foundation in the rising generation for their becoming good and
+useful men? remembering what was formerly enjoined, 'If thy brethren
+be waxen poor, and fallen in decay with thee, then thou shalt relieve
+him; yea, though he be a stranger, or a sojourner; that he may live
+with thee.'"--_Ibid_., p. 38.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF CHESTER
+
+"The consideration of the temporal and spiritual welfare of the
+Africans, and the necessary instruction of their offspring now being
+resumed, and after some time spent thereon, it is closely recommended
+to our several monthly meetings to pay due attention to the advice of
+the Yearly Meeting on this subject, and proceed as strength may be
+afforded, in looking after them in their several habitations by a
+religious visit; giving them such counsel as their situation may
+require."--_Ibid_., p. 39.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE HADDONFIELD QUARTERLY MEETING
+
+"In Haddonfield Quarterly Meeting, a committee was kept steadily under
+appointment for several years to assist in manumissions, and in the
+education of the negro children. Religious meetings were frequently
+held for the people of color; and Haddonfield Monthly Meeting raised
+on one occasion 131 pounds, for the education of negro children.
+
+"In Salem Monthly Meeting, frequent meetings of worship for the people
+of color were held by direction of the monthly meeting; funds were
+raised for the education of their children, and committees appointed
+in the different meetings to provide books, place the children
+at school, to visit the schools, and inspect their conduct and
+improvement.
+
+"Meetings for Divine worship were regularly held for people of color,
+at least once in three months, under the direction of the monthly
+meetings of Friends in Philadelphia; and schools were also established
+at which their children were gratuitously instructed in useful
+learning. One of these, originally instituted by Anthony Benezet, is
+now in operation in the city of Philadelphia, and has been continued
+under the care of one of the monthly meetings of Friends of that city,
+and supported by funds derived from voluntary contributions of the
+members, and from legacies and bequests, yielding an income of about
+$1000 per annum. The average number of pupils is about sixty-eight of
+both sexes."--_Ibid_., pp. 40-41.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE RHODE ISLAND QUARTERLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS,
+1769
+
+A committee reported "that having met, and entered into a solemn
+consideration of the subject, they were of the mind that a useful
+alteration might be made in the query referred to; yet apprehending
+some further Christian endeavors in labouring with such who continue
+in possession of slaves should be first promoted, by which means the
+eyes of Friends may be more clearly opened to behold the iniquity
+of the practice of detaining our fellow creatures in bondage, and a
+disposition to set such free who are arrived to mature age; and when
+the labour is performed and report made to the meeting, the meeting
+may be better capable of determining what further step to take in this
+affair, which hath given so much concern to faithful Friends, and that
+in the meantime it should be enforced upon Friends that have them in
+possession, to treat them with tenderness; impress God's fear on their
+minds; promote their attending places of religious worship; and give
+such as are young, so much learning, that they may be capable of
+reading.
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing, buying, or any ways disposing of
+negroes or slaves; and do they use those well who are under their
+care, and not in circumstances, through nonage or incapacity, to
+be set at liberty? And do they give those that are young such an
+education as becomes Christians; and are the others encouraged in a
+religious and virtuous life? Are all set at liberty that are of age,
+capacity, and ability suitable for freedom?"--_Ibid_., pp. 45,46.
+
+
+FROM THE MINUTES OF THE YEARLY MEETING OF THE FRIENDS OF VIRGINIA IN
+1757 AND 1773
+
+"Are Friends clear of importing or buying negroes to trade on; and
+do they use those well which they are possessed of by inheritance
+or otherwise, endeavoring to train them in the principles of the
+Christian religion?"
+
+The meeting of 1773 recommended to Friends, "seriously to consider the
+circumstances of these poor people, and the obligation we are under to
+discharge our religious duties to them, which being disinterestedly
+pursued, will lead the professor to Truth, to advise and assist them
+on all occasions, particularly in promoting their instruction in the
+principles of the Christian religion, and the pious education of their
+children; also to advise them in their worldly concerns, as occasions
+offer; and it advised that Friends of judgment and experience may be
+nominated for this necessary service, it being the solid sense of
+this meeting, that we, of the present generation, are under strong
+obligations to express our love and concern for the offspring of those
+people, who, by their labours, have greatly contributed toward the
+cultivation of these colonies, under the afflictive disadvantage of
+enduring a hard bondage; and many amongst us are enjoying the benefit
+of their toil."--_Ibid._, pp. 51, 52, and 54.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE MINUTES OF THE METHODIST CONFERENCE, 1785
+
+"Q. What directions shall we give for the promotion of the spiritual
+welfare of the colored people?
+
+"A. We conjure all our ministers and preachers, by the love of God and
+the salvation of souls, and do require them, by all the authority that
+is invested in us, to leave nothing undone for the spiritual benefit
+and salvation of them, within their respective circuits or districts;
+and for this purpose to embrace every opportunity of inquiring into
+the state of their souls, and to unite in society those who appear to
+have a real desire of fleeing from the wrath to come, to meet such a
+class, and to exercise the whole Methodist Discipline among them."
+
+"Q. What can be done in order to instruct poor children, white and
+black to read?
+
+"A. Let us labor, as the heart of one man, to establish Sunday
+schools, in or near the place of public worship. Let persons be
+appointed by the bishop, elders, deacons, or preachers, to teach
+gratis all that will attend or have the capacity to learn, from six
+o'clock in the morning till ten, and from two o'clock in the afternoon
+till six, where it does not interfere with public worship. The
+council shall compile a proper school book to teach them learning and
+piety."--Rev. Charles Elliott's _History of the Great Secession front
+the Methodist Episcopal Church_, etc., p. 35.
+
+
+A PORTION OF AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
+IN 1800.
+
+The Assembly recommended:
+
+"2. The instruction of Negroes, the poor and those who are destitute
+of the means of grace in various parts of this extensive country;
+whoever contemplates the situation of this numerous class of persons
+in the United States, their gross ignorance of the plainest principles
+of religion, their immorality and profaneness, their vices and
+dissoluteness of manners, must be filled with anxiety for their
+present welfare, and above all for their future and eternal happiness.
+
+"3. The purchasing and disposing of Bibles and also of books and short
+essays on the great principles of religion and morality, calculated
+to impress the minds of those to whom they are given with a sense of
+their duty both to God and man, and consequently of such a nature as
+to arrest the attention, interest the curiosity and touch the feelings
+of those to whom they are given."--_Act and Proceedings of the General
+Assembly of the Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A. in the Year 1800_,
+Philadelphia.
+
+
+AN ACT OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF THE PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH IN 1801
+
+"The Assembly resumed the consideration of the communication from the
+Trustees of the General Assembly and having gone through the same,
+thereupon resolved,
+
+"5. That there be made a purchase of so many cheap and pious books as
+a due regard to the other objects of the Assembly's funds will admit,
+with a view of distributing them not only among the frontiers of these
+States, but also among the poorer classes of people, and the blacks,
+or wherever it is thought useful; which books shall be given away, or
+lent, at the discretion of the distributor; and that there be received
+from Mr. Robert Aitken, toward the discharge of his debt, books to
+such amount as shall appear proper to the Trustees of the Assembly,
+who are hereby requested to take proper measures for the distribution
+of same."--_Act and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the
+Presbyterian Church in the U.S.A._
+
+
+PLAN FOR IMPROVING THE CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS
+
+The business relative to free blacks shall be transacted by a
+committee of twenty-four persons, annually elected by ballot at a
+meeting of this Society, in the month called April, and in order to
+perform the different services with expedition, regularity and energy
+this committee shall resolve itself into the following sub-committees,
+viz.:
+
+I. A Committee of Inspection, who shall superintend the morals,
+general conduct, and ordinary situation of the free negroes, and
+afford them advice and instruction, protection from wrongs, and other
+friendly offices.
+
+II. A Committee of Guardians, who shall place out children and young
+people with suitable persons, that they may (during a moderate time
+of apprenticeship or servitude) learn some trade or other business
+of subsistence. The committee may effect this partly by a persuasive
+influence on parents and the persons concerned, and partly by
+cooeperating with the laws, which are or may be enacted for this
+and similar purposes. In forming contracts of these occasions, the
+committee shall secure to the Society as far as may be practicable the
+right of guardianship over the person so bound.
+
+III. A Committee of Education, who shall superintend the school
+instruction of the children and youth of the free blacks. They
+may either influence them to attend regularly the schools already
+established in this city, or form others with this view; they shall,
+in either case, provide, that the pupils may receive such learning as
+is necessary for their future situation in life, and especially a deep
+impression of the most important and generally acknowledged moral and
+religious principles. They shall also procure and preserve a regular
+record of the marriages, births, and manumissions of all free blacks.
+
+IV. The Committee of Employ, who shall endeavor to procure constant
+employment for those free negroes who are able to work; as the want of
+this would occasion poverty, idleness, and many vicious habits. This
+committee will by sedulous inquiry be enabled to find common labor for
+a great number; they will also provide that such as indicate proper
+talents may learn various trades, which may be done by prevailing upon
+them to bind themselves for such a term of years as shall compensate
+their masters for the expense and trouble of instruction and
+maintenance. The committee may attempt the institution of some simple
+and useful manufactures which will require but little skill, and also
+may assist, in commencing business, such as appear to be qualified for
+it.
+
+Whenever the Committee of Inspection shall find persons of any
+particular description requiring attention, they shall immediately
+direct them to the committee of whose care they are the proper
+objects.
+
+In matters of a mixed nature, the committee shall confer, and, if
+necessary, act in concert. Affairs of great importance shall be
+referred to the whole committee.
+
+The expense incurred by the prosecution of this plan, shall be
+defrayed by a fund, to be formed by donations or subscriptions for
+these particular purposes, and to be kept separate from the other
+funds of the Society.
+
+The Committee shall make a report on their proceedings, and of the
+state of their stock, to the Society, at their quarterly meetings, in
+the months called April and October.--Smyth's _Writings of Benjamin
+Franklin_, vol. x, p. 127.
+
+
+EXTRACT FROM THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES FROM
+THE ABOLITION SOCIETIES, 1795"
+
+"We cannot forbear expressing to you our earnest desire, that you will
+continue, without ceasing, to endeavor, by every method in your power
+which can promise any success, to procure, either an absolute repeal
+of all the laws in your state, which countenance slavery, or such an
+amelioration of them as will gradually produce an entire abolition.
+Yet, even should that great end be happily attained, it cannot put
+a period to the necessity of further labor. The education of the
+emancipated, the noblest and most arduous task which we have to
+perform, will require all our wisdom and virtue, and the constant
+exercise of the greatest skill and discretion. When we have broken his
+chains, and restored the African to the enjoyment of his rights, the
+great work of justice and benevolence is not accomplished--The new
+born citizen must receive that instruction, and those powerful
+impressions of moral and religious truths, which will render him
+capable and desirous of fulfilling the various duties he owes to
+himself and to his country. By educating some in the higher branches
+of science, and all the useful parts of learning, and in the precepts
+of religion and morality, we shall not only do away with the reproach
+and calumny so unjustly lavished upon us, but confound the enemies of
+truth, by evincing that the unhappy sons of Africa, in spite of the
+degrading influence of slavery, are in no wise inferior to the more
+fortunate inhabitants of Europe and America.
+
+"As a means of effectuating, in some degree, a design so virtuous and
+laudable, we recommend to you to appoint a committee, annually, or
+for any other more convenient period, to execute such plans, for the
+improvement of the condition and moral character of the free blacks
+in your state, as you may think best adapted to your particular
+situation."--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of
+Delegates, 1795._
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE "ADDRESS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION OF DELEGATES TO
+THE FREE AFRICANS AND OTHER FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR, 1796"
+
+"In the first place, We earnestly recommend to you, a regular
+attention to the duty of public worship; by which means you will
+evince gratitude to your CREATOR, and, at the same time, promote
+knowledge, union, friendship, and proper conduct among yourselves.
+
+"Secondly, we advise such of you, as have not been taught reading,
+writing, and the first principles of arithmetic, to acquire them
+as early as possible. Carefully attend to the instruction of your
+children in the same simple and useful branches of education. Cause
+them, likewise, early and frequently to read the holy Scriptures. They
+contain, among other great discoveries, the precious record of the
+original equality of mankind, and of the obligations of universal
+justice and benevolence, which are derived from the relation of the
+human race to each other in a COMMON FATHER.
+
+"Thirdly, Teach your children useful trades, or to labor with their
+hands in cultivating the earth. These employments are favorable to
+health and virtue. In the choice of masters, who are to instruct them
+in the above branches of business, prefer those who will work with
+them; by this means they will acquire habits of industry, and be
+better preserved from vice, than if they worked alone, or under the
+eye of persons less interested in their welfare. In forming contracts
+for yourselves or children, with masters, it may be useful to consult
+such persons as are capable of giving you the best advice, who are
+known to be your friends, in order to prevent advantages being taken
+of your ignorance of the laws and customs of your country."_--Minutes
+of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates, 1796.
+American Convention of Abolition Societies, Minutes, 1795-1804_
+
+
+A PORTION OF THE ADDRESS TO THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR BY THE AMERICAN
+CONVENTION FOR PROMOTING THE ABOLITION OF SLAVERY, 1819
+
+"The great work of emancipation is not to be accomplished in a
+day;--it must be the result of time, of long and continued exertions:
+it is for you to show by an orderly and worthy deportment that you are
+deserving of the rank which you have attained. Endeavor as much as
+possible to use economy in your expenses, so that you may be enabled
+to save from your earnings, something for the education of your
+children, and for your support in time of sickness and in old age: and
+let all those who by attending to this admonition, have acquired the
+means, send their children to school as soon as they are old enough,
+where their morals will be the object of attention, as well as their
+improvement in school learning; and when they arrive at a suitable
+age, let it be your especial care to have them instructed in some
+mechanical art suited to their capacities, or in agricultural
+pursuits; by which they may afterwards be enabled to support
+themselves and a family. Encourage also, those among you who are
+qualified as teachers of schools, and when you are of ability to pay,
+never send your children to free schools; this may be considered as
+robbing the poor, of the opportunities which were intended for them
+alone."
+
+
+THE WILL OF KOSCIUSZKO
+
+I, Thaddeus Kosciuszko, being just on my departure from America, do
+hereby declare and direct, that, should I make no other testamentary
+disposition of my property in the United States, I hereby authorize my
+friend, Thomas Jefferson, to employ the whole thereof in purchasing
+Negroes from his own or any others, and giving them liberty in my
+name, in giving them an education in trade or otherwise, and in having
+them instructed for their new condition in the duties of morality,
+which may make them good neighbors, good fathers or mothers, husbands
+or wives in their duties as citizens, teaching them to be defenders of
+their liberty and country, and of the good order of society, and in
+whatsoever may make them happy and useful. And I make the said Thomas
+Jefferson my executor of this.
+
+(Signed) T. KOSCIUSZKO. May 5, 1798. [See _African Repository_, vol.
+xi., p. 294.]
+
+
+FROM WASHINGTON'S WILL
+
+"Upon the decease of my wife, it is my will and desire that all the
+slaves whom I now hold in my own right shall receive their freedom....
+And whereas among those who will receive freedom according to this
+devise, there may be some who, from old age or bodily infirmities,
+and others who on account of their infancy will be unable to support
+themselves, it is my will and desire that all who come under the first
+and second description, shall be comfortably clothed and fed by my
+heirs while they live; and that such of the latter description as have
+no parents living, or if living are unable or unwilling to provide for
+them, shall be bound by the court until they shall arrive at the age
+of twenty-five years; and in cases where no record can be produced,
+whereby their ages can be ascertained, the judgement of court upon its
+own view of the subject shall be adequate and final. The negroes thus
+bound are (by their masters or mistresses) to be taught to read and
+write, and to be brought up to some useful occupation, agreeable to
+the laws of the Commonwealth of Virginia, providing for the support of
+orphan and other poor children."--Benson J. Lossing's _Life of George
+Washington_, vol. iii., p. 537.
+
+
+THIS INTERESTING DIALOGUE WAS WRITTEN BY AN AMERICAN ABOUT 1800
+
+The following dialogue took place between Mr. Jackson the master of a
+family, and the slave of one of his neighbors who lived adjoining the
+town, on this occasion. Mr. Jackson was walking through the common and
+came to a field of this person's farm. He there saw the slave leaning
+against the fence with a book in his hand, which he seemed to be very
+intent upon; after a little time he closed the book, and clasping it
+in both his hands, looked upwards as if engaged in mental prayer;
+after this, he put the book in his bosom, and walked along the fence
+near where Mr. Jackson was standing. Surprised at seeing a person of
+his color engaged with a book, and still more by the animation and
+delight that he observed in his countenance; he determines to enquire
+about it, and calls to him as he passes.
+
+_Mr. J_. So I see you have been reading, my lad?
+
+_Slave_. Yes, sir.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, I have a great curiosity to see what you were reading
+so earnestly; will you show me the book?
+
+_Slave_. To be sure, sir. (And he presented it to him very
+respectfully.)
+
+_Mr. J_. The Bible!--Pray when did you get this book? And who taught
+you to read it?
+
+_Slave_. I thank God, sir, for the book. I do not know the good
+gentleman who gave it to me, but I am sure God sent it to me. I was
+learning to read in town at nights, and one morning a gentleman met me
+in the road as I had my spelling book open in my hand: he asked me if
+I could read, I told him a little, and he gave me this book and told
+me to make haste and learn to read it, and to ask God to help me, and
+that it would make me as happy as any body in the world.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well did you do so?
+
+_Slave_. I thought about it for some time, and I wondered that any
+body should give me a book or care about me; and I wondered what that
+could be which could make a poor slave like me so happy; and so I
+thought more and more of it, and I said I would try and do as the
+gentleman bid me, and blessed be God! he told me nothing but the
+truth.
+
+_Mr. J_. Who is your master?
+
+_Slave_. Mr. Wilkins, sir, who lives in that house.
+
+_Mr. J_. I know him; he is a very good man; but what does he say to
+your leaving his work to read your book in the field?
+
+_Slave_. I was not leaving his work, sir. This book does not teach me
+to neglect my master's work. I could not be happy if I did that.--I
+have done my breakfast, sir, and am waiting till the horses are done
+eating.
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, what does that book teach you?
+
+_Slave_. Oh, sir! every thing that I want to know--all I am to do,
+this book tells me, and so plain. It shew me first that I was a
+wretched, ruined sinner, and what would become of me if I died in that
+state, and then when I was day and night in dread of God's calling me
+to account for my wickedness, and did not know which way to look for
+my deliverance, reading over and over again those dreadful words,
+"depart from me ye cursed into everlasting fire," then it revealed to
+me how Jesus Christ had consented to come and suffer punishment for
+us in our stead, and bought pardon for us by his blood, and how by
+believing on him and serving him, I might become a child of God, so
+that I need be no more terrified by the thoughts of God's anger but
+sure of his forgiveness and love....
+
+(Here Mr. J. pursued his walk; but soon reflecting on what he had
+heard, he resolved to walk by Mr. Wilkins's house and enquire into
+this affair from him. This he did, and finding him the following
+conversation took place between them.)
+
+_Mr. J_. Sir, I have been talking with a man of yours in that field,
+who was engaged, while his horses were eating, in reading a book;
+which I asked him to shew me and found it was the Bible; thereupon I
+asked him some questions and his answers, and the account he gave of
+himself, have surprised me greatly.
+
+_Mr. W_. I presume it was Will--and though I do not know what he
+may have told you, yet I will undertake to say that he has told you
+nothing but the truth. I am always safe in believing him, and do
+not believe he would tell me an untruth for any thing that could be
+offered him....
+
+_Mr. J_. Well, sir, you have seen I trust in your family, good fruits
+from the beginning.
+
+_Mr. W_. Yes indeed, sir, and that man was most instrumental in
+reconciling and encouraging all my people in the change. From that
+time I have regarded him as more a friend and assistant, than a slave.
+He has taught the younger ones to read, and by his kindness and
+example, has been a great benefit to all. I have told them that I
+would do what I could to instruct and improve them; and that if I
+found any so vicious, that they would not receive it and strive to
+amend, I would not keep them; that I hoped to have a religious,
+praying family, and that none would be obstinately bent on their own
+ruin. And from time to time, I endeavored to convince them that I was
+aiming at their own good. I cannot tell you all the happiness of the
+change, that God has been pleased to make among us, all by these
+means. And I have been benefited both temporally and spiritually by
+it; for my work is better done, and my people are more faithful,
+contented, and obedient than before; and I have the comfort of
+thinking that when my Lord and master shall call me to account for
+those committed to my charge, I shall not be ashamed to present
+them.--Bishop William Meade's "Tracts and Dialogues," etc., in
+the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's _Sermons Addressed to Masters and
+Servants_.
+
+
+A TRUE ACCOUNT OF A PIOUS NEGRO
+
+(Written about 1800)
+
+Some years ago an English gentleman had occasion to be in North
+America, where, among other adventures, the following circumstances
+occurred to him which are related in his own words.
+
+"Every day's observation convinces me that the children of God, viz.
+those who believe in him, and on such terms are accepted by him
+through Jesus Christ, are made so by his own especial grace and power
+inclining them to what is good, and, assisting them when they endeavor
+to be and continue so.
+
+"In one of my excursions, while I was in the province of New York, I
+was walking by myself over a considerable plantation, amused with its
+husbandry, and comparing it with that of my own country, till I came
+within a little distance of a middle aged negro, who was tilling the
+ground. I felt a strong inclination to converse with him. After asking
+him some little questions about his work, which he answered very
+sensibly, I wished him to tell me, whether his state of slavery was
+not disagreeable to him, and whether he would not gladly exchange it
+for his liberty?"
+
+"Massah," said he, looking seriously upon me, "I have wife and
+children; my massah takes care of them, and I have no care to provide
+anything; I have a good massah, who teach me to read; and I read good
+book, that makes me happy." "I am glad," replied I, "to hear you say
+so; and pray what is the good book you read?" "The Bible, massah,
+God's own good book." "Do you understand, friend, as well as read this
+book? for many can read the words well, who cannot get hold of the
+true and good sense." "O massah," says he, "I read the book much
+before I understand; but at last I found things in the book which made
+me very uneasy." "Aye," said I, "and what things were they?" "Why
+massah, I found that I was a sinner, massah, a very great sinner,
+I feared that God would destroy me, because I was wicked, and done
+nothing as I should do. God was holy, and I was very vile and naughty;
+so I could have nothing from him but fire and brimstone in hell, if I
+continued in this state." In short, he fully convinced me that he was
+thoroughly sensible of his errors, and he told me what scriptures came
+to his mind, which he had read, that both probed him to the bottom of
+his sinful heart, and were made the means of light and comfort to his
+soul. I then inquired of him, what ministry or means he made use of
+and found that his master was a Quaker, a plain sort of man who had
+taught his slaves to read, and had thus afforded him some means of
+obtaining religious knowledge, though he had not ever conversed with
+this negro upon the state of his soul. I asked him likewise, how he
+got comfort under all his trials? "O massah," said he, "it was God
+gave me comfort by his word. He bade me come unto him, and he would
+give me rest, for I was very weary and heavy laden." And here he went
+through a line of the most striking texts in the Bible, showing me, by
+his artless comment upon them as he went along, what great things God
+had done in the course of some years for his soul....--Bishop William
+Meade's "Tracts, Dialogues," etc., in the Appendix of Thomas Bacon's
+_Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants_.
+
+
+LETTER TO ABBE GREGOIRE, OF PARIS, 1809
+
+I have received the favor of your letter of August 19th, and with
+it the volume you were so kind as to send me on the Literature of
+Negroes. Be assured that no person living wishes more sincerely than
+I do to see a complete refutation of the doubts I have myself
+entertained and expressed on the grade of understanding allotted to
+them by nature and to find that in this respect they are on par with
+ourselves. My doubts were the result of personal observation in the
+limited sphere of my own state, where the opportunities for the
+development of their genius were not favorable, and those of
+exercising it still less so. I expressed them therefore with great
+hesitation; but whatever be their degree of talent it is no measure
+of their rights. Because Sir Isaac Newton was superior to others in
+understanding, he was not therefore lord of the person and property
+of others. On this subject they are gaining daily in the opinions
+of nations, and hopeful advances are making towards their
+re-establishment on an equal footing with the other colors of the
+human family. I pray you therefore to accept my thanks for the many
+instances you have enabled me to observe of respectable intelligence
+in that race of men, which cannot fail to have effect in hastening the
+day of their relief; and to be sure of the sentiments of the high and
+just esteem and consideration which I tender to yourself with all
+sincerity.--_Writings of Thomas Jefferson_, Memorial Edition, 1904,
+vol. xii., p. 252.
+
+
+PORTION OF JEFFERSON'S LETTER TO M.A. JULIEN, JULY 23, 1818
+
+Referring to Kosciuszko, Jefferson said:
+
+"On his departure from the United States in 1798 he left in my hands
+an instrument appropriating after his death all the property he had
+in our public funds, the price of his military services here, to the
+education and emancipation of as many of the children of bondage
+in this country as this should be adequate to. I am now too old to
+undertake a business _de si longue haleine_; but I am taking measures
+to place it in such hands as will ensure a faithful discharge of the
+philanthropic intentions of the donor. I learn with pleasure your
+continued efforts for the instruction of the future generations of
+men, and, believing it the only means of effectuating their rights, I
+wish them all possible success, and to yourself the eternal gratitude
+of those who will feel their benefits, and beg leave to add the
+assurance of my high esteem and respect."--_Writings of Thomas
+Jefferson_, Memorial Edition. 1904, vol. xv., pp. 173-174.
+
+
+FROM MADISON'S LETTER TO MISS FRANCES WRIGHT, SEPTEMBER 1, 1825
+
+"Supposing these conditions to be duly provided for, particularly the
+removal of the emancipated blacks, the remaining questions relate to
+the aptitude and adequacy of the process by which the slaves are at
+the same time to earn funds, entire or supplemental, required for
+their emancipation and removal; and to be sufficiently educated for a
+life of freedom and of social order....
+
+"With respect to the proper course of education, no serious
+difficulties present themselves. As they are to continue in a state
+of bondage during the preparatory period, and to be within the
+jurisdiction of States recognizing ample authority over them, a
+competent discipline cannot be impracticable. The degree in which this
+discipline will enforce the needed labour, and in which a voluntary
+industry will supply the defect of compulsory labour, are vital
+points, on which it may not be safe to be very positive without some
+light from actual experiment.
+
+"Considering the probable composition of the labourers, and the known
+fact that, where the labour is compulsory, the greater the number of
+labourers brought together (unless, indeed, where co-operation of
+many hands is rendered essential by a particular kind of work or of
+machinery) the less are the proportional profits, it may be doubted
+whether the surplus from that source merely, beyond the support of the
+establishment, would sufficiently accumulate in five, or even more
+years, for the objects in view. And candor obliges me to say that I am
+not satisfied either that the prospect of emancipation at a future
+day will sufficiently overcome the natural and habitual repugnance to
+labour, or that there is such an advantage of united over individual
+labour as is taken for granted.
+
+"In cases where portions of time have been allotted to slaves, as
+among the Spaniards, with a view to their working out their freedom,
+it is believed that but few have availed themselves of the opportunity
+by a voluntary industry; and such a result could be less relied on
+in a case where each individual would feel that the fruits of his
+exertions would be shared by others, whether equally or unequally
+making them, and that the exertions of others would equally avail him,
+notwithstanding a deficiency in his own. Skilful arrangements might
+palliate this tendency, but it would be difficult to counteract it
+effectually.
+
+"The examples of the Moravians, the Harmonites, and the Shakers,
+in which the united labours of many for a common object have been
+successful, have, no doubt, an imposing character. But it must be
+recollected that in all these establishments there is a religious
+impulse in the members, and a religious authority in the head, for
+which there will be no substitutes of equivalent efficacy in the
+emancipating establishment. The code of rules by which Mr. Rapp
+manages his conscientious and devoted flock, and enriches a common
+treasury, must be little applicable to the dissimilar assemblage
+in question. His experience may afford valuable aid in its general
+organization, and in the distribution of details of the work to be
+performed. But an efficient administration must, as is judiciously
+proposed, be in hands practically acquainted with the propensities and
+habits of the members of the new community."
+
+
+FROM FREDERICK DOUGLASS'S PAPER, 1853: "LEARN TRADES OR STARVE"
+
+These are the obvious alternatives sternly presented to the free
+colored people of the United States. It is idle, yea even ruinous, to
+disguise the matter for a single hour longer; every day begins and
+ends with the impressive lesson that free negroes must learn trades,
+or die.
+
+The old avocations, by which colored men obtained a livelihood, are
+rapidly, unceasingly and inevitably passing into other hands; every
+hour sees the black man elbowed out of employment by some newly
+arrived emigrant, whose hunger and whose color are thought to give him
+a better title to the place; and so we believe it will continue to be
+until the last prop is levelled beneath us.
+
+As a black man, we say if we cannot stand up, let us fall down. We
+desire to be a man among men while we do live; and when we cannot,
+we wish to die. It is evident, painfully evident to every reflecting
+mind, that the means of living, for colored men, are becoming more
+and more precarious and limited. Employments and callings formerly
+monopolized by us, are so no longer.
+
+White men are becoming house-servants, cooks and stewards on
+vessels--at hotels.--They are becoming porters, stevedores,
+wood-sawers, hod-carriers, brick-makers, white-washers and barbers,
+so that the blacks can scarcely find the means of subsistence--a few
+years ago, a _white_ barber would have been a curiosity--now their
+poles stand on every street. Formerly blacks were almost the exclusive
+coachmen in wealthy families: this is so no longer; white men are now
+employed, and for aught we see, they fill their servile station with
+an obsequiousness as profound as that of the blacks. The readiness and
+ease with which they adapt themselves to these conditions ought not to
+be lost sight of by the colored people. The meaning is very important,
+and we should learn it. We are taught our insecurity by it. Without
+the means of living, life is a curse, and leaves us at the mercy of
+the oppressor to become his debased slaves. Now, colored men, what do
+you mean to do, for you must do something? The American Colonization
+Society tells you to go to Liberia. Mr. Bibb tells you to go to
+Canada. Others tell you to go to school. We tell you to go to work;
+and to work you must go or die. Men are not valued in this country, or
+in any country, for what they are; they are valued for what they can
+_do_. It is in vain that we talk of being men, if we do not the work
+of men. We must become valuable to society in other departments of
+industry than those servile ones from which we are rapidly being
+excluded. We must show that we can _do_ as well as be; and to this end
+we must learn trades. When we can build as well as live in houses;
+when we can _make_ as well as _wear_ shoes; when we can produce as
+well as consume wheat, corn and rye--then we shall become valuable to
+society. Society is a hard-hearted affair.--With it the helpless may
+expect no higher dignity than that of paupers. The individual must lay
+society under obligation to him, or society will honor him only as a
+stranger and sojourner. _How_ shall this be done? In this manner; use
+every means, strain every nerve to master some important mechanical
+art. At present, the facilities for doing so are few--institutions of
+learning are more readily opened to you than the work-shop; but the
+Lord helps them who will help themselves, and we have no doubt that
+new facilities will be presented as we press forward.
+
+If the alternative were presented to us of learning a trade or of
+getting an education, we would learn the trade, for the reason, that
+with the trade we could get the education while with the education we
+could not get the trade. What we, as a people, most need, is the means
+for our own elevation.--An educated colored man, in the United States,
+unless he has within him the heart of a hero, and is willing to engage
+in a lifelong battle for his rights, as a man, finds few inducements
+to remain in this country. He is isolated in the land of his
+birth--debarred by his color from congenial association with whites;
+he is equally cast out by the ignorance of the _blacks_. The remedy
+for this must comprehend the elevation of the masses; and this can
+only be done by putting the mechanic arts within the reach of colored
+men.
+
+We have now stated pretty strongly the case of our colored countrymen;
+perhaps some will say, _too_ strongly, but we know whereof we affirm.
+
+In view of this state of things, we appeal to the abolitionists.
+What Boss anti-slavery mechanic will take a black boy into his
+wheelwright's shop, his blacksmith's shop, his joiner's shop, his
+cabinet shop? Here is something _practical_; where are the whites
+and where are the blacks that will respond to it? Where are the
+antislavery milliners and seamstresses that will take colored girls
+and teach them trades, by which they can obtain an honorable living?
+The fact that we have made good cooks, good waiters, good barbers, and
+white-washers, induces the belief that we may excel in higher branches
+of industry. _One thing is certain; we must find new methods of
+obtaining a livelihood, for the old ones are failing us very fast_.
+
+We, therefore, call upon the intelligent and thinking ones amongst
+us, to urge upon the colored people within their reach, in all
+seriousness, the duty and the necessity of giving their children
+useful and lucrative trades, by which they may commence the battle
+of life with weapons, commensurate with the exigencies of
+conflict.--_African Repository_, vol. xxix., pp. 136, 137.
+
+
+EDUCATION OF COLORED PEOPLE
+
+(_Written by a highly respectable gentleman of the South in_ 1854)
+
+Several years ago I saw in the _Repository_, copied from the
+_Colonization Herald_, a proposal to establish a college for the
+education of young colored men in this country. Since that time I have
+neither seen nor heard anything more of it, and I should be glad to
+hear whether the proposed plan was ever carried into execution.
+
+Four years ago I conversed with one of the officers of the
+Colonization Society on the subject of educating in this country
+colored persons intending to emigrate to Liberia, and expressed my
+firm conviction of the paramount importance of high moral and mental
+training as a fit preparation for such emigrants.
+
+To my great regret the gentleman stated that under existing
+circumstances the project, all important as he confessed it to be, was
+almost impracticable; so strong being the influence of the enemies of
+colonization that they would dissuade any colored persons so educated
+from leaving the United States.
+
+I know that he was thoroughly acquainted with the subject in all its
+bearings, and therefore felt that he must have good reasons for what
+he said; still I hoped the case was not so bad as he thought, and,
+at any rate, I looked forward with strong hope to the time when the
+colored race would, as a body, open their eyes to the miserable,
+unnatural position they occupy in America; when they would see who
+were their true friends, those who offered them real and complete
+freedom, social and political, in a land where there is no white race
+to keep them in subjection, where they govern themselves by their own
+laws; or those pretended friends who would keep the African where he
+can never be aught but a serf and bondsman of a despised caste, and
+who, by every act of their pretended philanthropy, make the colored
+man's condition worse.
+
+Most happily, since that time, the colored race has been aroused to a
+degree never before known, and the conviction has become general among
+them that they must go to Liberia if they would be free and happy.
+
+Under these circumstances the better the education of the colored
+man the more keenly will he feel his present situation and the more
+clearly he will see the necessity of emigration.
+
+Assuming such to be the feelings of the colored race, I think the
+immense importance of a collegiate institution for the education of
+their young must be felt and acknowledged by every friend of the
+race. Some time since the legislature of Liberia passed an act to
+incorporate a college in Liberia, but I fear the project has failed,
+as I have heard nothing more of it since. Supposing however the funds
+raised for such an institution, where are the professors to come from?
+They _must_ be educated in this country; and how can that be done
+without establishing an institution specially for young colored men?
+
+There is not a college in the United States where a young man of color
+could gain admission, or where, supposing him admitted, he could
+escape insult and indignity. Into our Theological Seminaries a few are
+admitted, and are, perhaps, treated well; but what difficulty they
+find in obtaining a proper preparatory education. The cause of
+religion then, no less than that of secular education, calls for such
+a measure.
+
+I think a strong and earnest appeal ought to be made to every friend
+of colonization throughout the United States to support the scheme
+with heart, hand and purse. Surely there are enough friends of the
+cause to subscribe at least a moderate sum for such a noble object;
+and in a cause like this, wealthy colored persons ought to, and
+doubtless will, subscribe according to their means. In addition to the
+general appeal through the _Repository_, let each individual friend
+of colonization use all his influence with his personal friends and
+acquaintances, especially with such as are wealthy. I know from my own
+experience how much can be done by personal application, even in cases
+where success appears nearly hopeless.--I will pledge myself to use my
+humble endeavors to the utmost with my personal acquaintances. A large
+sum would not be _absolutely necessary_ to found the college; and it
+would certainly be better to commence in the humblest way than to give
+up the scheme altogether.
+
+Buildings for instance might be purchased in many places for a very
+moderate sum that would answer every purpose, or they might be built
+in the cheapest manner; in short, everything might be commenced on the
+most economical scale and afterwards enlarged as funds increased.
+
+Those who are themselves engaged in teaching, such as the faculties of
+colleges, etc., would, of course, be most competent to prepare a
+plan for the proposed institution, and the ablest of them should be
+consulted; meantime almost anyone interested in the cause may offer
+some useful hint. In that spirit, I would myself offer a few brief
+suggestions, in case this appeal should be favorably received.
+
+Probably few men of my time of life have studied the character and
+condition of the African race more attentively than I have, with what
+success I cannot presume to say, but the opinion of any one devoting
+so much of his time to the subject ought to be of _some_ value.
+
+My opinion of their capacity has been much raised during my attempts
+at instructing them, but at the same time, I am convinced that they
+require a _totally different mode of training from whites_, and that
+any attempt to educate the two races together must prove a failure.
+I now close these desultory remarks with the hope that some one more
+competent than myself will take up the cause and urge it until some
+definite plan is formed.--_African Repository_, vol. xxx., pp. 194,
+195, 196.
+
+
+FROM A MEMORIAL TO THE LEGISLATURE OF NORTH CAROLINA, CIRCULATED AMONG
+THE CITIZENS OF THAT STATE IN 1855, TO SECURE THE MODIFICATION OF
+CERTAIN LAWS REGULATING SLAVES AND FREE PERSONS OF COLOR.
+
+ELEVATION OF THE COLORED RACE
+
+The Memorial is thus introduced:
+
+"Your memorialists are well aware of the delicate nature of the
+subject to which the attention of the Legislature is called, and
+of the necessity of proceeding with deliberation and caution. They
+propose some radical changes in the law of slavery, demanded by our
+common christianity, by public morality, and by the common weal of
+the whole South. At the same time they have no wish or purpose
+inconsistent with the best interests of the slaveholder, and suggest
+no reform which may impair the efficiency of slave labor. On the
+contrary, they believe that the much desired modifications of our
+slave code will redound to the welfare of all classes, and to the
+honor and character of the State throughout the civilized world."
+
+The attention of the Legislature was then asked to the following
+propositions: "1. That it behooves us as christian people to establish
+the institution of matrimony among our slaves, with all its legal
+obligations and guarantees as to its duration between the parties. 2.
+That under no circumstances should masters be permitted to disregard
+these natural and sacred ties of relationship among their slaves, or
+between slaves belonging to different masters. 3. That the parental
+relation to be acknowledged by law; and that the separation of parents
+from their young children, say of twelve years and under, be strictly
+forbidden, under heavy pains and penalties. 4. That the laws which
+prohibit the instruction of slaves and free colored persons,
+by teaching them to read the Bible and other good books, be
+repealed."--_African Repository_, vol. xxxi., pp. 117, 118.
+
+
+A LAWYER FOR LIBERIA
+
+On the sailing of almost every expedition we have had occasion to
+chronicle the departure of missionaries, teachers, or a physician, but
+not until the present time, that of a lawyer. The souls and bodies of
+the emigrants have been well cared for; now, it is no doubt supposed,
+they require assistance in guarding their money, civil rights, etc.
+Most professional emissaries have been educated at public expense,
+either by Missionary or the Colonization Societies, but the first
+lawyer goes out independent of any associated aid. Mr. Garrison
+Draper, a colored man of high respectability, and long a resident of
+Old Town, early determined on educating his only son for Africa. He
+kept him at some good public school in Pennsylvania till fitted for
+college, then sent him to Dartmouth where he remained four years and
+graduated, maintaining always a very respectable standing, socially,
+and in his class. After much consultation with friends, he determined
+upon the study of law. Mr. Charles Gilman, a retired member of the
+Baltimore Bar, very kindly consented to give young Draper professional
+instruction, and for two years he remained under his tuition. Not
+having any opportunities for acquiring a knowledge of the routine of
+professional practice, the rules, habits, and courtesy of the Bar,
+in Baltimore, Mr. Draper spent some few months in the office of a
+distinguished lawyer in Boston. On returning to the city to embark
+for Liberia, he underwent an examination by Judge Lee of the Superior
+Court, and obtained from him a certificate of his fitness to practice
+the profession of law, a copy of which we append hereto.
+
+We consider the settlement of Mr. Draper in the Republic as an event
+of no little importance. It seemed necessary that there should be one
+regularly educated lawyer in a community of several thousand people,
+in a Republic of freemen. True, there are many very intelligent, well
+informed men now in the practice of law in Liberia, but they have not
+been educated to the profession, and we believe, no one makes that his
+exclusive business. We doubt not that they will welcome Mr. Draper as
+one of their fraternity. To our Liberia friends we commend him as a
+well-educated, intelligent man, of good habits and principles; one in
+whom they may place the fullest confidence, and we bespeak for him, at
+their hands, kind considerations and patronage.
+
+
+STATE OF MARYLAND,
+
+CITY OF BALTIMORE,
+
+October 29, 1857.
+
+Upon the application of Charles Gilman, Esq., of the Baltimore Bar,
+I have examined Edward G. Draper, a young man of color, who has been
+reading law under the direction of Mr. Gilman, with the view of
+pursuing its practice in Liberia, Africa. And I have found him
+most intelligent and well informed in his answers to the questions
+propounded by me, and qualified in all respects to be admitted to the
+Bar in Maryland, if he was a free white citizen of this State. Mr.
+Gilman, in whom I have the highest confidence, has also testified to
+his good moral character.
+
+This certificate is therefore furnished to him by me, with a view to
+promote his establishment and success in Liberia at the Bar there.
+
+Z. COLLINS LEE,
+
+Judge of Superior Court, Balt., Md.
+
+_African Repository_, vol. xxxiv., pp. 26 and 27.
+
+
+
+
+BIBLIOGRAPHY
+
+
+There is no helpful bibliography on the early education of the
+American Negro. A few books treating the recent problems of education
+in this country give facts about the enlightenment of the colored
+people before their general emancipation, but the investigator has to
+depend on promiscuous sources for adequate information of this kind.
+With the exception of a survey of the _Legal Status of the Colored
+Population in Respect to Schools and Education in the Different
+States_, published in the Report of the United States Commissioner of
+Education in 1871, there has been no attempt at a general treatment
+of this phase of our history. This treatise, however, is too brief to
+inculcate an appreciation of the extensive efforts to enlighten the
+ante-bellum Negro.
+
+Considered as a local problem this question has received more
+attention. A few writers have undertaken to sketch the movement to
+educate the colored people of certain communities before the Civil
+War. Their objective point, however, has been rather to treat of later
+periods. The books mentioned below give some information with respect
+to the period treated in this monograph.
+
+
+BOOKS ON EDUCATION
+
+Andrews, C.C. _The history of the New York African Free Schools from
+their Establishment in 1787 to the Present Time_. (New York, 1830.)
+Embraces a period of more than forty years, also a brief account of
+the successful labors of the New York Manumission Society, with an
+appendix containing specimens of original composition, both in
+prose and verse, by several of the pupils; pieces spoken at public
+examinations; an interesting dialogue between Doctor Samuel L.
+Mitchell, of New York, and a little boy of ten years old, and lines
+illustrative of the Lancastrian system of instruction. Andrews was
+a white man who was for a long time the head of this colored school
+system.
+
+Boese, Thomas. _Public Education in the City of New York, Its History,
+Condition, and Statistics, an Official Report of the Board of
+Education_. (New York, 1869.) While serving as clerk of the Board of
+Education Boese had an opportunity to learn much about the New York
+African Free Schools.
+
+Boone, R.G. _A History of Education in Indiana._ (New York, 1892.)
+Contains a brief account of the work of the Abolitionists in behalf of
+the education of the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+BUTLER, N.M. _Education in the United States_. A series of monographs.
+(New York, 1910.)
+
+FOOTE, J.P. _The Schools of Cincinnati and Its Vicinity_. (Cincinnati,
+1855.) A few pages of this book are devoted to the establishment and
+the development of colored schools in that city.
+
+GOODWIN, M.B. "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Published in the Report of the United States
+Commissioner of Education in 1871.) This is the most thorough research
+hitherto made in this field. The same system has been briefly treated
+by W.S. Montgomery in his _Historical Sketch of Education for the
+Colored Race in the District of Columbia_, 1807-1907. (Washington,
+D.C., 1907.) A less detailed account of the same is found in James
+Storum's "_The Colored Public Schools of Washington,--Their Origin,
+Growth, and Present Condition." (A.M.E. Church Review_, vol. v., p.
+279.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _The Religious Instruction of the Negroes in the United
+States_. (Savannah, 1842.) In trying to depict the spiritual condition
+of the colored people the writer tells also what he thought about
+their intellectual status.
+
+MERIWETHER, C. _History of Higher Education in South Carolina, with
+a Sketch of the Free School System_. (Washington, 1889.) The author
+accounts for the early education of the colored people in that
+commonwealth but gives no details.
+
+MILLER, KELLY. "_The Education of the Negro_." Constitutes Chapter
+XVI. of the Report of the United States Commissioner of Education for
+the year 1901. Contains a brief sketch of the early education of the
+Negro race in this country.
+
+ORR, GUSTAVUS. _The Need of Education in the South_. (Atlanta, 1880.)
+An address delivered before the Department of Superintendence of the
+National Educational Association in 1879. Mr. Orr referred to the
+first efforts to educate the Negroes of the South.
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of Negroes_.
+Reference is made here to the early work of the Moravians among the
+colored people.
+
+RANDALL, SAMUEL SIDWELL. _The Common School System of the State of New
+York_. (New York, 1851.) Comprises the several laws relating to common
+schools, together with full expositions, instructions, and forms, to
+which is prefixed an historical sketch of the system. Prepared in
+pursuance of an act of the legislature, under the direction of the
+Honorable Christopher Morgan, Superintendent of Common Schools.
+
+STOCKWELL, THOMAS B. _A History of Public Education in Rhode Island
+from 1636 to 1876_. (Providence, 1876.) Compiled by authority of the
+Board of Education of Providence. Takes into account the various
+measures enacted to educate the Negroes of that commonwealth.
+
+WICKERSHAM, J.P. _A History of Education in Pennsylvania, Private and
+Public, Elementary and Higher, from the Time the Swedes Settled on the
+Delaware to the Present Day_. (Lancaster, Pa., 1886.) Considerable
+space is given to the education of the Negroes.
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., SR. _A Brief Historical Sketch of Negro Education in
+Georgia_. (Savannah, 1894.) The movement during the early period in
+that State is here disposed of in a few pages.
+
+_A Brief Sketch of the Schools for the Black People and their
+Descendants, Established by the Society of Friends_, etc.
+(Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY FOREIGNERS
+
+ABDY, E.S. _Journal of a Residence and Tour in the United States from
+April, 1833, to October, 1834_. Three volumes. (London, 1835.) Abdy
+was a fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge.
+
+ALLIOT, PAUL. _Reflexions historiques et politigues sur la Louisiane_.
+(Cleveland, 1911.) Good for economic conditions. Valuable for
+information concerning New Orleans about the beginning of the
+nineteenth century.
+
+ARFWEDSON, C.D. _The United States and Canada in 1833 and 1834_. Two
+volumes. (London, 1834.) Somewhat helpful.
+
+BREMER, FREDERIKA. _The Homes of the New World; Impressions of
+America_. Translated by M. Howitt. Two volumes. (London, 1853.) The
+teaching of Negroes in the South is mentioned in several places.
+
+BRISSOT DE WARVILLE, J.P. _New Travels in the United States of
+America: including the Commerce of America with Europe, particularly
+with Great Britain and France_. Two volumes. (London, 1794.) Gives
+general impressions, few details.
+
+BUCKINGHAM, J.S. _America, Historical, Statistical, and Descriptive_.
+Two volumes. (New York, 1841.)
+
+---- _Eastern and Western States of America_. Three volumes. (London
+and Paris, 1842.) Contains useful information.
+
+BULLOCK, W. _Sketch of a Journey through the Western States of North
+America from New Orleans by the Mississippi, Ohio, City of Cincinnati,
+and Falls of Niagara to New York_. (London, 1827.) The author makes
+mention of the condition of the Negroes.
+
+COKE, THOMAS. _Extracts from the Journals of the Rev. Dr. Coke's Three
+Visits to America_. (London, 1790.) Contains general information.
+
+---- _A Journal of the Reverend Doctor Coke's Fourth Tour on the
+Continent of America_. (London, 1792.) Brings out the interest of this
+churchman in the elevation of the Negroes.
+
+CUMING, F. _Sketches of a Tour to the Western Country through the
+States of Kentucky and Ohio; a Voyage down the Ohio and Mississippi
+Rivers and a Trip through the Mississippi Territory and Part of West
+Florida, Commenced at Philadelphia in the Winter of 1807 and Concluded
+in 1809_. (Pittsburg, 1810.) Gives a few facts.
+
+FAUX, W. _Venerable Days in America_. (London, 1823.) A "journal of
+a tour in the United States principally undertaken to ascertain by
+positive evidence, the condition and probable prospects of British
+emigrants, including accounts of Mr. Kirkbeck's settlement in Illinois
+and intended to show men and things as they are in America." The
+Negroes are casually mentioned.
+
+HUMBOLDT, FRIEDRICH HEINRICH ALEXANDER, FREIHERR VON. _The Travels and
+Researches of Friedrich Heinrich Alexander von Humboldt._ (London,
+1833.) The author gives a "condensed narrative of his journeys in
+the equinoctial regions in America and in Asiatic Russia." The work
+contains also analyses of his important investigations. He throws
+a little light on the condition of the mixed breeds of the Western
+Hemisphere.
+
+KEMBLE, FRANCES ANNE. _Journal of a Residence on a Plantation in
+1838-1839._ (New York, 1863.) This diary is quoted extensively as one
+of the best sources for Southern conditions before the Civil War.
+
+LAMBERT, JOHN. _Travels through Canada and the United States, in the
+Years 1806, 1807, and 1808._ Two volumes. (London, 1813.) To this
+journal are added notices and anecdotes of some of the leading
+characters in the United States. This traveler saw the Negroes.
+
+PONS, FRANCOIS RAYMOND DE. _Travels in Parts of South America, during
+the Years 1801, 1802, 1803, and 1804._ (London, 1806.) Contains a
+description of Caracas; an account of the laws, commerce, and natural
+productions of that country; and a view of the customs and manners of
+the Spaniards and native Indians. Negroes are mentioned.
+
+PRIEST, WILLIAM. _Travels in the United States Commencing in the Year
+1793 and ending in the Year 1797._ (London, 1802.) Priest made two
+voyages across the Atlantic to appear at the theaters of Baltimore,
+Boston, and Philadelphia. He had something to say about the condition
+of the Negroes.
+
+ROCHEFOUCAULD-LIANCOURT, DUC DE. _Travels through the United States of
+America, the Country of the Iroquois, and Upper Canada in the Years
+1795, 1796, and 1797._ (London, 1799.) The author discusses the
+attitude of the people toward the uplift of the Negroes.
+
+SCHOEPF, JOHANN DAVID. _Reise durch der Mittlern und Sudlichen
+Vereinigten Nordamerikanischen Staaten nach Ost-Florida und den Bahama
+Inseln unternommen in den Jahren 1783 und 1784._ (Cincinnati, 1812.)
+A translation of this work was published by Alfred J. Morrison at
+Philadelphia in 1911. Gives general impressions.
+
+SMYTH, J.F.D. _A Tour in the United States_. (London, 1848.) This
+writer incidentally mentions the people of color.
+
+SUTCLIFF, ROBERT. _Travels in Some Parts of North America in the Years
+1804, 1805, and 1806_. (Philadelphia, 1812.) While traveling in slave
+territory Sutcliff studied the mental condition of the colored people.
+
+BOOKS OF TRAVEL BY AMERICANS
+
+BROWN, DAVID. _The Planter, or Thirteen Years in the South_.
+(Philadelphia, 1853.) Here we get a Northern white man's view of the
+heathenism of the Negroes.
+
+BURKE, EMILY. _Reminiscences of Georgia_. (Oberlin, Ohio, 1850.)
+Presents the views of a woman who was interested in the uplift of the
+Negro race.
+
+EVANS, ESTWICK. _A Pedestrious Tour of Four Thousand Miles through the
+Western States and Territories during the Winter and Spring of 1818_.
+(Concord, N.H., 1819.) Among the many topics treated is the
+author's contention that the Negro is capable of the highest mental
+development.
+
+OLMSTED, FREDERICK LAW. _A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, with
+Remarks on their Economy_. (New York, 1859.)
+
+---- _A Journey in the Back Country_. (London, i860.)
+
+---- _Journeys and Explorations in the Cotton Kingdom_. (London,
+1861.) Olmsted was a New York farmer. He recorded a few important
+facts about the education of the Negroes immediately before the Civil
+War.
+
+PARSONS, E.G. _Inside View of Slavery, or a Tour among the Planters_.
+(Boston, 1855.) The introduction was written by Harriet Beecher Stowe.
+It was published to aid the antislavery cause, but in describing the
+condition of Negroes the author gave some educational statistics.
+
+REDPATH, JAMES. _The Roving Editor, or Talks with Slaves in Southern
+States_. (New York 1859.) The slaves are here said to be telling their
+own story.
+
+SMEDES, MRS. SUSAN (DABNEY). _Memorials of a Southern Planter_.
+(Baltimore, 1887.) The benevolence of those masters who had their
+slaves taught in spite of public opinion and the law, is well brought
+out in this volume.
+
+TOWER, REVEREND PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked_. (Rochester, 1856.) Valuable
+chiefly for the author's arraignment of the so-called religious
+instruction of the Negroes after the reactionary period.
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _Journal of John Woolman, with an Introduction by John
+G. Whittier_. (Boston, 1873.) Woolman traveled so extensively in the
+colonies that he probably knew more about the mental state of the
+Negroes than any other Quaker of his time.
+
+
+LETTERS
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. Letters of Thomas Jefferson to Abbe Gregoire,
+M.A. Julien, and Benjamin Banneker. In _Jefferson's Works_, Memorial
+Edition, xii. and xv. He comments on Negroes' talents.
+
+MADISON, JAMES. Letter to Prances Wright. _In Madison's Works_, vol.
+iii., p. 396. The training of Negroes is discussed.
+
+MAY, SAMUEL JOSEPH. _The Right of the Colored People to Education_.
+(Brooklyn, 1883.) A collection of public letters addressed to Andrew
+T. Judson, remonstrating on the unjust procedure relative to Miss
+Prudence Crandall.
+
+MCDONOGH, JOHN. "A Letter of John McDonogh on African Colonization
+addressed to the Editor of _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin_,"
+McDonogh was interested in the betterment of the colored people and
+did much to promote their mental development.
+
+SHARPE, H. ED. _The Abolition of Negro Apprenticeship_. A letter to
+Lord Brougham. (London, 1838.)
+
+_A Southern Spy, or Curiosities of Negro Slavery in the South. Letters
+from a Southern to a Northern Gentleman_. The comment of a passer-by.
+
+_A Letter to an American Planter from his Friend in London in 1781_.
+The writer discussed the instruction of Negroes.
+
+
+BIOGRAPHIES
+
+BIRNEY, CATHERINE H. _The Grimke Sisters; Sara and Angelina Grimke,
+the First American Women Advocates of Abolition and Woman's Rights_.
+(Boston, 1885.) Mentions the part these workers played in the secret
+education of Negroes in the South.
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and His Times_. (New York, 1890.) A
+sketch of an advocate of Negro education.
+
+BOWEN, CLARENCE W. _Arthur and Lewis Tappan_. A paper read at the
+fiftieth anniversary of the New York Anti-Slavery Society, at the
+Broadway Tabernacle, New York City, October 2, 1883. An honorable
+mention of two promoters of the colored manual labor schools.
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _Isaac T. Hopper: A True Life_. (Boston and
+Cleveland, 1853.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Benjamin Banneker, the Negro Astronomer_.
+(London, 1864.)
+
+(COOPER, JAMES F.) _Notions of the Americans Picked up by a Traveling
+Bachelor_. (Philadelphia, 1828.) General.
+
+DREW, BENJAMIN. _A North-side View of Slavery. The Refugee: or the
+Narratives of Fugitive Slaves in Canada_. Related by themselves, with
+an Account of the History and Condition of the Colored Population of
+Upper Canada. (New York and Boston, 1856.)
+
+GARRISON, FRANCIS AND WENDELL P. _William Lloyd Garrison, 1805-1879.
+The Story of his Life told by his Children_. Four volumes. (Boston
+and New York, 1894.) Includes a brief account of what he did for the
+education of the colored people.
+
+HALLOWELL, A.D. _James and Lucretia Mott; Life and Letters_. (Boston,
+1884.) These were ardent abolitionists who advocated the education of
+the colored people.
+
+JOHNSON, OLIVER. _William Lloyd Garrison and his Times_. (Boston,
+1880. New edition, revised and enlarged, Boston, 1881.)
+
+LOSSING, BENSON J. _Life of George Washington, a Biography, Military
+and Political_. Three volumes. (New York, 1860.) Gives the will of
+George Washington, who provided that at the stipulated time his slaves
+should be freed and that their children should be taught to read.
+
+MATHER, COTTON. _The Life and Death of the Reverend John Elliot who
+was the First Preacher of the Gospel to the Indians in America_. The
+third edition carefully corrected. (London, 1694.) Sets forth the
+attitude of John Elliot toward the teaching of slaves.
+
+MOTT, A. _Biographical Sketches and Interesting Anecdotes of Persons
+of Color; with a Selection of Pieces of Poetry_. (New York, 1826.)
+Some of these sketches show how ambitious Negroes learned to read and
+write in spite of opposition.
+
+SIMMONS, W.J. _Men of Mark: Eminent, Progressive, and Rising, with
+an Introductory Sketch of the Author by Reverend Henry M. Turner_.
+(Cleveland, Ohio, 1891.) Accounts for the adverse circumstances under
+which many ante-bellum Negroes acquired knowledge.
+
+SNOWDEN, T.B. _The Autobiography of John B. Snowden_. (Huntington, W.
+Va., 1900.)
+
+WIGHTMAN, WILLIAM MAY. _Life of William Capers, one of the Bishops of
+the Methodist Episcopal Church South; including an Autobiography_.
+(Nashville, Tenn., 1858.) Shows what Capers did for the religious
+instruction of the colored people.
+
+
+AUTOBIOGRAPHIES
+
+ASBURY, BISHOP FRANCIS. _The Journal of the Reverend Francis Asbury,
+Bishop of the Methodist Episcopal Church, from August 7, 1781, to
+December 7, 1815_. Three volumes. (New York, 1821.)
+
+COFFIN, LEVI. _Reminiscences of Levi Coffin, reputed President of the
+Under Ground Railroad_. (Second edition, Cincinnati, 1880.) Mentions
+the teaching of slaves.
+
+DOUGLASS, FREDERICK. _Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, as
+an American Slave_. Written by himself. (Boston, 1845.) Gives several
+cases of secret Negro schools.
+
+---- _The Life and Times of Frederick Douglass from 1817 to 1882_.
+Written by himself. Illustrated. With an Introduction by the Right
+Honorable John Bright, M.P. Edited by John Loeb, F.R.G.S., of the
+_Christian Age_, Editor of _Uncle Tom's Story of his Life_. (London,
+1882.) Contains Douglass's appeal in behalf of vocational training.
+
+FLINT, TIMOTHY. _Recollections of the last Ten Years_. A series of
+letters to the Reverend James Flint of Salem, Massachusetts, by T.
+Flint, Principal of the Seminary of Rapide, Louisiana. (Boston, 1826.)
+Mentions the teaching of Negroes.
+
+
+GENERAL HISTORIES
+
+BANCROFT, GEORGE. _History of the United States_. Ten volumes.
+(Boston, 1857-1864.)
+
+HART, A.B., Editor. _American History told by Contemporaries_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1898.)
+
+---- _The American Nation; A history, etc_. Twenty-seven volumes. (New
+York, 1904-1908.) The volumes which have a bearing on the subject
+treated in this monograph are Bourne's _Spain in America_, Edward
+Channing's _Jeffersonian System_, F.J. Turner's _Rise of the New
+West_, and Hart's _Slavery and Abolition_.
+
+HERRERA Y TORDESILLAS, ANTONIO DE. _Historia General de los hechos de
+los Castellanos en las islas i tierra firme del mar oceano. Escrito
+por Antonio herrera coronista mayor de Sr. M. de las Indias y si
+coronista de Castilla. En Quatro decadas desde el ano de 1492 hasta el
+de 1554. Decada primera del rey Nuro Senor_. (En Madrid en la Imprenta
+real de Nicolas Rodriguez Franco, ano 1726-1727.)
+
+MCMASTER, JOHN B. _History of the United States_. Six volumes. (New
+York, 1900.)
+
+RHODES, J.F. _History of the United States from the Compromise of 1850
+to the Final Restoration of Home Rule in the South_. (New York and
+London, Macmillan & Company, 1892-1906.)
+
+
+VON HOLST, HERMAN. _The Constitutional and Political History of the
+United States of America_. (Seven volumes. Chicago, 1877.)
+
+
+STATE HISTORIES
+
+ASHE, S.A. _History of North Carolina_. (Greensboro, 1908.)
+
+BANCROFT, HUBERT HOWE. _History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888_.
+(San Francisco, 1890.)
+
+BEARSE, AUSTIN. _Reminiscences of Fugitive Slave Days in Boston_.
+(Boston, 1880.)
+
+BETTLE, EDWARD. "Notices of Negro Slavery as Connected with
+Pennsylvania." Read before the Historical Society of
+
+Pennsylvania, 8th Mo., 7th, 1826. _Memoirs of Historical Society of
+Pennsylvania_.
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFREY R. _The Negro in Maryland_. Johns Hopkins University
+Studies. (Baltimore, 1889.)
+
+COLLINS, LEWIS. _Historical Sketches of Kentucky_. (Maysville, Ky.,
+and Cincinnati, Ohio, 1847.)
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK, JR. _History of Georgia_. (Boston, 1883.)
+
+MCCRADY, EDWARD. _The History of South Carolina under the Royal
+Government, 1719-1776_, by Edward McCrady, a Member of the Bar of
+South Carolina and President of the Historical Society of South
+Carolina, Author of _A History of South Carolina under the Proprietary
+Government_. (New York and London, 1899.)
+
+STEINER, B.C. _History of Slavery in Connecticut_. (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies, 1893.)
+
+STUVE, BERNARD, and Alexander Davidson. _A Complete History of
+Illinois from 1673 to 1783_. (Springfield, 1874.)
+
+TREMAIN, MARY M.A. _Slavery in the District of Columbia_. (University
+of Nebraska Seminary Papers, April, 1892.)
+
+_History of Brown County, Ohio_. (Chicago, 1883.)
+
+"_Slavery in Illinois, 1818-1824." (Massachusetts Historical Society
+Collections_, volume x.)
+
+
+CHURCH HISTORIES
+
+BANGS, NATHAN. _A History of the Methodist Episcopal Church_. Four
+volumes. (New York, 1845.)
+
+BENEDICT, DAVID. _A General History of the Baptist Denomination in
+America and in Other Parts of the World_. (Boston, 1813.)
+
+---- _Fifty Years among the Baptists_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+DALCHO, FREDERICK. _An Historical Account of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church in South Carolina, from the First Settlement of the Province to
+the War of the Revolution_; with notices of the present State of the
+Church in each Parish: and some Accounts of the early Civil History of
+Carolina never before published. To which are added: the Laws relating
+to Religious Worship, the Journal and Rules of the Convention of South
+Carolina; the Constitution and Canons of the Protestant Episcopal
+Church and the Course of Ecclesiastical Studies. (Charleston, 1820.)
+
+DAVIDSON, REV. ROBERT. _History of the Presbyterian Church in the
+State of Kentucky; with a Preliminary Sketch of the Churches in the
+Valley of Virginia._ (New York, Pittsburgh, and Lexington, Kentucky,
+1847.)
+
+HAMILTON, JOHN T. _A History of the Church Known as the Moravian
+Church, or the Unitas Fratrum, or the Unity of Brethren during the
+Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries._ (Bethlehem, Pa., 1900.)
+
+HAWKS, FRANCIS L. _Ecclesiastical History of the United States._ (New
+York, 1836.)
+
+JAMES, CHARLES P. _Documentary History of the Struggle for Religious
+Liberty in Virginia._ (Lynchburg, Va., 1900.)
+
+MATLACK, LUCIUS. _The History of American Slavery and Methodism from
+1780 to 1849: and History of the Wesleyan Methodist Connection of
+America. In Two Parts with an Appendix._ (New York, 1849.)
+
+MCTYEIRE, HOLLAND N. _A History of Methodism; comprising a View of the
+Rise of the Revival of Spiritual Religion in the First Half of the
+Eighteenth Century, and the Principal Agents by whom it was promoted
+in Europe and America, with some Account of the Doctrine and Polity of
+Episcopal Methodism in the United States and the Means and Manner of
+its Extension down to 1884._ (Nashville, Tenn., 1884.) McTyeire was
+one of the bishops of the Methodist Episcopal Church South.
+
+REICHEL, L.T. _The Early History of the Church of the United Brethren
+(Unitas Fratrum) commonly Called Moravians in North America, from 1734
+to 1748._ (Nazareth, Pa., 1888.)
+
+RUSH, CHRISTOPHER. _A Short Account of the African Methodist Episcopal
+Church in America._ Written by the aid of George Collins. Also a view
+of the Church Order or Government from Scripture and from some of the
+best Authors relative to Episcopacy. (New York, 1843.)
+
+SEMPLE, R.B. _History of the Rise and Progress of the Baptists in
+Virginia._ (Richmond, 1810.)
+
+
+SERMONS, ORATIONS, ADDRESSES
+
+BACON, THOMAS. _Sermons Addressed to Masters and Servants._ Published
+in 1743. Republished with other tracts by Rev. William Meade.
+(Winchester, Va., 1805.)
+
+BOUCHER, JONATHAN. "American Education." This address is found in the
+author's volume entitled _A View of the Causes and Consequences of
+the American Revolution_; in thirteen discourses, preached in North
+America between the years 1763 and 1775: with an historical preface.
+(London, 1797.)
+
+BUCHANAN, GEORGE. _An Oration upon the Moral and Political Evil of
+Slavery_. Delivered at a Public Meeting of the Maryland Society for
+Promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and Relief of Free Negroes
+and others unlawfully held in Bondage. Baltimore, July 4, 1791.
+(Baltimore, 1793.)
+
+CATTO, WILLIAM T. _A Semicentenary Discourse Delivered in the First
+African Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, on the 4th Sabbath of May,
+1857_: with a History of the Church from its first organization;
+including a brief Notice of Reverend John Gloucester, its First
+Pastor. Also an appendix containing sketches of all the Colored
+Churches in Philadelphia. (Philadelphia, 1857.) The author was then
+pastor of this church.
+
+DANA, JAMES. _The African Slave Trade_. A Discourse delivered in the
+City of New Haven, September 9, 1790, before the Connecticut Society
+for the Promotion of Freedom. (New Haven, 1790.) Dr. Dana was at that
+time the pastor of the First Congregational Church of New Haven.
+
+FAWCETT, BENJAMIN. _A Compassionate Address to the Christian Negroes
+in Virginia, and other British Colonies in North America_. With
+an appendix containing some account of the rise and progress of
+Christianity among that poor people. (The second edition, Salop,
+printed by F. Edwards and F. Cotton.)
+
+GARRISON, WILLIAM LLOYD. _An Address Delivered before the Free People
+of Color in Philadelphia, New York, and other Cities during the Month
+of June, 1831_. (Boston, 1831.)
+
+GRIFFIN, EDWARD DORR. _A Plea for Africa_. A Sermon preached October
+26, 1817, in the First Presbyterian Church in the City of New York
+before the Synod of New York and New Jersey at the Request of the
+Board of Directors of the African School established by the Synod.
+(New York, 1817.) The aim was to arouse interest in this school.
+
+JONES, CHARLES COLCOCK. _The Religious Instruction of Negroes_. A
+Sermon delivered before the Association of the Planters in Liberty and
+McIntosh Counties, Georgia. (Princeton, N.J., 1832.) Jones was then
+engaged in the work which he was discussing.
+
+MAYO, A.D. "Address on Negro Education." (_Springfield Republican_,
+July 9, 1897; and the _New England Magazine_, October, 1898.)
+
+RUSH, BENJAMIN. _An Address to the Inhabitants of the British
+Settlements in America upon Slave Keeping_. The second edition with
+observations on a pamphlet entitled _Slavery not Forbidden by
+the Scripture or a Defense of the West Indian Planters by a
+Pennsylvanian_. (Philadelphia, 1773.) The Negroes' need of education
+is pointed out.
+
+SECKER, THOMAS, Archbishop of Canterbury. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow, on Friday, February 20, 1741. (London 1741.) In this
+discourse Secker set forth his plan of teaching the Negroes to elevate
+themselves.
+
+SIDNEY, JOSEPH. _An Oration Commemorative of the Abolition of the
+Slave Trade in the United States Delivered before the Wilberforce
+Philanthropic Association in the City of New York on January 2, 1809_.
+(New York, 1809.) The speaker did not forget the duty of all men to
+uplift those unfortunates who had already been degraded.
+
+SMITH, THOMAS P. _An Address before the Colored Citizens of Boston in
+Opposition to the Abolition of Colored Schools, 1849_. (Boston, 1850.)
+
+WARBURTON, WILLIAM, Bishop of Gloucester. _A Sermon Preached before
+the Incorporated Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign
+Parts_; at their Anniversary Meeting in the Parish Church of St.
+Mary-le-Bow on Friday, February 21, 1766. (London, 1766.) The speaker
+urged his hearers to enlighten the Indians and Negroes.
+
+
+REPORTS ON THE EDUCATION OF THE COLORED PEOPLE
+
+_Report of the Proceedings at the Formation of the African Education
+Society_; instituted at Washington, December 28, 1829. With an Address
+to the Public by the Board of Managers. (Washington, 1830.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee of the Primary School Board
+on the Caste Schools of the City of Boston._ With some remarks on the
+City Solicitor's Opinion, by Wendell Phillips. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of a Special Committee of the Grammar School Board of Boston,
+Massachusetts._ Abolition of the Smith Colored School. (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Report of the Primary School Committee, Boston, Massachusetts._
+Abolition of the Colored Schools. (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Report of the Minority of the Committee upon the Petition of J.T.
+Hilton and other Colored Citizens of Boston, Praying for the Abolition
+of the Smith Colored School._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+_Opinion of Honorable Richard Fletcher as to whether Colored Children
+can be Lawfully Excluded from Free Public Schools._ (Boston, 1846.)
+
+_Special Report of the Commissioner of Education on the Improvement
+of the Public Schools in the District of Columbia_, containing M.B.
+Goodwin's "History of Schools for the Colored Population in the
+District of Columbia." (Washington, 1871.)
+
+_Thirty-Seventh Annual Report of the New York Public School Society,
+1842._ (New York, 1842.)
+
+
+STATISTICS
+
+CLARKE, J.F. _Present Condition of the Free Colored People of the
+United States._ (New York and Boston, the American Antislavery
+Society, 1859.) Published also in the March number of the _Christian
+Examiner_.
+
+_Condition of the Free People of Color in Ohio._ With interesting
+anecdotes. (Boston, 1839.)
+
+_Institute for Colored Youth._ (Philadelphia, 1860-1865.) Contains a
+list of the officers and students.
+
+_Report of the Condition of the Colored People of Cincinnati, 1835._
+(Cincinnati, 1835.)
+
+_Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society of Abolition on
+Present Condition of the Colored People, etc._, 1838. (Philadelphia,
+1838.)
+
+_Statistical Inquiry into the Condition of the People of Color of the
+City and Districts of Philadelphia._ (Philadelphia, 1849.) _Statistics
+of the Colored People of Philadelphia in 1859_, compiled by Benj. C.
+Bacon. (Philadelphia, 1859.)
+
+_Statistical Abstract of the United States, 1898._ Prepared by the
+Bureau of Statistics. (Washington, D.C., 1899.)
+
+_Statistical View of the Population of the United States, A_,
+1790-1830. (Published by the Department of State in 1835.)
+
+_The Present State and Condition of the Free People of Color of the
+city of Philadelphia and adjoining districts as exhibited by the
+Report of a Committee of the Pennsylvania Society for Promoting
+the Abolition of Slavery._ Read First Month (January), 5th, 1838.
+(Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+_Trades of the Colored People._ (Philadelphia, 1838.)
+
+United States Censuses of 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, 1830, 1840, 1850,
+and 1860.
+
+VARLE, CHARLES. _A Complete View of Baltimore_; with a Statistical
+Sketch of all the Commercial, Mercantile, Manufacturing, Literary,
+Scientific Institutions and Establishments in the same Vicinity ...
+derived from personal Observation and Research. (Baltimore, 1833.)
+
+
+CHURCH REPORTS
+
+_A Brief Statement of the Rise and Progress of the Testimony of
+Friends against Slavery and the Slave Trade._ Published by direction
+of the Yearly Meeting held in Philadelphia in the Fourth Month, 1843.
+Shows the action taken by various Friends to educate the Negroes.
+
+_A Collection of the Acts, Deliverances, and Testimonies of the
+Supreme Judicatory of the Presbyterian Church, from its Origin in
+America to the Present Time._ By Samuel J. Baird. (Philadelphia,
+1856.)
+
+_Acts and Proceedings of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian
+Church in the United States of America in the Year 1800._
+(Philadelphia, 1800.) The question of instructing the Negroes came up
+in this meeting.
+
+PASCOE, C.F. _Classified Digest of the Records of the Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, 1701-1892, with much
+Supplementary Information._ (London, 1893.) A good source for the
+accounts of the efforts of this organization among Negroes.
+
+"Minutes of the Methodist Conference, 1785." Found in Rev. Charles
+Elliott's _History of the Great Secession from the Methodist Episcopal
+Church_, etc. This conference discussed the education of the colored
+people.
+
+
+REPORTS OF THE AMERICAN CONVENTION, 1794-1831
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of a Convention of Delegates from the Abolition Societies
+established in different Parts of the United States, assembled at
+Philadelphia on the first Day of January, one thousand seven hundred
+and ninety-four, and continued by Adjournments, until the seventh Day
+of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1794.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Second Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the seventh Day of
+January, one thousand seven hundred and ninety-five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1795.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Third Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of January,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-six, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the seventh Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1796.)
+
+--_Address to Free Africans and other Free People of Colour in the
+United States._ (1796.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fourth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of May,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-seven, and continued by
+Adjournments, until the ninth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1797.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Fifth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different Parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the first Day of June,
+one thousand seven hundred and ninety-eight, and continued, by
+Adjournments, until the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1798.)
+
+American Convention of Abolition Societies. _Minutes of the
+Proceedings of the Sixth Convention of Delegates from the Abolition
+Societies established in different parts of the United States,
+assembled at Philadelphia, on the fourth Day of June, one thousand
+eight hundred, and continued by Adjournments, until the sixth Day of
+the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1800.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Seventh Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia on the third Day of June, one
+thousand eight hundred and one, and continued by Adjournments until
+the sixth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia, 1801.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eighth Convention of Delegates
+from the Abolition Societies established in different parts of the
+United States, assembled at Philadelphia, on the tenth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and three, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fourteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1803.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Ninth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the ninth Day of January,
+one thousand eight hundred and four, and continued by Adjournments
+until the thirteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1804.)
+
+--_Address of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition of
+Slavery and improving the Condition of the African Race, assembled at
+Philadelphia, in January, 1804, to the People of the United States._
+(Philadelphia, 1804.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Tenth American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of
+the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia on the fourteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and five, and continued by
+Adjournments until the seventeenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of the Eleventh American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery and improving the Condition of the
+African Race; assembled at Philadelphia, on the thirteenth Day
+of January, one thousand eight hundred and six, and continued by
+Adjournments until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._
+(Philadelphia, 1806.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Proceedings of a Special Meeting of the Fifteenth
+American Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and
+improving the Condition of the African Race; assembled at Philadelphia
+on the tenth Day of December, 1818, and continued by Adjournments
+until the fifteenth Day of the same Month, inclusive._ (Philadelphia,
+1818.)
+
+--_Constitution of the American Convention for promoting the Abolition
+of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the African Race. Adopted
+on the eleventh Day of December, 1818, to take effect on the fifth Day
+of October, 1819._ (Philadelphia, 1819.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Eighteenth Session of the American Convention for
+promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and improving the Condition of the
+African Race. Convened at Philadelphia, on the seventh Day of October,
+1823._ (Philadelphia, 1823.)
+
+--_To the Clergy and Pastors throughout the United States._ (Dated
+Philadelphia, September 18, 1826.)
+
+--_Minutes of the Adjourned Session of the Twentieth Biennial American
+Convention for promoting the Abolition of Slavery. Held at Baltimore,
+November 28._ (Philadelphia, 1828.)
+
+
+REPORTS OF ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETIES
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery
+Societies, presented at New York, May 6, 1847, with the Addresses and
+Resolutions._ (New York, 1847.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Societies,
+with the Addresses and Resolutions._ (New York, 1851.)
+
+_The First Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches Delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in Chatham
+Street Chapel in the City of New York, on the sixth Day of May by
+Adjournment on the eighth, in the Rev. Dr. Lansing's Church, and the
+Minutes of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_The Second Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, held
+in the City of New York, on the twelfth of May, 1835, and the Minutes
+and Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1835.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on May the tenth, 1836, and Minutes of the Meetings of the
+Society for Business._ (New York, 1836.)
+
+_The Fourth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City of
+New York on the ninth of May, 1837._ (New York, 1837.)
+
+_The Fifth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting and the Minutes and
+Proceedings of the Society for Business._ (New York, 1838.)
+
+_The Sixth Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society, with
+the Speeches delivered at the Anniversary Meeting held in the City
+of New York, on the seventh Day of May, 1839, and the Minutes of the
+Meetings of the Society for Business, held on the evenings of the
+three following days._ (New York, 1839.)
+
+_The Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society by the
+Executive Committee for the year ending May 1, 1859._ (New York,
+1860.)
+
+_The Third Annual Report of the Managers of the New England
+Anti-Slavery Society presented June 2, 1835_. (Boston, 1835.)
+
+_Annual Reports of the Massachusetts (or New England) Anti-Slavery
+Society, 1831-end_.
+
+_Reports of the National Anti-Slavery Convention, 1833-end_.
+
+
+REPORTS OF COLONIZATION SOCIETIES
+
+_Reports of the American Colonization Society, 1818-1832_.
+
+_Report of the New York Colonization Society, October 1, 1823_. (New
+York, 1823.)
+
+_The Seventh Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the City of
+New York_. (New York, 1839.)
+
+_Proceedings of the New York State Colonization Society, 1831_.
+(Albany, 1831.)
+
+_The Eighteenth Annual Report of the Colonization Society of the State
+of New York_. (New York, 1850.)
+
+REPORTS OF CONVENTIONS OF FREE NEGROES
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the First Annual Convention of the People
+of Color. Held by Adjournment in the City of Philadelphia, from the
+sixth to the eleventh of June, inclusive_, 1831.
+
+(Philadelphia, 1831.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Second Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the City of Philadelphia, from the 4th to the 13th
+of June, inclusive, 1832_,(Philadelphia, 1832.)
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Third Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in these United States. Held
+by Adjournments in the city of Philadelphia, in 1833. (New York,
+1833.)_ These proceedings were published also in the New York
+Commercial Advertiser, April 27, 1833.
+
+_Minutes and Proceedings of the Fourth Annual Convention for the
+Improvement of the Free People of Color in the United States. held by
+Adjournments in the Asbury Church, New York, from the 2d to the 12th
+of June, 1834._ (New York, 1834.)
+
+_Proceedings of the Convention of the Colored Freedmen of Ohio at
+Cincinnati, January 14, 1852._ (Cincinnati, Ohio, 1852.)
+
+
+MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS AND PAMPHLETS
+
+ADAMS, ALICE DANA. _The Neglected Period of Anti-Slavery in America._
+Radcliffe College Monographs No. 14. (Boston and London, 1908.)
+Contains some valuable facts about the education of the Negroes during
+the first three decades of the nineteenth century.
+
+ADAMS, JOHN. _The Works of John Adams, Second President of the United
+States_; with a Life of the Author, Notes, and Illustrations by his
+Grandson, Charles Francis Adams. Ten volumes. Volume x., shows the
+attitude of James Otis toward the Negroes.
+
+ADAMS, NEHEMIAH. _A South-Side View of Slavery; or Three Months at
+the South in 1854._ (Boston, 1854.) The position of the South on the
+education of the colored people is well set forth.
+
+AGRICOLA (pseudonym). _An Impartial View of the Real State of the
+Black Population in the United States._ (Philadelphia, 1824.)
+
+ALBERT, O.V. _The House of Bondage_; or Charlotte Brooks and other
+Slaves Original and Life-like as they appeared in their Plantation
+and City Slave Life; together with pen Pictures of the peculiar
+Institution, with Sights and Insights into their new Relations as
+Freedmen, Freemen, and Citizens, with an Introduction by Reverend
+Bishop Willard Mallalieu. (New York and Cincinnati, 1890.)
+
+ALEXANDER, A. _A History of Colonization on the Western Continent of
+Africa._ (Philadelphia, 1846.) Treats of education in "An Account of
+the Endeavors used by the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in
+Foreign Parts, to instruct Negroes in the City of New York, together
+with two of Bishop Gibson's Letters on that subject, being an Extract
+from Dr. Humphrey's Historical Account of the Incorporated Society for
+the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts from its Foundation in
+the Year 1728." (London, 1730.)
+
+_An Address to the People of North Carolina on the Evils of Slavery,
+by the Friends of Liberty and Equality, 1830._ (Greensborough, 1830.)
+
+_An Address to the Presbyterians of Kentucky proposing a Plan for the
+Instruction and Emancipation of their Slaves by a Committee of the
+Synod of Kentucky._ (Newburyport, 1836.)
+
+ANDERSON, MATTHEW._Presbylerianism--Its Relation to the Negro._
+(Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+ANDREWS, E.E. _Slavery and the Domestic Slave Trade in the United
+States._ In a series of letters addressed to the Executive Committee
+of the American Union for the Relief and Improvement of the Colored
+Race. (Boston, 1836.)
+
+BALDWIN, EBENEZER. _Observations on the Physical and Moral Qualities
+of our Colored Population with Remarks on the Subject of Emancipation
+and Colonization._ (New Haven, 1834.)
+
+BASSETT, J.S. _Slavery and Servitude in the Colony of North Carolina._
+(Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+Fourteenth Series, iv.-v. Baltimore, 1896.)
+
+---- _Slavery in the State of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVII.,
+Nos. 7-8. Baltimore, 1899.)
+
+---- _Anti-Slavery Leaders of North Carolina._ (Johns Hopkins
+University Studies in Historical and Political Science. Series XVI.,
+No. 6. Baltimore, 1898.)
+
+BAXTER, RICHARD. _Practical Works._ Twenty-three volumes. (London,
+1830.)
+
+BENEZET, ANTHONY. _A Caution to Great Britain and Her Colonies in a
+Short Representation of the calamitous state of the enslaved Negro in
+the British Dominions._ (Philadelphia, 1784.)
+
+---- _The Case of our Fellow-Creatures, the Oppressed Africans,
+respectfully recommended to the serious Consideration of the
+Legislature of Great Britain, by the People called Quakers._ (London,
+1783.)
+
+---- _Observations on the enslaving, importing, and purchasing of
+Negroes; with some advice thereon, extracted from the Epistle of the
+Yearly-Meeting of the People called Quakers, held at London in the
+Year 1748._ (Germantown, 1760.)
+
+---- _The Potent Enemies of America laid open: being some Account of
+the baneful Effects attending the Use of distilled spirituous Liquors,
+and the Slavery of the Negroes._ (Philadelphia.)
+
+---- _A Short Account of that Part of Africa, inhabited by the
+Negroes. With respect to the Fertility of the Country; the good
+Disposition of many of the Natives, and the Manner by which the Slave
+Trade is carried on._ (Philadelphia, 1792.)
+
+---- _Short Observations on Slavery, Introductory to Some Extracts
+from the Writings of the Abbe Raynal, on the Important Subject._
+
+---- _Some Historical Account of Guinea, its Situation, Produce, and
+the General Disposition of its Inhabitants. With an Inquiry into
+the Rise and Progress of the Slave Trade, its Nature and Lamentable
+Effects._ (London, 1788.)
+
+BIRNEY, JAMES G. _The American Churches, the Bulwarks of American
+Slavery, by an American._ (Newburyport, 1842.)
+
+BIRNEY, WILLIAM. _James G. Birney and his Times. The Genesis of the
+Republican Party, with Some Account of the Abolition Movements in the
+South before 1828._ (New York, 1890.)
+
+BOURNE, WILLIAM O. _History of the Public School Society of the City
+of New York, with Portraits of the Presidents of the Society._ (New
+York, 1870.)
+
+BRACKETT, JEFFERY R._The Negro in Maryland. A Study of the Institution
+of Slavery._ (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University, 1889).
+
+BRANAGAN, THOMAS. _A Preliminary Essay on the Oppression of the Exiled
+Sons of Africa, Consisting of Animadversions on the Impolicy and
+Barbarity of the Deleterious Commerce and Subsequent Slavery of the
+Human Species_. (Philadelphia: Printed for the Author by John W.
+Scott, 1804.)
+
+BRANAGAN, T. _Serious Remonstrances Addressed to the Citizens of the
+Northern States and their Representatives, being an Appeal to their
+Natural Feelings and Common Sense; Consisting of Speculations and
+Animadversions, on the Recent Revival of the Slave Trade in the
+American Republic_. (Philadelphia, 1805.)
+
+BROWN, W.W. _My Southern Home_. (Boston, 1882.)
+
+CHILD, LYDIA MARIA. _An Appeal in Favor of that Class of Americans
+Called Africans_. (Boston: Allen & Ticknor, 1833, and New York: J.S.
+Taylor, 1836.)
+
+CHANNING, WILLIAM E. _Slavery_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co., 1835.)
+
+---- _Remarks on the Slavery Question_. (Boston: J. Munroe & Co.,
+1839.)
+
+COBB, T.R.R. _An Historical Sketch of Slavery_. (Philadelphia: T. &
+J.W. Johnson, 1858.)
+
+---- _An Inquiry into the Law of Negro Slavery in the United States
+of America. To which is Prefixed an Historical Sketch of Slavery by
+Thomas R.R. Cobb of Georgia_. (Philadelphia and Savannah, 1858.)
+
+COFFIN, JOSHUA. _An Account of Some of the Principal Slave
+Insurrections and Others which have Occurred or been attempted in
+the United States and Elsewhere during the Last Two Centuries. With
+Various Remarks. Collected from Various Sources_. (New York, 1860.)
+
+CONWAY, MONCURE DANIEL. _Testimonies Concerning Slavery_. (London:
+Chapman & Hall, 1865.) The author was a native of Virginia.
+
+CULP, D.W. _Twentieth Century Negro Literature, or a Cyclopedia of
+Thought, Vital Topics Relating to the American Negro by One Hundred of
+America's Greatest Negroes_. (Toronto, Naperville, Ill., and Atlanta,
+Ga., 1902.)
+
+DE BOW, J.D.B. _Industrial Resources of the Southern and Western
+States_. (New Orleans, 1852-1853.)
+
+DELANY, M.R. _The Condition of the Colored People in United States_.
+(Boston, 1852.)
+
+DRESSER, AMOS. _The Narrative of Amos Dresser with Stone's Letters
+from Natchez--an Obituary Notice of the Writer and Two Letters from
+Tallahassee Relating to the Treatment of Slaves_. (New York, 1836.)
+
+DREWERY, WILLIAM SIDNEY. _Slave Insurrections in Virginia, 1830-1865._
+(Washington, 1900.)
+
+DUBOIS, W.E.B. _The Philadelphia Negro._ (Philadelphia, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Suppression of the African Slave Trade to the United States
+of America, 1638-1870._ Harvard Historical Studies, Vol. i. (New York,
+London, and Bombay, 1896.)
+
+---- Atlanta University Publications, _The Negro Common School._
+(Atlanta, 1901.)
+
+---- _The College-Bred Negro._ (Atlanta, 1900.)
+
+---- _The Negro Church._ (Atlanta, 1903.)
+
+---- and Dill, A.G. _The College-Bred Negro American._ (Atlanta,
+1910.)
+
+---- _The Common School and the Negro American._ (Atlanta, 1911.)
+
+---- _The Negro American Artisan._ (Atlanta, 1912.)
+
+ELLIOTT, REV. CHARLES. _History of the Great Secession from the
+Methodist Episcopal Church, etc._
+
+_Exposition of the Object and Plan of the American Union for the
+Relief and Improvement of the Colored Race._ (Boston, 1835.)
+
+FEE, JOHN G. _Anti-Slavery Manual._ (Maysville, 1848.)
+
+FISH, C.R. _Guide to the Materials for American History in Roman and
+Other Italian Archives._ (Washington, D.C., Carnegie Institution,
+1911.)
+
+FRANKLIN, BENJAMIN. _The Writings of Benjamin Franklin Collected and
+Edited with a Life and Introduction by Albert Henry Smyth._ (New York,
+1905-1907.)
+
+FROST, W.G. "Appalachian America." In vol. i. of _The Americana_ (New
+York, 1912.)
+
+GARNETT, H.H. _The Past and Present Condition and the Destiny of the
+Colored Race._ (Troy, 1848.)
+
+GOODLOE, D.R. _The Southern Platform._ (Boston, 1858.)
+
+GREGOIRE, BISHOP. _De la Litterature des Negres._ (Paris, 1808.)
+Translated and published by D.B. Warden at Brooklyn, in 1810.
+
+HARRISON, SAMUEL ALEXANDER. _Wenlock Christison, and the Early
+Friends in Talbot County, Maryland._ A Paper read before the Maryland
+Historical Society, March 9, 1874. (Baltimore, 1878.)
+
+HENSON, JOSIAH. _The Life of Josiah Henson._ (Boston, 1849.)
+
+HICKOK, CHARLES THOMAS. _The Negro in Ohio_, 1802-1870. (Cleveland,
+1896.)
+
+HODGKIN, THOMAS A. _Inquiry into the Merits of the American
+Colonization Society and Reply to the Charges Brought against it, with
+an Account of the British African Colonization Society_. (London,
+1833.)
+
+HOLLAND, EDWIN C. _Refutation of Calumnies Circulated against the
+Southern and Western States_. (Charleston, 1822.)
+
+HOWE, SAMUEL G. _The Refugees from Slavery in Canada West. Report to
+the Freedmen's Inquiry Committee_. (Boston, 1864.)
+
+INGLE, EDWARD. _The Negro in the District of Columbia_. (Johns Hopkins
+Studies in Historical and Political Sciences, vol. xi., Baltimore,
+1893.)
+
+JAY, JOHN. _The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay, First
+Chief Justice of the United States and President of the Continental
+Congress, Member of the Commission to Negotiate the Treaty of
+Independence, Envoy to Great Britain, Governor of New York, etc_.,
+1782-1793. (New York and London, 1891.) Edited by Henry P. Johnson,
+Professor of History in the College of the City of New York.
+
+JAY, WILLIAM. _An Inquiry into the Character and Tendencies of the
+American Colonization and American Anti-Slavery Societies_. Second
+edition. (New York, 1835.)
+
+JEFFERSON, THOMAS. The Writings of Thomas Jefferson. Memorial Edition.
+Autobiography, Notes on Virginia, Parliamentary Manual, Official
+Papers, Messages and Addresses, and Other Writings Official and
+Private, etc. (Washington, 1903.)
+
+Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science.
+H.B. Adams, Editor. (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins Press.)
+
+JONES, C.C. _A Catechism of Scripture, Doctrine, and Practice_.
+(Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+KIRK, EDWARD E. _Educated Labor, etc_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+LANGSTON, JOHN M. _From the Virginia Plantation to the National
+Capital; or, The First and Only Negro Representative in Congress from
+the Old Dominion_. (Hartford, 1894.)
+
+_L'Esclavage dans les Etats Confederes par un missionaire_. Deuxieme
+edition. (Paris, 1865.)
+
+LOCKE, M.S. _Anti-Slavery in America, from the Introduction of African
+Slaves to the Prohibition of the Slave Trade_, 1619-1808. Radcliffe
+College Monographs, No. 11. (Boston, 1901.)
+
+LONG, J.D. _Pictures of Slavery in Church and State, Including
+Personal Reminiscences, Biographical Sketches, Anecdotes, etc., with
+Appendix Containing the Views of John Wesley and Richard Watson on
+Slavery_. (Philadelphia, 1857.)
+
+LOWERY, WOODBURY. _The Spanish Settlements within the Present Limits
+of the United States. Florida_, 1562-1574. (New York and London,
+1905.)
+
+MADISON, JAMES. _Letters and Other Writings of James Madison Published
+by Order of Congress_. Four volumes. (Philadelphia, 1865.)
+
+MALLARY, R.O. _Maybank: Some Memoirs of a Southern Christian
+Household; Family Life of C.C. Jones_.
+
+MAY, S.J. _Some Recollections of our Anti-Slavery Conflict_.
+
+MCLEOD, ALEXANDER. _Negro Slavery Unjustifiable. A Discourse by the
+Late Alexander McLeod, 1802, with an Appendix_. (New York, 1863.)
+
+MEADE, BISHOP WILLIAM. _Old Churches, Ministers, and Families, of
+Virginia_. (Philadelphia, 1897.)
+
+MONROE, JAMES. _The Writings of James Monroe, Including a Collection
+of his Public and Private Papers and Correspondence now for the First
+Time Printed, Edited by S.M. Hamilton_. (Boston, 1900.)
+
+MOORE, GEORGE H. _Notes on the History of Slavery in Massachusetts
+by George H. Moore, Librarian of the New York Historical Society and
+Corresponding Member of the Massachusetts Historical Society_. (New
+York, 1866.)
+
+MORGAN, THOMAS J. _The Negro in America_. (Philadelphia, 1898.)
+
+NEEDLES, EDWARD. _Ten Years' Progress, or a Comparison of the State
+and Condition of the Colored People in the City and County of
+Philadelphia from 1837 to 1847_. (Philadelphia, 1849.)
+
+OTHELLO (PSEUDONYM). "Essays on Negro Slavery." Published in _The
+American Museum_ in 1788. Othello was a free Negro.
+
+OVINGTON, M.W. _Half-a-Man_. (New York, 1911.) Treats of the Negro in
+the State of New York. A few pages are devoted to the education of the
+colored people.
+
+PARRISH, JOHN. _Remarks on the Slavery of the Black People; Addressed
+to the Citizens of the United States, Particularly to those who are in
+Legislative or Executive Stations in the General or State Governments;
+and also to Such Individuals as Hold them in Bondage_. (Philadelphia,
+1806.)
+
+PLUMER, W.S. _Thoughts on the Religious Instruction of the Negroes of
+this Country_. (Savannah, 1848.)
+
+Plymouth Colony, New. _Records of the Colony of New Plymouth in New
+England_. Printed by Order of the Legislature of the Commonwealth
+of Massachusetts. Edited by Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, Member of the
+Massachusetts Historical Society, and Fellow of the Antiquarians of
+London. (Boston, 1855.)
+
+PORTEUS, BISHOP BEILBY. _The Works of the Rev. Beilby Porteus, D.D.,
+Late Bishop of London, with his Life by the Rev. Robert Hodgson,
+A.M., F.R.S., Rector of St. George's, Hanover Square, and One of the
+Chaplains in ordinary to His Majesty_. A new edition in six volumes.
+(London, 1816.)
+
+POWER, REV. JOHN H. _Review of the Lectures of William A. Smith,
+D.D., on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery as Exhibited in the
+Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United States, with the Duties
+of Masters to Slaves in a Series of Letters addressed to the Author_.
+(Cincinnati, 1859.)
+
+Quaker Pamphlet.
+
+RICE, DAVID. _Slavery Inconsistent with Justice and Good Policy:
+Proved by a Speech Delivered in the Convention Held at Danville,
+Kentucky_. (Philadelphia, 1792, and London, 1793.)
+
+SCOBER, J. _Negro Apprenticeship in the Colonies_. (London, 1837.)
+
+SECKER, THOMAS. _The Works of the Right Reverend Thomas Seeker,
+Archbishop of Canterbury with a Review of his Life and Character by B.
+Porteus_. (New edition in six volumes, London, 1811.)
+
+SIEBERT, WILBUR H. _The Underground Railroad from Slavery to Freedom,
+by W.H. Siebert, Associate Professor of History in the Ohio State
+University, with an Introduction by A.B. Hart_. (New York, 1898.)
+
+SMITH, WILLIAM A. _Lectures on the Philosophy and Practice of Slavery
+as Exhibited in the Institution of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with the Duties of Masters to Slaves_. (Nashville, Tenn.,
+1856.) Doctor Smith was the President and Professor of Moral and
+Intellectual Philosophy of Randolph-Macon College.
+
+_Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of America,
+being Inquiries to Questions Transmitted by the Committee of the
+British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery
+and the Slave Trade throughout the World. Presented to the General
+Anti-Slavery Convention Held in London, June, 1840, by the Executive
+Committee of the American Anti-Slavery Society._ (London, 1841.)
+
+_The Enormity of the Slave Trade and the Duty of Seeking the Moral
+and Spiritual Elevation of the Colored Race._ (New York.) This work
+includes speeches of Wilberforce and other documents.
+
+_The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents, Travels, and Explorations
+of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France, 1610-1791. The Original
+French, Latin, and Italian Texts with English Translations and Notes;
+Illustrated by Portraits, Maps, and Facsimiles. Edited by Reuben Gold
+Thwaites, Secretary of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin._
+(Cleveland, 1896.)
+
+_The South Vindicated from the Treason and Fanaticism of the Northern
+Abolitionists._ (Philadelphia, 1836.)
+
+THOMPSON, GEORGE. _Speech at the Meeting for the Extinction of Negro
+Apprenticeship._ (London, 1838.)
+
+---- _The Free Church Alliance with Manstealers. Send Back the Money.
+Great Anti-Slavery Meeting in the City Hall, Glasgow, Containing the
+Speeches Delivered by Messrs. Wright, Douglass, and Buffum, from
+America, and by George Thompson of London, with a Summary Account of
+a Series of Meetings Held in Edinburgh by the Abovenamed Gentlemen._
+(Glasgow, 1846.)
+
+TORREY, JESSE, JR. _A Portraiture of Domestic Slavery in the United
+States, with Reflections on the Practicability of Restoring the Moral
+Rights of the Slave, without Impairing the Legal Privileges of the
+Possessor, and a Project of a Colonial Asylum for Free Persons of
+Color, Including Memoirs of Facts on the Interior Traffic in Slaves,
+and on Kidnapping, Illustrated with Engravings by Jesse Torrey, Jr.,
+Physician, Author of a Series of Essays on Morals and the Diffusion of
+Knowledge._ (Philadelphia, 1817.)
+
+---- _American Infernal Slave Trade; with Reflections on the Project
+for forming a Colony of Blacks in Africa_. (London, 1822.)
+
+TOWER, PHILO. _Slavery Unmasked: Being a Truthful Narrative of Three
+Years' Residence and Journeying in Eleven Southern States; to which
+is Added "The Invasion of Kansas," Including the Last Chapter of her
+Wrongs_. (Rochester, 1856.)
+
+TURNER, E.R. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Washington, 1911.)
+
+_Tyrannical Libertymen: a Discourse upon Negro Slavery in the United
+States; Composed at---- in New Hampshire; on the Late Federal
+Thanksgiving Day_. (Hanover, N.H., 1795.)
+
+VAN EVRIE, JOHN H. _Negroes and Negro Slavery_, by J.H. Van Evrie,
+M.D. _Introductory Chapter: Causes of Popular Delusion on the
+Subject_. (Washington, 1853.)
+
+---- _White Supremacy and Negro Subordination; or, Negroes a
+Subordinate Race, and So-called Slavery its Normal Condition. With an
+Appendix Showing the Past and Present Condition of the Countries South
+of us_. (New York, 1868.)
+
+WALKER, DAVID. _Walker's Appeal in Four Articles, together with a
+Preamble, to the Colored Citizens of the World, but in Particular and
+very Expressly to those of the United States of America. Written in
+Boston, State of Massachusetts, September_ 28, 1820. Second edition.
+(Boston, 1830.) Walker was a Negro who hoped to arouse his race to
+self-assertion.
+
+WASHINGTON, B.T. _The Story of the Negro_. Two volumes (New York,
+1909.)
+
+WASHINGTON, GEORGE. _The Writings of George Washington, being his
+Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other Papers, Official and
+Private, Selected and Published from the Original Manuscripts with
+the Life of the Author, Notes and Illustrations, by Jared Sparks_.
+(Boston, 1835.)
+
+WEEKS, STEPHEN B. _Southern Quakers and Slavery. A Study in
+Institutional History_. (Baltimore, The Johns Hopkins Press, 1896.)
+
+---- _The Anti-Slavery Sentiment in the South; with Unpublished
+Letters from John Stuart Mill and Mrs. Stowe_. (Southern History
+Association Publications. Volume ii., No. 2, Washington, D. C, April,
+1898.)
+
+WESLEY, JOHN. _Thoughts upon Slavery. In the Potent Enemies of America
+Laid Open.... London, printed: Reprinted in Philadelphia with Notes,
+and Sold by Joseph Cruikshank_. 1774.
+
+WIGHAM, ELIZA. _The Anti-Slavery Cause in America and its Martyrs_.
+(London, 1863.)
+
+WILLIAMS, GEORGE W. _History of the Negro Race in the United States
+from 1619-1880. Negroes as Slaves, as Soldiers, and as Citizens:
+together with a Preliminary Consideration of the Unity of the Human
+Family, an Historical Sketch of Africa and an Account of the Negro
+Governments of Sierra Leone and Liberia_. (New York, 1883.)
+
+WOOLMAN, JOHN. _The Works of John Woolman. In two parts. Part I: a
+Journal of the Life, Gospel-Labors, and Christian Experiences of that
+Faithful Minister of Christ, John Woolman, Late of Mount Holly, in the
+Province of New Jersey_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Same. Part Second. Containing his Last Epistle and other
+Writings_. (London, 1775.)
+
+---- _Some Considerations on the Keeping of Negroes. Recommended to
+the Professors of Christianity of every Denomination_. (Philadelphia,
+1754.)
+
+---- _Considerations on Keeping Negroes; Recommended to the Professors
+of Christianity of every Denomination. Part Second_. (Philadelphia,
+1762.)
+
+WRIGHT, R.R., JR. _The Negro in Pennsylvania_. (Philadelphia, 1912.)
+
+
+MAGAZINES
+
+_The Abolitionist, or Record of the New England Anti-Slavery Society_.
+Edited by a committee. Appeared in January, 1833.
+
+_The African Methodist Episcopal Church Review_. Valuable for the
+following articles:
+
+"The Colored Public Schools of Washington," by James Storum, vol. v.,
+p. 279.
+
+"The Negro as an Inventor," by R.R. Wright, vol. ii., p. 397. "Negro
+Poets," vol. iv., p. 236.
+
+"The Negro in Journalism," vols. vi., 309, and xx., 137.
+
+_The African Repository_. Published by the American Colonization
+Society from 1826 to 1832. A very good source for the development of
+Negro education both in this country and Liberia. Some of its most
+valuable articles are: "Learn Trades or Starve," by Frederick
+Douglass, vol. xxix., pp. 136 and 137. Taken from Frederick Douglass's
+Paper.
+
+"Education of the Colored People," by a highly respectable gentleman
+of the South, vol. xxx., pp. 194,195, and 196.
+
+"Elevation of the Colored Race," a memorial circulated in North
+Carolina, vol. xxxi., pp. 117 and 118.
+
+"A Lawyer for Liberia," a sketch of Garrison Draper, vol. xxxiv., pp.
+26 and 27.
+
+
+Numerous articles on the religious instruction of the Negroes occur
+throughout the foregoing volumes. Information about the actual
+literary training of the colored people is given as news items.
+
+_The American Museum_, or _Repository of Ancient and Modern Fugitive
+Pieces, etc., Prose and Poetical_. Vols. i.-iv. (First and second
+editions, Philadelphia, 1788. Third edition, Philadelphia, 1790.)
+Contains some interesting essays on the intellectual status of the
+Negroes, etc., contributed by "Othello," a free Negro.
+
+_The Colonizationist and Journal of Freedom_. The author has been able
+to find only the volume which contains the numbers for the year 1834.
+
+_The Crisis_. A record of the darker races published by the National
+Association for the Advancement of Colored People.
+
+_The Maryland Journal of Colonization_. Published as the official
+organ of the Maryland Colonization Society. Among its important
+articles are: "The Capacities of the Negro Race," vol. iii., p. 367;
+and "The Educational Facilities of Liberia," vol. vii., p. 223.
+
+_The Non-Slaveholder_. Two volumes of this publication are now found
+in the Library of Congress.
+
+_The School Journal_.
+
+_The Southern Workman_. Volume xxxvii. contains Dr. R.R. Wright's
+valuable dissertation on "Negro Rural Communities in Indiana."
+
+
+NEWSPAPERS
+
+  District of Columbia.
+    _The Daily National Intelligencer_.
+
+  Louisiana
+    _The New Orleans Commercial Bulletin._
+
+  Maryland.
+    _The Maryland Journal and Baltimore Advertiser._
+    _The Maryland Gazette._
+    _Dunlop's Maryland Gazette_ or _The Baltimore Advertiser._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+    _The Liberator._
+
+  New York.
+    _The New York Daily Advertiser._
+    _The New York Tribune._
+
+  North Carolina.
+    _The State Gazette of North Carolina._
+    _The Newbern Gazette._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+    _The Philadelphia Gazette._
+
+  South Carolina.
+    _The City Gazette and Commercial Daily Advertiser._
+    _The State Gazette of South Carolina._
+    _The Charleston Courier._
+    _The South Carolina Weekly Advertiser._
+    _The Carolina Gazette._
+    _The Columbian Herald._
+
+  Virginia.
+    _The Richmond Enquirer._
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Herald._
+    _The Virginia Herald._ (Fredericksburg.)
+    _The Norfolk and Portsmouth Chronicle._
+
+
+LAWS, DIGESTS, CHARTERS, CONSTITUTIONS, AND REPORTS
+
+GENERAL
+
+Code Noir ou Recueil d'edits, declarations et arrets concernant la
+Discipline et le commerce des esclaves Negres des isles francaises de
+l'Amerique (in Recueils de reglemens, edits, declarations et arrets,
+concernant le commerce, l'administration de la justice et la police
+des colonies francaises de l'Amerique, et les engages avec le Code
+Noir, et l'addition audit code). (Paris, 1745.)
+
+GOODELL, WILLIAM. _The American Slave Code in Theory and Practice: Its
+Distinctive Features Shown by its Statutes, Judicial Decisions, and
+Illustrative Facts._ (New York, 1853.)
+
+PETERS, RICHARD. _Condensed Reports of Cases Argued and Adjudged in
+the Supreme Court of the United States._ Six volumes. (Philadelphia,
+1830-1834.)
+
+THORPE, F.N. _Federal and State Constitution, Colonial Charters, and
+Other Organic Laws of the States, Territories, and Colonies now or
+heretofore Forming the United States of America. Compiled and Edited
+under an Act of Congress, June 30, 1906._ (Washington, 1909.)
+
+
+STATE
+
+  Alabama.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly Passed by the State of Alabama._
+  CLAY, C.C. _Digest of the Laws of the State of Alabama to
+  1843._ (Tuscaloosa, 1843.)
+
+  Connecticut.
+  _Public Acts Passed by the General Assembly of Connecticut._
+
+  Delaware.
+  _Laws of the State of Delaware Passed by the General Assembly._
+
+  District of Columbia.
+  BURCH, SAMUEL. _A Digest of the Laws of the Corporation of
+  the City of Washington, with an Appendix of the Laws of the
+  United States Relating to the District of Columbia._ (Washington,
+  1823.)
+
+  Florida.
+  _Acts of the Legislative Council of the Territory of Florida._
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  Florida._
+
+  Georgia.
+  _Laws of the State of Georgia._
+  COBB, HOWELL. _A Digest of the Statutes of Georgia in General
+  Use to 1846._ (New York, 1846.)
+  DAWSON, WILLIAM. _A Compilation of the Laws of the State
+  of Georgia to 1831._ (Milledgeville, 1831.)
+  PRINCE, O.H. _A Digest of the Laws of the State of Georgia to
+  1837._ (Athens, 1837.)
+
+  Illinois.
+  _Laws of the State of Illinois Passed by the General Assembly._
+  STARR, M., and RUSSELL H. CURTIS. _Annotated Statutes of
+  Illinois in Force, January 1, 1885._
+
+  Indiana.
+  _Laws of a General Nature Passed by the State of Indiana._
+
+  Kentucky.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Kentucky._
+
+  Louisiana.
+  _Acts Passed by the Legislature of the State of Louisiana._
+  BULLARD, HENRY A., and THOMAS CURRY. _A New Digest of
+  the Statute Laws of the State of Louisiana to 1842._ (New
+  Orleans, 1842.)
+
+  Maryland.
+  _Laws Made and Passed by the General Assembly of the State of
+  Maryland._
+
+  Massachusetts.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Court of Massachusetts._
+  QUINCY, JOSIAH, JR. _Reports of Cases, Superior Court of
+  Judicature of the Province of Massachusetts Bay, 1761-1772._
+  (Boston, 1865.)
+
+  Mississippi.
+  _Laws of the State of Mississippi Passed at the Regular Sessions
+  of the Legislature._
+  POINDEXTER, GEORGE. _Revised Code of the Laws of Mississippi._
+  (Natchez, 1824.)
+  HUTCHINSON, A. _Code of Mississippi._ (Jackson, 1848.)
+
+  Missouri.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Missouri._
+
+  New Jersey.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of New Jersey._
+
+  New York.
+  _Laws of the State of New York._
+
+  Ohio.
+  _Acts of a General Nature Passed by the General Assembly of
+  the State of Ohio._
+  _Acts of a Local Nature Passed by the General Assembly of the
+  State of Ohio._
+
+  Pennsylvania.
+  _Laws of the General Assembly of the State of Pennsylvania._
+  BRIGHTLY, FRANK F. _A Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania._
+  STROUD, G.M. _Purdon's Digest of the Laws of Pennsylvania
+  from 1700 to 1851._ (Philadelphia, 1852.)
+
+  Rhode Island.
+  _Acts and Resolves Passed by the General Assembly of the State
+  of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations._
+
+  South Carolina.
+  _Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of
+  South Carolina._
+  BREVARD, JOSEPH. _An Alphabetical Digest of the Public
+  Statute Laws of South Carolina from 1692 to 1813._ Three
+  volumes. (Charleston, 1814.)
+
+  Tennessee.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of the State of Tennessee._
+
+  Virginia.
+  _Acts of the General Assembly of Virginia._
+  HENING, W.W. _Statutes at Large: A Collection of all the Laws
+  of Virginia from the First Session of the Legislature in the
+  Year 1816._ (Richmond, 1819 to 1823.) Published pursuant
+  to an act of the General Assembly of Virginia,
+  passed on the 5th of February, 1808. The work was extended
+  by S. Shepherd who published three additional
+  volumes in 1836. Chief source of historical material for
+  the history of Virginia.
+  TATE, Joseph. _A Digest of the Laws of Virginia._ (Richmond,
+  1841.)
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+  Abdy, E.S., learned that slaves were taught
+  Abolitionists, interested in the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Account of a pious Negro
+  Actual education after the revolutionary period
+  Adams, Rev. Henry, teacher at Louisville
+  Adams, John, report of James Otis's argument on the Writs of
+  Assistance; views on slavery
+  Address of the American Convention of Abolition Societies
+  African Benevolent Society of Rhode Island, school of
+  African Episcopalians of Philadelphia, school of
+  African Free School of Baltimore
+  African Free Schools of New York
+  African Methodist Episcopal Church, established Union Seminary;
+  purchased Wilberforce
+  Agricultural Convention of Georgia recommended that slaves be taught to
+    read
+  Alabama, law of 1832; provision for teaching Negroes at Mobile;
+  Presbyterians of, interested
+  Albany Normal School, colored student admitted
+  Alexandria, Virginia Quakers of, instructed Negroes; Benjamin Davis, a
+  teacher of
+  Allen, Richard, organized A.M.E. Church; author
+  Allen, W.H., teacher of Negroes
+  Ambush, James E., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  American Colonization Society, The, efforts of, to educate Negroes
+  American Convention of Abolition Societies, The, interested in the
+  education of Negroes; recommended industrial education; addresses of
+  American Union, The, organized; names of its promoters (see note 1 on
+  page 142)
+  Amherstburg, Canada, opened a colored school; established a mission
+  school
+  Anderson, John G., musician
+  Andrew, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina
+  Andrews, C.C. principal of New York African Free Schools
+  Andrews, E.A., student of the needs of the Negroes
+  Anti-slavery agitation, effect of, on education in cities
+  Appalachian Mountains, settled by people favorable to Negroes
+  Appo, William, musician
+  Arnett, B.W., teacher in Pennsylvania
+  Ashmun Institute, founded; names of the trustees
+  Athens College, admitted colored students
+  Attainments of Negroes at the close of the eighteenth century
+  Auchmutty, Reverend, connected with the school established by Elias
+    Neau
+  Augusta, Dr. A.T., learned to read in Virginia
+  Avery College, established
+  Avery, Rev. Charles, donor of $300,000 for the education
+    and Christianization of the African race
+
+  Bacon, Rev. Thomas, sermons on the instruction of Negroes
+  Baldwin County, Alabama, provision for teaching Negroes
+  Baltimore, several colored churches; colored schools of; an adult
+    school of 180 pupils; Sunday-schools; day and night school; Bible
+    Society; African Free School; donation of Wells; donation of
+    Crane; school tax paid by Negroes, note on page----
+  Banks, Henry, learned to read in Virginia
+  Banneker, Benjamin, studied in Maryland; made a clock; took up
+  astronomy;
+    encouraged by Ellicott; corresponded with Thomas Jefferson
+  Baptist preacher, taught Negroes in South Carolina
+  Baptists, aided the education of Negroes; established school at
+    Bexley, Liberia; changed attitude toward the uplift of Negroes
+  Barclay, David, gave money to build school-house
+  Barclay, Reverend, instructed Negroes in New York
+  Barr, John W., taught M.W. Taylor in Kentucky
+  Baxter, Richard, instructed masters to enlighten their slaves
+  Beard, Simeon, had a school in Charleston
+  Becraft, Maria, established a school in the District of Columbia
+  Bell family, progress of
+  Bell, George, built first colored school-house in District of Columbia
+  Bell School established
+  Benezet, Anthony, advocated the education of Negroes; taught Negroes;
+    believed in western colonization; opinion on Negro intellect;
+    bequeathed wealth to educate Negroes; school-house built
+    with the fund;(see note giving sketch of his career)
+  Berea College, founded
+  Berkshire Medical School had trouble admitting Negroes; graduated
+  colored physicians
+  Berry's portraiture of the Negroes' condition after the reaction
+  Bibb, Mary E., taught at Windsor, Canada
+  Billings, Maria, taught in the District of Columbia
+  Birney, James G., criticized the church; helped Negroes on free soil
+  Bishop, Josiah, preached to white congregation in Portsmouth, Virginia
+  Bishop of London, declared that the conversion of slaves did not work
+    manumission
+  "Black Friday," Portsmouth, Ohio, Negroes driven out
+  Blackstone, studied to justify the struggle for the rights of man; his
+    idea of the body politic forgotten
+  Bleecker, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+  Boone, R.G., sketch of education in Indiana
+  Boston, Massachusetts, colored school opened; opened its first primary
+    school; school in African Church; several colored churches; struggle
+  for democratic education; (see also Massachusetts)
+  Boucher, Jonathan, interested in the uplift of Negroes; an advocate of
+  education; (see note on, 56); extract from address of
+  Boulder, J.F., student in a mixed school in Delaware
+  Bowditch, H.J., asked that Negroes be admitted to Boston public schools
+  Bowdoin College, admitted a Negro
+  Bradford, James T., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Branagan advocated colonization of the Negroes in the West
+  Bray, Dr. Thomas, a promoter of the education of Negroes; "Associates
+    of Dr. Bray,"; plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+  Brearcroft, Dr., alluded to the plan for the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Breckenridge, John, contributed to the education of the colored people
+    of Baltimore
+  Bremer, Fredrika, found colored schools in the South; observed the
+    teaching of slaves
+  British American Manual Labor Institute, established at Dawn, Canada
+  Brown, a graduate of Harvard College, taught colored children in Boston
+  Brown County, Ohio, colored schools of, established
+  Brown, Jeremiah H., studied at Pittsburgh
+  Brown, J.M., attended school in Delaware
+  Brown, William Wells, author; leader and educator
+  Browning family, progress of
+  Bruce, B.K., learned to read,
+  Bryan, Andrew, preacher in Georgia
+  Buchanan, George, on mental capacity of Negroes
+  Buffalo, colored Methodist and Baptist churches of, lost
+    members
+  Burke, E.P., found enlightened Negroes in the South
+    mentioned case of a very intelligent Negro
+  Burlington, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in the uplift
+    of the colored people
+  Butler, Bishop, urged the instruction of Negroes
+  Buxton, Canada, separate schools established in
+
+  Caesar, a Negro poet of North Carolina
+  Calvert, Mr., an Englishman who taught Negroes in the
+    District of Columbia
+  Camden Insurrection, effect of
+  Cameron, Paul C., sketch of John Chavis
+  Canaan, New Hampshire, academy broken up
+  Canada, education of Negroes in; names of settlements with schools;
+    difficulties of races; separate schools; mission schools; results
+    obtained; (see Drew's note on condition of)
+  Capers, Bishop William, opinion on reconstructing the policy of Negro
+    education; plan of, to instruct Negroes; work of, among the colored
+    people; catechism of
+  Cardozo, F.L., entered school in Charleston
+  Carey, Lott, educated himself
+  Cass County, Michigan, school facilities in the colored settlement of
+  Castleton Medical School, admitted Negroes
+  Catholics, interested in the education of Negroes
+  Catto, Rev. William T., author and preacher
+  Cephas, Uncle, learned from white children
+  Chandler, solicitor, of Boston, opinion on the segregation of
+    colored pupils
+  Channing, William, criticized the church for its lack of interest
+    in the uplift of the Negroes
+  Charleston, colored members of church of; Minor Society of;
+    colored schools of, attended by Bishop Daniel A. Payne;
+    insurrection of; theological seminary of, admitted a Negro
+  Charlton, Reverend, friend of Negroes in New York
+  Chatham, Canada, colored schools of
+  Chavis, John, educated at Princeton; a teacher of white youths
+    in North Carolina
+  Chester, T. Morris, student at Pittsburgh
+  Chicago, separate schools of; disestablished
+  Child, M.E., teacher in Canada
+  Churches, aided education through Sabbath-schools
+  Christians not to be held as slaves
+  Cincinnati, colored schools of; Negroes of; sought public support
+    for their schools; a teacher of, excluded a colored boy from a
+    public school; law of
+  City, the influences of, on the education of Negroes; attitude of
+    anti-slavery societies of, toward the education of the Negroes
+  Clapp, Margaret, aided Myrtilla Miner in the District of Columbia; (see
+    note 2)
+  Clarkson Hall Schools of Philadelphia
+  Clarkson, Matthew, a supporter of the New York African Free Schools
+  Cleveland, C.F., Argument of, in favor of Connecticut law against
+    colored schools
+  Cleveland, colored schools of
+  Code Noir, referred to; (see note, 23)
+  Co-education of the races
+  Coffin, Levi, taught Negroes in North Carolina; promoted the migration
+    of Negroes to free soil; traveled in Canada
+  Coffin, Vestal, assistant of his father in North Carolina
+  Cogswell, James, aided the New York African Free Schools
+  Coker, Daniel, a teacher in Baltimore
+  Colbura, Zerah, a calculator who tested Thomas Fuller
+  Colchester, Canada, mission school at
+  Cole, Edward, made settlement of Negroes in Illinois
+  Colgan, Reverend; connected with Neau's school in New York
+  College of West Africa established
+  Colleges, Negroes not admitted; manual labor idea of; change in
+    attitude of
+  Colonization scheme, influence of, on education
+  Colonizationists, interest of, in the education of Negroes
+  Colored mechanics, prejudice against; slight increase in
+  Columbia, Pennsylvania, Quakers of, interested in the uplift of Negroes
+  Columbian Institute established in the District of Columbia
+  Columbus, Ohio, colored schools of
+  Condition of Negroes, in the eighteenth century; at the close of the
+    reaction
+  Connecticut, defeated the proposed Manual Labor College at New Haven;
+    spoken of as place for a colored school of the American Colonization
+  Society; allowed separate schools at Hartford; inadequately supported
+    colored schools; struggle against separate schools of;
+    disestablishment of separate schools of
+  Convention of free people of color, effort to establish a college
+  Convent of Oblate Sisters of Providence, educated colored girls in
+    academy of
+  Cook, John F., teacher in the District of Columbia; forced by the Snow
+    Riot to go to Pennsylvania
+  Corbin, J.C. student at Chillicothe, Ohio
+  Cornish, Alexander, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Costin, Louisa Parke, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Cox, Ann, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, Eliza J., teacher in the New York African Free Schools
+  Coxe, General, of Fluvanna County, Virginia, taught his slaves to read
+    the Bible
+  Coxe, R.S., a supporter of Hays's school in the District of Columbia
+  Crandall, Prudence, admitted colored girls to her academy; opposed by
+    whites; law against her enacted; arrested, imprisoned, and tried;
+    abandoned her school
+  Crane, William, erected a building for the education of Negroes in
+    Baltimore
+  Crummell, Alexander, sought admission to the academy at Canaan, New
+    Hampshire
+  Cuffee, Paul, author
+
+  D'Alone, contributor to a fund for the education of Negroes
+  Dartmouth, theological school of, admitted Negroes
+  Davies, Reverend, teacher of Negroes in Virginia
+  Davis, Benjamin, taught Negroes in Alexandria, Virginia
+  Davis, Cornelius, teacher of New York African Free Schools
+  Davis, Rev. Daniel, interest of, in the uplift of the people of color
+  Dawn, Canada, colored schools of
+  Dawson, Joseph, aided colored schools
+  Dean, Rev. Philotas, principal of Avery College
+  De Baptiste, Richard, student in a school at his father's home in
+    Fredericksburg
+  De Grasse, Dr. John V., educated for Liberia
+  Delany, M.R., attended school at Pittsburgh
+  Delaware, abolition Society of, provided for the education of the
+    Negroes; law of 1831; law of 1863
+  Detroit, African Baptist Church of; separate schools of
+  Dialogue on the enlightenment of Negroes about 1800
+  District of Columbia, separate schools of; churches of, contributed to
+    education of Negroes
+  Douglass, Mrs., a white teacher of Negroes in Norfolk
+  Douglass, Frederick, learned to read; leader and advocate of education;
+    author; opinion of, on vocational education; extract from paper of
+  Douglass, Sarah, teacher of Philadelphia
+  Dove, Dr., owner of Dr. James Durham
+  Dow, Dr. Jesse E., co-worker of Charles Middleton of the District of
+    Columbia
+  Draper, Garrison, studied law after getting education at Dartmouth; an
+    account of
+  Drew, Benjamin, note of, on Canada; found prejudice in schools of
+    Canada
+  Duncan, Benedict, taught by his father
+  Durham, James, a colored physician of New Orleans
+  Dwight, Sarah, teacher of colored girls
+
+  _Edit du'roi_,
+  _Education of Colored People_,
+  Education of colored children at public expense,
+    (see also Chapter XIII,)
+  Edwards, Mrs. Haig, interest of, in the uplift of slaves,
+  Eliot, Rev. John, appeal in behalf of the conversion of slaves,
+  Ellis, Harrison, educated blacksmith,
+  Ellsworth, W.W., argument of, against the constitutionality of the
+    Connecticut law prohibiting the establishment of colored schools,
+  Emancipation of slaves, effects of, on education,
+  Emlen Institute established in Ohio,
+  Emlen, Samuel, philanthropist,
+  England, ministers of the Church of, maintained a school for colored
+    children at Newport,
+  English Colonial Church established mission schools in Canada,
+  English High School established at Monrovia,
+  Essay of Bishop Porteus,
+  Established Church of England directed attention to the uplift of the
+    slaves,
+  Everly, mentioned resolutions bearing on the instruction of slaves,
+  Evidences of the development of the intellect of Negroes,
+
+  Falmouth colored Sunday-school broken up,
+  Fawcett, Benjamin, address to Negroes of Virginia,
+    extract from,
+  Fee, Rev. John G., criticized church because it neglected the Negroes,
+    founded Berea College,
+  Fleet, Dr. John, educated for Liberia,
+    teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Fleetwood, Bishop, urged that Negroes be instructed,
+    (see note on p.)
+  Fletcher, Mr. and Mrs., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Flint, Rev. James, received letters bearing on the teaching of Negroes,
+  Florida, law of, unfavorable to the enlightenment of Negroes,
+    a more stringent law of,
+  Foote, John P., praised the colored schools of Cincinnati,
+  Ford, George, a Virginia lady who taught pupils of color in the
+  District of Columbia,
+  Fort Maiden, Canada, schools of,
+  Fortie, John, teacher in Baltimore,
+  Fothergill, on colonization,
+  Fox, George, urged Quakers to instruct the colored people,
+  Franklin College, New Athens, Ohio, admitted colored students,
+  Franklin, Benjamin, aided the teachers of Negroes,
+  Franklin, Nicholas, helped to build first schoolhouse for colored
+  children in the District of Columbia,
+  Frederic, Francis, taught by his master,
+  Free schools not sought at first by Negroes,
+  Freeman, M.H., teacher; principal of Avery College
+  French, the language of, taught in colored schools; educated Negroes
+  Friends, minutes of the meetings of, bearing on the instruction of
+    Negroes
+  Fugitive Slave Law, effects of
+  Fuller, James C, left a large sum for the education of Negroes
+  Fuller, Thomas, noted colored mathematician
+
+  Gabriel's insurrection, effect of
+  Gaines, John I., led the fight for colored trustees in Cincinnati, Ohio
+  Gallia County, Ohio, school of
+  Gardner, Newport, teacher in Rhode Island
+  Garnett, H.H., was to be a student at Canaan, New Hampshire; author;
+    president of Avery College
+  Garrison, Wm. Lloyd, appeal of, in behalf of the education of Negroes;
+    speech of, on education; solicited funds for colored manual
+    labor school
+  Geneva College, change in attitude of
+  Georgetown, teachers and schools of
+  Georgia, prohibitive legislation of; objections of the people of,
+    to the education of Negroes; colored mechanics of, opposed;
+    Presbyterians of, taught Negroes; slaveholders of,
+    in Agricultural Convention urged the enlightenment of Negroes
+  Gettysburg Theological Seminary, admitted a Negro
+  Gibson, Bishop, of London, appeal in behalf of the neglected Negroes;
+    letters of
+  Giles County, Tennessee, colored preacher of, pastor of a white church
+  Gilmore, Rev. H., established a high school in Cincinnati
+  Gist, Samuel, made settlement of Negroes
+  Gloucester, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested in teaching Negroes
+  Gloucester, John, preacher in Philadelphia
+  Goddard, Calvin, argument of, against the constitutionality
+    of the law prohibiting colored schools in Connecticut
+  Goodwyn, Morgan, urged that Negroes be elevated
+  Grant, Nancy, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Green, Charles Henry, studied in Delaware
+  Greenfield, Eliza, musician
+  Gregg of Virginia, settled his slaves on free soil
+  Gregoire, H., on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  Grimke brothers, students in Charleston
+
+  Haddonfield, New Jersey, Quakers of, instructed Negroes
+  Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of the revolution of
+  Halgy, Mrs., teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Hall,
+    a graduate of Harvard University, teacher in the Boston colored
+    school,
+  Hall, Anna Maria, student in Alexandria,
+    teacher,
+  Hall, Primus, established a colored school at his home in Boston,
+  Hamilton, Alexander, advocate of the rights of man,
+  Hampton, Fannie, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Hancock, Richard M., studied at Newberne,
+  Hanover College, Indiana, accepted colored students,
+  Harlan, Robert, learned to read in Kentucky,
+  Harper, Chancellor, views of, on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Harper, Frances E.W., poet,
+  Harper, John, took his slaves from North Carolina to Ohio and liberated
+    them,
+  Harry, one of the first two colored teachers in Carolina,
+  Hartford,
+    separate schools of,
+    dissatisfaction of the Negroes of,
+    with poor school facilities,
+    struggle of some citizens of,
+    against caste in education,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Haviland, Laura A., teacher in Canada,
+  Hays, Alexander, teacher in District of Columbia,
+  Haynes, Lemuel, pastor of a white church,
+  Heathenism, Negroes reduced to,
+  Henry, Patrick, views of, on the rights of man,
+  Henson, Rev. Josiah, leader and educator,
+  Higher education of Negroes urged by free people of color,
+    change in the attitude of some Negroes toward,
+    promoted in the District of Columbia,
+    in Pennsylvania,
+    in Ohio,
+  Hildreth, connected with Neau's school in New York,
+  Hill, Margaret, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Hillsborough, North Carolina, influence of the insurrection of,
+  Homeopathic College, Cleveland, admitted colored students,
+  Horton, George, poet,
+  Huddlestone, connected with Neau's school,
+  Humphreys, Richard, gave $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Hunter, John A., attended a mixed school,
+
+  Illinois, schools of, for benefits of whites,
+    separate schools of, a failure,
+    unfavorable legislation of,
+    separate schools of, disestablished,
+  Indiana, schools in colored settlements of,
+    attitude of, toward the education of the colored people,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Industrial education recommended,
+  Industrial revolution, effect of, on education,
+  Inman, Anna, assistant of Myrtilla Miner,
+  Institute for Colored Youth established at Philadelphia,
+  Institute of Easton, Pennsylvania, admitted a Negro,
+  Instruction, change in meaning of the word
+  Inventions of Negroes; (see note 1)
+  Insurrections, slave, effect of
+  Iowa, Negroes of, had good school privileges
+
+  Jackson, Edmund, demanded the admission of colored pupils to Boston
+    schools
+  Jackson, Stonewall, teacher in a colored Sunday-school
+  Jackson, William, musician
+  Jay, John, a friend of the Negroes
+  Jay, William, criticized the Church for its failure to elevate the
+    Negroes;
+    attacked the policy of the colonizationists
+  Jefferson College, Pennsylvania, admitted Negroes
+  Jefferson, Thomas, views of, on the education of Negroes; (see note);
+    letter of, to Abbe H. Gregoire; letter to M.A. Julien; failed to
+    act as Kosciuszko's executor; corresponded with Banneker
+  Jesuits, French, instructed slaves
+  Jesuits, Spanish, teachers of Negroes
+  Johnson, Harriet C., assistant at Avery College
+  Johnson, John Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia;
+    teacher in Pittsburgh
+  Jones, Alfred T., learned to read in Kentucky
+  Jones, Anna, aided Myrtilla Miner
+  Jones, Arabella, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Jones, Rev. C.C., a white preacher among Negroes of Georgia;
+    Argument of,
+    for the religious instruction of Negroes; catechism of, for religious
+    instruction; estimate of those able to read
+  Jones, Matilda, supported Myrtilla Miner
+  Journalistic efforts of Negroes; (see note)
+  Judson, A.T., denounced Prudence Crandall's policy; upheld the law
+    prohibiting the establishment of colored schools in Connecticut
+
+  Keith, George, advocated religious training for the Negroes
+  Kemble, Frances Anne, discovered that the Negroes of some masters
+    were taught to read; (see note 4)
+  Kentucky, Negroes of, learned the rudiments of education; work of the
+    Emancipating Labor Society of; work of the Presbyterians of;
+    public opinion of; colored schools of
+  Kinkaid, J.B., taught M.W. Taylor of Kentucky
+  Knoxville, people of, favorable to the uplift of the colored race
+  Kosciuszko, T., plan of, to educate Negroes; (see note);
+    will of; fund of
+
+  Lafayette, Marquis de, visited New York African Free Schools;
+    said to be interested in a colored school in the West
+  Lancastrian method of instruction, effect of
+  Lane Seminary, students of, taught Negroes
+  Langston, J.M., student at Chillicothe and Oberlin
+  Latin, taught in a colored school
+  Law, Rev. Josiah, instructed Negroes in Georgia; (see note 1)
+  Lawrence, Nathaniel, supporter of New York colored schools
+  _Lawyer for Liberia_, a document
+  Lawyers, colored, recognized in the North; (see note 2)
+  Lay, Benjamin, advocate of the instruction of slaves
+  Leary, John S., went to private school
+  Lee, Thomas, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Leile, George, preacher in Georgia and Jamaica
+  Le Jeune, taught a little Negro in Canada
+  Le Petit instructed Negroes
+  Lewis, R.B., author
+  Lexington, Kentucky, colored school of; (see note 1, p. 223)
+  Liberia, education of Negroes for; education of Negroes in
+  Liberia College, founded
+  Liberty County, Georgia, instruction of Negroes in
+  Liverpool, Moses, one of the founders of the first colored school in
+    the District of Columbia
+  Livingston, W., teacher in Baltimore
+  Locke, John, influence of
+  Lockhart, Daniel J., instructed by white boys
+  London, Bishop of, formal declarations of, abrogating the law that a
+    Christian could not be held a slave
+  London, Canada, private school; mission school
+  Longworth, Nicholas, built a school-house for Negroes
+  Louisiana, education of Negroes in; hostile legislation of; Bishop Polk
+    of, on instruction of Negroes
+  Louisville, Kentucky, colored schools of
+  L'Ouverture, Toussaint, influence of
+  Lowell, Massachusetts, colored schools of; disestablished
+  Lowry, Rev. Samuel, taught by Rev. Talbot of Franklin College
+  Lowth, Bishop, interested in the uplift of the heathen
+  Lucas, Eliza, teacher of slaves
+  Lundy, Benjamin, helped Negroes on free soil
+  Lunenburg County, Virginia, colored congregation of
+
+  Madison, James, on the education of Negroes; letter of
+  Maine, separate school of
+  Malone, Rev. J.W., educated in Indiana
+  Malvin, John, organized schools in Ohio cities
+  Mangum, P.H., and W.P., pupils of John Chavis, a colored teacher
+  Manly, Gov. Charles, of North Carolina, taught by John Chavis
+  Mann, Lydia, aided Myrtilla Miner,
+  Manual Labor College, demand for,
+  Manumission, effect of the laws of,
+  Martin, Martha, sent to Cincinnati to be educated,
+    sister sent to a southern town to learn a trade,
+  Marechal, Rev. Ambrose, helped to maintain colored schools,
+  Maryland, Abolition Society of, to establish an academy for Negroes,
+    favorable conditions,
+    public opinion against the education of Negroes,
+    law of, against colored mechanics,
+  Maryville Theological Seminary, students of, interested in the uplift
+    of Negroes,
+  Mason, Joseph T. and Thomas H., teachers in the District of Columbia,
+  Massachusetts, schools of,
+    struggles for democratic education,
+    disestablishment of separate schools,
+  Mather, Cotton, on the instruction of Negroes,
+    resolutions of,
+  Matlock, White, interest of, in Negroes,
+  Maule, Ebenezer, helped to found a colored school in Virginia,
+  May, Rev. Samuel, defender of Prudence Crandall,
+  McCoy, Benjamin, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  McDonogh, John, had educated slaves,
+  McIntosh County, Georgia, religious instruction of Negroes,
+  McLeod, Dr., criticized the inhumanity of men to Negroes,
+  Meade, Bishop William, interested in the elevation of Negroes,
+    work of, in Virginia,
+    followed Bacon's policy,
+    collected literature on the instruction of Negroes,
+  Means, supported Myrtilla Miner,
+  Mechanics, opposed colored artisans,
+  Medical School of Harvard University open to colored students,
+  Medical School of the University of New York admitted colored students,
+  Memorial to Legislature of North Carolina, the education of slaves
+    urged,
+  Methodist preacher in South Carolina, work of, stopped by the people,
+  Methodists, enlightened Negroes,
+    change in attitude of,
+    founded Wilberforce,
+  Michigan, Negroes admitted to schools of,
+  Middleton, Charles, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Miles, Mary E.. assistant of Gilmore in Cincinnati,
+  Milton, influence of,
+  Miner, Myrtilla, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    founded a school,
+  Minor Society of Charleston established a school for Negroes,
+  Minority report of Boston School Committee opposed segregation of
+    colored pupils,
+  Minutes of Methodist Episcopal Conference, resolution
+    on the instruction of Negroes
+  Minutes of the Meetings of Friends,
+    action taken to elevate the colored people
+  Missionaries,
+    English, interested in uplift of Negroes
+    French
+    Spanish
+  Missouri, prohibitive legislation of
+  Mitchell, John G., student in Indiana
+  Mitchell, S.T., began his education in Indiana
+  Mobile, provision for the education of the Negroes
+  Montgomery, I.T., educated under the direction of his master
+  Moore, Edward W., teacher, and author of an arithmetic
+  Moore, Helen, helped Myrtilla Miner
+  Moorland, Dr. J.E., an uncle of, studied medicine
+  Moravian Brethren, instructed colored people
+  Morris, Dr. E. C, instructed by his father
+  Morris, J., taught by his white father
+  Morris, J.W., student in Charleston
+  Morris, Robert, appointed magistrate
+  Murray, John, interested in the New York African Free Schools
+
+  Nantucket, Massachusetts, colored schools of
+  Neau, Elias, founded a colored school in New York City
+  Negroes,
+    learning to read and write
+    free education of
+    learning in spite of opposition
+    instructing white persons
+    reduced to heathenism
+  Neill, Rev. Hugh, missionary teacher of Negroes in Pennsylvania
+  Nell, Wm., author
+  New Bedford, Massachusetts,
+    colored schools of
+    disestablished
+  Newbern, North Carolina, effects of insurrection of
+  New Castle, Presbytery of,
+    established Ashmun Institute
+  New England,
+    schools in Anti-Slavery Society of
+    planned to establish a manual labor college
+    sent colored students to Canaan, New Hampshire
+  Newhall, Isabella, excluded a colored boy from school
+  New Hampshire, academy of,
+    broken up
+    schools of, apparently free to all
+  New Haven, separate schools of
+    colored Manual Labor College not wanted
+    interested in the education of persons for Africa and Haiti
+  New Jersey, Quakers of,
+    endeavored to elevate colored people
+    law of, to teach slaves
+    Negroes of, in public schools
+    Presbyterians of, interested in Negroes
+    separate schools
+    caste in schools abolished
+  New Orleans, education of the Negroes of
+  Newport, Rhode Island, separate schools
+  New York, Quakers of,
+    taught Negroes
+    Presbyterians
+    of, interested in Negroes,
+    work of Anti-Slavery Society of,
+    separate schools of,
+    schools opened to all,
+  New York Central College, favorable to Negroes,
+  New York City, African Free Schools,
+    transfer to Public School Society,
+    transfer to Board of Education,
+    society of free people of color of, organized a school,
+  Newspapers, colored, gave evidence of intellectual progress,
+    (see note 1,)
+  North Carolina, Quakers of, instructed Negroes,
+    Presbyterians of, interested in the education of Negroes,
+    Tryon's instructions against certain teachers,
+    manumission societies of, promoting the education of colored people,
+    reactionary laws of,
+    memorial sent to Legislature of, for permission to teach slaves,
+  Northwest Territory, education of transplanted Negroes,
+    settlements of, with schools,
+  Noxon, connected with Neau's school in New York City,
+  Nutall, an Englishman, taught Negroes in New York,
+
+  Oberlin grew out of Lane Seminary,
+  Objections to the instruction of Negroes considered and answered,
+  Ohio, colored schools of (see Cincinnati, Columbus, Cleveland, and
+  Northwest Territory); struggle for education at public expense,
+    unfavorable legislation,
+    law of 1849,
+  Olmsted, P.L., found a plantation of enlightened slaves,
+  O'Neal of South Carolina Bar discussed with Chancellor Harper the
+    question of instructing Negroes,
+  Oneida Institute contributed to the education of Negroes,
+  Oregon, law of, hostile to Negroes,
+  Othello, a free Negro, denounced the policy of neglecting the Negroes,
+  Otis, James, on the rights of all men,
+
+  Palmer, Dr., catechism of,
+  Pamphlet, Gowan, a preacher in Virginia,
+  Parry, Alfred H., successful teacher,
+  Parsons, C.G., observed that some Negroes were enlightened,
+  _Pastoral Letters of Bishop Gibson of London_,
+  Patterson, Edward, learned to read in a Sabbath-school,
+  Payne, Dr. C.H., taught by his mother to read,
+  Payne, Bishop Daniel, student in Charleston,
+    agent to purchase Wilberforce,
+  Payne, Mrs. Thomas, studied under her master,
+  Pease, W., instructed by his owner,
+  Penn, William, believed in emancipation to afford Negroes an
+  opportunity for improvement,
+  Pennington, J. C, writer, teacher, and preacher of influence,
+  Pennsylvania, work of Quakers of,
+    favorable legislation,
+    law of,
+    against colored mechanics,
+    (see also Quakers, Friends, Presbyterians, and Philadelphia)
+  Perry, R.L., attended school at Nashville
+  Peterboro School of New York established
+  Petersburg, Virginia, colored schools of, colored churches
+  Pettiford, W.A., attended private school in North
+    Carolina
+  Philadelphia, Negroes of, taught by Quakers, early
+    colored schools, public aid secured for the education of Negroes,
+    names of teachers public and private, statistics of colored schools,
+    (see Quakers, Presbyterians, and Pennsylvania)
+  Phillips, Wendell, argument against the segregation of
+    colored people in Boston
+  Physicians, colored, (see note 3, 279)
+  Pinchback, P.B.S., studied in the Gilmore High School in
+    Cincinnati
+  Pinkney, William, views on the mental capacity of Negroes
+  _Pious Negro, True Account of_, a document
+  Pittsburgh, colored schools of
+  _Plan for the Improvement of the Free Black_, a document
+  Plantation system, the rise of,
+    effects of, on the enlightenment
+    of the Negroes
+  Pleasants, Robert, founder of a colored manual labor school
+  Polk, Bishop, of Louisiana, advocate of the instruction
+    of Negroes
+  Porteus, Bishop, a portion of his essay on the uplift of
+    Negroes (see also, note 2)
+  Portland, Maine, colored schools of
+  Potter, Henry, taught Negroesin the District of Columbia
+  Preachers, colored, preached to Negroes (see note 4). preached
+    to white people
+  Presbyterians, taught Negroes,
+    struggles of,
+    Acts of
+    Synods of, a document
+  _Presbyterian Witness_, criticized
+    churchmen neglectful of the
+    Negroes
+  _Proposition for encouraging the Christian education of
+    Indian and Mulatto children at Lambeth, Virginia_
+  Protestant Episcopal High School at Cape Palmas, Liberia
+  Prout, John, a teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Providence, Rhode Island, separate schools of
+  Providence Convent of Baltimore, influence of
+  Purcell, Jack, bearing of the confession of
+  Puritans, attitude of, toward the uplift of Negroes
+
+  Quakers, educational work among Negroes,
+    promoting education in the Northwest Territory,
+    (see also Friends)
+
+  Racial inferiority, the argument of
+  Randolph, John, slaves of, sent to Ohio
+  Raymond, Daniel, contributed to the education of Negroes
+  Reaction, the effect of
+  Reason, Chas. L., teacher in Institute for Colored Youth
+  Redmond, Sarah, denied admission to Boston School
+  Redpath, James, observation in the South
+  Refugees from Haiti and Santo Domingo, influence of;
+    bearing of, on insurrection
+  Refugees Home School established
+  Religious instruction discussed by Churchmen
+  Remond, C.L., lecturer and orator
+  Resolute Beneficial Society established a school
+  Revels, U.S. Senator Hiram, student in Quaker Seminary
+  Rhode Island, work of Quakers of; efforts of colored
+    people of; African Benevolent Society of; school laws of;
+    separate schools disestablished
+  Rice, Rev. David, complained that slaves were not enlightened
+  Rice, Rev. Isaac, mission of, in Canada
+  Richards, Fannie, teacher in Detroit
+  Riley, Mrs. Isaac, taught by master
+  Riots of cities, effect of
+  Roberts, Rev. D.R., attended school in Indiana
+  Rochester, Baptist Church of, lost members
+  Roe, Caroline, teacher in New York African Free Schools
+  Rush, Dr. Benjamin, desire to elevate the slaves; objections
+    of masters considered; interview with Dr. James Durham;
+  Rush Medical School admitted colored student
+  Russworm, John B., first colored man to graduate from college
+  Rutland College, Vermont, opened to colored students
+
+  Sabbath-schools, a factor in education; separation of the races
+  St. Agnes Academy established in the District of Columbia
+  St. Frances Academy established in Baltimore
+  Salem, Massachusetts, colored school of
+  Salem, New Jersey, work of Quakers of
+  Sampson, B.K., assistant teacher of Avery College
+  Samson, Rev. Dr., aided Hays, a teacher of Washington
+  Sanderson, Bishop, interest in the uplift of the heathen
+  Sandiford, Ralph, attacked slavery
+  Sandoval, Alfonso, opposed keeping slaves
+  Sandwich, Canada, separate school of
+  Sandy Lake Settlement broken up
+  Saunders of Cabell County, West Virginia, settled his slaves
+    on free soil
+  Savannah,
+    colored schools of
+    churches of
+  Scarborough, President W.S.,
+    early education of
+  Schoepf, Johann, found conditions favorable
+  Seaman, Jacob, interest of, in New York colored schools
+  Searing, Anna H., a supporter of Myrtilla Miner
+  Seaton, W.W., a supporter of Alexander Hays's School
+  Secker, Bishop,
+    plan of, for the instruction of Negroes
+    had Negroes educated for Africa
+    extract from sermon of
+  Settle, Josiah T., was educated in Ohio
+  Sewell, Chief Justice, on the instruction of Negroes
+  Shadd, Mary Ann, teacher in Canada
+  Shaffer, Bishop C.T., early education of, in Indiana
+  Sharp, Granville, on the colonization of Negroes
+  Sidney, Thomas, gave money to build school-house
+  Slave in Essex County, Virginia, learned to read
+  Slavery, ancient, contrasted with the modern
+  Small, Robert, student in South Carolina
+  Smedes, Susan Dabney, saw slaves instructed
+  Smith, Gerrit,
+    contributed money to the education of the Negro
+    founder of the Peterboro School
+    appeal in behalf of colored mechanics
+  Smith, Melancthon, interest of, in the New York African Free Schools
+  Smothers, Henry, founded a school in Washington
+  Snow riot, results of
+  Snowden, John Baptist, instructed by white children
+  Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,
+    efforts of
+  South Carolina,
+    schools of unfavorable conditions
+    prohibitive legislation
+    governor of, discussed the Vesey insurrection
+  Spain, King of, desired trade in enlightened slaves only
+  Spanish missionaries taught Negroes in America
+  Springfield, colored schools of
+  Statistics on the intellectual condition of Negroes
+  Stewart, Rev., a missionary in North Carolina
+  Stewart, T. McCants, student in Charleston
+  Stokes, Richard, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Storrs, C.B.,
+    advocate of free discussion
+    influence of
+  Stowe, H.B.,
+    assisted Myrtilla Miner
+    interest of, in industrial education
+  Stratton, Lucy, taught Negroes
+  Sturgeon, Rev. William, work of, in Philadelphia
+  Sumler, Jas. W., learned to read with difficulty
+  Sylvester, Elisha, efforts of, in Boston
+
+  Tabbs, Thomas, teacher in the District of Columbia
+  Talbot County, Maryland, the education of the Negro in
+  Talbot, Mr., tutor in the District of Columbia,
+  Talbot, Reverend, taught Samuel Lowry at Franklin College,
+  Tappan, Arthur, work of, in behalf of Negroes,
+  Tanner, Bishop Benjamin Tucker, attended school in Pennsylvania,
+  Tarborough, North Carolina, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Tatem, Isaac, instructed Negroes,
+  Taylor, M.W., taught by his mother,
+  Taylor, Dr. Wm., educated for service in Liberia,
+  Taylor, Reverend, interest of, in the enlightenment of Negroes,
+  Templeton, John N., educational efforts of,
+  Tennessee, education of the Negroes of,
+    legislation of,
+  Terrell, Mary Church, mother of, taught by white gentleman,
+  Terrell, Robert H., father of, learned to read,
+  Thetford Academy opened to Negroes,
+  Thomas, J.C. teacher of W.S. Scarborough,
+  Thomas, Rev. Samuel, teacher in South Carolina,
+  Thompson, Margaret, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+  Thornton, views of, on colonization,
+  Toop, Clara G., an instructor at Avery College,
+  Toronto, Canada, evening school organized,
+  Torrey, Jesse, on education and emancipation,
+  Trenton, New Jersey, Quakers of, interested,
+  Troumontaine, Julian, teacher in Savannah,
+  "True Bands," educational work of, in Canada,
+    (see also note 1,)
+  Trumbull, John, teacher in Philadelphia,
+  Tucker, Ebenezer, principal of Union Literary Institute,
+  Tucker, Judge St. George, discussed slave insurrections,
+  Turner, Bishop Henry M., early education of,
+  Turner, Nathaniel, the education of,
+    effects of the insurrection of,
+
+  Union College admitted a Negro,
+  Union Literary Institute, Indiana, favorable to the instruction of
+    Negroes,
+
+  Vanlomen, Father, aided Maria Becraft,
+  Vashon, George B., principal of Avery College,
+  Vermont, required practically no segregation,
+  Vesey, Denmark, effect of the insurrection of,
+  Vesey, Reverend, interest of, in Neau's school,
+  Virginia, question of instructing Negroes of,
+    education of Negroes of, given legal sanction,
+    colored schools of,
+    work of abolitionists of,
+    interest of Quakers of,
+    efforts of Presbyterians of,
+    prohibitive legislation of,
+  Vocational training emphasized by Frederick Douglass,
+    interest of H.B. Stowe in,
+
+  Wagoner, H.O., taught by his parents,
+  Walker, David, appeal of,
+  Wall, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Ward, S.R., attainments of,
+  Warren, John W., studied under white children,
+  Warville, Brissot de, found desirable conditions,
+  Washington, George, attitude of,
+    will of,
+  Waterford, Ephraim, taught by his employer,
+  Watkins, Wm., teacher in Baltimore,
+  Watrum, Francois Philibert, inquiry of, about instructing Negroes,
+  Wattles, Augustus, philanthropist and educator,
+  Wayman, Reverend, advocate of the instruction of Negroes,
+  Wayman, Rev. Dr., interest of, in free schools,
+  Weaver, Amanda, assisted Myrtilla Miner,
+  Wells, Nelson, bequeathed $10,000 to educate Negroes,
+  Wesley, John, opinion of, on the intellect of Negroes,
+  Western Reserve converted to democratic education,
+  Wetmore, Reverend, a worker connected with Neau's school,
+  Wheatley, Phyllis, education of,
+    poetry of,
+  White, j. T., attended school in Indiana,
+  White, Dr. Thomas J., educated for Liberia,
+  White, W.J., educated by his white mother,
+  Whitefield, Rev. George, interest in the uplift of Negroes,
+    plan of, to establish a school,
+  Whitefield, Rev. James, promoted education in Baltimore,
+  Whitefield, James M., poet,
+  Wickham, executor of Samuel Gist,
+  Williams, Bishop, urged the duty of converting the Negroes,
+  Williamson, Henry, taught by his master,
+  Wilmington, Delaware, educational work of abolitionists of,
+  Wilson, Bishop of Sodor and Man, published a pamphlet on the uplift of
+    the Negroes,
+    contributed money to educate the Negroes of Talbot County, Maryland,
+  Wilson, Rev. Hiram, inspector of schools in Canada,
+    founder of a manual labor school,
+  Windsor, Canada, school privileges of,
+  Wing, Mr., teacher in Cincinnati,
+  Winslow, Parson, children of, indulgent to Uncle Cephas,
+  Wisconsin, equal school facilities of,
+  Woodson, Ann, taught by her young mistress,
+  Woodson, Emma J., instructor at Avery College,
+  Woodson, Louis, teacher in Pittsburgh,
+  Woolman, John, interest of,
+  Wormley, James, efforts of, in the District of Columbia,
+    (see note 1)
+  Wormley, Mary, teacher in the District of Columbia,
+  Wortham, Dr. James L., pupil of John Chavis
+  Wright, Rev. John F., one of the founders of Wilberforce University
+
+  Xenia, Ohio, settlement of, Wilberforce University established near
+
+  Zane, Jonathan, gave $18,000 for the education of Negroes
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Education Of The Negro Prior To
+1861, by Carter Godwin Woodson
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